The Adventure Of The Dutchseaman With VOC Ship To Indonesia,Formosa,Deshima Japan and Korea in 17th Century

Kisah Pertualangan Petualang Pelaut Belanda Dengan Kapal VOC Ke Indonesia,Formosa,Jepang dan Korea

 

1650

The Journal

of

Hendrick Hamel

This is the journal, which describes the fate of the officers and crew of the VOC-jaght the Sperwer in the period from August 16th, when the jaght shipwrecked off the coast of the island Quelpaert, which is subject to the king of Coree, and lies south of the coast of this country, till September 1666, when eight of the survivors arrived in Nangasackij in Iapan, with also a description of the nation and the country of Coree.
Journal
dari
Hendrick Hamel
Ini adalah jurnal, yang menggambarkan nasib para perwira dan awak Sperwer jaght VOC pada periode dari 16 Agustus, ketika jaght karam di lepas pantai dari pulau Quelpaert, yang tunduk kepada raja Coree, dan terletak di sebelah selatan pantai negara ini, hingga September 1666, ketika delapan dari korban tiba di Nangasackij di Iapan, dengan juga deskripsi bangsa dan negara Coree.
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The shipwreck

After we were sent, by order of the Governor-general and the Counsel of the Indies, we went with the jaght the Sperwer and hoisted sail at June 18th, 1653 from Batavia, with destination Taijoan (Tainan). One of the passengers aboard was Mr. Cornelis Caesar who would relieve Mr. Nicolaes Verburgh as governor of Taijoan,. Formosa (Taiwan) .After a prosperous journey the jaght arrived on July 16th in the roadstead of Taiwan, where Mr. Caesar disembarked and the cargo was unloaded. At July 30th, the jaght left by order from the governor and the Council from Taijoan to Iapan, to continue our journey in the name of God. To avoid confusion between the modern word “yacht”, which is derived from the word the “jaght”, we continue to use the word “jaght.”

On the last day of July, the weather was beautiful, but in the evening there was a storm coming up from the coast of Formosa, which increased in the course of the night. On the first of August we were at dawn break in the neighborhood of a small island. We tried our best to drop our anchor behind this island to find a little bit of shelter. Eventually we succeeded with a lot of danger to do so. But we could only pay out the anchor rope a little, because behind us was a big reef, on which the surf ranted and raved heavily. The skipper discovered this island purely by chance. Luckily he was looking out of the window from the back of the ship or we would have stranded on the island and would have lost the ship. Because it was very dark we saw later that we were scarcely musket shot away from it.

When it brightened up, we saw that we were close to the coast of China. We could see troops of fully armed Chinese parade on the beach, they were hoping our ship would strand. With the help of the Almighty this was not to happen. On that day the storm didn’t decrease but increased and we stayed anchored that day as well as the following night. At August 2nd the weather was very calm. The Chinese still showed up in big numbers. It appeared as they were waiting for us like hungry wolves.

We also had quite some problems with our anchor and the ropes, so we decided, in order to prevent more problems to raise the anchor and set sail. In that way we wouldn’t see them anymore and we could get away from the coast. That day and the following one we had very little wind. At the third of August we discovered that the current [of the sea] drifted us back for another 20 miles (the German geographical mile, which is 7420 meter) and we saw the coast of Formosa again. We set course between both [China and Formosa]. From the fourth till the eleventh we had a lot of quiet and calm weather and we drifted between the coast of China and Formosa. At August 11th we were faced again with a fierce wind coming from the southeast, so we set course in the direction east-northeast-east. From the twelfth till the fourteenth the weather became worse and worse with a lot of wind and rain so we could sometimes hoist the sails but also sometimes we couldn’t. The sea became so turbulent and since we couldn’t take our bearings, we were forced to drift around without sail to prevent that we wouldn’t shipwreck on one or the other coast.

On the fifteenth the wind was so fierce that we couldn’t speak with each other above the roaring of the sea. We couldn’t hoist more than a handful of sail and the ship started to leak more and more. We were busy pumping to keep us dry. Because the sea was so turbulent, at times we got high seas rolling over and we though that we would sink.

At dusk a high wave almost swept the galleon and the transom away. This made also the bowsprit loose, so we were in dangerous loosing it from the bow. With all our strength we tried to tighten it a bit, but all our efforts were in vain, because of the heavy swaying of the ship and the high waves rolling over us. We saw no other solution to avoid the high seas and thought it advisable to hoist the jib a little. In this way we thought to save our skin, the ship and the goods of the company as much as possible and also to be saved a bit from the high waves. We thought that this, besides the help of God, would be the best. Suddenly a huge wave came rolling over from the behind, in such a way that the mates who were hoisting the jib, almost washed from the yard and the ship was filled with water.

The galleon was the light, usually decorated extension of the bow, and served as a support of the bowsprit; it ran from both sides of the front-part and stuck out, higher then the sprit with a peak or a figure head. The flat part of the back-end of the ship was often called a Spiegel (mirror) [in English: the transom]. This was often decorated with the heraldic arm of the city to which the ship belonged or an image in relief, which represented the name of the ship

Here upon the skipper shouted: “Men, keep God in mind.” The waves hit us twice in such a way that we thought that we would die for sure. We couldn’t stop it any longer.sperwerInDistress.jpg (21956 bytes)

It had just stricken two glasses of the middle watch, when the lookout shouted: “land ashore”. We were just one musket shot away from it. But because of the darkness and the heavy rain we didn’t notice it earlier. We dropped anchors immediately because the rudder had turned around. But because of the waves, the depth of the sea and the fierce wind, the anchors didn’t catch. In a short while we hit the coast with three jolts so that the ship was completely smashed to smithereens.

Of the ones who were below decks in their bunks, several had no chance to come up to save their skin, the last thing they could do. Some of the ones on deck jumped overboard, others were swept hither and thither by the waves. When we reached the coast we were with fifteen men, most of us naked [could also be translated as: almost naked] and heavily wounded. Initially we though that no more were able to salvage their lives but sitting on the rocks we still heard the moaning of the people still in the wreckage, but we couldn’t find anyone in the dark, nor help them.

Kapal karam

Setelah kami dikirim, atas perintah Gubernur Jenderal dan Penasihat Hindia, kami pergi dengan jaght Sperwer dan berlayar mengangkat pada 18 Juni 1653 dari Batavia, dengan tujuan Taijoan (Tainan). Salah satu penumpang kapal itu Mr Cornelis Caesar yang akan membebaskan Mr Nicolaes Verburgh sebagai gubernur Taijoan,. Formosa (Taiwan) Setelah perjalanan makmur jaght tiba pada tanggal 16 Juli di pelabuhan Taiwan, di mana Mr Caesar turun dan kargo itu diturunkan.. Pada 30 Juli, jaght kiri atas perintah dari Gubernur dan Dewan dari Taijoan untuk Iapan, untuk melanjutkan perjalanan kita dalam nama Tuhan. Untuk menghindari kebingungan antara “yacht” kata modern, yang berasal dari kata “jaght”, kami terus menggunakan kata “jaght.”

Pada hari terakhir bulan Juli, cuaca indah, tapi di malam hari ada badai datang dari pantai Formosa, yang meningkat dalam perjalanan malam. Pada pertama bulan Agustus kami berada di fajar menyingsing di lingkungan pulau kecil. Kami mencoba yang terbaik untuk menjatuhkan jangkar kita di belakang pulau ini untuk mencari sedikit tempat berlindung. Akhirnya kami berhasil dengan banyak bahaya untuk melakukannya. Tapi kita hanya bisa membayar tali jangkar sedikit, karena di belakang kami adalah karang yang besar, di mana ombak gembar-gembor dan mengoceh berat. Nakhoda menemukan pulau ini murni secara kebetulan. Untungnya dia sedang melihat ke luar jendela dari bagian belakang kapal atau kita akan terdampar di pulau itu dan akan kehilangan kapal. Karena itu sangat gelap kita melihat kemudian bahwa kami nyaris ditembak senapan jauh dari itu.

sperwerInDistress.jpg (21956 bytes)

Ketika ceria, kami melihat bahwa kami dekat dengan pantai Cina. Kita bisa melihat parade pasukan bersenjata lengkap China di pantai, mereka berharap kapal kita akan untai. Dengan bantuan dari Yang Maha Kuasa ini tidak terjadi. Pada hari itu badai tidak menurun tapi meningkat dan kita tinggal berlabuh hari serta malam berikutnya. Pada tanggal 2 Agustus cuaca sangat tenang. Orang Cina masih muncul dalam jumlah besar. Ini muncul karena mereka menunggu kami seperti serigala-serigala lapar.

Kami juga telah cukup beberapa masalah dengan jangkar dan tali, jadi kami memutuskan, dalam rangka untuk mencegah masalah yang lebih untuk menaikkan jangkar dan berlayar. Dengan cara demikian kita tidak akan melihat mereka lagi dan kita bisa mendapatkan jauh dari pantai. Hari itu dan satu berikut ini kami memiliki sedikit angin. Pada ketiga Agustus kami menemukan bahwa saat ini [laut] melayang kita kembali selama 20 mil (mil geografis Jerman, yang 7.420 meter) dan kami melihat pantai Formosa lagi. Kami menetapkan saja antara kedua [China dan Formosa]. Dari keempat sampai kesebelas kami memiliki banyak cuaca yang tenang dan tenang dan kami melayang antara pantai China dan Formosa. Pada 11 Agustus kami dihadapkan lagi dengan angin kencang yang datang dari tenggara, jadi kita diatur saja dalam arah timur-timur laut-timur. Dari kedua belas sampai empat belas cuaca menjadi buruk dan buruk dengan banyak angin dan hujan sehingga kami kadang-kadang bisa mengerek layar, tetapi juga kadang-kadang kita tidak bisa. Laut menjadi begitu bergejolak dan karena kita tidak bisa mengambil bantalan, kami terpaksa hanyut sekitar tanpa berlayar untuk mencegah bahwa kami tidak akan karam pada satu atau pantai lainnya.

Pada lima belas angin itu begitu sengit yang kita tidak bisa berbicara satu sama lain di atas deru laut. Kami tidak bisa mengangkat lebih dari beberapa berlayar dan kapal mulai bocor lebih dan lebih. Kami sibuk memompa untuk menjaga kita kering. Karena laut itu begitu bergejolak, pada waktu kami mendapat laut yang tinggi berguling dan kami meskipun itu kita akan tenggelam.

Saat senja gelombang tinggi hampir menyapu galleon dan jendela di atas pintu jauh. Hal ini membuat juga cucur longgar, jadi kami berada di berbahaya kehilangan dari busur. Dengan seluruh kekuatan kami, kami mencoba untuk kencangkan sedikit, tetapi semua usaha kita sia-sia, karena ayunan berat kapal dan gelombang tinggi berguling kita. Kami tidak melihat solusi lain untuk menghindari laut lepas dan berpikir itu dianjurkan untuk mengibarkan jib sedikit. Dengan cara ini kita berpikir untuk menyelamatkan kulit kita, kapal dan barang dari perusahaan sebanyak mungkin dan juga untuk diselamatkan sedikit dari gelombang tinggi. Kami berpikir bahwa ini, selain pertolongan Allah, akan menjadi yang terbaik. Tiba-tiba gelombang besar datang berguling dari belakang, sedemikian rupa sehingga pasangan yang mengangkat jib, hampir dicuci dari halaman dan kapal dipenuhi dengan air. Galleon itu cahaya, ekstensi biasanya dihiasi haluan, dan menjabat sebagai dukungan dari cucur, melainkan berlari dari kedua sisi bagian depan dan menjulurkan, lebih tinggi maka sprit dengan puncak atau kepala angka. Bagian datar dari back-end kapal sering disebut Spiegel (cermin) [dalam bahasa Inggris: jendela di atas pintu itu]. Ini sering dihiasi dengan lengan heraldik kota yang kapal milik atau gambar lega, yang mewakili nama kapal
 
 

Di sini di atas nakhoda berteriak: “Pria, tetap Tuhan dalam pikiran.” Gelombang memukul kami dua kali dalam sedemikian rupa sehingga kita berpikir bahwa kita akan mati pasti. Kami tidak bisa menghentikannya lagi.

Ini baru saja dilanda dua gelas dari menonton tengah, ketika lookout berteriak: “tanah daratan”. Kami hanya satu senapan menembak jauh dari itu. Tapi karena kegelapan dan hujan deras kami tidak melihat itu sebelumnya. Kami menjatuhkan jangkar segera karena kemudi telah berbalik. Tetapi karena gelombang, kedalaman laut dan angin sengit, jangkar tidak menangkap. Dalam waktu singkat kita memukul pantai dengan tiga goncangan sehingga kapal benar-benar hancur berkeping-keping.

Dari orang-orang yang berada di bawah deck di ranjang mereka, beberapa tidak memiliki kesempatan untuk datang untuk menyelamatkan kulit mereka, hal terakhir yang bisa mereka lakukan. Beberapa yang di dek melompat ke laut, yang lain tersapu ke sana kemari oleh ombak. Ketika kami sampai di pantai kami bersama lima belas orang, kebanyakan dari kita telanjang [juga bisa diterjemahkan sebagai: hampir telanjang] dan sangat terluka. Awalnya kami meskipun itu tidak lebih mampu menyelamatkan nyawa mereka tetapi duduk di batu-batu kita masih mendengar rintihan orang-orang masih dalam reruntuhan, tapi kami tidak bisa menemukan orang dalam gelap, atau membantu mereka.

 

Stay on the island of Quelpaert

On the 16th at the crack of dawn, the ones who could still move reasonably, walked along the beach and shouted to see if more had come ashore. Here and there a few of them appeared. It seemed that there were only 36 men left, of which most of them, as said before, were considerably wounded. We looked in the wreck. We found a man there, who was jammed between two big beams. We freed him immediately. After three hours he died since his body was very seriously flattened out.

The manuscript speaks about leggers which also in English, on ships, means: big barrels, in Dutch however also beams. It seems unlikely  that during a shipwreck, someone gets caught between two, round objects, which were in general in the hold, as opposed to leggers, beams which were placed over the keel, hence the translation as beams (Nelson was brought back to England, after he died, in a legger of rum)

We looked at each other sadly. Seeing that in less than 15 minutes a beautiful ship smashed to smithereens and that we were reduced from 64 souls to 36 in less than 15 minutes. We searched immediately to see if any corpses had been washed ashore. We found skipper Reijnier Egberse from Amsterdam at around 10 or 12 fathoms (A fathom is 1,698 meters, so about 18 meters) from the waterline, with his one arm under his head. We buried him immediately, as well as the seven sailors we found dead hither and thither. We also looked for food, which possibly had washed ashore.

Since the last two or three days we had only eaten little, because the cook couldn’t cook, as a result of the bad weather. We only found a bag with flour, a barrel which was filled with meat and also a barrel with some bacon, further a small casket with sweet Spanish wine. The last thing coming in useful for the wounded.

What we needed most, was fire. Because we saw no living soul, we thought we were on a deserted island. At around noon, when the rain and wind calmed down, we brought so many things ashore, that we made a tent from some pieces of sail. At the 17th being together in misery, we looked around us to see if there were no people who could help us, hoping they were Japanders. In this way we could get back in our country, There was no other solution, since the boat was splintered and beyond repair. It was before noon, when we saw in the distance a human being at around a canon shot’s distance away [500 mtr] from our tent. We beckoned him, but as soon as he saw us, he took to his heels.

Shortly after noon another three people came at a musket shot’s distance from our tent, but they didn’t want to understand what we signaled and did. At the end one of us was so brave to walk to them to present him his gun en eventually received fire which we needed so dearly. They were dressed like Chinese, but had hats made of horsehair. We were very afraid about that, because we thought we had ended up in a nest of pirates or amongst banned Chinese.

At dusk about 100 armed people arrived at the tent. They counted us and kept watch during the night around the tent. In the morning of the 18th, they were putting up a big tent, at noon 1000 or 2000 men appeared, partly horsemen, partly foot-soldiers. They made up their camp around our our and once they were lined up they took hold of the bookkeeper, the head coxswain, the petty officer and the cabin boy and they were brought to the chief at a musket shot’s distance. They each got an iron chain around their neck, which had a bell attached to it, like we do in Holland with the sheep. They were forced to crawl on hands and knees onto the commander, where they were pushed with their faces against the ground. With that the warriors shouted so deafening, that the shivers ran us on our body. Our companions, who remained in or near the tent, when they heard and saw this, said to each other: “Our officers will be killed first we will follow suit.”

After a we had lain in this way for a while, they made our mates clear that they were allowed to sit on their knees. The commander asked us some questions, but they couldn’t understand him. Our people pointed and motioned to them that we wanted to go to Nangasakij in Iapan. But it was all in vain, because they didn’t understand each other. They didn’t know the word ‘Iapan‘ since they call the country Ieenare or IiIpon. The lieutenant-colonel had pored them a cup of arrack (probably Hamel means soju, since arrack is an Indonesian drink) and had them send back to the tent. Immediately they came and looked in the tent to see if we had some food and they found nothing more than the two, previously mentioned half full barrels with meat and bacon, which they showed immediately to the lieutenant-colonel.

After about an hour they brought us small portions in water boiled rice. They thought that we were starved, so that bigger portions might do us harm.

After noon a number of men approached us with ropes, which frightened us tremendously, because we thought they would tie is and kill us. But with a lot of noise they went to the wreck to bring the things, which were still alright, on the land. At night they gave us a little bit of rice to eat. At noon our coxswain had taken the latitude and found that we were at Quelpaert’s island, at 33 degrees and 32 minutes latitude.

On the 19th, they were still busy to bring things on the land and dry it. Wood in which there was any iron, was burned. Our officers went to the lieutenant-colonel and an admiral of the island who had come there as well. They offered both a binocular and also brought them also a jar of wine and a silver plate from the Company which we had found between the rocks. It seemed they liked the wine, because they drank that much that they became very cheerful and send our people back to the tent after they had shown and proved all friendship. They also gave the plate back.

On the 20th, they set the ship on fire and the rest of the wood, to get the ironwork out of it. While it burned the two canons, which were loaded with powder, went off. Both the officers and the soldiers fled away, but they came back soon. With gestures they asked us of more would go off but we made them clear that such wouldn’t happen. They continued immediately to work and brought us some food twice a day.

On the 21st, the commander had some of us come and made us clear to bring him the goods we still had in our tent so they could be sealed. When did this and it was sealed in our presence. While our people were still sitting there, some thieves, who had stolen during the salvage of the wreck, some furs, iron and the like, which were tied on their back, were taken before him. They were punished in our presence as indication that they didn’t want to separate from the goods. They hit them under the balls of their feet with sticks of about a fathom’s length and as thick as an average boy’s arm. They did that so hard that with some of them their toes fell off their feet. Each received 30 to 40 blows.

That afternoon they motioned us that we were to leave. Those, who were still able to ride, received a horse and those ,who could not ride because of the injuries, were transported in hammocks. After the noon we left, well guarded by horsemen and foot-soldiers. At night we stayed at a little place called Tadjang (TaejOng). After we had eaten something, they brought us to a house to sleep but it looked more like a stable for horses then like an inn or a place to sleep. We had traveled for around four miles. At the morning of the 22nd time at the break of dawn, we mounted our horses again and we used a meal on our way at a small fortress, near which two junks were moored (at Aewôl, the old harbor is still there). In the afternoon we reached the city Moggan (Cheju city), where the residence of the governor of the island was. They call the governor Mocxo (probably Hamel mixed up the name for the governor and the city name). Having arrived there, we were brought on a field straight in front a city hall or government building and we got to drink a mug of rice water. We thought that this would be our last drink and that we would die a certain death. It was terrible to see, like they stood there with around 3000 armed men with their guns. They were dressed in the way of the Chineesen or Iapanders. We had never seen or heard something like this.

Immediately the bookkeeper and the three previously mentioned persons were taken in the previously mentioned manner in front of the governor and were thrown down. After they had lain there for a while, did he shout and motioned that they had to come on a big platform in the city hall. There he was, like a king, and seated along his side, he motioned and asked where we came from and whereto we wanted to go. We repeated and motioned as well as we could, that we wanted to go to Nangasackij in Iapan. Hereupon he nodded the head and it appeared that he could understand something of it. In the same way the rest of our people were brought to his excellency, in groups of four and questioned in the same way. We did our best to indicate what our answers were. Like before, we couldn’t understand each other.

He had us bring to the house where an uncle of the king had lived his life long as an exile and where he had died as well. The reason why he was banished was that he had tried to dethrone the king and banish him from the country. He made our house strictly guarded with a big force and gave us as provisions 3/4 catty of rice and daily just as much wheat flour. They gave us however few side dishes, and we couldn’t eat those well, so we had to eat our meal with salt and a little bit of water instead of side dishes.

In modern English and Dutch, side dishes means all kinds of extras, Hamel meant meat or fish, so actually the main-dish. A catty is around 625 gram.

As it seemed later, the governor was a good and wise man. He was about 70 years old and came from the kings city and at the court they held him in high esteem. He motioned us that he would write a letter to the king to await orders what he should do with us. Since the answer of the King could not be expected soon, because the letter had to for twelve to thirteen miles by sea and another 70 by land, we asked the governor to give us every now and then some meat or some other side dishes Because from rice with water and salt, we couldn’t stay alive. We also asked permission to stroll around a little bit and to wash our bodies and clothes, which we didn’t have very much anymore and that we were allowed to go out at turns of six men, which was granted immediately.

He had us come often, to ask us, both in their as in our language, questions therefore we could gradually communicate with each other, though in a crooked and broken way. He sometimes had parties or other entertainment organized, so that we wouldn’t be too sad, and tried to encourage us daily by suggesting we could leave for Nangasackij as soon as the answer of the king came in. He also had the wounded cure, so we received a treatment from a heathen which would have ashamed many a Christian.

On October 29th in the afternoon, the bookkeeper, the head coxswain and the petty barber were summoned before the governor. When they came to him they found a man there with a long red beard. The governor asked them what kind of man that was, whereupon they answered: a Hollander like us. Hereupon the the governor started to laugh and motioned or said that this was a Coreese man. After a lot of talking and motioning on both sides, the man, who had been silent thus far, asked, in very crooked Dutch, what kind of people we were and where we came from. We answered him “Hollanders (Dutch, coming from the province of Holland, which is a part of the Seven United Netherlands) from Amsterdam.” Furthermore he asked us where we came from and where we were going to. Our people answered hereupon that they came from Taijoan with the intention to go to Nangasackij. This however, was prevented by the Almighty. Because of a storm which had lasted for five days, we stranded on this island and expected now a lenient solution.

Our people asked him for his name, from what country he came and how he had come there. He answered thus: “My name is Jan Janse Weltevree from De Rijp. I came in 1626 with the ship Hollandia from the fatherland and in 1626, while going to Iapan with the jaght Ouwerkerck, due to the unfavorable wind, we stranded at the coast of Coree. We needed water and we went with the boat ashore, where three of us we captured by the inhabitants. The boat with the remaining companions got away and the ship left immediately.” He said furthermore that his two companions were killed after 17 or 18 year, when the Tartar came into the country, were killed. They were (called) Dirk Gijsbertsz from De Rijp and Jan Pieterse Verbaest from Amsterdam.

They asked him also where he lived, how he made a living and why he came to the island. He said that he stayed in the kings city (Seoul). He received from the king a royal maintenance and that he was sent there to find out what kind of people we were and how we got there. He told us further that he had asked the king and other high administrators to be sent to Iapan. This, however was him forbidden all the time.

He said that if we were birds, we could fly to there. They don’t send foreigners from this country. They will provide you with a living and for clothes and in this way you will have to end your life in this country. He tried to comfort us in this way. Even if we came in front of the king, we couldn’t expect anything else, so that our joy of having found an interpreter, almost changed into sadness. It was remarkable that this man, of 57 or 58 years old, almost had forgotten his mother tongue, so that we hardly could understand him and had learned it again within a month.

All the previously mentioned was pertinently written down by order of the governor, after which it was read aloud and translated by the previously mentioned Jan Janszoon, so that this could be sent to the court with the first favorable wind. The governor gave us daily a fresh heart by saying that he expected an answer with the first boat and that this answer, according to him, would contain the answer that we could leave for Iapan on short notice, we had to resign with our fate. He showed us nothing but friendship, as long as his time lasted. He had us visited daily by the previously mentioned Weltevree and one of his officers or Opper (=head) Benjoesen (pronounced as Benyusen), to let him know what happened.

In the beginning of December the new governor arrived, because the last one’s term of three years had expired. We were extremely sad about this, because we were worried that new lords would mean new laws and so it happened. Since it became cold and we had only a few clothes, the old governor had made us a long lined robe, with a pair of leather socks and a pair of shoes, so we could protect our selves against the cold. He also gave us the salvaged books as well as a big tankard of oil, so we could pass the winter.

On his farewell meal he treated us very well, and had us told through the previously mentioned Weltevree that he regretted it very much that he wasn’t[‘t allowed to sent us go to Iapan or could take us with him to the mainland. We shouldn’t be too sad about his departure, since as soon as he arrived at the court he would do all his efforts to bring us from the island to the court. We thanked the governor very friendly for all the mentioned friendliness.

As soon as the new governor took office, he didn’t receive any additional food, so that most of our meals consisted only of some rice and salt and a sip of water. We complained to the other governor, who was still on the island because of onshore wind, but he replied that his term as governor was finished and he couldn’t do anything. But he would write to the new governor, so that, as long as he was there, we got from the new one, to prevent complaints, some side dishes

1654 In the beginning of January the old governor left and that worsened the situation. Now one gave us wheat, millet and barley flour instead of rice without any side dishes So if we wanted to have some side dishes we sold our millet. Daily we had to be satisfied with portion of 3/4 of barley flour. We could however continue to go out daily with six men at the same time. So very disheartened we sought for all kinds of means (of existence) because the harvest time and the monsoon were also due.

Because it took a long time before the answer of the king arrived, we were afraid to stay forever at the island and to end our lives in prison, so we looked out for possibilities to escape, maybe there was at night a boat which would be on the shore with all the necessary things, so we could take that so we could take to our heels. This happened at the end of April, when a few of our people, among them the chief navigator and three other of the salvaged mates, made their first attempt. As we have understood it, one of our companions would climb over the wall to look the ship and the tide of the water. The guard became aware of this because either a dog started to bark, or in another way. They kept guard very strictly, so that even before our mates could get going, they were pushed back.

In the beginning of the month of May, the coxswain, who was on leave with five other companions (among them three of the previous attempt), saw in a village not far from the city a ship with all the necessities on board. Immediately they sent a man back home to fetch two pieces of bread for each and a plaiting (a piece of rope which is twined in a flat way).When they were together again, each took a sip of water of water and went, without taking anything else in the boat. They pulled this over a sandbank, in the presence of some villagers, who watched very surprised, not knowing what to do. Eventually one of the villagers entered his house and took a musket and followed those in the boat, wading through the water. They came offshore, except the one who couldn’t get into the boat, since he loosened the hawsers and therefore he chose the shore. The ones in the boat hoisted sail, but because they couldn’t handle the rigging very well the the mast with the sail fell overboard. With a lot of effort they managed to erect the mast again. When they had tied the sail with the plaiting to the mast and the thwart (the rowing bench), the pin with which the mast is fixed broke, so the mast with the sail fell again overboard. They couldn’t erect it anymore and drifted therefore back ashore. Some villagers, who saw this, went immediately after them with another boat.

Having arrived there, our mates jumped unexpectedly into the other ship, and even though the villagers were armed, they were of the opinion that they could throw them over board. This ship however was almost full with water and wasn’t seaworthy so they sailed altogether back ashore. They were taken before the governor. He had them tied up really tight with a heavy plank with a chain around their neck, one hand was nailed by means of a clamp against the plank.

They were thrown in front of him. The others were also fetched from the house in which they were imprisoned. They were also tied very well, and were also brought before the governor. There we saw our mates lying in a deplorable situation.

The governor had them questioned whether they did this without the knowledge of the others. They answered that this happened without the knowledge if the others to advance that the others would not be burdened and their mates would not be punished. To that the governor asked what they had planned.They answered that they wanted to go to Iapan whereupon the governor asked if they thought this could be done with such a small boat and without water and so little bread. They answered that they it was better to die fast than to die a lingering dead. He had them untied and had each given 25 blows on the bare buttocks with a stick which is about one fathom long and a finger thick at the bottom and round on the top. As a result they had to stay in bed for about a month, additionally we were not allowed to go out and were strictly guarded day and night. This island which is called Schelue (Cheju ) by them and Quelpaert by us. It lies as previously mentioned on 33 degrees 32 minutes latitude, twelve to thirteen miles south from the south point of the mainland or Coree. It has at the inside or the north side a bay, in which the ships come. From there they sail to the mainland. It is dangerous to come in for those who don’t know it. It can’t be sailed by those who don’t know it, because of the invisible cliffs. Many who sail there and miss the bay, eventually drift to Iapan. There is, besides that bay, no roadstead or port of refuge. The island has a lot of visible and invisible cliffs and reefs on all sides. The country is very populated and is fertile for the life stock: there is an abundance of horses and cattle. Yearly they give a lot of income to the king. The inhabitants are poor people and considered to be simple by those of the mainland, they aren’t esteemed very high. There is a high mountain, full with trees and further there are mainly bare mountains without any trees and many valleys where they cultivate rice.

At the end of May the long expected message from the king arrived. To our sadness we had to come to the court, that changed into joy, because we were to be released from our prison. Six or seven days later we were divided over four junks and with both our legs and a hand locked in a block because they worried that we run off one or the other ship. We would have certainly done this if we would have been unlocked, because the soldiers who had to guard us were seasick during the biggest part of the crossing. After we had sat two days like that, and couldn’t make any progress as a result of the head wind, we were unlocked again and brought back to our house of detention. Four or five days later the wind came from the right angle and we were taken aboard of the junks at daybreak, where we were locked in the same way as before. The anchors were weighed and the sails hoisted. Already at the evening of the same day we found ourselves close to the mainland where we anchored.

The next day we were freed from the junks and brought ashore. There we were strictly guarded by the soldiers. The other day we got horses and rode to a city called Heijnam (Haenam, near Kangjin, an important big city in Cholla-do during the Chosôn period), where we joined at night all 36 together, and to prevent difficulties and punishment from those who were in charge, the junks moored at different places. The next day after we had eaten something, we were on horseback again, and came at night in a city called Ieham (Yôngam). At night gunman Paulus Janse Cool from Purmerent died there. He had never been healthy since the loss of the ship. By order of the city governor he was buried in our presence. From the grave we moved onto a city called Naedjoo (Naju). The next day we moved on again and stayed the night in a city called Sansiangh (Changsông), from where we left in the morning and stayed in the city Tiongop (Chôngûp), passed that day a high fortress, where lay a big reinforcement which was called Iipam sansiang (Ipamsansông). After we had stayed in the city left in the morning and arrived on the same day in the city Teijn (Tae’in).The next day we sat on horseback again and came in the afternoon in a small city called Kumge(Kûmku), after we had taken a lunch we left again and arrived in the evening in a big city called Chentio (Chônju), where the king in ancient times had his court and the stadholder of Thiollado (Chôllado) lives there. [This city] is considered throughout the country as a big commercial center, which couldn’t be reached by water, and therefore a city surrounded by land. The next morning we left again and arrived at night in a city called Iesaen (Yôsan), this was the last city from the province of Thiollado from where we left in the morning on horseback again, and stayed in a small city called Gunjiu (Ûnjin), which laid in the province Tiongsiangdo (Chungchôndo), left the next day to a city called Iensaen (Yonsan): where we stayed the night and were on horseback again the next morning. And arrived at night in a city called Congtio (Kongju), where the Stadholder of the before mentioned province has his court, the next day we passed a big river, and came into the province of Senggado (Kyonggido) where the Kings city lies

the history of Hendrick Hamel. He was the “discoverer” or explorer (the Marco Polo) of Korea.

you will find everything in English about himo .  an introduction about where Van Hove tells a little bit of the preface, the history of Korea before Hamel came, how the Dutch followed the Portuguese, how Korea eventually was “discovered”, the complete Journal of Hamel, how they stayed at Seoul, in the province of Chollado, how they escaped, how they were interrogated by the Japanese, how he describes Korea, The religion, the moral standards and how it continued after he had written the Journal. Read about the person Jan Janse Weltevree, Hendrick Hamel, about the motives of the Dutch, what would have happened if….. Why people worked for the VOC and in the end, the bibliography and the resources. Take (a lot of) your time and enjoy! You may download or print everything, provided you mention my name when you want to use  Just make sure that the margins are very small, otherwise you won’t see everything. you will also see the transcription of the complete manuscript in 17th century Dutch and all the resources of those times

Menetap di pulau Quelpaert


Pada 16 pada fajar, orang-orang yang masih bisa bergerak cukup, berjalan sepanjang pantai dan berteriak untuk melihat apakah lebih telah datang ke darat. Di sana-sini beberapa dari mereka muncul. Tampaknya hanya ada 36 orang kiri, yang sebagian besar dari mereka, seperti dikatakan sebelumnya, yang jauh terluka. Kami melihat dalam kecelakaan itu. Kami menemukan seorang pria di sana, yang terjepit di antara dua balok besar. Kami membebaskannya segera. Setelah tiga jam ia meninggal karena tubuhnya sangat serius diratakan.
 Naskah berbicara tentang leggers yang juga dalam bahasa Inggris, di kapal, berarti: barel besar, dalam bahasa Belanda akan tetapi juga balok. Tampaknya tidak mungkin bahwa selama kapal karam, seseorang tertangkap antara dua, objek bulat, yang pada umumnya di dalam palka, sebagai lawan leggers, balok yang ditempatkan di atas keel, maka terjemahan sebagai balok (Nelson dibawa kembali ke Inggris , setelah ia meninggal, dalam legger rum)
 
 

Kami saling memandang dengan sedih. Melihat bahwa dalam waktu kurang dari 15 menit kapal yang indah hancur berkeping-keping dan bahwa kami berkurang dari 64 jiwa menjadi 36 dalam waktu kurang dari 15 menit. Kami mencari segera untuk melihat apakah ada mayat telah terdampar di pantai. Kami menemukan kapten Egberse Reijnier dari Amsterdam sekitar 10 atau 12 depa (membayangkan adalah 1.698 meter, jadi sekitar 18 meter) dari permukaan air, dengan satu tangan di bawah kepalanya. Kami menguburkannya dengan segera, serta tujuh pelaut kita ditemukan tewas ke sana kemari. Kami juga mencari makanan, yang mungkin telah terdampar di pantai.

Sejak dua atau tiga hari terakhir, kami hanya makan sedikit, karena masak tidak bisa memasak, sebagai akibat dari cuaca buruk. Kami hanya menemukan tas dengan tepung, laras yang diisi dengan daging dan juga per barel dengan bacon beberapa, lanjut peti mati kecil dengan anggur Spanyol manis. Hal terakhir yang datang di berguna untuk terluka.

Apa yang kita yang paling dibutuhkan, adalah api. Karena kita tidak melihat jiwa yang hidup, kami pikir kami berada di sebuah pulau sepi. Pada sekitar tengah hari, saat hujan dan angin tenang, kami membawa begitu banyak hal darat, bahwa kami membuat tenda dari beberapa potongan berlayar. Pada yang ke-17 bersama-sama dalam penderitaan, kita melihat sekeliling kita untuk melihat apakah ada orang yang bisa membantu kita, berharap mereka Japanders. Dengan cara ini kami bisa kembali di negara kita, Tidak ada solusi lain, karena kapal itu hancur dan tidak bisa diperbaiki. Saat itu sebelum tengah hari, ketika kita melihat di kejauhan seorang manusia di sekitar jarak tembakan kanon pergi [500 mtr] dari tenda kami. Kami memanggil dia, tapi begitu dia melihat kami, ia turun ke tumitnya.

Tak lama setelah tengah hari tiga orang datang pada jarak tembakan senapan dari tenda kami, tetapi mereka tidak mau memahami apa yang kita tanda dan lakukan. Pada akhirnya salah satu dari kami begitu berani berjalan ke mereka untuk menyerahkan-Nya pistolnya en api akhirnya menerima yang kami butuhkan begitu mahal. Mereka berpakaian seperti bahasa Cina, tetapi topi terbuat dari bulu kuda. Kami sangat takut tentang itu, karena kami pikir kami telah berakhir di sarang bajak laut atau di antara China melarang.

Saat senja sekitar 100 orang bersenjata tiba di tenda. Mereka menghitung kami dan terus mengawasi pada malam hari di sekitar tenda. Pada pagi hari tanggal 18, mereka sedang mendirikan tenda besar, di siang hari 1000 atau 2000 pria muncul, sebagian penunggang kuda, sebagian kaki-prajurit. Mereka membuat tenda mereka di sekitar kita dan begitu mereka sedang berbaris mereka memegang pembukuan, para pengemudi kepala, petugas kecil dan awak kabin dan mereka dibawa ke kepala pada jarak tembakan senapan itu. Mereka masing-masing mendapat rantai besi di leher mereka, yang memiliki bel yang melekat padanya, seperti yang kita lakukan di Belanda dengan domba. Mereka dipaksa merangkak di atas tangan dan lutut ke komandan, di mana mereka didorong dengan wajah mereka terhadap tanah. Dengan itu para prajurit berteriak begitu memekakkan telinga, bahwa kita menggigil berlari pada tubuh kita. Sahabat kami, yang tetap tinggal di atau dekat tenda, ketika mereka mendengar dan melihat ini, berkata satu sama lain: “Petugas kami akan dibunuh pertama kita akan mengikutinya.”

Setelah kita berbaring dengan cara ini untuk sementara waktu, mereka membuat pasangan kita jelas bahwa mereka diizinkan untuk duduk di lutut mereka. Komandan meminta kami beberapa pertanyaan, tetapi mereka tidak bisa memahaminya. Orang-orang kami menunjuk dan memberi isyarat kepada mereka bahwa kami ingin pergi ke Nangasakij di Iapan. Tapi itu semua sia-sia, karena mereka tidak mengerti satu sama lain. Mereka tidak tahu kata ‘Iapan’ karena mereka sebut Ieenare negara atau IiIpon. Sang letnan kolonel telah meneliti mereka secangkir arak (mungkin Hamel berarti Soju, karena arak adalah minuman Indonesia) dan telah mereka mengirim kembali ke tenda. Segera mereka datang dan melihat ke dalam tenda untuk melihat apakah kita memiliki makanan dan mereka menemukan tidak lebih dari dua, setengah barel disebutkan sebelumnya penuh dengan daging dan daging, yang mereka menunjukkan segera ke letnan kolonel-.

Setelah sekitar satu jam mereka membawa kita porsi kecil dalam air beras direbus. Mereka berpikir bahwa kami kelaparan, sehingga porsi yang lebih besar bisa membahayakan kita.

Setelah siang hari sejumlah pria mendekati kami dengan tali, yang takut kita sangat, karena kami pikir mereka akan dasi dan membunuh kita. Tapi dengan banyak suara mereka pergi ke bangkai kapal untuk membawa hal-hal, yang masih baik-baik saja, di tanah. Pada malam hari mereka memberi kami sedikit beras untuk makan. Pada siang hari pengemudi kami telah mengambil lintang dan menemukan bahwa kami berada di pulau Quelpaert, pada 33 derajat lintang dan 32 menit.

Pada tanggal 19, mereka masih sibuk untuk membawa hal-hal di tanah dan kering itu. Kayu di mana ada besi apapun, dibakar. Petugas kami pergi ke letnan kolonel dan laksamana-pulau yang datang ke sana juga. Mereka ditawarkan baik teropong dan juga membawa mereka juga sebotol anggur dan piring perak dari Perseroan yang kami telah menemukan di antara bebatuan. Tampaknya mereka menyukai anggur, karena mereka minum yang banyak sehingga mereka menjadi sangat ceria dan mengirim orang-orang kami kembali ke tenda setelah mereka telah menunjukkan dan membuktikan persahabatan semua. Mereka juga memberikan piring kembali.

Pada tanggal 20, mereka mendirikan kapal terbakar dan sisa kayu, untuk mendapatkan besi dari itu. Sementara itu membakar dua kanon, yang diangkut dengan bubuk, pergi. Baik perwira dan para prajurit melarikan diri menjauh, tetapi mereka datang segera kembali. Dengan gerakan mereka meminta kami lebih akan pergi tapi kami membuat mereka jelas bahwa tersebut tidak akan terjadi. Mereka terus bekerja dan segera membawa kita makanan dua kali sehari.

Pada 21, komandan memiliki beberapa dari kita datang dan membuat kami jelas untuk membawakan barang yang kita masih di tenda kami sehingga mereka bisa disegel. Ketika melakukan ini dan itu disegel di hadapan kita. Sementara orang-orang kami masih duduk di sana, beberapa pencuri, yang telah mencuri selama penyelamatan dari rongsokan kapal, beberapa bulu, besi dan sejenisnya, yang diikat di punggung mereka, yang diambil sebelum dia. Mereka dihukum di hadapan kita sebagai indikasi bahwa mereka tidak ingin terpisah dari barang. Mereka memukul mereka di bawah bola kaki mereka dengan tongkat panjang sekitar satu depa dan setebal lengan anak laki-laki rata-rata. Mereka melakukan itu begitu keras sehingga dengan beberapa dari mereka kaki mereka jatuh dari kaki mereka. Masing-masing menerima 30 sampai 40 pukulan.

Sore itu mereka mengisyaratkan kita bahwa kita adalah untuk pergi. Mereka, yang masih bisa naik, menerima kuda dan orang-orang, yang tidak bisa naik karena cedera, diangkut di ranjang gantung. Setelah siang kami meninggalkan, juga dijaga oleh pasukan berkuda dan kaki-prajurit. Pada malam hari kami tinggal di sebuah tempat kecil yang disebut Tadjang (Taejong). Setelah kami makan sesuatu, mereka membawa kami ke rumah untuk tidur tapi lebih mirip kuda stabil untuk kemudian seperti penginapan atau tempat untuk tidur. Kami telah melakukan perjalanan untuk sekitar empat mil. Pada pagi hari waktu 22 di fajar, kami dipasang kuda-kuda kami lagi dan kami digunakan makan dalam perjalanan di sebuah benteng kecil, dekat yang dua kapal yang ditambatkan (di Aewôl, pelabuhan lama masih ada). Pada sore hari kami tiba di kota Moggan (Cheju kota), di mana kediaman gubernur pulau itu. Mereka menyebut Mocxo gubernur (mungkin Hamel mencampur-adukkan nama untuk gubernur dan nama kota). Setelah tiba di sana, kami dibawa di lapangan lurus di depan balai kota atau bangunan pemerintah dan kita harus minum segelas air beras. Kami pikir bahwa ini akan menjadi minuman terakhir kita dan bahwa kita akan mati tertentu. Ini sungguh mengerikan, seperti mereka berdiri di sana dengan sekitar 3000 pria bersenjata dengan senjata mereka. Mereka berpakaian dalam cara dari Chineesen atau Iapanders. Kami belum pernah melihat atau mendengar sesuatu seperti ini.

Segera pembukuan dan tiga orang yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya diambil dengan cara yang sebelumnya disebutkan di depan gubernur dan dilemparkan ke bawah. Setelah mereka berbaring di sana untuk sementara waktu, dia berteriak dan memberi isyarat bahwa mereka harus datang pada platform besar di balai kota. Di sana ia, seperti raja, dan duduk di samping, dia memberi isyarat dan bertanya dari mana kita berasal dan whereto kami ingin pergi. Kami berulang-ulang dan isyarat sebaik yang kami bisa, bahwa kita ingin pergi ke Nangasackij di Iapan. Sesudah itu ia mengangguk kepala dan tampaknya ia bisa memahami sesuatu itu. Dengan cara yang sama sisa orang-orang kami dibawa ke mulia-Nya, dalam kelompok empat dan mempertanyakan dengan cara yang sama. Kami melakukan yang terbaik untuk menunjukkan apa jawaban kami. Seperti sebelumnya, kita tidak bisa mengerti satu sama lain.

Dia menyuruh kami membawa ke rumah tempat seorang paman raja telah menjalani hidupnya selama pengasingan dan di mana ia telah meninggal juga. Alasan mengapa ia dibuang adalah bahwa ia telah mencoba untuk menurunkan dr takhta raja dan mengusir dia dari negara itu. Dia membuat rumah kami dijaga ketat dengan kekuatan besar dan memberi kami sebagai ketentuan 3 / 4 kati beras dan harian seperti tepung terigu banyak. Mereka memberi kami beberapa lauk Namun, dan kita tidak bisa makan yang baik, jadi kami harus makan makanan kami dengan garam dan sedikit air bukan lauk. Dalam bahasa Inggris modern dan Belanda, lauk berarti semua jenis tambahan, Hamel berarti daging atau ikan, sehingga benar-benar utama-piring. Kati adalah sekitar 625 gram.

 
 

Seperti yang terlihat kemudian, gubernur adalah pria yang baik dan bijaksana. Dia sekitar 70 tahun dan berasal dari kota raja dan di pengadilan mereka menahannya di harga tinggi. Dia memberi isyarat bahwa ia akan menulis surat kepada raja untuk menunggu perintah apa yang harus dia lakukan dengan kami. Karena jawaban Raja tidak bisa diharapkan segera, karena surat itu untuk untuk 12-13 mil laut dan lain 70 lewat darat, kami meminta gubernur untuk memberi kita setiap sekarang dan kemudian beberapa daging atau lauk lainnya Karena dari nasi dengan air dan garam, kita tidak bisa tetap hidup. Kami juga meminta izin untuk berjalan-jalan sedikit dan untuk mencuci tubuh kita dan pakaian, yang kami tidak punya banyak lagi dan bahwa kami diperbolehkan pergi keluar pada putaran dari enam orang, yang diberikan segera.

Dia menyuruh kami sering datang, untuk bertanya kepada kami, baik dalam mereka seperti dalam bahasa kita, oleh karena itu kami secara bertahap pertanyaan bisa berkomunikasi satu sama lain, meskipun dalam cara yang bengkok dan patah. Dia kadang-kadang pihak atau hiburan lainnya yang diselenggarakan, sehingga kita tidak akan terlalu sedih, dan mencoba untuk mendorong kita setiap hari dengan menyarankan kita bisa berangkat secepat Nangasackij jawaban raja masuk Dia juga memiliki penyembuhan luka, jadi kami menerima pengobatan dari seorang kafir yang akan memiliki banyak malu Kristen.

Pada tanggal 29 Oktober sore, pemegang buku, para pengemudi kepala dan tukang cukur kecil dipanggil sebelum gubernur. Ketika mereka datang kepadanya mereka menemukan seorang pria di sana dengan janggut merah yang panjang. Gubernur meminta mereka pria macam apa yang, dimana mereka menjawab: sebuah Hollander seperti kita. Sesudah itu gubernur mulai tertawa dan memberi isyarat atau mengatakan bahwa ini adalah orang Coreese. Setelah banyak berbicara dan menunjuk pada kedua belah pihak, laki-laki, yang telah diam sejauh ini, bertanya, dalam bahasa Belanda yang sangat miring, orang seperti apa kami dan dari mana kita berasal. Kami menjawab “Belanda (Belanda, berasal dari provinsi Belanda, yang merupakan bagian dari Tujuh Serikat Belanda) dari Amsterdam.” Lebih lanjut ia meminta kami dari mana kita berasal dan ke mana kita akan pergi ke. Sesudah itu orang-orang kita menjawab bahwa mereka datang dari Taijoan dengan niat untuk pergi ke Nangasackij. Namun ini, dicegah oleh Yang Mahakuasa. Karena badai yang telah berlangsung selama lima hari, kami terdampar di pulau ini dan sekarang diharapkan solusi ringan.

Orang-orang kami minta namanya, dari negara mana dia datang dan bagaimana ia datang ke sana. Dia menjawab demikian:. “Nama saya adalah Jan Janse Weltevree dari De Rijp saya datang pada 1626 dengan kapal Hollandia dari tanah dan pada 1626, saat akan Iapan dengan Ouwerkerck jaght, karena angin yang tidak menguntungkan, kami terdampar di pantai dari Coree. Kami membutuhkan air dan kami pergi dengan perahu ke darat, di mana tiga dari kita, kita ditangkap oleh penduduk. perahu dengan sahabat yang tersisa berhasil lolos dan kapal langsung berangkat. ” Ia mengatakan lebih lanjut bahwa dua temannya tewas setelah 17 atau 18 tahun, ketika Tartar datang ke negara itu, tewas. Mereka (disebut) Dirk Gijsbertsz dari De Rijp dan Jan Pieterse Verbaest dari Amsterdam.

Mereka juga bertanya di mana dia tinggal, bagaimana ia membuat hidup dan mengapa ia datang ke pulau itu. Dia mengatakan bahwa dia tinggal di kota raja (Seoul). Dia menerima dari raja pemeliharaan kerajaan dan bahwa dia dikirim ke sana untuk mencari tahu orang macam apa yang kita dan bagaimana kita sampai di sana. Dia mengatakan kepada kami lebih lanjut bahwa ia telah meminta raja dan administrator tinggi lainnya untuk dikirim ke Iapan. Ini, namun itu dia dilarang sepanjang waktu.

Dia mengatakan bahwa jika kita adalah burung, kami bisa terbang ke sana. Mereka tidak mengirim orang asing dari negara ini. Mereka akan menyediakan Anda dengan hidup dan untuk pakaian dan dengan cara ini Anda akan memiliki untuk mengakhiri hidup Anda di negara ini. Dia mencoba menghibur kita dengan cara ini. Bahkan jika kita datang di depan raja, kita tidak bisa mengharapkan apa pun, sehingga kami memiliki sukacita menemukan penerjemah, hampir berubah menjadi kesedihan. Sungguh luar biasa bahwa orang ini, dari 57 atau 58 tahun, hampir lupa bahasa ibunya, sehingga kita tidak bisa memahami dirinya dan belajar lagi dalam waktu satu bulan.

Semua disebutkan sebelumnya ngotot ditulis atas perintah gubernur, setelah itu dibacakan dan diterjemahkan oleh Jan Janszoon disebutkan sebelumnya, sehingga ini bisa dikirim ke pengadilan dengan angin yang menguntungkan pertama. Gubernur memberi kami hati yang segar setiap hari dengan mengatakan bahwa dia mengharapkan jawaban dengan kapal pertama dan bahwa jawaban ini, menurut dia, akan berisi jawaban yang kami bisa berangkat ke Iapan dalam waktu singkat, kami harus mundur dengan nasib kami. Dia menunjukkan kepada kita apa-apa selain persahabatan, asalkan waktunya berlangsung. Dia menyuruh kami dikunjungi setiap hari oleh Weltevree disebutkan sebelumnya dan salah satu petugas nya atau Opper (= kepala) Benjoesen (diucapkan sebagai Benyusen), untuk membiarkan dia tahu apa yang terjadi.

Pada awal Desember gubernur baru tiba, karena istilah yang terakhir dari tiga tahun telah berakhir. Kami sangat sedih tentang ini, karena kami khawatir bahwa raja baru akan berarti undang-undang baru dan karena itu terjadi. Karena itu menjadi dingin dan kami hanya memiliki beberapa pakaian, gubernur tua itu membuat kami jubah berjajar panjang, dengan sepasang kaus kaki kulit dan sepasang sepatu, sehingga kita bisa melindungi diri kita terhadap dingin. Dia juga memberi kami buku-buku diselamatkan serta cangkir besar minyak, sehingga kami bisa melewati musim dingin.

Pada makan perpisahan, ia memperlakukan kami dengan sangat baik, dan telah kami diceritakan melalui Weltevree disebutkan sebelumnya bahwa dia menyesal sangat banyak yang dia tidak [‘t diperbolehkan untuk mengutus kami pergi ke Iapan atau bisa membawa kita bersamanya ke daratan. Kita tidak boleh terlalu sedih tentang kepergiannya, karena segera setelah ia tiba di pengadilan bahwa dia akan melakukan semua upaya untuk membawa kita dari pulau ke pengadilan. Kami mengucapkan terima kasih kepada Gubernur sangat ramah untuk semua keramahan disebutkan.

Begitu gubernur baru mengambil kantor, dia tidak menerima makanan tambahan, sehingga sebagian besar makanan kami hanya terdiri dari sedikit nasi dan garam dan seteguk air. Kami mengeluh kepada gubernur lain, yang masih di pulau karena angin darat, tetapi dia menjawab bahwa masa jabatannya sebagai gubernur selesai dan ia tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa. Tapi dia akan menulis surat kepada gubernur baru, sehingga, selama ia berada di sana, kami dapatkan dari yang baru, untuk mencegah keluhan, beberapa lauk pauk

1654 Pada awal Januari gubernur lama kiri dan yang justru memperburuk situasi. Sekarang salah satu memberi kami gandum, millet dan tepung barley bukan beras tanpa lauk Jadi jika kita ingin memiliki beberapa lauk pauk kami menjual gandum kita. Sehari-hari kita harus puas dengan porsi 3 / 4 dari tepung gandum. Namun kami bisa terus pergi keluar setiap hari dengan enam laki-laki pada waktu yang sama. Jadi sangat kecewa kami berusaha untuk semua jenis sarana (eksistensi) karena waktu panen dan musim hujan juga jatuh tempo.

Karena itu butuh waktu lama sebelum jawaban raja tiba, kami takut untuk tinggal selamanya di pulau itu dan untuk mengakhiri hidup kita di penjara, jadi kami melihat keluar untuk kemungkinan untuk melarikan diri, mungkin ada pada malam hari perahu yang akan di pantai dengan semua hal yang diperlukan, sehingga kita bisa mengambil yang jadi kita bisa ambil untuk tumit kami. Ini terjadi pada akhir April, ketika beberapa orang kita, antara mereka navigator kepala dan tiga lainnya dari pasangan diselamatkan, membuat usaha pertama mereka. Seperti yang telah kita memahaminya, salah satu sahabat kami akan memanjat tembok untuk melihat kapal dan gelombang air. Penjaga itu menyadari hal ini karena baik anjing mulai menyalak, atau dengan cara lain. Mereka terus menjaga sangat ketat, sehingga bahkan sebelum pasangan kita bisa pergi, mereka mendorong kembali.

Pada awal bulan Mei, pengemudi, yang sedang cuti dengan lima teman lainnya (di antara mereka tiga upaya sebelumnya), melihat di sebuah desa tidak jauh dari kota sebuah kapal dengan semua kebutuhan di atas kapal. Segera mereka mengirim seorang pria kembali ke rumah untuk mengambil dua potong roti untuk masing-masing dan anyam-anyaman (sepotong tali yang dipintal benangnya dengan cara yang datar). Ketika mereka bersama-sama lagi, masing-masing meneguk air air dan pergi, tanpa mengambil apa pun di perahu. Mereka menarik ini selama gosong, dalam keberadaan beberapa desa, yang menyaksikan sangat terkejut, tidak tahu harus berbuat apa. Akhirnya salah seorang warga masuk ke rumahnya dan mengambil senapan dan diikuti orang-orang di perahu, mengarungi air. Mereka datang lepas pantai, kecuali orang yang tidak bisa masuk ke perahu, karena ia mengendurkan hawsers dan karena itu ia memilih pantai. Yang di perahu mengangkat berlayar, tetapi karena mereka tidak bisa menangani tali-temali yang sangat baik dengan layar tiang jatuh ke laut. Dengan banyak upaya mereka berhasil mendirikan tiang lagi. Ketika mereka telah terikat berlayar dengan anyaman untuk tiang dan menggagalkan (bangku mendayung), pin yang tiang adalah tetap pecah, sehingga tiang dengan layar jatuh lagi ke laut. Mereka tidak bisa ereksi lagi dan hanyut karena itu kembali ke darat. Beberapa penduduk desa, yang melihat ini, segera setelah mereka pergi dengan perahu lain.

Setelah tiba di sana, pasangan kita melompat tiba-tiba ke dalam kapal lain, dan meskipun penduduk desa bersenjata, mereka berpendapat bahwa mereka bisa melemparkan mereka atas papan. Namun kapal ini hampir penuh dengan air dan tidak layak laut, sehingga mereka sama sekali berlayar kembali ke darat. Mereka diambil sebelum gubernur. Dia telah mereka terikat benar-benar ketat dengan papan berat dengan rantai di leher mereka, satu tangan dipaku dengan cara penjepit terhadap papan.

Mereka dilemparkan di depannya. Yang lain juga diambil dari rumah di mana mereka dipenjarakan. Mereka juga terikat sangat baik, dan juga dibawa ke hadapan gubernur. Di sana kita melihat pasangan kita berbaring dalam situasi menyedihkan.

Gubernur telah mereka mempertanyakan apakah mereka melakukan ini tanpa sepengetahuan yang lain. Mereka menjawab bahwa ini terjadi tanpa sepengetahuan jika orang lain untuk terlebih dahulu bahwa orang lain tidak akan dibebani dan pasangan mereka tidak akan dihukum. Untuk itu gubernur bertanya apa yang mereka planned.They menjawab bahwa mereka ingin pergi ke Iapan dimana gubernur bertanya apakah mereka pikir ini bisa dilakukan dengan seperti sebuah perahu kecil dan tanpa air dan roti begitu sedikit. Mereka menjawab bahwa mereka lebih baik mati cepat daripada mati yang mati melekat. Dia telah mereka membuka ikatan dan telah diberikan setiap 25 pukulan di pantat kosong dengan tongkat yang berjarak sekitar satu depa panjang dan jari tebal di bagian bawah dan bulat di atas. Sebagai akibatnya mereka harus tinggal di tempat tidur selama sekitar satu bulan, selain itu kami tidak diizinkan untuk pergi keluar dan dijaga ketat siang dan malam. Pulau yang disebut Schelue (Cheju) oleh mereka dan Quelpaert oleh kami. Itu terletak seperti yang disebutkan sebelumnya pada 33 derajat 32 menit lintang, 12-13 mil selatan dari titik selatan dari daratan atau Coree. Ini memiliki di dalam atau sisi utara teluk, di mana kapal-kapal datang. Dari sana mereka berlayar ke daratan. Hal ini berbahaya untuk datang untuk mereka yang tidak tahu itu. Hal ini tidak dapat berlayar oleh mereka yang tidak tahu itu, karena tebing tak terlihat. Banyak yang berlayar di sana dan melewatkan teluk, akhirnya melayang ke Iapan. Ada, selain itu teluk, tidak ada pelabuhan atau port perlindungan. Pulau ini memiliki banyak tebing terlihat dan tak terlihat dan terumbu di semua sisi. Negara ini sangat padat dan subur untuk saham kehidupan: ada banyak kuda dan ternak. Tahunan mereka memberikan banyak penghasilan kepada raja. Penduduk adalah orang-orang miskin dan dianggap sederhana oleh orang-orang dari daratan, mereka tidak dihargai sangat tinggi. Ada gunung yang tinggi, penuh dengan pohon-pohon dan selanjutnya ada gunung terutama kosong tanpa pohon dan lembah di mana mereka menanam padi.

Pada akhir Mei diharapkan panjang pesan dari raja tiba. Untuk kesedihan kita, kita harus datang ke pengadilan, yang berubah menjadi kegembiraan, karena kami akan dibebaskan dari penjara kami. Enam atau tujuh hari kemudian kami dibagi atas empat kapal dan dengan kedua kaki kita dan tangan terkunci dalam sebuah blok karena mereka khawatir bahwa kita lari satu atau kapal lain. Kami pasti akan melakukan hal ini jika kita akan membuka, karena para tentara yang menjaga kami adalah mabuk laut selama bagian terbesar dari persimpangan. Setelah kami duduk dua hari seperti itu, dan tidak bisa membuat kemajuan apapun sebagai akibat dari angin kepala, kami terkunci lagi dan dibawa kembali ke rumah kami penahanan. Empat atau lima hari kemudian angin datang dari sudut yang tepat dan kami dibawa kapal jung-jung saat fajar, di mana kami dikunci dalam cara yang sama seperti sebelumnya. Jangkar ditimbang dan layar dikibarkan. Sudah di malam hari yang sama kami menemukan diri dekat dengan daratan di mana kita berlabuh.

Hari berikutnya kami dibebaskan dari kapal dan dibawa ke darat. Ada kami dijaga ketat oleh tentara. Hari lain kita punya kuda dan naik ke sebuah kota yang bernama Heijnam (Haenam, dekat Kangjin, sebuah kota besar penting di Cholla-lakukan selama periode Choson), di mana kami bergabung di malam ke-36 bersama-sama, dan untuk mencegah kesulitan dan hukuman dari orang-orang yang bertanggung jawab, kapal ditambatkan di tempat yang berbeda. Hari berikutnya setelah kami makan sesuatu, kita menunggang kuda lagi, dan datang pada malam hari di sebuah kota yang disebut Ieham (Yôngam). Pada pria bersenjata malam Paulus Janse Cool Purmerent meninggal di sana. Dia tidak pernah sehat sejak hilangnya kapal. Atas perintah gubernur kota yang dimakamkan di hadapan kita. Dari kuburan kami pindah ke sebuah kota yang bernama Naedjoo (Naju). Keesokan harinya kami pindah lagi dan tinggal malam di kota bernama Sansiangh (Changsông), dari mana kita meninggalkan di pagi hari dan tinggal di kota Tiongop (Chôngûp), melewati hari itu sebuah benteng yang tinggi, di mana meletakkan penguatan besar yang disebut Iipam sansiang (Ipamsansông). Setelah kami tinggal di kota yang tersisa di pagi hari dan tiba pada hari yang sama di kota Teijn (Tae’in). Hari berikutnya kami duduk di kuda lagi dan datang pada sore hari di sebuah kota kecil bernama Kumge (Kûmku), setelah kami telah makan siang kami pergi lagi dan tiba di malam hari di kota besar bernama Chentio (Chonju), di mana raja di zaman kuno memiliki pengadilan dan stadholder dari Thiollado (Chôllado) tinggal di sana. [Kota] dianggap seluruh negeri sebagai pusat komersial besar, yang tidak dapat dicapai oleh air, dan karena itu kota yang dikelilingi oleh tanah. Keesokan paginya kami berangkat lagi dan tiba pada malam hari di sebuah kota yang disebut Iesaen (Yôsan), ini adalah kota terakhir dari provinsi Thiollado dari tempat kita meninggalkan di pagi hari menunggang kuda lagi, dan tinggal di sebuah kota kecil bernama Gunjiu (Ûnjin ), yang diletakkan di provinsi Tiongsiangdo (Chungchôndo), meninggalkan hari berikutnya untuk sebuah kota yang bernama Iensaen (Yonsan): di mana kita tinggal malam dan menunggang kuda lagi keesokan harinya

1650 

Jan Janse Weltevree

Dalam pengantar Jan Janse Weltevree disebut orang yang misterius. Perbandingan teks di mana ia disebutkan memberi kita beberapa kontradiksi, yang sulit untuk menjelaskan. Sebagai contoh Hamel menyebutkan dalam Journael bahwa ia dan teman-temannya melihat Weltevree untuk terakhir kalinya pada 1656 di atas feri sungai Han dekat Seoul dan bahwa mereka tidak pernah mendengar apapun dari dia lagi.
Hal yang sama diklaim di interogasi di Nagasaki. Untuk pertanyaan tentang Jepang kalau Weltevree masih hidup, orang Belanda menjawab bahwa mereka tidak tahu, karena mereka tidak melihat dia selama sepuluh tahun. Ini terdengar sangat masuk akal. Apakah masuk akal bahwa Weltevree, yang tampaknya untuk dapat bepergian dengan bebas di seluruh negeri, di semua sepuluh tahun tidak pernah bepergian ke selatan, untuk melihat bagaimana pria negaranya lakukan?
Di atas itu ada menurut Journael jenis tertentu lalu lintas mail. Itu mungkin untuk mengirim pesan. Setelah semua itu adalah Hamel yang menyebutkan bahwa tiga pasangan yang memikat dari Seoul dengan dalih bahwa mereka berfungsi sebagai penerjemah, memberitahu mereka dengan surat bahwa mereka ditangkap di selatan.
Satu dan lainnya menimbulkan kecurigaan bahwa telah ada kontak antara Weltevree dan Belanda lainnya, juga dalam periode setelah 1656. Kecurigaan ini dipaksakan oleh kenyataan bahwa menurut catatan harian dari kepala pabrik di Deshima, Hamel mengatakan pada atau pada hari yang sama bahwa interogasi berlangsung, untuk kepala ini, bahwa Weltevree pada keberangkatan mereka masih hidup dan sekitar 70 tahun. Apakah Hamel berbohong kepada Jepang atau untuk kepala?

Juga mengenai keadaan di mana Weltevree ditangkap di 1627 oleh Korea, beberapa sumber bertentangan sendiri. Dalam Journael ditulis bahwa Weltevree berada di dewan jaght yang Ouwerkerck, ketika terdampar di lepas pantai Korea. Dengan sejumlah teman ia mendayung ke pantai untuk mengambil air. Saat melakukan ini mereka terkejut dengan Korea yang ditangkap Weltevree dan dua teman-temannya, sedangkan sisanya berhasil melarikan diri. Tapi apa yang kita baca dalam catatan harian yang disebutkan di atas kepala di Deshima? Di sini tertulis bahwa Weltevree tidak sama sekali pada dewan Ouwerkerck tersebut. Suatu hari awak kapal ini telah diprivatisasi kapal China. Weltevree ditempatkan di kapal ini bersama-sama dengan beberapa orang Belanda lain untuk mengambil kapal ini ke Taiwan. Karena badai, kapal ini berakhir di pantai sebuah pulau Korea. Berikut tiga Belanda kewalahan oleh Cina dan diserahkan kepada Korea. Versi ini dikonfirmasi dalam sebuah surat dari gubernur Formosa untuk Gubernur Jenderal di Batavia, tanggal 22 Juli 1627. Di mana gubernur Formosa mengumumkan bahwa Ouwerkerck pada 16 Juli telah diprivatisasi kapal China, yang sedang dalam perjalanan ke Amoy. 70 dari 150 Cina dibawa dari sampah ke Ouwerkerck, sementara 16 pria pindah ke sampah untuk membawa mereka dengan sisa kru China ke Taiwan. Namun sampah telah melayang pergi oleh badai di arah timur laut dan sejak saat itu tanpa jejak apapun, sehingga itu mungkin khawatir bahwa kapal sudah musnah. Para Ouwerkerck sendiri diprivatisasi beberapa bulan kemudian oleh sebuah kapal Portugis dan dibakar di Macao. Jaght tidak pernah di perairan Korea. Dari yang disebutkan di atas jelas bahwa Weltevree milik sekelompok privateers Hollandse, yang ditangkap oleh korban mereka dan diserahkan kepada Korea. Dan Hamel tahu ini. Hal ini dimengerti bahwa ia tidak menyebutkan peristiwa ini kurang terhormat di Journael tersebut. Dan juga bahwa ia tidak berbicara tentang hal itu selama interogasi oleh Jepang. Hal ini kurang jelas Namun, mengapa dia, baik di Journael dan selama interogasi, mengklaim bahwa ia tidak mendengar dari Weltevree selama sepuluh tahun.

Ada lebih dengan cara, yang Hamel tidak menyebutkan tentang Weltevree. Dalam edisi Korea dari Journael, penafsir Yi Pyong Jangan mengutip dalam suplemen dokumen sekitar 1700, di mana Weltevree digambarkan sebagai berikut:

  Yon jangkung dari sosok dan agak berat membangun. Dia memiliki mata biru, wajah pucat dan janggut pirang yang menggantung sampai perutnya. Ia menikah dengan seorang wanita Korea yang memberinya dua anak, laki-laki dan perempuan.

Ayah dan paman dari penulis dokumen keduanya dihubungkan sebagai pejabat tinggi ke pengadilan raja Korea dalam waktu yang Weltevree juga ada di situ. Orang mungkin menganggap bahwa dokumen tersebut adalah sumber terpercaya. Jika Weltevree punya istri dan anak, itu paling tidak mungkin bahwa Hamel tidak tahu itu. Ini berbicara untuk dirinya sendiri untuk menganggap bahwa ia dan orang Belanda lainnya mengunjunginya selama mereka tinggal di Seoul. Dalam Journael yang Hamel Namun daun fakta yang menarik ini tanpa disadari. Mungkin ia menganggap bahwa menyebutkan negara perkawinan Weltevree akan meningkatkan beberapa pertanyaan oleh pembaca tentang keadaan perkawinan dari Belanda lainnya, pertanyaan yang mungkin menyakitkan karena kebanyakan dari mereka punya istri dan anak-anak setelah semua di Belanda juga. Dalam dokumen lain Korea, juga dikutip oleh Yi Pyong Apakah, berikut ini adalah disebutkan tentang Weltevree:
Yon bekerja di staf umum Ku Di Hu. Anak-anaknya disebutkan dalam daftar militer kantor pelatihan.
Apa yang terlihat dalam kutipan ini adalah ‘anak’ kata. Mungkin Jan Janse memiliki lebih dari satu anak. Kantor pelatihan dalam kutipan ini disebutkan adalah sebuah lembaga pemerintah yang didirikan pada akhir abad ke-16 untuk produksi senjata api dan praktek penggunaan mereka. Register militer berisi nama-nama teknisi terampil dalam profesi seperti pembuatan kanon. Profesi seperti mana turun-temurun di Korea dan dari sumber lain kita tahu Weltevree yang bertugas membuat senjata api di Seoul dan bahwa ia dianggap sebagai ahli dalam bidang ini. Kita membaca dalam dokumen Korea dari mana kutipan sebelumnya berasal. Ia mengatakan sebagai berikut:

  Yon adalah seorang ahli dalam bidang pengetahuan senjata. Dia sangat terampil dalam casting kanon yang sentuhan finishing yang sangat indah.

Juga kapal karam dari Sperwer yang disebutkan dalam dokumen ini.

  Pada tahun keempat Hyo Jong (1653) sebuah kapal aneh karam di perairan pesisir Chindo-distrik. Pada papan adalah 36 laki-laki. Mereka sangat berpakaian, dan juga perawakan mereka luar biasa. Hidung mereka yang tinggi di wajah mereka dan mata mereka cekung. Mereka tidak mengerti bahasa kita, maupun secara lisan atau tertulis. Pengadilan diminta Taman Yon untuk mencari tahu orang macam apa mereka.
Ketika Yon melihat orang-orang dia sangat tersentuh. Janggutnya basah air mata. Dia mengatakan mereka bangsanya dan bahwa mereka berbicara bahasanya. Itulah sebabnya raja memutuskan untuk menggunakannya sebagai penerjemah.
Bertahun-tahun orang-orang ini tinggal di negara kita. Mereka tergabung dalam garnisun yang berkemah di atau sekitar modal kami, karena mereka memiliki banyak pengetahuan tentang senjata dan juga terampil dalam lengan manufaktur.
Ketika mereka telah bersama kami selama empat belas tahun, delapan dari mereka melarikan diri dalam sebuah perahu nelayan dari sebuah tempat di selatan di mana mereka ditampung. Mereka sampai di Nagasaki. Gubernur kota yang menulis dalam sebuah surat kepada raja bahwa mereka adalah orang-orang dari Haranda (Belanda), yang merupakan negara bawahan dari Jepang. Itu sebabnya dia meminta raja untuk mengirim Haranda yang tersisa yang masih tersisa di negara kita, juga ke Nagasaki. Dan begitulah yang terjadi.

Itu Hamel dan teman-temannya memiliki pengetahuan banyak tentang senjata dan memiliki keterampilan banyak manufaktur mereka, tidak sesuai dengan apa Hamel mengatakan dalam Journael tentang cara ia dan teman-temannya harus membuat hidup, mengemis dan semua jenis pekerjaan kecil.
Ada, di papan dari kapal VOC biasanya seorang pria, seorang pandai besi atau pembuat alat, yang bisa melakukan beberapa perbaikan sederhana pada lengan, seperti senapan dan pistol, dan 25 sampai 30 buah artileri yang kapal bersenjata. Tapi dalam kasus membutuhkan, semua orang di kapal harus mampu melakukan apa-apa. Kemudian roti besi panggang. Semua orang di kapal mungkin tahu bagaimana menangani senjata dan tahu bagaimana mereka disatukan. Mungkin Weltevree memiliki pengetahuan yang lebih khusus di bidang ini. Tapi ia mungkin telah menjadi pria bermata satu di negara buta. Karena Korea tidak memiliki industri yang sangat berkembang senjata. Tampaknya bahwa mereka diimpor dari China kanon.
Nicolaes Witsen menulis dalam bukunya Noord Oost en Tartarije:

  Snaphaunces tidak diketahui mereka, mereka menggunakan senapan dengan sumbu. Selanjutnya mereka menggunakan potongan-potongan kulit artileri yang dipasang di bagian dalam dengan pelat tembaga, setengah jari tebal. Kulit adalah 2 sampai 5 jempol tebal dan terdiri dari beberapa lapisan di atas satu sama lain. Potongan-potongan artileri diangkut di belakang tentara, di atas kuda, dua di satu kuda. Hal ini dimungkinkan untuk kebakaran cannonballs besar relatif dengan kanon.

Penulis Lagu Korea Haeng, yang hidup dari 1760 sampai 1839, menggambarkan Belanda dalam sebuah esai sejarah sebagai berikut:

  Di antara korban yang selamat dari kapal karam ada beberapa ahli artileri. Di atas kapal mereka, ada sekitar 30 kanon. Ini adalah di atas roda, jadi mereka mudah bermanuver. Ketika tembakan ditembakkan, kanon digulung jarak ke belakang. Dengan demikian kekuatan recoiling itu diambil dan mencegah barel dari membelah terbuka. Senapan mereka juga menunjukkan desain cerdik. Pada menembakkan bedak yang dinyalakan oleh percikan, yang asal-usul dengan memukul sepotong batu api terhadap titik besi. Hal ini terjadi melalui suatu mekanisme pegas, yang dapat terkunci dan terkunci.

Menurut para ahli deskripsi ini menunjukkan bahwa Belanda digunakan senapan dari jenis yang dikenal sebagai kunci miquelet. Dalam usia senjata api, Studi Pictorial, ditulis oleh Robert Diadakan dan diterbitkan pada tahun 1957 di Harper, New York, seseorang dapat membaca berikut tentang senjata api ini:

  Miquelet, dalam istilah yang paling sederhana, adalah kunci menjentikkan seperti snaphaunce, tapi disempurnakan oleh fitur revolusioner memiliki baterai dikombinasikan dengan penutup flashpan dalam satu L-berbentuk sepotong berengsel di jari kaki, bagian tegak diserang oleh batu dan horizontal membentuk penutup flashpan. Untuk menembak kunci miquelet, penembak pertama mengokang dalam posisi setengah-ayam, dan tidak ada jumlah tekanan bisa melepaskan ayam untuk snap. Untuk api itu tidak ada yang tersisa tetapi untuk ayam secara penuh-ayam dan menarik pelatuk. Tetapi pada kali yang aus atau rusak senjata-kunci itu sekejap keluar setengah-kunci ketika sedang dilakukan tentang, yang selalu tak terduga seperti terjadinya bencana biasanya diperingati dalam ungkapan ‘untuk pergi setengah mengokang’.

Jenis senapan dikembangkan oleh orang-orang Spanyol, pada akhir abad ke-16, dan Belanda harus tahu ketika mereka ditembak dengan itu. Tapi di 1600 selama Pertempuran Nieuwpoort, para prajurit Pangeran Maurits sudah menembak kembali dengan hal itu.
Dari yang disebutkan di atas tampaknya bahwa Korea berada jauh di belakang dibandingkan dengan Belanda ketika datang ke manufaktur dan menghujani senjata. Bersyukur mereka akan menggunakan pengetahuan dari Belanda. Ini akan untuk alasan bahwa mereka ditugaskan untuk pengawal raja. Lagu Haeung menulis bahwa semua senjata dari bangkai Sperwer telah diambil ke Seoul. Di sana mereka akan telah diselidiki oleh orang-orang dari ‘kantor pelatihan’. Setelah itu Belanda ditransfer pengetahuan mereka. Ketika insiden itu terjadi dengan utusan Tartarian, beberapa warga Korea diusulkan untuk membunuh Belanda.
Alih-alih bahwa mereka dibuang ke sebuah provinsi di bagian selatan negara itu. Dan sejak saat itu mereka harus membuat hidup dengan semua jenis pekerjaan sia-sia dan bahkan dengan mengemis. Mereka beruntung bahwa beberapa gubernur yang baik dibuang untuk mereka dan membiarkan mereka pergi kita sebanyak mungkin.
Hamel mungkin tidak berpikir itu bijaksana untuk menyebutkan selama interogasi fakta bahwa mereka mengajarkan Korea di Seoul tentang penggunaan senjata modern. Dia juga mengatakan bahwa hanya beberapa senjata diselamatkan dari air, dan bahwa ini adalah sangat dipengaruhi oleh air.
Itu tentu saja aneh, karena mereka telah dalam air hanya untuk waktu yang singkat. Dari sumber-sumber Korea kita tahu bahwa ‘semua senjata dari bangkai’ diangkut ke Seoul.
Dalam terang dari apa yang dikenal sekarang tentang Weltevree, adalah pertanyaan dari Jepang kalau awak Sperwer juga mendapat tugas untuk memprivatisasi jung Cina, menarik. Jawaban dari Hamel sudah bisa diduga: Mereka tidak mendapatkan tugas itu.
Namun demikian ada perintah dari Heeren XII, berlaku untuk semua nakhoda bahwa perdagangan antara negara-negara yang berbeda harus terhambat sebanyak mungkin, dengan privatisasi kapal mereka dan menyita kargo mereka. Untuk setiap kapten dan awak kapal disita menerima hadiah.

Ada beberapa perintah lain yang tidak tahan siang hari. Ada misalnya perintah tentang mengambil air. Untuk ini nakhoda itu untuk memilih lebih disukai suatu pulau tak berpenghuni. Ada titik tetap di mana air secara rutin diambil. Tapi oleh orang-orang badai dan angin sakal sering berlayar di perairan tidak diketahui. Perintah ditentukan bahwa kapal itu untuk jangkar pada jarak aman dari pantai dan bahwa awak sekoci itu harus bersenjata cukup. Kemudian berikut ini kalimat bulu kuduk: “Ketika orang liar muncul, mereka harus segera dibunuh”.
Menyatakan umum dari Tujuh Provinsi telah diberikan paten VOC, yang memberinya hak untuk menyatakan perang dan untuk melakukan tindakan perang, seperti kapal pembajakan dan penembakan liar. Mereka namun hanya diperbolehkan untuk melakukannya di wilayah timur Tanjung Harapan.

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Karena pekerjaan menyeluruh Wim Hamel yang membuat pernyataan penting berikut kita bisa mengajukan pertanyaan-pertanyaan berikut ini:

Di mana dia lahir itu benar-benar di De Rijp?

1. Ketika Hendrick Hamel bertemu Jan Janse Weltevree Jan memiliki masalah berbahasa Belanda, karena ia tidak berbicara untuk lebih dari 26 tahun. Sebuah kapal yang disebut “De Rijp” sedang berlayar di perairan Asia. Misalnya Nicolaes Coeckebakker diminta untuk membantu shogun untuk menekan pemberontakan di Shimibara semenanjung. Dia diminta untuk penggunaan senjata dari “Rijp De” untuk membombardir benteng dari pantai. Shogun mengundurkan diri pada menit terakhir permintaannya untuk menghindari kehilangan muka. Mungkin Jan Janse berarti bahwa ia telah di kapal itu?

2. Dalam nama keluarga hari yang cukup luar biasa dan kustom adalah untuk nama seseorang, dengan nama ayahnya, profesi dia atau tempat ia datang dari misalnya Jan Janszoon (Jan anak Jan), Jan de Boer (Jan petani), Jan van der Bilt (berasal dari de Bilt).
Janszoon sangat sering disingkat Jansz atau Janse, tergantung pada wilayah di mana satu hidup.

3. Dalam gulungan kapal dari “Hollandia” tidak ada penyebutan Weltevree, tapi di sisi lain dari Vlaardingen Jan Jansz disebutkan.

4. Pada tahun yang sama 1626 dua kapal bernama “Hollandia” berlayar, di mana yang kita Jan Janse?

5. Karena ia punya alasan untuk menjaga keberadaannya di Korea rahasia, ia mungkin telah menyebutkan nama De Rijp, desa di mana salah satu teman-temannya lahir, bukan Vlaardingen.

6. Karena kebakaran besar di De Rijp pada 1654 semua arsip yang hilang. Dalam buku-buku baptisan sejak 1655 tersebut Weltevree namanya tidak disebutkan.

7. Istrinya, dengan atau tanpa anak-anaknya, mungkin menurut kebiasaan di hari-hari, menikah lagi, ketika Jan tidak kembali. Namun ini tidak dikonfirmasi. Akan menarik untuk mengetahui apakah masih ada keturunan apapun yang tersisa di Belanda.

Jawaban untuk beberapa pertanyaan-pertanyaan ini baru dikenal. (Sebagai 6 Januari 2000)

Sebuah dokumen muncul bahwa Jan Janse Weltevree berasal dari Vlaardingen.

Link lain dengan data sebagai berikut:

Menikah (2) Rijsoord 29-06-1755 (pra-menikah Rijsoord 13-06-1755) dengan Lijsbet Janse Weltevreen jd, dari Pernis, dimakamkan Ridderkerk 1791/02/09, putri Jan Janse Weltevreen (?) Dan Lijdia Cornelisse Blok (?). Yang dekat dengan Vlaardingen, ayah Lijsbeth yang mungkin cicit-Jan Janse Weltevree.

Jan Janse Weltevree

In the introduction Jan Janse Weltevree is called a mysterious person. Comparison of the texts in which he is mentioned gives us some contradictions, which are difficult to explain. For instance Hamel mentions in his Journael that he and his mates saw Weltevree for the last time in 1656 at the ferry over the river Han near Seoul and that they never heard anything of him again.
The same is claimed at the interrogation in Nagasaki. To the question of the Japanese if Weltevree is still alive, the Hollanders reply that they don’t know, because they didn’t see him for ten years. This sounds very implausible. Is it plausible that Weltevree, who seemed to be able to travel freely throughout the country, in all those ten years never traveled to the south, to see how his country men were doing?
On top of that there was according to the Journael a certain kind of mail traffic. It was possible to send messages. After all it was Hamel who mentions that the three mates who were lured from Seoul under the pretense that they had to function as an interpreter, informed them by letter that they were captured in the south.
One and the other raises the suspicion that there have been contacts between Weltevree and the other Hollanders, also in the period after 1656. This suspicion is enforced by the fact that according to the daily records of the chief of the factory in Deshima, Hamel has said on or during the same day that the interrogation took place, to this chief, that Weltevree at their departure was still alive and was about 70 years old. Did Hamel lie to the Japanese or to the chief?

Also regarding the circumstances under which Weltevree was captured in 1627 by the Koreans, the several sources are contradicting themselves. In the Journael is written that Weltevree was on board of the jaght the Ouwerkerck , when it stranded off the coast of Korea. With a number of mates he rowed to the shore to fetch water. While doing this they were surprised by the Koreans who captured Weltevree and two of his mates, while the rest managed to escape. But what do we read in the above-mentioned daily record of the chief in Deshima ? Here is written that Weltevree was not at all on board of the Ouwerkerck. One day the crew of this ship had privatized a Chinese junk. Weltevree was put on this ship together with some other Hollanders to take this ship to Taiwan. Because of a storm, this ship ended up on the coast of a Korean island. Here the three Hollanders were overwhelmed by the Chinese and handed over to the Koreans. This version is confirmed in a letter from the governor of Formosa to the governor-general in Batavia , dated July 22, 1627. In which the governor of Formosa announced that the Ouwerkerck on July 16 had privatized a Chinese junk, which was on his way to Amoy. 70 of the 150 Chinese were brought from the junk to the Ouwerkerck , while 16 men moved over to the junk to bring them with the rest of the Chinese crew to Taiwan. The junk however had drifted away by a storm in northeastern direction and is since then without any trace, so it maybe feared that the ship is perished. The Ouwerkerck itself was privatized some months later by a Portuguese ship and burned in Macao. The jaght has never been in Korean waters. From the above mentioned it is clear that Weltevree belonged to a group of Hollandse privateers, who were captured by their victims and were handed over to the Koreans. And Hamel knew this. It is understandable that he didn’t mention these less honorable events in the Journael. And also that he didn’t speak about it during the interrogation by the Japanese. It is less clear however, why he, both in the Journael and during the interrogation, claims that he hadn’t heard from Weltevree during ten years.

There is more by the way, which Hamel doesn’t mention concerning Weltevree. In a Korean edition of the Journael, the interpreter Yi Pyong Do cites in a supplement a document of about 1700, in which Weltevree is described as follows:

  Yon was tall from stature and rather heavily build. He had blue eyes, a pale face and a blond beard which hangs until his belly. He was married to a Korean woman who gave him two children; a boy and a girl.

The father and the uncle of the writer of the document were both connected as high officials to the court of king of Korea in the time that Weltevree was there too. One may assume that the document is a reliable source. If Weltevree had a wife and children, it was most unlikely that Hamel didn’t know that. It speaks for itself to assume that he and the other Hollanders visited him during their stay in Seoul. In the Journael however Hamel leaves this interesting fact unnoticed. Possibly he considered that mentioning of the marital state of Weltevree would raise some questions by the readers about the marital state of the other Hollanders, questions who might be painful since most of them had a wife and children after all in Holland as well. In another Korean document, also cited by Yi Pyong Do, the following is mentioned about Weltevree:
Yon was working at the staff of general Ku In Hu. His sons are mentioned in the military register of the training office.
What is noticeable in this quotation is the word ‘sons’. Maybe Jan Janse had more than one son. The in this quote mentioned training office was a government institution which was established to the end of the 16th century for the production of firearms and for the practice of the use of them. The military register contained the names of the technicians skillful in professions like the manufacturing of canons. Such professions where hereditary in Korea and from another source we know that Weltevree was in charge of making firearms in Seoul and that he was considered to be an expert in this field. We read this in the Korean document from which the previous quotation is derived. It says the following:

  Yon was an expert in the field of the knowledge of arms. He was very skillful in casting canons of which the finishing touch was very beautiful.

Also the shipwreck of the Sperwer is mentioned in this document.

  In the fourth year of Hyo Jong (1653) a strange ship was wrecked in the coastal waters of the Chindo-district. On board were 36 men. They were remarkably dressed, and also their stature was remarkable. Their noses were high in their face and their eyes sunk deep. They didn’t understand our language, nor orally nor in writing. The court requested Park Yon to figure out what kind of people they are.
When Yon saw these people he was very moved. His beard was wet of tears. He said they were his countrymen and that they spoke his language. That’s why the king decided to use him as an interpreter.
Many years these people lived in our country. They were incorporated in the garrisons which were camped in or around our capital, because they had much knowledge about arms and were also skilled in manufacturing arms.
When they had been with us for fourteen years, eight of them escaped in a fisherman’s boat from a place in the south where they were accommodated. They reached Nagasaki. The governor of that city wrote in a letter to the king that they were people from Haranda (Holland), which is a vassal state of Japan. That’s why he requested the king to send the remaining Haranda’s who still remained in our country, also to Nagasaki. And so it happened.

That Hamel and his mates had much knowledge about arms and had many skills in manufacturing them, doesn’t match with what Hamel tells in his Journael about the way he and his mates had to make a living, begging and all kind of petty jobs.
There was, on board of a VOC-ship usually a man, a blacksmith or an instrument maker, who could do some simple repairs on the arms, like muskets and pistols and 25 to 30 pieces of artillery with which the ships were armed. But in case of dire need, everyone on board had to be able to do anything. Then the blacksmith baked bread. Everybody on board probably knew how to handle arms and knew how they were put together. Maybe Weltevree had more special knowledge in this field. But he might have been the one-eyed man in the country of the blind. Because the Koreans didn’t have a highly-developed arms industry. It seems that they imported canons from China.

Nicolaes Witsen writes in his Noord en Oost Tartarije:

  Snaphaunces are unknown to them; they use rifles with a fuse. Furthermore they use leather pieces of artillery which is fitted on the inside with copper plates, half a finger thick. The leather is 2 till 5 thumbs thick and consists of several layers on top of each other. These pieces of artillery are transported at the back of an army , on horseback, two on one horse. It is possible to fire relative big cannonballs with these canons.

The Korean author Song Haeng, who lived from 1760 till 1839, describes the Hollanders in a historical essay as follows:

  Amongst the survivors of the shipwreck there were some artillery experts. On board their ship there was around 30 canons. These were on wheels, so they were easily maneuverable. When a shot was fired, the canon rolled a distance to the back. Thus the power of the recoiling was taken and prevented the barrel from splitting open. Their muskets also showed an ingenious design. At firing the powder is ignited by a spark, which origins by hitting a piece of flint against an iron point. This takes place by means of a spring mechanism, which can be latched and unlatched.

According to experts this description points out that the Hollanders used muskets of the type which is known as the miquelet lock. In The age of fire arms, a Pictorial Study , written by Robert Held and published in 1957 at Harper, New York, one can read the following about this firearm:

  The miquelet, in simplest terms, was a snapping lock like a snaphaunce, but refined by the revolutionary feature of having the battery combined with the flashpan cover in one L-shaped piece hinged at the toe, the upright section being struck by the flint and the horizontal forming the flashpan cover. To shoot a miquelet lock, the shooter first cocked it in the half-cock position, and no amount of pressure could release the cock to snap. To fire it nothing remained but to cock it in full-cock and pull the trigger. But at times a worn or defective gun-lock did snap out of half-lock while being carried about, an always unexpected as usually disastrous occurrence commemorated in the saying ‘to go half-cocked’.

This type of musket was developed by the Spaniards, at the end of the 16th century, and the Hollanders got to know it when they were shot with it. But in 1600 during the Battle of Nieuwpoort, the soldiers of Prince Maurits already shot back with it.
From the above mentioned it seemed that the Koreans were way behind compared to the Hollanders when it comes to the manufacturing and plying of guns. Gratefully they would have used the knowledge of the Hollanders. It will be for that reason that they were assigned to the bodyguard of the king. Song Haeung writes that all the guns from the wreck of the Sperwer have been taken to Seoul . There they would have been investigated by the people from the ‘training office’. After that the Hollanders transferred their knowledge. When the incident occurred with the Tartarian envoy, several Koreans proposed to kill the Hollanders.
Instead of that they were exiled to a province in the south of the country. And since that time they had to make a living with all kind of futile jobs and even with begging. They were lucky that some of the governors were kindly disposed to them and let them go us much as possible.
Hamel probably didn’t think it wise to mention during the interrogation the fact that they taught the Koreans in Seoul about the use of modern guns. He also tells that only some of the guns were salvaged from the water, and that these were heavily affected by the water.
That is of course strange, because they have been in the water only for a short time. From the Korean sources we know that ‘all weapons from the wreck’ were transported to Seoul.
In the light of what is known now about Weltevree, is the question of the Japanese if the crew of the Sperwer also had the assignment to privatize Chinese junks, intriguing. The answer of Hamel was to be expected: They didn’t get that assignment.
Nevertheless there was an order from the Heeren XII, applicable to all skippers that the trade between the different nations had to be obstructed as much as possible, by privatizing their ships and confiscate their cargo. For each confiscated ship skipper and crew received a reward.

There are some other orders which can’t bear the daylight. There is for instance an order concerning the fetching of water. For this the skippers were to choose preferably an uninhabited island. There were fixed points where regularly water was taken. But by storm and headwind people sailed often in unknown waters. The orders prescribed that the ship had to anchor at a safe distance from the coast and that the crew of the sloop had to be armed sufficiently. Then follows this hair-raising sentence: “When savages show up, they have to be killed immediately”.
The general states of the Seven Provinces had granted the VOC a patent, which gave her the right to declare war and to commit war-actions, like hijacking ships and shooting of savages. They were however only allowed to do so in the area east of Cape of Good Hope.


Because of the thorough work of Wim Hamel who made the following critical remarks we might ask the following questions:

Where was he born was it really in De Rijp?

1. When Hendrick Hamel met Jan Janse Weltevree, Jan had problems speaking Dutch, since he didn’t speak it for more then 26 years. A ship called “De Rijp” was sailing in Asian waters. For instance Nicolaes Coeckebakker was asked to help the shôgun to suppress a revolt on the peninsula Shimibara. He requested for the use of the guns of “De Rijp” to bombard the fort from the shore. The shôgun withdrew at the last minute his request to avoid the loss of face. Maybe Jan Janse meant that he had been on that ship?

2. In those days surnames were pretty exceptional and the custom was to name someone, with his father’s name, the profession he had or the place he came from e.g. Jan Janszoon (Jan son of Jan), Jan de Boer (Jan the farmer), Jan van der Bilt (coming from de Bilt).
Janszoon was very often abbreviated to Jansz or Janse, depending on the region where one lived.

3. In the ship’s rolls of the “Hollandia” there is no mentioning of Weltevree, but on the other hand a Jan Jansz from Vlaardingen is mentioned.

4. In the same year 1626 two ships named “Hollandia” sailed off, on which one was our Jan Janse?

5. Since he had reasons to keep his existence in Korea secret, he might have mentioned the name De Rijp, the village where one of his mates was born, instead of Vlaardingen.

6. Because of the big fire in De Rijp in 1654 all archives are lost. In the baptism books since 1655 the name Weltevree is not mentioned.

7. His wife, with or without his children, was probably according the custom in those days, remarried, when Jan did not return. This however was not confirmed. It would be interesting to find out if there are still any descendants left in Holland.

The answers to some of these questions are recently known. (As of January 6, 2000)

A document showed up that Jan Janse Weltevree was from Vlaardingen.

Another link with the following data:

Married (2) Rijsoord 29-06-1755 (pre-married Rijsoord 13-06-1755) with Lijsbet Janse Weltevreen jd, from Pernis, buried Ridderkerk 02-09-1791, daughter of Jan Janse Weltevreen (?) and Lijdia Cornelisse Block (?). Which is close to Vlaardingen, Lijsbeth’s father might be the great-grandson of Jan Janse Weltevree.

Hendrick Hamel
Hendrick Hamel lahir pada 1630 di Gorkum. Dia dibaptis pada tanggal 22 Agustus (*). Orangtuanya yang disebutkan dalam catatan silsilah sebagai Dirck Frericks Hamel dan Margaretha Verhaar, Hendrik van dochter Verhaar en Cunera van Wevelinckhoven. Dalam catatan baptisan-Nya kita membaca bahwa ibunya Margrietgen Heyndricks. Ayahnya telah menikah tiga kali, yang tidak biasa di hari-hari. Pada abad 17 orang-orang tidak selalu disebutkan dalam cara yang sama. Kadang-kadang dengan nama mereka, kadang-kadang dengan nama yg sama dgn nama ayah mereka, kadang-kadang bahkan tidak dengan nama belakang sama sekali. Yang paling mungkin adalah Margaretha Verhaar dan Margrietgen Heyndricks satu dan orang yang sama

Pada November 6, 1650 ia meninggalkan di papan dari jaght yang Struijs Vogel (Ostrich) dari Landdiep di Texel (sebuah pulau di utara Belanda) ke Hindia. Pada 4 Juli 1651 ia tiba di pelabuhan Batavia.

Pada gulungan kapal dari Vogel Struijs Hamel yang terdaftar sebagai Bosschieter, yang berarti penembak. Jelas menyebutkan seperti itu, tidak berarti banyak. Kita membaca misalnya bahwa Gubernur Jenderal Wiese kemudian di perjalanan ke Hindia telah disebutkan di gulungan kapal sebagai hooploper, yang berarti pelaut biasa. Jika kita juga tahu bahwa Wiese harus memanggil Van der Parre pada saat itu Gubernur waktu, Kakek, seseorang harus menarik kesimpulan bahwa namanya hanya diletakkan pada kapal-kapal gulungan untuk memberinya tiket gratis

Mungkin Hamel datang dengan rekomendasi yang baik ke Hindia dan berutang promosi sebagai “tentara pada pena” untuk ini. Pertama sebagai asisten dan kemudian sebagai pemegang buku. Oleh karena itu gajinya mulai meningkat menjadi f 30 per bulan. Gaji sesama penumpang dari “Struijs Vogel”, yang bosschieter Jan Pieters van Hoogeveen di 1653 f 11 per bulan. Dalam peringkat pembukuan ini setara pengemudi tersebut.

Pada 18 Juni, Hamel meninggalkan Batavia pada dewan Sperwer dalam perjalanan ke Taiwan dalam fungsi ini. Tanpa mengalami nasib buruk itu tiba di sini pada tanggal 16 Juli 1653. Jaght meninggalkan Batavia agak terlambat karena awalnya menunggu sejumlah militer yang datang dari Belanda untuk ditempatkan di Taiwan. Setelah menunggu dengan sia-sia beberapa waktu untuk kedatangan kapal dari Belanda di mana militer itu, diputuskan untuk membiarkan jaght Sperwer pergi ke Taiwan tanpa militer. Sementara itu musim menguntungkan untuk perjalanan seperti ini hampir di ujungnya.

Pada rute dari Batavia ke Taiwan, cuaca tidak menyebabkan masalah belum. Itu baik-baik saja dan perjalanan makmur. Dari Journael itu diketahui bahwa bagian kedua dari perjalanan, dari Taiwan ke Nagasaki kurang menguntungkan. Di belakang kita mungkin menyimpulkan bahwa petualangan Hamel dan teman-temannya merupakan konsekuensi dari keberangkatan akhir dari Batavia.

Setelah Sperwer telah dinyatakan hilang resmi, perintah dari gubernur Joan Maetsuyker dikeluarkan di mana secara eksplisit dilarang untuk mengirim kapal ke perairan utara Taiwan setelah tanggal 1 Juli, sehubungan dengan badai yang menggunakan mengamuk setelah tanggal dalam laut antara China dan Jepang.

Apa yang terjadi dengan Hamel dan teman-temannya setelah keberangkatan mereka dari Taiwan adalah luas dijelaskan dalam Journael tersebut. Apakah atau tidak Hendrick Hamel adalah penulis Journael tidak terbukti tanpa diragukan lagi. Tapi itu sangat mungkin. Penulisan laporan seperti itu adalah tugas pembukuan.

Hamel berbicara tentang dirinya dalam Journael sebagai orang ketiga. Itu tidak biasa di hari-hari. Hamel tidak menandatangani Journael, yang juga umum pada mereka hari. Laporan jarang ditandatangani oleh penulisnya. Semua itu sezaman dengan cara, dianggap Hamel selalu sebagai penulis. Ada juga sedikit alasan untuk meragukan hal ini.
Pertanyaannya tetap namun ketika ia menulis itu. Itu terletak di tangan yang itu terjadi selama tinggal paksa di Deshima. Setelah melarikan diri dari Korea beruntung mereka, Hamel dan teman-temannya berharap sudah meninggalkan dengan flyship [a jenis kapal yang sempit juga disebut suling] Esperance pada 23 Oktober 1666 ke Batavia. Mereka tidak menerima izin untuk melakukannya namun dan harus tinggal setahun lagi di Deshima.

Dua hari kemudian, pada 25 Oktober, interogasi berlangsung. Interogasi ini tanggal pada tanggal 14 September 1666. Itu adalah hari di mana Hamel dan teman-temannya tiba dengan perahu nelayan kecil itu Korea di Nagasaki. Jelas kemudian interogasi sudah terjadi. Ada dua penerjemah menyerahkan: a Hollander dan seorang Jepang, yang keduanya berbicara bahasa Portugis. Itu sebabnya interogasi mengambil bagian terbesar dari hari itu dan Hamel dan teman-temannya hanya menyeberangi jembatan untuk Deshima menjelang malam hari, di mana mereka disambut riang oleh kepala dan karyawan lain dari VOC. Para terkenal ‘precisiteyt’ (ketepatan) dari Jepang yang diperlukan bahwa pertanyaan-pertanyaan dan jawaban yang disalin dalam bahasa Jepang dan kemudian membaca keras-keras pada tanggal 25 Oktober, untuk Hamel dan teman-temannya, dengan dua penerjemah yang lagi-lagi harus membantu. Pada salah satu kesempatan, sehingga pada tanggal 14 September, atau pada 25 Oktober, Hamel mungkin telah kesempatan untuk menyalin pertanyaan dan jawaban atau untuk membuat catatan. Lain, mungkin kemungkinan lebih jelas, adalah bahwa penafsir VOC membuat catatan-catatan.

Hendrick Hamel

Hendrick Hamel was born in 1630 in Gorkum. He was baptized on August 22 (*). His parents were mentioned in a genealogical record as Dirck Frericks Hamel and Margaretha Verhaar, dochter van Hendrik Verhaar en Cunera van Wevelinckhoven. In his baptismal record we read that his mother was Margrietgen Heyndricks. His father has been married three times, which was not uncommon in those days. In the 17th century people were not always mentioned in the same way. Sometimes with their surname, sometimes with their patronymic, sometimes even not with a last name at all. Most likely are Margaretha Verhaar and Margrietgen Heyndricks one and the same person

On November 6, 1650 he left on board of the jaght the Vogel Struijs (Ostrich) from the Landdiep at Texel (an Island in the north of Holland) to the Indies. On July 4, 1651 he arrived in the port of Batavia.

On the ship’s rolls of the Vogel Struijs Hamel was enlisted as Bosschieter, which means gunman. Obviously a mentioning like that, didn’t mean much. We read for instance that the later governor-general Wiese on his journey to the Indies was mentioned on the ship’s rolls as hooploper, which means ordinary seaman. If we also know that Wiese had to call Van der Parre at that time governor, granduncle, one has to draw the conclusion that his name was only put on the ships rolls to give him free passage

Maybe Hamel came with good recommendations to the Indies and owes his promotion as “soldier on the pen” to this. First as assistant and later as bookkeeper. Therefore was his starting salary increased to f 30 per month. The salary of his fellow passenger of the “Vogel Struijs”, the bosschieter Jan Pieters van Hoogeveen was in 1653 f 11 per month. In rank this bookkeeper equaled the coxswain.

On June 18, Hamel left Batavia on board of the Sperwer on his way to Taiwan in this function. Without experiencing any bad luck it arrived here on July 16, 1653. The jaght left Batavia somewhat late because initially it waited for a number of militaries who had to come from Holland to be stationed in Taiwan. After waiting in vain for some time for the arrival of the ship from Holland on which the militaries were, it was decided to let the jaght the Sperwer go to Taiwan without the militaries. In the meantime the favorable season for such a journey was almost at its end.

On the route from Batavia to Taiwan, the weather didn’t cause any problems yet. It was fine and the journey prosperous. From the Journael it is known that the second part of the journey, from Taiwan to Nagasaki was less favorable. At hindsight we might conclude that the adventure of Hamel and his mates was a consequence of the late departure from Batavia.

After the Sperwer had been declared lost officially, an order from governor Joan Maetsuyker was issued in which it was explicitly forbidden to send ships to the waters north of Taiwan after July 1, in connection with the hurricanes which use to rage after that date in the seas between China and Japan.

What happened with Hamel and his mates after their departure from Taiwan is extensively described in the Journael. Whether or not Hendrick Hamel is the author of the Journael is not proven without doubt. But it is very likely. The writing of such a report was the task of a bookkeeper.

Hamel speaks about himself in the Journael as the third person. That was not uncommon in those days. Hamel didn’t sign the Journael, which was also common in those days. Reports were rarely signed by their author. All his contemporaries by the way, considered Hamel always as the author. There is also little reason to doubt this.
The question remains however when he wrote it. It lies at hand that it happened during his forced stay at Deshima. After their fortunate escape from Korea, Hamel and his mates hoped already to leave with the flyship [a narrow type of ship also called a flute] Espérance on October 23, 1666 to Batavia. They received no permission to do so however and had to stay another year on Deshima.

Two days later, on October 25, the interrogation took place. This interrogation is dated on September 14, 1666. That was the day on which Hamel and his mates arrived with the little Korean fishermen’s boat at Nagasaki. Obviously then the interrogation already took place. There were two interpreters present: a Hollander and a Japanese, who both spoke Portuguese. That’s why the interrogation took the biggest part of that day and Hamel and his mates only crossed the bridge to Deshima towards the evening, where they were welcomed heartily by the chief and the other employees of the VOC. The notorious ‘precisiteyt‘ (preciseness) of the Japanese required that the questions and answers were copied in Japanese and subsequently read out loud on October 25, to Hamel and his mates, with which again two interpreters had to assist. On one of those occasions, so on September 14, or on October 25, Hamel had probably the opportunity to copy the questions and answers or to make notes. Another, maybe more obvious possibility, was that the interpreter of the VOC made those notes.

Laporan interogasi oleh Jepang.
Pada tanggal 25 Oktober, kami dibawa oleh interpreter dari pulau dan dibawa ke gubernur Nagasaki. Berikut adalah sejumlah pertanyaan yang diminta, yang kita jawab dengan pengetahuan terbaik kami. Berikut di bawah berikut laporan jujur ​​interogasi ini.
 

Pertanyaan Jawaban
1. Apa jenis orang yang Anda dan mana Anda datang? Kami adalah Belanda dan datang dari Korea.
2. Bagaimana dan kapan Anda datang ke Korea Kami kandas dengan jaght Sperwer pada 16 Agustus 1653, sebagai akibat dari badai yang telah berlangsung lima hari.
3. Mana kau kandas? Berapa banyak pria yang Anda miliki di papan dan berapa banyak potongan-potongan artileri? Di pantai sebuah pulau, yang kita sebut Quelpaert dan Cheju Korea Kami 64 orang di kapal dan 30 buah artileri.
4. Seberapa besar Quelpaert pulau dan seberapa jauh itu dari daratan? Pulau Quelpaert memakan sekitar 15 mil dalam putaran. Ini sangat subur, padat penduduknya dan sekitar 10 atau 12 mil dari selatan daratan.
5. Di mana Anda datang dari dan port mana Anda menelepon di? Pada tanggal 18 Juni 1653, kami meninggalkan dari Batavia dengan Taiwan sebagai tujuan. Kami memiliki Mr Caesar di kapal, yang menggantikan Mr Verburgh sebagai kepala penguasa Taiwan.
6. Apa jenis kargo tidak Anda miliki di papan dan apa tujuan itu? Kami memiliki kulit rusa, gula, tawas dan barang lainnya di papan. Tujuan dari hal tersebut adalah Jepang. Mr Coijet memerintah kepala Deshima pada hari-hari.
7. Apa yang terjadi dengan kru, artileri dan kargo Sperwer itu? Di kapal karam, 28 pria tenggelam. Dari beberapa potongan artileri yang dikeruk. Mereka sangat dipengaruhi oleh air laut. Dari kargo hanya bagian diselamatkan. Kami tidak tahu di mana barang-barang ini sekarang.
8. Bagaimana Anda telah diperlakukan oleh Korea setelah shipwrecking? Kami diperlakukan dengan baik. Kami sedang ditampung, dan diberi makanan dan minuman.
9. Apakah Anda memiliki perintah dari pihak berwenang untuk PRIVATEER jung-jung Cina dan lainnya, atau untuk melakukan serangan di pantai Cina? Kami tidak menerima semacam ketertiban. Tugas kami adalah untuk berlayar lurus ke depan ke Jepang. Tetapi karena badai kami tentunya dan berakhir di Korea.
10. Apakah Anda memiliki orang-orang Kristen atau orang kebangsaan lain di papan? Para kru hanya terdiri dari pegawai dari Perusahaan.
11. Berapa lama Anda berada di bahwa Pulau Quelpaert dan di mana saja kau dibawa ke setelah itu? Kami sekitar sepuluh bulan Quelpaert. Dari sana kami dibawa ke kediaman raja. Hal ini terletak di Seoul.
12. Seberapa jauh Seoul dari Quelpaert dan berapa lama perjalanan mengambil? Seoul adalah sekitar 90 mil utara Quelpaert. Selat antara pulau dan daratan adalah sekitar 10 sampai 12 mil lebar. Dari sudut Selatan daratan kami berjalan lagi empat belas hari berkuda
13. Berapa lama Anda berada di Seoul, apa yang Anda lakukan di sana, dan apa yang Anda lakukan untuk hidup? Kami ditunjuk sebagai pengawal raja dan menerima jatah beras 70 ons per bulan. Kami telah tinggal di Seoul selama tiga tahun.
14. Bagaimana ada datang mengakhiri masa tinggal Anda di Seoul dan di mana raja mengirim Anda? Pengemudi utama kami dan pasangan lain mendekati utusan Tartarian. Mereka ingin mencoba pulang melalui China. Ini gagal, dan kami diasingkan ke provinsi Chollado.
15. Apa yang terjadi dengan dua pasangan yang mendekati utusan Tartarian? Mereka dilemparkan langsung di penjara. Kemudian kami mendengar bahwa mereka meninggal. Tapi bagaimana mereka bertemu akhir mereka, tidak diketahui kepada kami.
16. Seberapa besar adalah kerajaan Korea? Kami memperkirakan panjang negara dari utara ke selatan di sekitar 150 mil dan dari timur ke barat 80 mil. Negara ini dibagi dalam delapan provinsi dan jumlah 360 kota, dan pulau-pulau besar dan kecil banyak.
17. Apakah ada di Korea juga setiap orang Kristen atau orang-orang dengan kewarganegaraan lain? Kami tidak bertemu dengan orang Kristen. Kami memang bertemu lagi Hollander Jan Janse Weltevree. Ia ditangkap tahun 1627, bersama dengan beberapa teman ketika ia berakhir di Korea, dengan jaght dari Taiwan. Ada beberapa orang Cina lebih jauh lagi, yang melarikan diri negara mereka, karena perang.
18. Apakah ini akhir Janse Jan masih hidup di mana dia tinggal? Bahwa kita tidak tahu. Kami tidak melihat dia selama sepuluh tahun dan ia tidak muda lagi. Dia tinggal di istana raja.
19. Bagaimana tentara Korea bersenjata? Dengan senapan, pedang dan busur dan anak panah. Mereka juga memiliki beberapa potongan-potongan artileri.
20. Apakah ada istana dan benteng? Dekat setiap kota, yang itu sendiri adalah tidak dapat dipertahankan, ada sebuah benteng atau penegakan berdinding, sebagian besar waktu pada sebuah gunung yang tinggi. Ini selalu memiliki makanan dan amunisi selama tiga tahun.
21. Berapa banyak kapal-kapal perang Korea telah melakukan dalam navigasi? Setiap kota harus mempertahankan sampah perang. Setiap sampah memiliki awak 200 hingga 300 orang, pendayung dan tentara, dan dilengkapi dengan beberapa potongan kecil artileri.
22. Apakah Korea berperang dengan negara manapun dan apakah mereka membayar upeti kepada negara manapun? Mereka tidak berperang, tetapi membayar upeti kepada Tartarians, yang utusan datang tiga kali setahun untuk mengumpulkan upeti. Mereka membayar upeti selanjutnya ke Jepang. Berapa banyak tidak kita ketahui.
23. Agama yang melakukan Korea memeluk dan apakah mereka mencoba untuk mengubah Anda untuk agama ini? Mereka memiliki, kita anggap, agama sama dengan Cina. Mereka tidak mencoba untuk mengubah orang lain.
24. Apakah ada banyak kuil dan patung-patung dan yang fungsi mereka miliki dalam upacara? Di pegunungan ada banyak kuil dan biara-biara terletak, di mana ada banyak patung. Ini adalah, seperti yang kita kira, menyembah dengan cara yang sama seperti di Cina.
25. Apakah ada banyak biarawan dan bagaimana mereka terlihat seperti? Para bhikkhu yang ada dalam kelimpahan. Mereka membuat hidup dengan bekerja dan mengemis. Berpakaian mereka adalah sama dengan saus para biarawan Jepang.
26. Bagaimana orang Korea berpakaian? Dengan cara Cina. Mereka mengenakan topi bulu kuda, atau dari bulu sapi dan kadang-kadang dari bambu. Mereka memakai sepatu dan kaus kaki.
27. Apakah ada tumbuh banyak beras dan biji-bijian lain? Di selatan negara itu tumbuh banyak beras. Tapi dalam periode kering panen gagal dan kelaparan dimulai. Pada tahun-tahun 1660, 1661 dan 1662 ribuan meninggal karena kelaparan. Selain itu ada tumbuh kapas. Di utara mereka juga tumbuh barley dan millet.
28. Apakah ada banyak kuda dan sapi? Ada sapi sangat sedikit, tetapi sangat banyak kuda. Sejak sekitar tiga tahun jumlah sapi menurun kuat, sebagai hasil dari beberapa kematian ternak menular.
29. Apakah ada negara asing yang datang untuk perdagangan dengan Korea? Satu-satunya orang bahwa perdagangan di Korea adalah Jepang. Mereka memiliki kantong di negara ini.
30. Pernahkah Anda dalam kantong Jepang? Kami tidak pernah ada, karena ini dilarang keras kita. Untuk orang Cina mereka menjual akar ginseng dan barang lainnya.
31. Apa jenis perdagangan melakukan Korea miliki? Di ibu kota dengan baik-untuk-melakukan perdagangan dengan perak, perdagangan biasa, seperti di kota-kota lain dengan potongan-potongan kain lenan menurut nilai, beras dan biji-bijian lainnya.
32. Apa jenis perdagangan melakukan Korea telah dengan Cina? Dari Cina, mereka mendapatkan jenis barang yang sama seperti yang kita Hollander memberikan juga ke Jepang. Selanjutnya mereka mendapatkan sutera dari Cina.
33. Apakah ada tambang perak atau tambang lainnya di Korea? Korea mengeksploitasi sudah sejak bertahun-tahun beberapa tambang perak. Bagian keempat dari hasil, adalah untuk kepentingan raja. Sejauh yang kita tahu tidak ada tambang lainnya.
34. Mana akar ginseng berasal dari, apa tujuannya, dan di mana itu diekspor ke? Akar ginseng berasal dari tanaman yang tumbuh di bagian utara Korea. Mereka menggunakannya sebagai obat. Sebuah bagian dari panen sedang diberikan kepada Tartarians, sebagai bagian dari upeti. Selanjutnya akar sedang diekspor ke Cina dan Jepang.
35. Apakah diketahui kepada Anda jika Korea dan China terhubung satu sama lain? Kami diberitahu bahwa kedua negara yang terhubung dengan suatu pegunungan. Di musim dingin gunung ini dilewati, karena dingin yang parah dan di musim panas karena permainan yang tinggal di sana. Itu sebabnya mereka menggunakan laut sebagai penghubung antara kedua negara, di musim panas dengan perahu dan di musim dingin menunggang kuda di atas es.
36. Bagaimana penunjukan gubernur berlangsung di Korea? Stadtholders sedang diangkat untuk satu tahun, dan gubernur normal selama tiga tahun.
37. Berapa lama Anda tinggal di provinsi Chollado, apa yang Anda lakukan untuk hidup dan berapa banyak dari Anda telah lulus jauh di sana? Kami telah tinggal selama sekitar tujuh tahun di Pyongyong kota. Kami menerima jatah bulanan dari 50 ons beras. Pada waktu itu sebelas pasangan meninggal.
38. Mengapa Anda telah dipindahkan ke kota lain dan apa nama kota-kota? Karena kekeringan ekstrim di tahun 1660, 1661 dan 1662 ada kekurangan makanan, sehingga gubernur tidak bisa memberikan jatah bulanan kami. Itulah sebabnya raja membagi kami selama tiga tempat: di SaesOng dua belas pasangan, Sunchon lima dan Namwon juga lima.
39. Seberapa besar provinsi Chollado dan di mana itu terletak? Di selatan paling daratan adalah provinsi Chollado. Ini berisi 52 kota, yang padat penduduknya dan sangat subur.
40. Apakah raja mengirimkan luar negeri atau Anda melarikan diri? Kami melarikan diri dengan delapan orang, karena kita tahu bahwa raja tidak akan membiarkan kita pergi. Kami lebih berisiko kematian daripada hidup selama sisa hidup kita di negara itu.
41. Dengan berapa banyak yang Anda pada saat itu dan orang-orang yang tinggal keberangkatan berkenalan dengan Anda? Kami enam belas dalam jumlah. Kami meninggalkan dengan delapan dari kami, tanpa memberitahu yang lain.
42. Kenapa kau tidak memberitahu orang lain? Kami tidak memberitahu mereka, karena mereka tidak bisa ikut dengan kami. Dengan ternyata hanya delapan dari kami memiliki izin untuk pergi keluar.
43. Bagaimana orang-orang yang tinggal di belakang, masih meninggalkan negara ini? Jika kaisar Jepang membuat permintaan tertulis untuk pembebasan mereka, dia tidak akan menolak. Setelah semua kaisar mengirimkan orang-orang Korea terdampar kembali ke negara mereka.
44. Apakah Anda pernah membuat upaya lain untuk melarikan diri? Kami telah mencoba dua kali. Usaha pertama gagal karena kami tidak tahu tali-temali kapal nelayan Korea, begitulah tiang itu patah dua kali. Yang mendekat dari utusan Tartarian itu tidak berhasil karena raja menyuap utusan.
45. Apakah Anda pernah meminta raja untuk membiarkan Anda pergi dan, jika ya, mengapa dia menolak itu? Kami telah meminta berulang kali, untuk raja serta dewan mahkota, untuk membiarkan kita pergi. Itu selalu menolak dengan argumen bahwa Korea tidak pernah membiarkan orang asing pergi, karena orang tidak ingin Korea dikenal ke mancanegara.
46. Bagaimana Anda mendapatkan tongkang? Kami telah membelinya dengan uang kami sendiri susah payah dan biaya yang kita memohon bersama-sama.
47. Apakah ini kapal pertama yang Anda telah membeli? Tidak, itu adalah yang ketiga. Dua yang sebelumnya tampaknya terlalu kecil untuk menyeberang ke Jepang.
48. Dari mana tempat kau lari? Dari SaesOng, di mana lima dari kita hidup, dan dari Sunchon, di mana tiga lainnya tinggal.
49. Seberapa besar jarak ke Nagasaki dan berapa lama waktu yang Anda butuhkan? Kami memperkirakan jarak antara SaesOng dan Nagasaki sekitar 50 mil. Dari SaesOng untuk Goto itu membawa kami tiga hari. Kami tinggal di sana empat hari dan pergi kemudian dalam dua hari ke Nagasaki. Jadi total perjalanan waktu sembilan hari.
50. Mengapa Anda pergi ke Goto, dan mengapa Anda ingin melarikan diri ketika mereka ingin menghentikan Anda? Kami telah bersembunyi di sana untuk badai, dan ketika meletakkan, kita memutuskan untuk melanjutkan perjalanan kita.
51. Bagaimana Anda telah dirawat di Goto, dan lebih jauh lagi adalah sesuatu yang dibebankan kau di sana? Dua dari pasangan kita dibawa pergi untuk diinterogasi. Selama sisa kita telah diperlakukan dengan baik, tanpa sesuatu yang telah dibebankan untuk itu.
52. Apakah seseorang dari Anda pernah berada di Jepang, dan, jika tidak, bagaimana kau tahu jalan? Tidak ada yang pernah di Jepang. Sebuah Korea sedikit, yang telah di Nagasaki, mengatakan kepada kami bagaimana kami harus berlayar. Selanjutnya kita ingat apa pengemudi telah memberitahu kami.
53. Apa nama, fungsi dan usia delapan pasangan yang tinggal di Korea? 1. Johannis Lampen, asisten, 36 tahun;
2. Hendrick Cornelisse, petugas sub bertanggung jawab atas tali-temali; *
3. Jan Claeszen, masak, 49 tahun:
tinggal di kota Namwon;
4. Yakub Janse, intendan, 47 tahun;
5. Anthonij Ulderic, penembak, 32 tahun;
6. Claes Arentszen, awak kabin, 27 tahun;
tinggal di SaesOng.
7. Keranjang sander, penembak, 41 tahun;
8. Jan Janse Pelt, kepala kelasi SMP, 35 tahun.
54. Apa nama, fungsi dan usia delapan pasangan yang berhasil ke Nagasaki?

1. Hendrick Hamel, pembukuan, 36 tahun; *
2. Govert Denijszen, intendan, 36 tahun;
3. Mattheus Ibocken, kecil tukang cukur, 32 tahun;
4. Jan Pieterszen, penembak, 36 tahun;
5. Gerrit Janszen, idem, 32 tahun;
6. Cornelis Dirckse, pelaut, 31 tahun;
7. Benedictus Clercq, awak kabin, 27 tahun;
8. Denijs Govertszen, idem 25 tahun.
  Jadi menjawab jujur ​​oleh kami, pada September 14, 1666

Sebuah laporan resmi dari kepala, tanggal 18 Oktober 1666, ketika Mr Volger sudah memulai dan sudah di dewan Esperance, ia menulis kepada gubernur jenderal bahwa petualangan orang dari kapal karam dari Sperwer itu harus ditulis. Dapat diasumsikan bahwa Hamel memiliki tugas untuk menulis laporan ini sebelum keberangkatannya. Apakah Hamel, saat menulis Journael, memiliki catatan di pembuangan, tidak yakin. Dia menyebutkan begitu banyak tempat dan tanggal begitu banyak bahwa seseorang tergoda untuk menganggap bahwa ia menyimpan buku harian di Korea. Di sisi lain ia tidak pernah menyebutkan tanggal yang tepat, yang akan dilakukan jika ia akan menulis Journael dengan cara buku harian. Sehingga jika dia catatan di pembuangan, ini pasti sangat singkat.

Dia harus mengandalkan ingatan dan bahwa dari teman-temannya, saat menulis Journael tersebut. Ketika pada 22 Oktober tahun berikutnya akhirnya tiba izin untuk meninggalkan, Hamel akan telah selesai Journael untuk waktu yang lama. Pada hari yang sama Hendrick Hamel dan teman-temannya memulai pada Spreeuw, yang siap untuk berlayar. Perjalanan kembali ke Batavia tidak pergi melalui Formosa, karena pulau ini hilang pada tahun 1662. Pada tahun itu Zeelandia benteng ditaklukkan oleh keturunan dari Dinasti Ming. Spreeuw memilih laut biru pada tanggal 23 Oktober dan tiba pada 28 November di Batavia. Inilah, menurut laporan harian Joan Maetsuyker, yang Journael diserahkan kepada yang disebut terakhir.
Para pasangan dari Hendrick Hamel perjalanan melalui tanah airnya, dengan kapal yang sama dengan yang mereka tiba di Batavia. Mereka tiba di sana pada tanggal 20 Juli 1668. Hamel Namun dirinya tetap tinggal di Hindia.

Hal itu diberitahu bahwa ia bujangan dan karena itu kurang rindu untuk Belanda. Naskah yang dalam arsip Negara di Den Haag dianggap dokumen asli yang ditulis oleh Hamel, atas dasar analisis teks hati-hati. Itu dikirim ke Belanda oleh gubernur jenderal, setelah salinan tulisan tangan yang dibuat untuk arsip di Batavia. Salinan Namun ini hilang.

Mengejutkan adalah bahwa Hamel, pada akhir Journael tidak menuliskan tanggal yang ia dan teman-temannya telah meninggalkan Batavia, tetapi bahwa tanggal Spreeuw tiba di Batavia tidak diisi masuk Hal ini diasumsikan bahwa Hamel di 1669 kembali kembali ke Belanda, pada saat yang sama dengan kelompok kedua orang diselamatkan yang selamat dari shipwrecking. Ketika itu tepatnya terjadi dan dengan kapal yang tidak akan diambil lagi. Pada Agustus 1670 ia muncul dengan dua anggota dari kelompok kedua, di depan Heeren XVII, untuk meminta pembayaran upah mereka selama periode penahanan mereka di Korea.

Permintaan yang sama sudah dilakukan oleh kelompok pertama. Heeren XVII sudah berpaling permintaan ini. Dan juga pada tahun 1670 mereka menolak permintaan tersebut. Hamba VOC hanya memiliki hak atas upah untuk waktu selama mereka berada di kapal dari salah satu kapal VOC atau jika mereka berada di salah satu pabrik.

Ini adalah aturan keras dan ketat, dari mana Heeren XVII, di bawah kondisi tidak, ingin menyimpang. Keluar dari pertimbangan kemanusiaan, namun mereka memutuskan untuk memberikan kepada semua anggota yang bertahan dari Sperwer dengan sejumlah uang. Jumlah ini akan di tidak sebanding dengan jumlah total upah mereka selama tiga belas tahun mereka lama tinggal di Korea. Sudah jelas bahwa VOC adalah perusahaan perdagangan dan bukan lembaga amal.

 
 
 

 

original info

Report of the interrogation by the Japanese.

On October 25, we were taken by the interpreter from the island and brought to governor of Nagasaki. Here were a number of questions being asked, which we answered to our best knowledge. Here under follows a truthful report of this interrogation.
 

Questions Answers
1. What kind of people are you and where do you come from? We are Hollanders and come from Korea.
2. How and when did you come to Korea We ran aground with the jaght the Sperwer on August 16, 1653, as a result of a storm which had lasted five days.
3. Where did you run aground? How many men did you have on board and how many pieces of artillery? On the coast of an island, which we call Quelpaert and the Koreans Cheju We had 64 men on board and 30 pieces of artillery.
4. How big is the island Quelpaert and how far is it from the mainland? The island of Quelpaert takes up about 15 miles in the round. It’s very fertile, densely populated and is about 10 or 12 miles from the south of the mainland.
5. Where were you coming from and which ports did you call at? On June 18, 1653, we left from Batavia with Taiwan as destination. We had Mr. Caesar on board, who was to replace Mr. Verburgh as ruling chief of Taiwan.
6. What kind of cargo did you have on board and what was the purpose of that? We had deerskins, sugar, alum and other goods on board. The destination of these was Japan. Mr. Coijet was ruling chief of Deshima in those days.
7. What has happened with the crew, the artillery and the cargo of the Sperwer ? At the shipwreck, 28 men drowned. From the artillery some pieces were dredged up. They were severely affected by the sea water. From the cargo only a part was salvaged. We don’t know where these goods are now.
8. How have you been treated by the Koreans after the shipwrecking? We were well treated. We were being accommodated, and given food and drinks.
9. Did you have orders from the authorities to privateer the Chinese and other junks, or to undertake raids on the coast of China ? We didn’t receive such kind of order. Our assignment was to sail straight ahead to Japan. But because of the storm we were off course and ended up in Korea.
10. Did you have Christians or people of other nationality on board? The crew consisted only of servants from the Company.
11. How long have you been at that Island of Quelpaert and where have you been brought to after that? We were about ten months on Quelpaert . From there we were brought to the residence of the king. This is located in Seoul .
12. How far is Seoul from Quelpaert and how long did the journey take? Seoul is about 90 miles north of Quelpaert . The strait between the island and the mainland is about 10 to 12 miles wide. From the South point of the mainland we traveled another fourteen days on horseback
13. How long have you been in Seoul, what did you do there, and what did you do for a living? We were appointed as bodyguard of the king and received a ration of 70 ounces rice per month. We have lived in Seoul for three years.
14. How did there come an end to your stay in Seoul and where did the king send you? Our chief coxswain and another mate approached the Tartarian envoy. They wanted to try to come home through China. This failed, and we were exiled to the province of Chollado .
15. What happened to the two mates who approached the Tartarian envoy? They were thrown immediately in prison. Later we heard that they died. But how they met their end, is not known to us.
16. How big is the kingdom of Korea? We estimate the length of the country from the north to the south at about 150 miles and from the east to the west 80 miles. The country is divided in eight provinces and counts 360 cities, and many big and little islands.
17. Are there in Korea also any Christians or people with another nationality? We didn’t meet any Christians. We did meet another Hollander, Jan Janse Weltevree. He was captured in 1627, together with some mates when he ended up in Korea, with a jaght from Taiwan. There were furthermore some Chinese, who fled their country, because of the war.
18. Is this Jan Janse still alive end where did he live? That we do not know. We didn’t see him for ten years and he wasn’t that young anymore. He lived in the court of the king.
19. How is the army of the Koreans armed? With muskets, swords and bow and arrow. They also have some pieces of artillery.
20. Are there any castles and fortresses? Near every city, which itself is indefensible, there is a fortress or a walled enforcement, most of the time on a high mountain. These always have food and ammunition for three years.
21. How many war junks do the Koreans have in navigation? Every city has to maintain a war junk. Every junk has a crew of 200 to 300 men, oarsmen and soldiers, and is equipped with some small pieces of artillery.
22. Are the Koreans at war with any country and do they pay tribute to any country? They are not at war, but pay tribute to the Tartarians, whose envoy comes three times a year to collect the tribute. They pay furthermore a tribute to Japan. How much is not known to us.
23. Which religion do the Koreans profess and do they try to convert you to this religion? They have, we presume, the same religion as the Chinese. They do not try to convert others.
24. Are there many temples and statues and which function do they have in the ceremonies? In the mountains there are many temples and monasteries situated, in which there are many statues. These are, as we presume, worshiped in the same way as in China.
25. Are there many monks and how do they look like? Monks are there in abundance. They make a living with working and begging. Their dressing is the same as the dressing of the Japanese monks.
26. How are the Koreans dressed? In the Chinese way. They wear hats of horsehair, or of cow hair and sometimes of bamboo. They wear shoes and socks.
27. Does there grow a lot of rice and other grain? In the south of the country grows a lot of rice. But in the dry period the crop fails and a famine starts. In the years 1660, 1661 and 1662 many thousands died of hunger. Furthermore there grows cotton. In the north they also grow barley and millet.
28. Are there many horses and cows? There are very little cows, but very many horses. Since about three years the number of cows decreased strongly, as a result of some contagious cattle decease.
29. Are there any foreign nations which are coming to trade with Korea? The only people that trade in Korea is the Japanese. They have an enclave in the country.
30. Have you ever been in the Japanese enclave? We have never been there, because this was strictly forbidden to us. To the Chinese they sell ginseng roots and other goods.
31. What kind of trade do the Koreans have? In the capital the well-to-do trade with silver , the commoner trades, as in other cities with pieces of linen according the value, rice and other grains.
32. What kind of trade do the Koreans have with China? From the Chinese they obtain the same kind of goods that as we Hollanders deliver also to Japan. Furthermore they get silk from China.
33. Are there any silver mines or other mines in Korea? The Koreans exploit already since many years some silver mines. A fourth part from the proceeds, is to the benefit of the king. As far as we know there aren’t any other mines.
34. Where does the ginseng root come from, what’s its purpose, and where is it exported to? The ginseng root comes from a plant which is growing in the north of Korea. They use it as a medicine. A part of the harvest is being given to the Tartarians, as part of the tribute. Furthermore the root is being exported to China and Japan.
35. Is it known to you if Korea and China are connected with each other? We were told that the two countries are connected by means of a mountain range. In wintertime these mountains are impassable, because of the severe cold and in summertime because of the game who lives there. That’s why they use the sea as a link between the two countries, in summertime by boat and in wintertime on horseback on the ice.
36. How does the appointment of the governors take place in Korea? Stadtholders are being appointed for one year, and normal governors for three years.
37. How long have you lived in the province of Chollado, what did you do for a living and how many of you have passed away there? We have lived for about seven years in the city Pyongyong. We received a monthly ration of 50 ounces of rice. In that time eleven mates died.
38. Why have you been relocated to other cities and what were the names of those cities? Due to the extreme drought in the years 1660, 1661 and 1662 there was a lack of food, so that the governor couldn’t give us our monthly ration. That’s why the king divided us over three places: in SaesOng twelve mates, Sunchon five and Namwon also five.
39. How big is the province of Chollado and where is it situated? In the utmost south of the mainland is the province of Chollado. It contains 52 cities, is densely populated and very fertile.
40. Did the king send you out of the country or did you flee? We fled with eight men, because we knew that the king would never let us go. We rather risked death than live for the rest of our lives in that country.
41. With how many were you at that moment and were the ones who stayed behind acquainted with your departure? We were sixteen in number. We left with eight of us, without informing the others.
42. Why didn’t you inform the others? We didn’t inform them, because they couldn’t come with us. By turns only eight of us had permission to go out.
43. How can the ones who stayed behind, still leave the country? If the emperor of Japan makes a written request for their release, he will not refuse it. After all the emperor sends the Korean shipwrecked persons back to their country.
44. Did you ever make another attempt to flee? We have tried it twice. The first attempt failed because we didn’t know the rigging of a Korean fisherman’s boat, that’s how the mast broke two times. The approaching of the Tartarian envoy wasn’t successful because the king bribed the envoy.
45. Did you ever request the king to let you go and, if yes, why did he refuse that? We have requested it repeatedly, to the king as well as to the crown council, to let us go. It was always refused with the argument that Korea never let foreigners leave, because one doesn’t want Korea to be known to foreign countries.
46. How did you get the barge? We have bought it with our own hard-earned money and money we begged together.
47. Was this the first ship that you have bought? No, it was the third one. The two previous ones appeared to be too small for the crossing to Japan.
48. From which place did you flee? From SaesOng, where five of us lived, and from Sunchon, where the other three lived.
49. How big was the distance to Nagasaki and how long did it take you? We estimate the distance between SaesOng and Nagasaki at about 50 miles. From SaesOng to Goto it took us three days. We stayed there four days and went then in two days to Nagasaki. So in total the journey took nine days.
50. Why did you go to Goto, and why did you want to flee when they wanted to stop you? We have been hiding there for the storm, and when it laid down, we decide to continue our journey.
51. How have you been treated in Goto, and furthermore was something charged you there? Two of our mates were taken away for interrogation. For the rest we have been treated well, without that something has been charged for that.
52. Has somebody of you ever been in Japan, and, if no, how come you knew the way? Nobody has ever been in Japan. A few Koreans, who have been in Nagasaki, told us how we had to sail. Furthermore we remembered what the coxswain had told us.
53. What are the names, the functions and the ages of the eight mates who stayed behind in Korea? 1. Johannis Lampen, assistant, 36 years old;
2. Hendrick Cornelisse, sub officer in charge of the rigging; *
3. Jan Claeszen, cook, 49 years old:
living in the city of Namwon;
4. Jacob Janse, quartermaster, 47 years old;
5. Anthonij Ulderic, gunman, 32 years old;
6. Claes Arentszen, cabin boy, 27 years old;
living in SaesOng.
7. Sander Basket , gunman, 41 years old;
8. Jan Janse Pelt, junior boatswain, 35 years old.
54. What are the names, the functions and the ages of the eight mates who made it to Nagasaki? 1. Hendrick Hamel, bookkeeper, 36 years old; *
2. Govert Denijszen, quartermaster, 36 years old;
3. Mattheus Ibocken, petty barber, 32 years old;
4. Jan Pieterszen, gunman, 36 years old;
5. Gerrit Janszen, idem, 32 years old;
6. Cornelis Dirckse, sailor, 31 years old;
7. Benedictus Clercq, cabin boy, 27 years old;
8. Denijs Govertszen, idem 25 years old.
  Thus answered truthfully by us, at September 14, 1666

An official report of the chief, dated October 18, 1666, when Mr. Volger had already embarked and was already on board of the Espérance, he wrote to the governor general that the adventures of the person from the shipwreck of the Sperwer had to be written down. It may be assumed that Hamel had the assignment to write this report before his departure. Whether Hamel, while writing the Journael, had notes at his disposal, is unsure. He mentions so many places and so many dates that one is tempted to assume that he kept a diary in Korea. On the other hand he never mentions exact dates, which he would have done if he would have written the Journael by means of a diary. So if he had notes at his disposal, these must have been very brief.

He must have relied on his memory and that of his mates, while writing the Journael. When on October 22 of the next year finally the permission to leave arrives, Hamel will have finished the Journael for a long time. On the same day Hendrick Hamel and his mates embark on the Spreeuw, which was ready to sail out. The journey back to Batavia didn’t go via Formosa, because this island was lost in 1662. In that year fort Zeelandia was conquered by a descendant of the Ming dynasty. The Spreeuw chooses the deep blue sea on October 23 and arrives on November 28 at Batavia. Here was, according to the daily reports of Joan Maetsuyker, the Journael handed over to the last-mentioned.
The mates of Hendrick Hamel traveled through to their fatherland, with the same ship with which they arrived at Batavia. They arrived there on July 20, 1668. Hamel himself however stayed behind in the Indies.

It was told that he was a bachelor and because of that was less homesick for Holland. The manuscript which is in the archives of the State in the Hague is considered to be an original document as written by Hamel, on the basis of a careful text analysis. It was sent to Holland by the governor general, after a handwritten copy was made for the archives in Batavia. This copy however is lost.

Striking is that Hamel, at the end of the Journael did write down the date on which he and his mates did leave for Batavia, but that the date on which the Spreeuw arrived at Batavia isn’t filled in. It is assumed that Hamel in 1669 returned back to Holland, at the same time with the second group of rescued persons who survived the shipwrecking. When that exactly happened and with which ship is not to be retrieved anymore. In August 1670 he appeared with two members of the second group, in front of the Heeren XVII, to ask for the payment of their wages over the period of their imprisonment in Korea.

The same request was already done by the first group. The Heeren XVII had already turned away this request. And also in 1670 they rejected the request. Servants of the VOC only had the right to wages for the time during which they were on board of one of the ships of the VOC or if they were in one of the factories.

This was a hard and strict rule, from which the Heeren XVII, under no condition, wanted to deviate. Out of humanitarian considerations, they decided however to give to all the surviving members of the Sperwer an amount of money. This amount will be in no proportion to the amount of the total of their wages during their thirteen years long stay in Korea. It was clear that the VOC was a trade company and not a charitable institution.

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Kami tidak merasa seperti melakukan pekerjaan perbudakan selama sisa hidup kita. Itulah mengapa kami memutuskan untuk menyelinap secepat mungkin. Kami memiliki uang untuk membeli perahu, tapi tak seorang pun bersedia untuk menjual kita satu. Lalu kami membujuk tetangga kami, yang adalah seorang pengunjung tetap di rumah kami, untuk bekerja sebagai boneka bagi kita. Curiga ia bertanya apa yang kita dimaksudkan untuk melakukan dengan perahu itu.
Kami katakan kepadanya bahwa kami ingin berlayar ke salah satu pulau untuk membeli wol. Setelah kita berjanji bahwa kita akan berbagi keuntungan, yang kita akan membuat dengan penjualan wol, ia setuju dan membeli pada hari berikutnya perahu dari nelayan setempat. Hampir hal yang salah, karena keesokan harinya nelayan ini melihat bahwa kami temali perahu. Dia ingin membatalkan penjualan, karena ia mengerti bahwa kami ingin melarikan diri dengan perahu. Jika Gubernur akan mengetahui bahwa kami melarikan diri dengan perahu, maka ia akan tanpa ragu akan dibunuh.
Mungkin dia benar. Itulah mengapa kita menasihatinya, segera setelah kami pergi, pergi ke gubernur dan katakan kepadanya Belanda telah mencuri kapalnya. Pria itu mulai ragu dan ketika kami memberinya semua uang Korea kami, dia menyerah. Kami terkesan kepadanya bahwa ia tidak harus pergi ke gubernur terlalu cepat, karena dalam hal ini kita mungkin akan disusul oleh perang-jung. Jika itu akan terjadi, kami akan mengangkat nelayan sebagai salah satu aksesori kami.

Kami ingin meninggalkan pada kuartal pertama bulan, karena itu, sebagian besar waktu, cuaca menguntungkan. Karena kita berada di bulan kabisat (Februari). Kebetulan adalah bahwa dua dari pasangan kita dari Sunchon kota, datang mengunjungi kami, seperti yang kita lakukan saling berkunjung lebih sering. Kami mengatakan kepada mereka tentang rencana kami dan mereka memutuskan untuk bergabung dengan kami. Mereka bintara tukang cukur dan Cornelis Mattheus Eibocken Dirckse. Selain dari kedua kita juga ingin membawa Jan Pieterszen tertentu, karena ia tahu tentang navigasi.
Salah satu pasangan kita pergi buru-buru ke Sunchon untuk menjemputnya. Sayangnya tampaknya ia dikunjungi oleh pasangan yang kebetulan di Namwon, yang adalah 15 mil lebih lanjut. Ini berarti dengan berjalan kaki kaku ekstra. Setelah dua hari keduanya kembali pada SaesOng. Pasangan yang disebut pertama telah berjalan pada mereka empat hari, selama sekitar lima puluh mil.

Kami memutuskan untuk mempertimbangkan jangkar hari berikutnya, tanggal 4 September, dengan set bulan, dan sebelum surut. Sementara itu tetangga kami menjadi lebih dan lebih curiga. Kami masih harus membawa segala macam hal kapal dan, dalam rangka untuk melakukannya, kami harus memanjat tembok kota sepanjang waktu. Hal seperti itu secara alami tidak bisa dilakukan tanpa disadari. Itulah mengapa kami mengatakan kepada tetangga kita, bahwa kita ingin membuat pesta pantai. Kami melakukan seolah-olah kita sangat gay dan menyalakan api besar di pantai.
Tentu banyak orang datang untuk menonton, tapi untungnya satu demi kiri lainnya, karena kemudian dan kemudian menjadi. Nelayan ini bangun pagi-pagi dan itulah mengapa mereka tidur lebih awal. Ketika semua orang pergi, kita membiarkan api padam dan menunggu sampai bulan benar-benar menghilang di balik cakrawala.

Pertama kita berlayar ke pulau hak di depan pantai, karena kami ingin mengambil di beberapa air tawar. Tepat di samping pulau kami berlayar ke laut terbuka. Kiri di depan kita, kita melihat kota itu terselubung dalam kegelapan, dengan, di depannya, di dermaga, beberapa perang-jung. Ketika kami melewati pulau itu, kami mendapat angin penuh di layar kami, yang kami telah berkibar di Sementara itu, dan berlayar dengan cepat ke laut terbuka.
Dengan menggunakan bintang-bintang kami mencoba untuk berlayar lurus-lurus saja di selatan-tenggara arah.. Ketika menjadi cahaya, kita melihat sebuah kapal di sebelah kanan kita. Awaknya telah melihat kami sementara juga. Mereka memuji kami, namun kami tidak bereaksi untuk itu dan membiarkan kapal lurus di angin, untuk membuat kecepatan sebanyak mungkin. Ketika kami cukup jauh dari mereka, kita merebut kembali jalan yang benar, sementara kita sekarang digunakan matahari terbit sebagai mercusuar.
Jadi kita berlayar pada semua hari itu. Cuaca bagus dan ada angin tegas. Kami sepakat bahwa kami akan tidur bergantian, tapi itu pergi ke sia-sia: semua orang tetap terjaga. Jadi kami pergi ke malam kedua. Langit jernih praktis, dan itu tidak benar-benar sulit untuk berlayar dengan menggunakan bintang-bintang kursus lurus. Kami telah memasak pot, kayu api, beras dan garam kapal, jadi kami tidak harus kelaparan.

Keesokan harinya pada tanggal 5 September, dengan matahari terbit, angin lenyap sepenuhnya. Itulah mengapa kami menurunkan layar, tidak terlihat begitu mudah dari jarak yang besar dan menempatkan diri pada dayung, untuk menjaga kecepatan dari kapal ke atas. Menjelang sore angin tumbuh sedikit dari barat. Kami mengangkat berlayar lagi dan mengatur saja, memperhatikan matahari, arah Tenggara. Menjelang malam angin meningkat, dari arah yang sama. Kami melihat titik terakhir dari Korea Selatan miring di belakang kami. Kemudian kami tidak takut lagi akan tersusul dan menghela napas lega.
Pada pagi hari tanggal 6 September, kami melihat, tidak jauh dari kami, salah satu pulau Jepang pertama. Malam itu kami, karena kami mendengar kemudian dari Jepang, dari Hirado.
Karena tidak satupun dari kita yang pernah di Jepang, kami tidak tahu pantai. Dari Korea kami diberitahu bahwa, untuk mendapatkan ke Nagasaki, kita tidak harus membiarkan setiap pulau di kanan Itu sebabnya kami mencoba mengelilingi pulau, yang sepertinya awalnya sangat kecil, dan menemukan diri kita bahwa malam barat negara itu.

Pada tanggal 7, kami berlayar dengan angin lemah dan berubah, di samping pulau-pulau. Kami menemukan bahwa ada seluruh baris dari mereka, satu pulau setelah lainnya. Menjelang malam kami menurunkan layar dan mendayung ke pantai untuk jangkar selama malam di teluk. Karena ada banyak angin memutar kami pikir berisiko untuk terus berlayar pada malam hari. Ketika kita ingin masuk teluk, kami melihat begitu banyak lampu-lampu kapal, yang kami pikir lebih bijaksana untuk berbalik. Kami mengangkat berlayar dan berlayar di sepanjang malam, dengan angin dari belakang. Ketika menyala lagi, kita melihat bahwa kita masih di tempat yang sama seperti malam sebelumnya. Kami menduga kita melayang kembali oleh sungai. Kami mengarahkan kapal kami dari pantai untuk mendapatkan yang lebih baik di atas pulau.
Pada sekitar dua mil dari pantai, kami memiliki angin kuat datang dari depan. Hal itu biaya kita banyak upaya lebih untuk memandu kapal rapuh kecil kami ke teluk, untuk mencari perlindungan di situ. Kami menurunkan layar, membuang jangkar dan mulai menyiapkan makanan. Kami tahu pada saat itu benar-benar tidak di mana kami berada. Terkadang sebuah kapal nelayan Jepang beberapa yang lewat, tanpa memperhatikan kami.
Pada saat angin malam mulai turun, dan kami hanya akan melanjutkan perjalanan kita, ketika sebuah kapal dengan enam orang di atas kapal, berlayar ke teluk. Ketika kita melihat ini, kita buru-buru mengangkat jangkar dan mengangkat berlayar untuk pergi cepat. Kami akan berhasil jika kita tidak memiliki kepala angin. Selain kapal lagi memasuki teluk.

Itulah mengapa kami menurunkan layar dan mengangkat bendera kecil dengan warna resimen dari Prince of Orange (jeruk, putih biru bendera) yang telah kami dibuat khusus untuk tujuan itu. Ketika Jepang-karena kita mengerti bahwa itu apa yang mereka – berada dalam jarak berteriak, kita berteriak serempak: “. Hollando, Nagasaki” Kapal, yang masuk sebagai yang pertama ke teluk, mendekati kami. Salah satu Jepang menginjak kapal kami dan menunjuk ke orang yang berada di pucuk pimpinan kami di saat itu untuk bergabung dengannya di atas kapal kapal Jepang. Oleh mereka membawa kami di belakangnya dan berlayar di sekitar tanjung kecil.

Di sisi lain sebuah desa nelayan kecil. Di sini mereka dicurangi kapal kami dengan jangkar besar dan tali tebal. Selain orang yang sedang duduk di helm, mereka membawa beberapa orang lain dari kelompok kami ke pantai. Suatu usaha sedang dilakukan untuk menginterogasi mereka. Tapi tanpa hasil banyak, karena kedua belah pihak tidak saling memahami. Pengemudi kami terus berteriak: “Hollanda, Nagasaki.”
Kata terakhir namun mereka tampaknya mengerti, karena lebih dan lebih Jepang menunjuk dalam arah tertentu dan mengangguk kepada kami. Kami datang, by the way, telah menyebabkan banyak kekhawatiran. Semuanya dilemparkan ke dalam kebingungan. Seluruh desa telah keluar untuk melihat kami.
Menjelang malam sebuah kapal layar besar datang sculling ke teluk, dengan layar diturunkan. Kami dibawa kapal, seorang pria duduk di sana, yang tampak agak mengesankan.
Kemudian, ketika kami berada di Nagasaki, kami diberitahu bahwa dia adalah seorang pejabat tinggi, yang ketiga dalam peringkat di pulau itu. Dia adalah seorang pria ramah. Dia tersenyum pada kami. Dia menunjuk kepada kami dan kemudian berkata bahwa kami Belanda. Kami mengangguk keras. Kemudian dia mengatakan kami akan dibawa ke Nagasaki dalam empat atau lima hari. Bahwa lima Hollander kapal-kapal berlabuh di sana.

Kami pada gilirannya kita, mencoba untuk membuatnya jelas bahwa kita datang dari Korea. Bahwa kami tiga belas tahun terdampar lalu dan sejak itu tinggal di Korea. Dan bahwa kita sekarang mencoba untuk pergi ke Nagasaki untuk bergabung negara kita.
Kami sangat lega bahwa resepsi sangat ramah. Korea telah menipu kami dengan mengatakan kepada kita bahwa setiap orang asing yang menapakkan kaki di tanah Jepang, segera dipukuli sampai mati. Dari yang satu ini dapat melihat berapa banyak omong kosong beberapa negara mengatakan tentang satu sama lain.

September 9, 10 dan 11 kita tetap berlabuh. Siapa yang ingin meregangkan kakinya, diizinkan untuk pergi ke darat, tetapi dijaga ketat. Kami menerima dari additionals Jepang, air, kayu bakar dan apa yang kita membutuhkan lebih. Karena hujan mulai turun, kami menerima tikar jerami dari mereka, dengan mana kita bisa membuat tenda kecil, sehingga kami bisa duduk kering.
Pada tanggal 12 September, semuanya dibuat siap untuk perjalanan ke Nagasaki. Pada sore hari kita mengangkat jangkar dan kami tiba pada saat malam hari di sisi lain pulau, di mana kami menurunkan jangkar kami untuk menghabiskan malam.
Pada tanggal tiga belas, saat matahari terbit, para pejabat tinggi disebutkan sebelumnya naik kapal berlayar besar. Dia punya beberapa surat dan barang dengan dia, yang dimaksudkan untuk pengadilan kaisar. Kemudian kita mengangkat jangkar kita. Kami ditemani oleh dua kapal besar dan dua berlayar kecil. Dua pasangan yang pertama kali untuk dibawa ke darat, berada di kapal dari salah satu kapal yang lebih besar. Kami melihat mereka tidak lebih awal kembali kemudian di Nagasaki.

Menjelang malam kami tiba di teluk Nagasaki dan pada tengah malam kami tiba di dermaga tersebut. Karena itu malam yang cerah, kami melihat jelas lima kapal Belanda dari mana mereka telah memberitahu kami.
 

Ini adalah saat yang menyentuh. Kebanyakan dari kita meneteskan air mata. Kami berpelukan satu sama lain dan berteriak serak dari tenggorokan kami joy.In pagi hari keempat belas, kami menginjakkan kaki di pantai di Nagasaki, di mana kami disambut oleh interpreter dari VOC, yang meminta kami seratus dan pertanyaan sia-sia tentang petualangan kami. Setelah kami menceritakan kisah kami, ia mengagumi cara, bahwa kita lolos sedemikian kapal kecil dan membuat perjalanan berbahaya dari, kami perairan tidak diketahui, untuk bergabung dengan kami dengan negara kita. Kedua kalimat yang tidak disebutkan dalam dokumen asli. Hamel menghindari segala bentuk emosionalitas. Tapi di tempat ini di Journael, ia tidak menyebutkan suatu fakta yang relevan. Karena dalam terjemahan Journael tahun 1954 dari Yi Pyong Jangan, sumber kontemporer Jepang dikutip, dari mana ia muncul bahwa sorak-sorai sukacita Hamel dan teman-temannya, di kapal Jepang mengawal, jelas terdengar (Untuk peta rute yang diambil selama melarikan diri Hamel, klik di sini)
 
 

Lalu kami pergi ke jembatan, ke pulau Deshima, Di sini kita disambut oleh kepala, pamanku, Willem Volger, Mr Nicolaas de Reij, penggantian, dan oleh sejumlah karyawan Perusahaan. Kami menerima sambutan hangat dan kemudian diberikan dengan pakaian Belanda.
Kami hampir tak percaya bahwa ini adalah akhir dari petualangan berbahaya yang berlangsung tiga belas tahun persis dan 28 hari. Kami bersyukur kepada Tuhan yang besar bahwa Dia telah mendengarkan doa-doa kita dan dihargai upaya kita dengan seperti akhir yang baik.
Kami berbicara tentang pengharapan kita bahwa delapan pasangan yang tetap di Korea, juga akan dibebaskan dari penjara mereka, dan bahwa mereka pernah bisa kembali ke negara mereka dan orang-orang juga. Bahwa Tuhan Mahakuasa dapat membantu mereka dengan itu.

Kehidupan lebih lanjut dari Hamel adalah sebagai kecil yang dikenal sebagai hidupnya sebelum petualangan Korea. Dalam dokumen tulisan tangan, yang disimpan di Gorkum, sekitar 1734 tertulis bahwa Hamel menetap dirinya di Gorkum pada tahun 1670. Beberapa tahun kemudian, tidak diketahui kapan tepatnya, ia pergi lagi ke Hindia. Tentang tinggal di sana, orang tidak dapat menemukan data apapun. Tapi pada tahun 1690, atau sedikit lebih awal, dia kembali ke Gorkum. Di sini ia meninggal, “vrijer zijnde” (masih bujangan), pada 12 Februari 1692. Dia kemudian 62 tahun.

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Investigasi lebih lanjut menunjukkan:

Sementara itu ada di memori Hamel landmark berikut ditemukan:

Gorkum: Hendrik Hamel Straat.
Di distrik Linge sejak 7 Juli 1930.
Gorkum: patung telah didirikan serta di Kangjin (Korea) di mana Hamel dan teman-temannya tinggal.
Sebagai sebuah penghormatan kepada Hendrick Hamel yang lahir di Kortedijk samping tempat nomor 65.
Heusden: Hamel Taman
Di Heusden ada beberapa walikota yang dipanggil Hamel pada sekitar 1500, mereka adalah nenek moyang Hendrick.
Den Haag: Hendrik Hamel Straat (= Jalan)
Hendrik Hamel plantsoen. (= Park)
1 Barat pakar tentang Korea 1630-1692.

Nama Hendrick dan Hendrik digunakan dalam cara yang sama, Hendrick menjadi ejaan abad ke-17, Hendrik yang modern, untuk itu Journael asli menggunakan Hendrick

original info

The escape

We didn’t feel like doing slavery work for the rest of our lives. That’s why we decided to sneak off as soon as possible. We had the money to buy a boat, but nobody was willing to sell us one. Then we persuaded a neighbor of ours, who was a regular visitor at our home, to work as a puppet for us. Suspiciously he asked what we intended to do with that boat.
We told him we wanted to sail to one of the islands to buy wool. After we promised that we would share the profit, which we would make with the sale of the wool, he agreed and bought the next day a boat from a local fisherman. Almost things went wrong, because the next day this fisherman saw that we were rigging the boat. He wanted to cancel the sale, because he understood we wanted to escape with the boat. If the governor would find out that we escaped with his boat, then he would without doubt be killed.
Probably he was right. That’s why we advised him, immediately after we had left, to go to the governor and tell him the Hollanders had stolen his boat. The man started to doubt and when we gave him all the Korean money we had, he yielded. We impressed upon him that he should not go to the governor too fast, because in that case we would possibly be overtaken by the war-junks. If that would happen, we would appoint the fisherman as one of our accessories.

We wanted to leave at the first quarter of the moon, because then, most of the time, the weather is favorable. Since we were in a leap month (February). Coincidence was that two of our mates of the city Sunchon, came to visit us, as we did visit each other more often. We told them about our plan and they decided to join us. They were noncommissioned barber Mattheus Eibocken and Cornelis Dirckse. Apart from those two we also wanted to bring a certain Jan Pieterszen, because he knew about navigating.
One of our mates went hastily to Sunchon to fetch him. Unfortunately it seemed he visited by coincidence the mates in Namwon, which is 15 miles further. This meant an extra stiff walk. After two days both of them returned in SaesOng. The first-mentioned mate had walked in those four days, for about a fifty miles.

We decided to weigh the anchors the following day, September 4, with the moon set, and before the low tide. In the meantime our neighbors became more and more suspicious. We still had to bring all kinds of things aboard and, in order to do so, we had to climb over the city wall all the time. Such a thing naturally couldn’t be done unnoticed. That’s why we told our neighbors that we wanted to make a beach party. We did as if we were very gay and lighted a big fire at the beach.
Naturally a lot of people came to watch, but luckily one after the other left, as it became later and later. These fishermen get up early and that’s why they sleep early. When everybody was gone, we let the fire go out and waited until the moon completely disappeared behind the horizon.

First we sailed to an island right in front of the coast, because we wanted to take in some fresh water. Right alongside the island we sailed to the open sea. Left in front of us, we saw the city shrouded in darkness, with, in front of it, in the roadstead, some war-junks. When we passed the island, we got the full wind in our sails, which we had hoisted in the meantime, and sailed quickly to the open sea.
.By means of the stars we tried to sail a straight course in south-southeastern direction. When it became light, we saw a ship at the right of us. Its crew had noticed us in the meantime as well. They hailed us, but we didn’t react to it and let the ship straight in the wind, to make as much speed as possible. When we were far enough from them, we retook the right course, while we now used the rising sun as a beacon.
So we sailed on all of that day. The weather was good and there was a firm breeze. We had agreed that we would sleep in turns, but that went to no avail: everybody stayed wide awake. So we went into the second night. The sky was practically unclouded, and it was not really difficult to sail by means of the stars a straight course. We had cooking pots, fire wood, rice and salt aboard, so we didn’t have to starve.

The next day on September 5, with sun rise, the wind vanished completely. That’s why we lowered the sail, as not to be visible so easily from a great distance and put ourselves on the oars, to keep the speed from the ship up. Toward the afternoon the wind grew a little from the west. We hoisted sail again and set course, paying attention to the sun, in Southeastern direction. Toward the night the wind increased, from the same direction. We saw the last South point of Korea obliquely behind us. Then we were not afraid anymore to be overtaken and heaved a sigh of relief.
In the morning of September 6, we saw, not far from us, one of the first Japanese islands. That evening we were, as we heard later from the Japanese, off Hirado.
Because none of us had ever been in Japan, we didn’t know the coast. From the Koreans we were told that, in order to get to Nagasaki, we shouldn’t let any islands on starboard That’s why we tried to surround the island, which seemed initially very small, and found ourselves that night west of the country.

On September 7, we sailed with a weak and changing wind, alongside the islands. We discovered that there was a whole row of them, one island after the other. Toward the evening we lowered the sail and rowed to the coast to anchor during the night in a bay. Because there were a lot of turning winds we thought it risky to continue sailing during the night. When we wanted to enter the bay, we saw so many lights of ships, that we thought it wiser to turn around. We hoisted the sail and sailed on all night, with the wind from behind. When it lighted up again, we saw that we were still in the same place as the night before. We suspected we drifted back by the stream. We steered our ship from the shore to get better above the islands.
At about two miles from the coast, we had a strong wind coming from the front. It did cost us a lot of efforts more to guide our brittle little ship into a bay, to seek some shelter there. We lowered the sail, threw out the anchor and started to prepare a meal. We knew at that moment absolutely not where we were. Sometimes a few Japanese fishermen’s boats passed by, without paying attention to us.
By evening time the wind began to drop, and we were just about to continue our journey, when a ship with six men aboard, sailed into the bay. When we saw this, we hastily raised the anchor and hoisted the sail in order to get away fast. We would have been successful if we didn’t have head wind. Besides more ships entered the bay.

That’s why we lowered the sail and hoisted a small flag with the regimental colors of the Prince of Orange (an orange, white blue flag) which we had made especially for that purpose. When the Japanese -because we understood that’s what they were – were within shouting distance, we shouted in unison: “Hollando, Nagasaki.” The ship, which entered as the first into the bay, came toward us. One of the Japanese stepped on our ship and gestured to the one who was at our helm at that moment to join him aboard the Japanese ship. Accordingly they took us in tow and sailed around a small cape.

On the other side was a small fishermen’s village. Here they rigged our ship with a big anchor and a thick rope. Apart from the one who was sitting at the helm, they took some others from our group to the shore. An attempt was being done to interrogate them. But without much result, because both parties didn’t understand each other. Our coxswain continued to shout:”Hollanda, Nagasaki.”
The last word however they seemed to understand, because more and more Japanese pointed in a certain direction and nodded to us. Our coming, by the way, had caused a lot of consternation. Everything was thrown into confusion. The whole village had come out to take a look at us.
Toward the evening a big sailing ship came sculling into the bay, with lowered sails. We were taken aboard, a man was sitting there, who looked rather impressive.
Later when we were in Nagasaki, we were told that he was a high official, the third in rank on the island. He was a friendly man. He smiled at us. He pointed to us and then said that we were Hollanders. We nodded fiercely. Then he told us we would be taken to Nagasaki in four or five days. That five Hollander ships were anchored there.

We in our turn, tried to make him clear that we came from Korea. That we were shipwrecked thirteen years ago and since then stayed in Korea. And that we tried now to go to Nagasaki to join our countrymen.
We were very relieved that the reception was so friendly. The Koreans had fooled us with telling us that every foreigner who sets foot on Japanese soil, immediately was beaten to death. From this one can see how many nonsense several nations told about each other.

September 9, 10 and 11 we remained anchored. Who wanted to stretch his legs, was allowed to go ashore, but was strictly guarded. We received from the Japanese additionals, water, firewood and what we needed more. Because it started to rain, we received straw mats from them, with which we could make a little tent, so we could sit dry.
On September 12, everything was made ready for the trip to Nagasaki. In the afternoon we lifted the anchor and we arrived by evening time on the other side of the island, where we dropped our anchor to spend the night.
On the thirteenth, at sunrise, the earlier mentioned high official boarded the big sailing ship. He had some letters and goods with him, which were meant for the court of the emperor. Then we lifted our anchor. We were accompanied by two big and two small sailing ships. The two mates who were the first to be brought ashore, were on board of one of the bigger ships. We saw them no earlier back then in Nagasaki.

Toward the night we reached the bay of Nagasaki and at midnight we arrived in the roadstead. Because it was a clear night, we saw clearly the five Dutch ships from which they had told us.
 

This was a touching moment. Most of us had tears in the eyes. We embraced each other and shouted our throats hoarse from joy.In the morning of the fourteenth, we set foot ashore in Nagasaki, where we were welcomed by the interpreter of the VOC, who asked us a hundred and naught questions about our adventures. After we had told him our story, he admired the way, that we escaped in such a small ship and made a dangerous journey over, to us unknown waters, to join us with our countrymen.

These two sentences are not mentioned in the original document. Hamel avoided any form of emotionality. But in this place in the Journael, he does mention a relevant fact. Because in the translation of the Journael of 1954 from Yi Pyong Do, a Japanese contemporary source is cited, from which it appeared that the cheers of joy of Hamel and his mates, on the escorting Japanese boats, were clearly audible (For a map of the route taken during Hamel’s escape, click here)

Then we went over the bridge, to the island of Deshima, Here we were welcomed by the chief, his lordship, Willem Volger, Mr. Nicolaas de Reij, his replacement, and by a number of employees of the Company. We received a warm welcome and were then provided with Dutch clothes.
We hardly could believe that this was the end of a dangerous adventure which lasted exactly thirteen year and 28 days. We were grateful to the great Lord that He had listened to our prayers and rewarded our efforts with such a good ending.
We spoke of our hope that the eight mates who remained in Korea, also would be liberated from their prison, and that they once could return to their country and people as well. That the Almighty Lord may help them with that.

Of the further life of Hamel is as little known as of his life before the Korean adventure. In a handwritten document, which is kept in Gorkum, of around 1734 is written that Hamel settled himself in Gorkum in 1670. Some years later, it is not known when exactly, he left again to the Indies. About his stay there, one can’t find any data. But in 1690, or a little bit earlier, he’s back in Gorkum. Here he dies, “vrijer zijnde” (still being a bachelor), on February 12, 1692. He is then 62 years old.


Additional investigation shows:

In the meantime there are in memory of Hamel the following landmarks found:

Gorkum : Hendrik Hamel straat.
In the Linge district since July 7, 1930.
Gorkum: a statue has been erected as well as in Kangjin (Korea) where Hamel and his mates lived.
As an homage to Hendrick Hamel who was born in the Kortedijk next to the premises of number 65.
Heusden: Hamel Park
In Heusden there have been several mayors who were called Hamel at around 1500; they were the ancestors of Hendrick.
The Hague: Hendrik Hamel straat (=Street)
Hendrik Hamel plantsoen. (=Park)
1st Western expert on Korea 1630-1692.

The name Hendrick and Hendrik are used in the same way, Hendrick being the 17th century spelling, Hendrik the modern one, therefor the original Journael uses Hendrick

Pada 23 Oktober 1666 Mr Volger kiri dengan tujuh kapal dari teluk Nagasaki. Kami sangat sedih ketika kita melihat kapal-kapal pergi. Karena kita berharap untuk pergi bersama dengan kepala ke Batavia. Ini adalah kami namun tidak diberikan oleh gubernur Nagasaki. Jadi kami dipaksa untuk tinggal satu tahun lagi di Deshima.

Pada tanggal 25 Oktober, kami dibawa oleh interpreter dari pulau dan dibawa ke gubernur. Berikut sejumlah pertanyaan yang ditanya kita menjawab dengan pengetahuan terbaik kami.
Pada tanggal 22 Oktober 1667, siang putaran kita mendapat izin dari gubernur baru untuk pergi. Dan jadi kita mengangkat jangkar di subuh dan meninggalkan teluk Nagasaki.
Pada … kami tiba di pelabuhan Batavia, berterima kasih kepada Tuhan yang baik bahwa Dia melepaskan kita setelah pengembaraan ini menyedihkan lebih dari empat belas tahun melepaskan kita dari tangan orang kafir. (Sejak Hamel menulis jurnal tentang Deshima, ia menulis pada hari terakhir 23 Oktober sebagai hari keberangkatan Pada yang hari ia akan tiba, dia tidak tahu.. Mengapa ia tidak mengisi tanggal ini kemudian tidak jelas. Namun demikian di tempat ini manuskrip menunjukkan kesenjangan Tanggal yang seharusnya ditulis di sini adalah 28 November 1667).
 
 

Dari apa yang disebutkan di atas, tampak bahwa “pengembaraan menyedihkan” dari Hendrick Hamel dan perusahaan tidak berakhir pada bulan Oktober 1666. Mereka diwajibkan untuk tinggal tepat satu tahun lagi di Deshima. Itu tidak bisa menjadi seperti tinggal yang menyenangkan. Deshima adalah pulau buatan yang sangat kecil di teluk Nagasaki. Hal itu dihubungkan dengan jembatan ke daratan. Orang Belanda hanya diperbolehkan untuk melewati jembatan ini dengan izin dari Jepang. Dan izin ini jarang diberikan. Hanya ketika Jepang ingin menanyakan sesuatu Belanda atau ingin mengatakan sesuatu, sebuah delegasi kecil diizinkan masuk jembatan. Deshima persis satu hektar besar. Ini adalah sepotong, panjang tanah kecil, di mana ada satu jalan, dengan rumah-rumah di kedua sisi. Ini dibangun oleh Jepang pada 1635-1636, terutama dengan tujuan untuk mengakomodasi orang asing – barbar-dengan siapa Jepang ingin perdagangan. (Klik di sini untuk peta rinci Deshima)

Pulau ini awalnya dimaksudkan untuk Portugis. Namun ini, diusir pada tahun 1638, karena mereka telah mencoba untuk mengubah orang Jepang menjadi Kristen. Beberapa tahun kemudian ditugaskan ke Belanda karena mereka dinyatakan tidak menjadi orang Kristen, atau setidaknya tidak untuk memelihara niat untuk melakukan kegiatan misionaris.

Sampai 1641 orang Belanda memiliki sebuah pabrik di Hirado. Ini adalah sebuah pulau yang jauh lebih besar yang Utara Nagasaki. Dalam arsip VOC, ini disebut mengajukan. Istilah ini digunakan lebih sering dan tampaknya berarti sesuatu seperti enclave. Orang Belanda berada di pulau ini selama 38 tahun, dari 1603 sampai 1641. Mereka memiliki kebebasan lebih banyak untuk bergerak di sana.

Tapi di 1641 orang Belanda harus pindah ke Deshima. Penghapusan berlangsung dari 12 sampai 24 Juni dan pada 25 Juni 1641 Le Maire kepala Hirado datang untuk sekali dan untuk semua ke Nagasaki. Pulau itu benar-benar penuh sesak. Ada kantor, gudang dan selanjutnya rumah untuk beberapa hamba VOC, yang tinggal untuk jangka waktu lebih lama di pulau itu. Orang yang memimpin adalah kepala, yang dibantu oleh orang kedua dan seorang asisten. Kepala tinggal di akomodasi yang agak luas, yang dihias. Sisanya para pelayan tinggal di rumah-rumah kecil, yang lebih mirip barak.

Ada beberapa guest house juga, ditakdirkan untuk para perwira kapal-kapal Perseroan yang tertambat di pelabuhan. Dalam salah satu rumah Hamel dan teman-temannya diakomodasi. Mungkin mereka tidak memiliki banyak ruang dan privasi kecil dan bahwa itu adalah tempat yang membosankan untuk tinggal muncul dari berikut:. “… Datang kapal-kapal yang disebutkan sebelumnya di sini untuk Schisima atau tempat tinggal Compagnie untuk menjatuhkan jangkar” (Harian Reg Jepang Agustus 14, 1646).

Orang Belanda tidak diperbolehkan untuk mempraktikkan agama Kristen di Deshima. Jadi tidak ada gereja dan menteri tidak ada. Mereka bahkan tidak diizinkan untuk mengubur almarhum mereka. Hampir tidak ada ruang untuk itu juga. Meninggal harus dilemparkan di atas papan, lima mil dari pantai. Dari setiap kapal yang tertambat di dermaga tersebut, layar dan kemudi itu harus diserahkan kepada Jepang. Hal ini untuk mencegah bahwa mereka akan pergi tanpa izin. Para Alkitab dan senjata harus diserahkan juga. Potongan-potongan artileri di kapal terkunci.

Penyediaan sebagian dipasok oleh kapal-kapal Perseroan dan sebagian membeli dari Jepang, antara lain ayam, ikan, sayuran segar dan buah-buahan. Pada Deshima mereka kemungkinan besar tidak terganggu oleh penyakit kudis. Mereka terganggu namun dengan penyakit kelamin. Kepala menyatakan dalam salah satu dokumen resminya ke Batavia, bahwa hamba Perusahaan mendapat penyakit ini dari pelacur Jepang, yang melintasi jembatan secara teratur. Dalam laporan harian dari kepala, tanggal 19 Agustus 1641, tertulis: “De Japanders verordonneerden dat geene Belanda Sonder vragen van’t Eiland vermochten te gaan Dat wel hoeren, maar geene vrouwen Andere, t Japanse Papen noch bedelaers op ‘. Eiland mochten comen “(Orang-orang Jepang memerintahkan bahwa tidak ada pelatih asal Belanda diizinkan untuk meninggalkan pulau tanpa izin Pelacur diizinkan,. tetapi, tidak ada perempuan lain pendeta Jepang maupun pengemis).

Cerita-cerita, yang ini, seperti dari udara turun setanah bisa batuk, adalah pra-elementally cocok untuk menarik imajinasi seseorang dan adalah sukacita untuk mendengar. Mereka tahu setelah semua mengatakan sesuatu tentang negara timur di mana, sejauh yang tahu, tidak ada Eropa lainnya telah. Namun orang yang terdampar bisa menceritakan tentang tiga belas tahun mereka pengalaman, di mana mereka memiliki kebebasan hampir selesai, kisah kehidupan yang mereka dan teman mereka telah hidup. Dimulai dengan kapal karam dan kehidupan yang mereka jalani di pulau itu dan setelah itu tentang kehidupan mereka di daratan Korea. Kisah-kisah ini akan telah diikuti dengan ketegangan. Kisah pengalaman, penerbangan petualang mereka dan terutama pertemuan mereka dengan rekan senegaranya, yang terdampar seperempat abad sebelum mereka di Korea, akan membuat kesan yang mendalam.

Dalam kehidupan sehari-hari resmi, Jepang sendiri berperilaku benar tetapi dengan udara yang angkuh. Dari sumber-sumber Jepang diketahui bahwa mereka menganggap Belanda sebagai barbar judas, yang berbau tidak menyenangkan. Seperti tampak dari korespondensi, yang mereka dengan administrator Korea, mereka menganggap Belanda sebagai negara bawahan, meskipun mereka hanya memiliki gagasan yang samar-samar di mana negara itu berada. Warga sipil dari negara bawahan harus berperilaku sendiri seperti itu. Mereka harus mendekati Jepang dengan rendah hati dan hormat.

Ini sudah terjadi ketika Belanda masih di Hirado. Dalam Instruksi dari Heeren XVII tanggal 31 Mei 1633, ke kepala ketua Couckebacker Nicolaes kita membaca:
De Hollander moeten de Jappanders na de mondt en Sien, om den Handel onbecommert te gauderen, alles verdragen. Dat sich hij di handel sijnen alle, wandel ende civilen ommeganck lieftallig kebun binatang, vrundelijck ende nederig tegen een en allen ieder, soowel Groot als clijn, sal te hebben comporteren bij de dat hij Japanse natie, mati selfs van conditie glorieus heran adalah, oock Geen grootsheit dari hoovaerdij di vreemdelingen dapat verdragen, bemint ende aengenaem sijn mach. (Ini Belanda harus memberitahu orang Jepang apa yang mereka suka untuk mendengar dan, untuk memberikan Perdagangan riang, menanggung segala Bahwa dia (Couckebacker) berperilaku dirinya dalam semua tindakan dan dalam kontak sipil,. Untuk semua dan semua orang, baik itu besar atau kecil , untuk kompromi dirinya sendiri, bahwa ia dicintai dan senang dengan bangsa Jepang, yang merupakan kondisi mulia besar itu sendiri dan tidak dapat berdiri kemegahan atau perilaku angkuh dari orang asing).

Sebagian besar kepala berhasil membuat diri mereka sendiri “terkasih dan senang” dengan mentega sampai Jepang. Ketika, dari laporan mereka itu tampak bahwa ada friksi, maka pertanyaan utama dalam diganti dengan cepat.

Ada dunia perbedaan antara pelaksanaan Belanda di Deshima dan sikap mereka terhadap penduduk lokal di tempat lain di Asia Tenggara. Kontrak dimana Perusahaan memasuki pemimpin lokal ke, sebagian besar hanya menguntungkan bagi Perusahaan dan, jika mereka kontrak yang baik, mereka tidak jujur ​​dilakukan. Pemerasan dan korupsi adalah praktek umum dan jika ‘liar’ berani untuk menolak kekerasan terhadap Perusahaan, hal itu memukul balik keras sendirian.

Di pulau Formosa, Cina telah menyerang permukiman Belanda Provintien ‘dan membunuh delapan pegawai Perusahaan. Sebagai tindakan balas dendam militer itu dikirim keluar dan dalam waktu dua belas hari pembantaian benar dilakukan antara Cina. Sebuah pernyataan resmi 24 Desember 1652, mengatakan sebagai berikut; “Soo werden di ruang tijt van 12 Dagen tusschen de 3 4 duisendt rebellige Chineesen dalam van het wederwraeck verghoten Nederlants Christenbloet pada ‘t gebracht leven.” (Dan sehingga dalam waktu dua belas hari, antara orang Tionghoa dua dan tiga ribu tewas sebagai balas dendam untuk merobek-robek darah Kristen Belanda)

Namun demikian hasil dari perdagangan Deshima tidak kurang menguntungkan bagi Perseroan dibandingkan perdagangan Taiwan. Pendekatan yang berbeda Belanda telah menuju Jepang tidak ada salahnya kepada Perusahaan. Dalam beberapa laporan yang dapat membaca bahwa perdagangan dengan Jepang ‘pelihat profijtelijck’ (sangat menguntungkan). Jadi dengan mentega sampai, orang bisa membuat jelas sebagai keuntungan sebanyak dengan menumpahkan darah.

Orang mungkin heran mengapa orang Jepang tidak memungkinkan Hendrick Hamel dan teman-temannya untuk pergi secepat mungkin. Hal ini sehubungan dengan apa yang kepala disebut “den Japanchen precisiteyt” (ketepatan Jepang). Para terdampar berharap mereka bisa pergi pada 23 Oktober 1666 dengan Esperance ke Batavia. Tetapi meskipun permintaan lisan dan ditulis ulang oleh perwakilan Perusahaan, izin yang diperlukan tinggal di luar.

Hanya pada 22 Oktober tahun berikutnya lisensi ini diserahkan, yang membuat mengakhiri penjara kedua dari Hamel dan co. Pada hari yang sama mereka naik di kapal tertambat di Spreeuw (jalak). Ini fluitschip (= jenis kargo dengan tiga tiang) tiba di di Batavia, 28 November 1667.

Mengapa izin untuk Hamel dan co. meninggalkan dari Nagasaki tinggal begitu lama? Apa yang dilakukan pemerintah Jepang dilakukan sementara? Laporan tertulis dari interogasi yang diambil dari Belanda, dikirim oleh gubernur Nagasaki untuk Yedo untuk mendapatkan izin yang diperlukan. Hanya transportasi laporan ini mengambil beberapa waktu.

Pemerintah negara bagian tidak langsung bereaksi. Mereka ingin memverifikasi jawaban yang terdampar telah diberikan. Oleh karena itu mereka mulai korespondensi dengan pemerintah Korea. Ini adalah prosedur yang memakan waktu. Protokol yang rumit membuat mustahil bahwa Shogun berhubungan langsung dengan Korea dan sebagai Daimyo dari Tsusima menengah diangkat. Hal ini jelas terlihat karena ia sudah diperdagangkan untuk jangka waktu yang panjang dengan Korea. Daimyo memiliki sebuah kantong kecil di Pusan. Ada pelabuhan kecil, dekat Tongnae, di mana untuk Daimyo itu diperbolehkan untuk mengirim 21 kapal setiap tahun.

Apa yang orang Jepang ingin tahu, adalah jika ada orang Kristen tersembunyi di antara Hamel dan co. Itulah mengapa Daimyo mengirim surat kepada pihak berwenang di Pusan.

Kami telah menerima perintah hormat yang tinggi (dari Edo) untuk mengirimkan utusan untuk memastikan en keadaan nyata dari orang-orang ini. Menimbang bahwa mereka telah lama berdiam di dalam batas-batas yang terhormat Anda, harus diketahui pasti Anda apakah mereka orang yang tepat atau kafir ……… Rincian lain telah dipercayakan kepada kami utusan SMP Tachibana Narutomo dan (Fujiwara?) Naramasa untuk memberikan secara lisan.

Laporan resmi pertama kali diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Korea, yang mengambil beberapa waktu. Kemudian pihak berwenang di Pusan ​​harus menghubungi gubernur provinsi itu, karena mereka tidak memiliki hak sendiri untuk menulis kontak dengan Jepang. Gubernur mengirim surat ke Seoul, di mana ia menyebabkan banyak perhatian. Butuh banyak berpikir bagaimana untuk menanggapi surat itu. Pada saat itu tidak dikenal di Seoul bahwa Belanda telah melarikan diri. Gubernur provinsi selatan telah menyimpan berita melarikan diri balik sebagai cara pencegahan. Satu telah meyakinkan dia bahwa Belanda tidak akan pernah berhasil dalam mencapai Jepang pada seperti sebuah perahu kecil. Mereka akan lenyap tanpa jejak.

Nada di mana informasi oral diberikan oleh perwakilan Jepang di Tongnae sejauh ini tidak sopan seperti yang dalam surat itu. Dia menuntut dalam nada arogan dari walikota Pusan, bahwa ia harus berhati-hati bahwa pemerintah Jepang harus mendapatkan jawaban atas pertanyaan-pertanyaan berikut secepatnya:

Apakah benar bahwa tiga belas tahun lalu sebuah kapal dari Belanda terdampar di lepas pantai Korea dan bahwa Anda mencuri kargo? Tidakkah kau tahu bahwa setiap kapal asing, bahwa untai lepas pantai Korea, segera harus dilaporkan kepada pihak berwenang Jepang? Kau tahu bahwa Belanda adalah negara bawahan dari Jepang?

Nada keras dari pertanyaan lisan dimaksudkan untuk mempercepat Korea. Ini adalah prosedur yang banyak digunakan oleh Jepang. Mereka selalu mengirimkan laporan resmi sangat sopan dan sangat formal, dan memerintahkan salah satu wakil mereka untuk memukul meja dalam percakapan lisan dengan cara yang menakutkan. Pertanyaan-pertanyaan itu dituliskan oleh walikota dan diserahkan kepada gubernur provinsi itu. Ketakutan, ia mengirim mereka ke Seoul. Pemerintah Korea dijawab oleh kembali.

Memang sebuah kapal terdampar tiga belas tahun lalu, tapi kami tidak mencuri kargo. Itu diberikan kembali ke orang terdampar. Dalam pendapat kami hanya terdampar kapal Cina ini harus dilaporkan ke Jepang. Bagaimana mungkin kita tahu bahwa Belanda adalah negara bawahan Jepang. Orang-orang ini tidak berpakaian dalam cara Jepang. Dan mereka berbicara atau dipahami Jepang. Mereka mengaku tak pernah telah ada.

Tak lama di sana setelah pemerintah Korea dirumuskan jawaban resmi untuk surat Daimyo dari Tsushima. Hal ini dimulai dengan frase sopan biasa dan melanjutkan dengan cara berikut.

Pada tahun 1653 sebuah kapal asing yang terdampar di depan pantai selatan pulau. Setengah dari kru tenggelam. Tiga puluh enam orang selamat shipwrecking tersebut. Tidak ada yang mengerti bahasa mereka juga tidak bisa membaca tulisan tangan mereka. Mereka tinggal di sini selama empat belas tahun. Mereka didukung diri dengan memancing dan memotong kayu. Mereka tidak pernah tertangkap mencoba untuk mengkhotbahkan ajaran Yesus atau untuk mencemari dengan cara lain orang-orang dengan ide-ide yang merusak. Apakah ini telah terjadi, maka kita tidak akan ragu untuk memberitahu Anda segera. Jika ini benar-benar barbar Kristen mereka tidak akan melarikan diri ke Jepang. Mereka yaitu diberitahu bahwa pengikut Yesus tewas seketika. Masih ada delapan barbar di negara kita. Bila Anda menghargai itu, Anda dapat melihat ini dan jika perlu, menginterogasi mereka.

Kemudian surat itu berakhir dengan jaminan biasa penghargaan tertinggi dan penghormatan terdalam yang bergizi untuk Korea saudara-saudara mereka di Jepang. Jawaban ini puas Jepang. Mereka sekarang tenang dan tidak lagi meragukan bahwa ada orang Kristen Belanda. Sekarang mereka bisa memenuhi permintaan berulang dari kepala Deshima. Hamel dan co. mendapat izin mereka untuk meninggalkan Deshima dan Daimyo menulis berikut ke Korea:
Baru-baru ini kami meminta informasi tentang kapal yang terdampar tiga belas tahun lalu di lepas pantai Korea. Kami mengerti bahwa masih ada delapan dari orang-orang di negara Anda. Karena mereka subyek dari negara bawahan dari negara kita, kami meminta Anda untuk mempromosikan bahwa orang-orang ditransfer ke pulau kami.

Surat ini dibawa ke Tongnae oleh utusan Jepang, di mana ia diserahkan kepada komandan Korea di bulan April atau Mei 1668. Dia mengirim surat ke pengadilan di Seoul. Raja dan nya Crown dewan segera bersedia mengabulkan permintaan tersebut. Mereka tampaknya senang dibebaskan dari Belanda terkutuk.

Instruksi dikirim ke Cholla, dimana Hollander itu bersemayam. Dan surat dikirim ke Jepang. Dalam hal ini berikut ditulis: Dari delapan Belanda, satu meninggal tahun lalu. Tujuh masih hidup. Ini akan dibawa ke Tongnae dan diserahkan kepada utusan Anda.

Pada Agustus 1668 tujuh tiba di pulau Tsushima. Berikut Daimyo merawat bahwa mereka diangkut ke Nagasaki. Setelah perjalanan yang sulit, mereka tiba di sana pada 16 September. Dalam catatan harian Deshima nama-nama orang-orang yang kembali dituliskan pada hari itu. Mereka adalah nama yang sama seperti yang disebutkan oleh Hamel pada akhir interogasi oleh Jepang pada tahun 1666. Dari Jan Claeszen, masak, datang dari Dordrecht, tertulis bahwa dia meninggal dua tahun sebelumnya di Namwon di selatan Korea.

Tapi dalam buku Noord Oost en Tartarije (Utara dan Timur Tartar) oleh Nicolaes Witsen, 2 cetak Amsterdam 1705, ditulis dalam bagian I di halaman 53, bahwa Jan Claeszen itu, pada saat itu, hidup dan menendang. Namun dia lebih suka tinggal di Korea. “Hij adalah aldaer getrouwt en GAF Geen rambut aen zijn te hebben lyf meer dat na een Nederlander Christen dari geleek.” (Ia menikah di sana dan dinyatakan tidak memiliki rambut di tubuhnya yang tampak seperti Kristen atau Nederlander [Belanda]).

Nicolaes Witsen adalah administrator terhormat lama VOC, keturunan atau jack dari semua perdagangan, yang menduduki beberapa fungsi untuk VOC dan 13 kali Walikota Amsterdam antara 1682 dan 1705. Sementara menulis buku, ia berkonsultasi sumber tertulis banyak, yang tidak selalu sama dapat diandalkan. Tapi dia juga berbicara dengan orang-orang yang telah dalam pelayanan VOC, untuk memverifikasi satu dan lainnya. Untuk deskripsi tentang petualangan Hamel dan teman-temannya ia menggunakan Journael tersebut. Hal ini terbukti oleh fakta bahwa ia telah mengambil alih, berubah, beberapa kesalahan yang terjadi dalam edisi yang digunakan. Selain itu dia memiliki kontak dengan Meester (master) Mattheus Eibocken, yang adalah seorang tukang cukur sub-pada waktu itu di dewan Sperwer tersebut. Orang mungkin beranggapan bahwa segala sesuatu yang tidak terjadi di Journael, adalah ditulis oleh dia dari mulut sub-tukang cukur.

Agar tidak terganggu oleh Jepang Korea akan ditulis dalam laporan mereka bahwa Jan Claeszen telah meninggal. Untuk alasan yang sama tujuh pasangan akan memiliki menegaskan pesan ini. Mereka ingin menghindari risiko bahwa mereka tidak akan mendapat izin dari Jepang untuk kembali pulang. Dan jadi ini pesan palsu memasuki catatan VOC. Namun menurut Witsen Jan Claeszen bukan satu-satunya orang di Sperwer yang menikah di negara itu dan punya anak. Witsen menulis: “Kinderen en wijven, mati enige Daer getrouwt Hadden, verlieten ze.” (Mereka meninggalkan anak-anak dan istri, yang mereka telah menikah).

Hoetink menulis dalam pengantar untuk edisi teks ilmiah Journael yang di sana-sini di Korea inboorlingen (pribumi, tapi dengan cara meremehkan) telah ditemukan dengan rambut pirang dan mata biru. Dia menganggap hal itu namun tidak yakin bahwa ini adalah keturunan Korea pirang dari awak Sperwer tersebut. Hoetink menyimpannya dalam rekening bahwa ada kemungkinan bahwa para pelaut putih lainnya mendarat di Korea yang “eveneens omgang hebben gehad bertemu de vrouwen tanah des” (juga menghubungi perempuan negara). Namun ini tidak mungkin. Hoetink sendiri menulis tentang “vertrek de afzondering waarin Korea heeft Volhard na ‘t van de Nederlanders” (pengucilan di mana Korea bertahan setelah keberangkatan dari Belanda) dan menambahkan bahwa “aan het eerst eind van de vorige eeuw Korea gedwongen werd zijn Poorten voor vreemdelingen untuk ontsluiten “(pertama pada akhir abad yang lalu Korea dipaksa untuk membuka pintu untuk orang asing) (1876). Tapi seperti disebutkan sebelumnya, kita tahu beberapa orang asing lainnya DID memasuki negara itu.

Pembukaan ini atas hanya terkait dengan perdagangan. Puritanisme, prasangka rasis dan membenci orang asing dicegah juga setelah ini hubungan seksual tahun antara Korea dan Barat. Hanya selama dan setelah anak-anak perang Korea berdarah campuran lahir di Korea. (1950-1953) genetik, hanya generasi ketiga akan memiliki kemungkinan memiliki anak dengan karakteristik dari generasi pertama, menganggap gelap yang mendominasi cahaya.

Dari yang satu ini mungkin menyimpulkan bahwa semua bermata biru, berambut pirang Korea di antaranya ayah itu terbukti bukan PBB-militer yang berada di layanan selama perang itu, adalah keturunan dari awak Sperwer tersebut.

Pernyataan ini didukung oleh penelitian baru-baru ini dilakukan oleh dr. Tae Jin Kim, (Kim Tae Jin, yang saya bertemu di kedutaan besar Belanda di Seoul) kepala perpustakaan Universitas di Kwangju Chonnam, ibukota provinsi Cholla (Thiellado menurut Hamel) Dalam sebuah artikel NRC Handelsblad dari dari 4 Januari 1988 yang ditulis tentang penelitian ini:

   Al ZES Jaar lang brengt Tae Jin Kim een ​​Groot deel van zijn Vrije pintu tijd bertemu onderzoek naar nazaten van de 17e eeuwse Hollandse schipbreukelingen, op een mati Eilandje voor de kust aanspoelden. Hem Volgens trouwden tijdens ze hun langdurig Verblijf di Cholla bertemu Koreaanse vrouwen en een voor zorgden nageslacht bertemu gemengd bloed. “Mensen zijn ontsteld, ja Diep geschokt, als ik alleen al suggereer dat ze misschien wel van Belanda afstammen,” zegt Tae. “Ik heb nog niemand gevonden mati het wil toegeven, ook al Weet ik van sommige keluarga voor bijna 100% zeker dat ze Hollands bloed dalam de aderen hebben”
  Sudah selama enam tahun Tae Jin Kim menghabiskan sebagian besar waktu luangnya dengan meneliti keturunan kru 17-abad Belanda yang kapalnya karam dan terdampar di sebuah pulau di lepas pantai. Menurutnya mereka menikah selama tinggal lama di Cholla dengan wanita Korea dan memberikan keturunan darah campuran. “Orang-orang kecewa, ya bahkan sangat terkejut, ketika saya hanya menyarankan bahwa mereka mungkin telah turun dari Belanda” kata Tae. Aku belum pernah tidak menemukan siapa saja yang ingin mengakuinya, meskipun aku hampir yakin 100% bahwa mereka memiliki darah Belanda di pembuluh darah mereka. “

Artikel surat kabar berlanjut dengan pernyataan bahwa ‘menurut Journael terhadap Hendrik Hamel hanya satu awak tetap tinggal di Cholla, karena dia menikah di saat itu dan ia tidak memiliki rambut di tubuhnya yang masih Kristen.

Kita tahu bahwa pesan ini tidak ditulis dalam Journael dari Hendrick Hamel tetapi dalam buku Noord Oost en Tartarije dari Nicolaes Witsen. Sumber Namun kurang penting maka isi. Hal ini ditempatkan dalam artikel surat kabar terhadap ucapan dr. Tae Jin Kim bahwa sebagian besar dari enam belas Belanda yang tinggal di provinsi Cholla, anak-anak ayah di desa Pyongyong, Sunchon, Namwon dan Shinsong. Ia mendasarkan teorema ini tidak hanya pada kehadiran di desa-desa dari Korea pirang dan bermata biru banyak, tetapi juga pada kenyataan bahwa sebagian besar dari mereka menanggung Nam nama. Nam berarti di Korea Selatan. Nam bukan nama keluarga yang tidak biasa di Korea. Ada tiga cabang. Dua dari mereka sudah ada sebelum kedatangan Hamel dan teman-temannya, tetapi yang ketiga menemukan akar di sini.

Hamel menyebutkan dalam Journael bahwa orang Belanda ketika mereka ditempatkan ke pengawal raja, mereka menerima nama-nama Korea. Dari sumber-sumber Korea (Ledyard) kita tahu bahwa Nam nama yang diberikan setidaknya beberapa dari mereka. Tae Jin Kim juga mengunjungi tempat-tempat pemakaman, di mana ia menemukan setidaknya dua nama keluarga Hollander. Tapi juga rusak nama pertama, untuk Yon misalnya (nama Belanda Jan, diucapkan seperti Yan, sangat umum di Belanda)

Dia membuat gambar wajah-wajah anggota Nam-keluarga di desa-desa, dan membandingkan fitur wajah dengan orang-orang dari keluarga lain. Dr Tae (kemungkinan besar dr. Kim) juga diselidiki penelitian sosial-historis, dari mana ia muncul bahwa dalam keluarga Nam-ada pengacara sangat banyak, dokter, profesor dan administrator militer dan sipil yang tinggi. Sayangnya dia tidak menulis hasil penelitian dan ia meninggal tanpa meninggalkan dokumentasi apapun di belakang.

Contohnya adalah Nam Il, Korea Utara secara umum, yang berasal dari Pyongyong, dikatakan bahwa dalam perang Korea ia disimpan desa Pyongyong dari kehancuran.
Pada bulan Juli 2000, saya pergi ke tempat-tempat dan nama tempat Hamel menulis tentang dan mereka yang persis diucapkan dengan cara yang dalam dialek lokal. Pyongyong menjadi memang Pyeingyeing dan Namwon mendengar lebih seperti Namman, juga Sunchon lebih mirip Suinschien, Shinsong memang diucapkan sebagai Saijsingh. Secara pribadi saya melihat bahwa di Pyongyong setidaknya sebagian besar orang tua di sana memiliki mata biru, bukan biru cerah, tapi kecoklatan biru. Namun tidak ada rambut pirang. Dalam Yosu saya menemukan, sementara aku pergi ke pelabuhan saya melihat seorang anak kecil, mahkota rambutnya pirang. Dari korespondensi pribadi dengan salah satu orang dari Pyongyong kita membaca sebagai berikut:

Sekitar enam atau tujuh puluh tahun setelah Belanda pergi dari Pyôngyông, Sir. Woo Jae menerbitkan sebuah peta waktu dunia pertama sebagai seorang sarjana lokal. Tentu saja, dia datang dari Pyôngyông.

Dia mentranskripsi dari sebuah buku yang disebut T’am Korea Jin kanggo hwa (tidak ada penerbit yang dikenal, jelas kompilasi fotokopi kertas disajikan di kuliah tentang Hamel)
Dr.Kim, Tae Jin berfokus pada riset ‘yang Korea Belanda nama terakhir digunakan’, ‘bagaimana mereka membuat hidup di Pyôngyông’, dan ‘apa hubungan mereka dengan orang lokal’. Kemungkinan nama terakhir mereka mungkin menggunakan yang baik “Nam” atau “Nam-Koong” pada kenyataannya, sebuah catatan tertulis mengatakan bahwa salah satu leluhur keluarga Nam berusaha untuk mengembangkan senjata api.
Cheju-do
Menurut Park Akhir, Yong Hoo, tulang tulang ditemukan di beberapa
“Melke” Pantai 60 atau 70 tahun lalu. Tulang-tulang ini harus memiliki milik Barat berdasarkan ukuran mereka.
Mr Kim, Bong Ok percaya bahwa Hamel dan geng-nya bisa hidup di rumah Pangeran Kwanghae di Cheju.
* Seoul
Dr.Choi, Sang Soo mencurigai bahwa Belanda mungkin telah tinggal di suatu tempat dekat ‘Su Jadi Moon’ Dong di Seoul karena sekolah pelatihan di mana mereka ditugaskan (untuk posting) terletak di Stadion ‘Dong Dae Moon’.

Informasi lebih lanjut pada subjek:

Jan Boonstra dalam mencari jejak
atau (di Korea)
Sebuah situs tentang nama Nam pada umumnya
   

Tentu saja ada hal yang masih lebih untuk menyelidiki. Dalam perjalanan penelitian saya datang atas hal-hal berikut:
Hari 1.One lagu Korea terdengar dengan nada lagu tradisional Belanda. Hal itu dikatakan sebuah lagu tradisional Korea.
2.Aktifitas asal dari kata Hollan Hada, yang berarti bingung dalam bahasa Korea Hollan merupakan gabungan dari dua karakter Cina, pengucapan Korea mereka sedang Sayang dan lan, yang keduanya berarti kebingungan atau gangguan “Melakukan Hollands”?
3.Why melakukan Korea menelepon ibu mereka Omma, (kata Belanda untuk nenek adalah Oma), mereka kakak Oppa (kata Belanda untuk kakek adalah Opa), dalam bahasa Korea berarti toktok cerdas, tidak bodoh Belanda mereka ketika mereka disebutkan bahwa seseorang toctoc, (yang berarti bodoh) Mungkin ada kata-kata lebih banyak dengan latar belakang yang sama, itu akan menarik bagi pakar linguistik untuk menyelidiki hal-hal.
4. Dalam Pyongyong, Provinsi Cholla Kangjin dalam, orang-orang memakai sepatu kayu, yang dibuat dalam cara yang sama seperti melakukan Belanda, terbuat dari satu potong kayu, tetapi dengan sepatu hak tinggi

 

original info

The journal of Hendrick Hamel ends as follows

On October 23, 1666 Mr. Volger left with seven ships from the bay of Nagasaki. We were very sad when we saw the ships leave. Because we had hoped to leave together with the chief to Batavia. This was us however not granted by the governor of Nagasaki. So we were forced to stay one year longer on Deshima.

On October 25, we were taken by the interpreter from the island and taken to the governor. Here a number of questions were asked which we answered to our best knowledge.
On October 22, 1667, round noon we got permission from the new governor to leave. And so we lifted anchor at the break of dawn and left the bay of Nagasaki.
On… we arrived at the port of Batavia, thanking the good Lord that He released us after these distressful wanderings of more than fourteen years released us from the hands of the heathens.

(Since Hamel wrote his journal on Deshima, he wrote on the last day October 23 as the day of departure. On which day he would arrive, he didn’t know. Why he didn’t fill in this date later is not clear. Anyhow on this place the manuscript shows a gap. The date which was supposed to be written here was 28 November 1667) 

From what is mentioned above, it appears that the “distressful wanderings” of Hendrick Hamel and company did not end in October 1666. They were obliged to stay exactly one more year on Deshima. That can’t be such a pleasant stay. Deshima was a very small artificial island in the bay of Nagasaki. It was connected by a bridge to the mainland. The Hollanders were only allowed to pass this bridge with the permission from the Japanese. And this permission was rarely granted. Only when the Japanese wanted to ask the Hollanders something or wanted to say something, a small delegation was allowed to pass the bridge. Deshima was exactly one hectare big. It was a long, small piece of land, on which there was one street, with houses on both sides. It was constructed by the Japanese in 1635-36, especially with the purpose to accommodate foreigners – barbarians- with whom the Japanese wanted to trade. (Click here for a detailed map of Deshima)

The isle was originally meant for the Portuguese. These however, were driven out in 1638, because they had tried to convert the Japanese to Christianity. Some years later it was assigned to the Hollanders because they declared not to be Christian, or at least not to nourish the intention to undertake any missionary activities.

Till 1641 the Hollanders owned a factory on Hirado. This is a much bigger island which is North of Nagasaki. In the archives of the VOC, this is called a lodge. This term is being used more often and seems to mean something like an enclave. The Hollanders were on this island for 38 years, from 1603 till 1641. They had much more liberty to move over there.

But in 1641 the Hollanders had to move to Deshima. The removal lasted from 12th till 24th of June and on June 25, 1641 the chief Le Maire of Hirado came for once and for all to Nagasaki. The isle was completely packed. There were offices, warehouses and furthermore houses for the handful of servants of the VOC, who stayed for a longer period of time on the isle. The leading person was the chief, who was assisted by a second person and an assistant. The chief lived in a rather spacious accommodation, which was beautifully furnished. The rest of the servants lived in little houses, which were more like barracks.

There were some guest houses as well, destined for the officers of the ships of the Company which were moored in the port. In one of those houses Hamel and his companions were accommodated. Probably they didn’t have much space and little privacy and that it was a boring place to stay appears from the following: “… come previously mentioned ships here for Schisima or the Compagnie’s residence to drop anchor” (Daily Reg. Japan August 14, 1646).

The Hollanders were not allowed to practice the Christian religion on Deshima. Thus there was no church and no minister. They were not even allowed to bury their deceased. There was hardly any space for that as well. Deceased had to be thrown over board, five miles off the coast. From each ship which moored in the roadstead, the sails and the rudder had to be handed over to the Japanese. This to prevent that they would leave without permission. The bibles and guns had to be handed in as well. The pieces of artillery on board were locked.

Provision was partly supplied by the ships of the Company and partly bought from the Japanese, amongst others chickens, fish, fresh vegetables and fruits. On Deshima they were most likely not troubled by scurvy. They were troubled however by venereal diseases. The chief proclaimed in one of his official documents to Batavia, that the servants of the Company got these diseases from the Japanese prostitutes, who crossed the bridge regularly. In a daily report from the chief, dated August 19, 1641, is written: “De Japanders verordonneerden dat geene Hollanders sonder vragen van’t Eiland vermochten te gaan. Dat wel hoeren, maar geene andere vrouwen, Japanse papen noch bedelaers op ‘t Eiland mochten comen” (The Japanese ordered that no Dutchman was allowed to leave the isle without permission. Whores were allowed, but no other women, Japanese clergymen nor beggars).

The stories, which these, as from the air descended fellow countrymen could cough up, were pre-elementally suitable to appeal to one’s imagination and were a joy to hear. They knew after all to tell something about an eastern country where, as far as one knew, no other European has been. The castaways could however tell about their thirteen-year experiences, during which they had almost complete freedom, the story of the lives that they and their companions had lived. Starting with the shipwreck and the life they lead on the island and after that about their lives on the mainland of Korea. These stories will have been followed with suspense. The story of the experiences, their adventurous flight and especially their meeting with a fellow countryman, who stranded a quarter century before them in Korea, will have made a deep impression.

In the official everyday life, the Japanese behaved themselves correctly but with a haughty air. From Japanese sources is known that they considered the Hollanders as unmannered barbarians, who smelled unpleasantly. As seemed from the correspondence, which they had with the Korean administrators, they considered Holland as a vassal state, though they had only a vague idea where the country was located. Civilians from a vassal state ought to behave themselves like that. They had to approach the Japanese humbly and respectfully.

This was already the case when the Hollanders were still on Hirado. In an Instruction from the Heeren XVII of May 31, 1633, to the presiding chief Nicolaes Couckebacker we read:
De Hollanders moeten de Jappanders na de mondt sien en, om den Handel onbecommert te gauderen, alles verdragen. Dat hij sich in alle sijnen handel, wandel ende civilen ommeganck zoo lieftallig, vrundelijck ende nederig tegen allen en een ieder, soowel groot als clijn, sal hebben te comporteren dat hij bij de Japanse natie, die selfs van conditie wonder glorieus is, oock geen grootsheit of hoovaerdij in vreemdelingen can verdragen, bemint ende aengenaem sijn mach. (The Hollanders have to tell the Japanese what they like to hear and, to grant the Trade carefree, bear everything. That he (Couckebacker) behaves himself in all his actions and in civilian contacts, to all and everyone, be it big or small, to compromise himself, that he is beloved and pleased by the Japanese nation, which is of great glorious condition itself and cannot stand grandeur or haughty behavior from foreigners).

Most of the chiefs succeeded in making themselves “beloved and pleased” by buttering up the Japanese. When, from their reports it seemed that there were frictions, then the chief in question was replaced quickly. 

There is a world of difference between the conduct of the Dutch on Deshima and their attitude towards the locals elsewhere in southeast Asia. The contracts which the Company entered the local chiefs into, were mostly only advantageous for the Company and, if they were good contracts, they were dishonestly carried out. Extortion and corruption were common practice and if the ‘savages’ dared to resist violently against the Company, it hit back hard-handedly.

On the island of Formosa, the Chinese had attacked the Dutch settlement ‘Provintien‘ and killed eight servants of the Company. As an action of revenge the military was sent out and in twelve days time a true massacre was performed amongst the Chinese. An official statement of December 24, 1652, says the following; “Soo werden in den tijt van 12 dagen tusschen de 3 a 4 duisendt rebellige Chineesen in wederwraeck van het verghoten Nederlants Christenbloet on ‘t leven gebracht.” (And so in a time of twelve days, between the two and three thousand Chinese were killed as a revenge for the shredding of Dutch Christian blood)

Nevertheless the results from the trade of Deshima were not less advantageous for the Company than the trade of Taiwan. The different approach the Hollanders had towards the Japanese didn’t do any harm to the Company. In several reports one can read that the trade with the Japanese was ‘seer profijtelijck‘ (very profitable). So with buttering up, one could make obviously as much profit as with blood shedding.

One may wonder why the Japanese didn’t allow Hendrick Hamel and his companions to leave as fast as possible. This was in connection with what the chief called “den Japanchen precisiteyt” (the Japanese preciseness). The castaways had hoped they could leave on October 23, 1666 with the Esperance to Batavia. But despite repeated oral and written requests by representatives of the Company, the required permission stayed out.

Only on October 22, of the following year this license was handed out, which made an end to the second imprisonment of Hamel and co. On the same day they boarded on the moored ship the Spreeuw (starling). This fluitschip (= kind of freighter with three masts) arrived on at Batavia November 28, 1667.

Why did the permission for Hamel and co. to leave from Nagasaki stayed out so long? What did the Japanese authorities do in the meantime? The written report of the interrogation which was taken from the Hollanders, was sent by the governor of Nagasaki to Yedo to get the required permission. Only the transportation of this report took some time.

The state government didn’t react immediately. They wanted to verify the answers which the castaways had given. Therefore they started a correspondence with the Korean government. This was a time-consuming procedure. The complicated protocol made it impossible that the Shogunate corresponded directly with the Koreans and as an intermediate the Daimyo of Tsusima was appointed. This was obvious because he already traded for a long period of time with Korea. The Daimyo owned a small enclave in Pusan. There was a small harbor, near Tongnae, where to the Daimyo was allowed to send yearly 21 ships.

What the Japanese would like to know, was if there were any Christians hidden amongst Hamel and co. That’s why the Daimyo sent a letter to the authorities in Pusan.

We have respectfully received a lofty command (from Edo) to dispatch en envoy to ascertain the real circumstances of these people. Considering that they have long dwelled within your honorable boundaries, it must be surely known to you whether they are proper people or heathen……… Other details have been entrusted to our junior messengers Tachibana Narutomo and (Fujiwara?) Naramasa to deliver orally.

This official report had first to be translated into Korean, which took some time. Then the authorities in Pusan had to contact the governor of the province, because they didn’t have the right themselves to have written contact with the Japanese. The governor sent the letter to Seoul , where it caused a lot of concern. It took a lot of thinking how to respond to the letter. At that moment it was not known in Seoul that the Hollanders had escaped. The governor of the southern province had kept the news of the escape behind as a way of precaution. One had assured him that the Hollanders would never succeed in reaching Japan in such a small boat. They would vanish without trace.

The tone in which the oral information was given by the Japanese representative in Tongnae was by far not as courteous as that in the letter. He demanded in an arrogant tone from the mayor of Pusan, that he should take care that the Japanese government should get the answers to the following questions as soon as possible:

Is it true that thirteen years ago a ship from Holland stranded off the coast of Korea and that you stole the cargo? Don’t you know that every foreign ship, that strands off the coast of Korea, immediately has to be reported to the authorities of Japan? You do know that Holland is a vassal state of Japan?

The tough tone from this oral questioning was meant to speed up the Koreans. This was a procedure which was much used by the Japanese. They always sent very courteous and highly formal official reports, and ordered one of their representatives to hit the table in an oral conversation in an intimidating way. The questions were written down by the mayor and handed over to the governor of the province. Frightened, he sent them to Seoul. The Korean government answered by return.

Indeed a ship was stranded thirteen years ago, but we didn’t steal the cargo. It was given back to the shipwrecked persons. In our opinion only the stranding of Chinese ships has to be reported to Japan. How could we know that Holland is a Japanese vassal state. These people were not dressed in a Japanese way. And they spoke nor understood Japanese. They claimed never to have been there.

Shortly there after the Korean authorities formulated an official answer to the letter of the Daimyo of Tsushima. This started with the usual courtesy phrases and continued in the following way.

In the year 1653 a foreign ship stranded in front of the coast of the southern island. Half of the crew drowned. Thirty-six persons survived the shipwrecking. Nobody understood their language nor could read their handwriting. They stayed here for fourteen years. They supported themselves with fishing and chopping wood. They have never been caught trying to preach the doctrine of Jesus or to pollute in any other way the people with pernicious ideas. Would this have been the case, then we would not have hesitated to inform you immediately. If these barbarians were really Christians they wouldn’t have fled to Japan. They were namely told that followers of Jesus were killed instantaneously. There are still eight barbarians in our country. When you appreciate that, you can see these and if necessary, interrogate them.

Then the letter ended with the usual assurance of the highest esteem and the deepest respect which the Koreans nourished for their Japanese brothers. This answer satisfied the Japanese. They were now at ease and doubted no longer that the Hollanders were no Christians. Now they could fulfill the repeated request from the chief of Deshima. Hamel and co. got their permission to leave Deshima and the Daimyo wrote the following to the Koreans:
Recently we asked information about a vessel that stranded thirteen years ago off the coast of Korea. We understood that there are still eight of these people in your country. Since they are subject of a vassal state of our country, we request you to promote that these people are transferred to our island.

This letter was brought to Tongnae by a Japanese messenger, where it is handed over to the Korean commander in April or May 1668. He sent the letter to the court in Seoul. The king and his Crown council were immediately willing to grant the request. They seemed to be happy to be freed from the cursed Hollanders.

Instructions were sent to Cholla, where the Hollander were residing. And a letter was sent to the Japanese. In this the following was written: Of the eight Hollanders, one died last year. Seven are still alive. These will be taken to Tongnae and handed over to your envoy.

In August 1668 the seven arrived at the island of Tsushima. Here the Daimyo took care that they were transported to Nagasaki. After a difficult journey , they arrived there on September 16. In the daily records of Deshima the names of the ones who returned are written down on that day. They are the same names as mentioned by Hamel at the end of the interrogation by the Japanese in 1666. From Jan Claeszen , cook, coming from Dordrecht, is written that he died two years before in Namwon in the south of Korea.

But in the book Noord en Oost Tartarije (North and East Tartary) by Nicolaes Witsen , 2nd print Amsterdam 1705, is written in part I on page 53, that Jan Claeszen was, at that moment, alive and kicking. He however preferred to stay in Korea. “Hij was aldaer getrouwt en gaf geen hair aen zijn lyf meer te hebben dat na een Christen of Nederlander geleek.” (He was married there and declared to have no hair on his body that looked like a Christian or Nederlander [Dutchman]).

Nicolaes Witsen was an old esteemed administrator of the VOC, a scion or a jack of all trades, who occupied several functions for the VOC and was 13 times Mayor of Amsterdam between 1682 and 1705. While writing his book he consulted many written sources, which were not always equally reliable. But he also spoke with people who have been in the service of the VOC, to verify one and the other. For the description of the adventure of Hamel and his mates he used the Journael. This is proven by the fact that he has taken over, unaltered, some of the mistakes which occurred in the edition which he used. Besides that he has had contact with Meester (master) Mattheus Eibocken, who was a sub-barber in that time on board of the Sperwer. One may assume that everything which doesn’t occur in the Journael, is written down by him from the mouth of this sub-barber.

In order not to be troubled by the Japanese the Koreans will have written down in their report that Jan Claeszen had died. For the same reason his seven mates will have confirmed this message. They wanted to avoid the risk that they would not get permission from the Japanese to return homeward. And so this fake message entered the records of the VOC. But according to Witsen, Jan Claeszen was not the only person on the Sperwer who married in that country and had children. Witsen writes: “Kinderen en wijven, die enige daer getrouwt hadden, verlieten ze.” (They left children and wives, whom they have married).

Hoetink writes in the introduction to the scientific text edition of the Journael that here and there in Korea inboorlingen (natives, but in a disdainful way) have been found with blond hair and blue eyes. He considers it however not certain that these blond Koreans are descendants from the crew of the Sperwer. Hoetink keeps it in account that the possibility exists that other white sailors landed in Korea who “eveneens omgang hebben gehad met de vrouwen des lands” (also contacted the women of the country). This however is not likely. Hoetink himself is writing about “de afzondering waarin Korea heeft volhard na ‘t vertrek van de Nederlanders ” (the seclusion in which Korea persisted after the departure of the Dutchmen) and adds that “eerst aan het eind van de vorige eeuw Korea gedwongen werd zijn poorten voor vreemdelingen to ontsluiten” (first at the end of the last century Korea was forced to open its gates for foreigners) (1876). But as mentioned before, we do know some other foreigners DID enter the country.

This opening up was only related to the trade. Puritanism, racist prejudices and hate of foreigners prevented also after this year sexual relations between Koreans and Westerners. Only during and after the Korean war children of mixed blood were born in Korea. (1950-1953) Genetically speaking, only the third generation would have the possibility of having children with the characteristics of the first generation, presuming that dark dominates light.

From this one may conclude that all blue-eyed, blond Koreans of whom the father was demonstrably not a UN-military who was in service during that war, is a descendent of the crew of the Sperwer.

This statement is supported by a research recently done by dr. Tae Jin Kim, (Kim Tae Jin, who I met at the Dutch embassy in Seoul ) head of the library of the Chonnam University at Kwangju, the capital of the province of Cholla (Thiellado according to Hamel) In an article of the NRC Handelsblad of January 4, 1988 is written about this research:

   Al zes jaar lang brengt Tae Jin Kim een groot deel van zijn vrije tijd door met onderzoek naar nazaten van de 17e eeuwse Hollandse schipbreukelingen, die op een eilandje voor de kust aanspoelden. Volgens hem trouwden ze tijdens hun langdurig verblijf in Cholla met Koreaanse vrouwen en zorgden voor een nageslacht met gemengd bloed. “Mensen zijn ontsteld, ja diep geschokt, als ik alleen al suggereer dat ze misschien wel van Hollanders afstammen,” zegt Tae. “Ik heb nog niemand gevonden die het wil toegeven, ook al weet ik van sommige families voor bijna 100% zeker dat ze Hollands bloed in de aderen hebben”
  Already for six years Tae Jin Kim spends a big part of his free time with researching the descendants of the 17-century Dutch crew who shipwrecked and washed ashore at an island off the coast. According to him they married during their long stay in Cholla with Korean women and provided an offspring of mixed blood. “People are dismayed, yes even deeply shocked, when I only suggest that they might have descended from the Hollanders ” says Tae. I’ve yet not found anybody who wants to admit it, though I’m almost certain for 100% that they have Dutch blood in their veins.”

The newspaper article continues with the remark that ‘according to the Journael of Hendrick Hamel only one crewmember stayed behind in Cholla, because he married in the meantime and he had no hair on his body which was still Christian’.

We know that this message is not written in the Journael of Hendrick Hamel but in the book Noord en Oost Tartarije of Nicolaes Witsen. The source however is less important then the contents. It is placed in the newspaper article against the remark of dr. Tae Jin Kim that the greater part of the sixteen Hollanders who lived in the province of Cholla, fathered children in the villages of Pyongyong, Sunchon, Namwon and Shinsong. He bases this theorem not only on the presence in these villages of many blond and blue-eyed Koreans, but also on the fact that most of them bear the surname Nam. Nam means in Korean South. Nam is not an unusual family name in Korea. There are three branches. Two of them already existed before the arrival of Hamel and his companions, but the third finds his roots over here.

Hamel mentions in his Journael that the Hollanders when they were placed into the bodyguard of the king, they received Korean names. From the Korean sources (Ledyard) we know that Nam was a name given at least to a few of them. Tae Jin Kim also visited burial places, where he found at least two Hollander surnames. But also corrupted first names, for instance Yon (the Dutch name Jan, pronounced as Yan, is very common in Holland)

He made pictures of the faces of members of the Nam-families in these villages, and compared the facial features with those of other families. Dr. Tae (most likely dr. Kim) also investigated a social-historical research, from which it appeared that in the Nam-family there are remarkably many lawyers, doctors, professors and high military and civilian administrators. Unfortunately he didn’t write down the results of his research and he died without leaving any documentation behind.

 

An example is Nam Il, a North Korean general, originating from Pyongyong , it is said that in the Korean war he saved the village of Pyongyong from destruction.

In July 2000, I went to the places and the place names Hamel writes about and they are exactly pronounced in that way in the local dialect. Pyongyong becomes indeed Pyeingyeing and Namwon hears more like Namman, also Sunchon looks more like Suinschien, Shinsong is indeed pronounced as Saijsingh. Personally I saw that in Pyongyong at least most of the older people there have blue eyes, not bright blue, but brownish blue. However no blond hair. In Yosu I found, while I went to the harbor I saw a small boy, the crown of his hair was blond. From a personal correspondence with one of the people from Pyongyong we read the following:

Around sixty or seventy years after Dutchmen departed from Pyôngyông, Sir. Woo Jae published a world map first time as a local scholar. Of course, he comes from Pyôngyông.

He transcribes from a Korean book called T’am Jin mun hwa (no publisher known, obviously a Xeroxed compilation of papers presented at a lecture about Hamel)
Dr.Kim, Tae Jin focused on researching ‘which Korean last name Dutchmen used’, ‘how they made a living in Pyôngyông’, and ‘what their relationships to local people were’. Probable last names they might use are either “Nam” or “Nam-koong” in fact; a written record has it that one of the Nam family’s ancestors made an effort to develop firearms.
Cheju-do
According to Late Park, Yong Hoo, several skeletal bones were found at
“Melke” Beach 60 or 70 years ago. These bones must have belonged to the Westerners based on their size.
Mr. Kim, Bong Ok believed that Hamel and his gangs could have lived at Prince Kwanghae’s house in Cheju.
*Seoul
Dr.Choi, Sang Soo suspects that Dutchmen may have lived somewhere near the ‘Su So Moon’ Dong in Seoul because the training school where they were assigned (for a post) is located in ‘Dong Dae Moon’ Stadium.

More information on the subject:

Jan Boonstra’s in search of traces
or (in Korean)
A site about the name Nam in general

Of course there are still more things to investigate. In the course of research I came upon the following things:
1.One day a Korean song was heard with the tune of a traditional Dutch tune. It was said to be a traditional Korean song. 
2.The origin of the word Hollan Hada, which means confused in Korean hollan is a compound of two Chinese characters, their Korean pronunciations being hon and lan, both of which mean confusion or disorder “Doing Hollands” ?
3.Why do Koreans call their mother Omma, (the Dutch word for grandmother is Oma), their elder brother Oppa (the Dutch word for grandfather is Opa), toktok in Korean means smart, didn’t the Dutch fool them when they mentioned that somebody was toctoc, (which means fool) Probably there are more words with a similar background; it would be interesting for a linguistic expert to investigate those things.
4. In Pyongyong, Kangjin in Cholla Province, the people wear wooden shoes, which are made in the same way as the Dutch do, made of one piece of wood, but with high heels

 1656

Kehidupan kita di provinsi Chollado Pada awal Maret 1656, kami meninggalkan Seoul pada kuda. Kami ditemani Weltevree dan beberapa kenalan lainnya ke sungai. Ketika kita menginjak feri, mereka kembali ke kota. Ini adalah kali terakhir kita melihat Weltevree. Kami tidak pernah mendengar apapun dari dia lagi.

Kami pergi jalan ke kota dan Ieham melewati kota-kota yang sama seperti sebelumnya. Di setiap kota baru kami tinggal, kami diinapkan di biaya negara, diberikan dengan kuda baru dan ketentuan sebagaimana yang terjadi seperti sebelumnya. Setelah beberapa hari kami tiba di Pyongyong atau Kangjin (Hamel menyebutnya duijtsiang atau thellapeing, jika Anda mengikuti link ini, Anda akan melihat di mana itu). Di kota ini tinggal di peingse (Pyongsa), komandan militer provinsi ini, yang segera di bawah gubernur. Kami diserahkan oleh sersan kepada komandan yang langsung diperintahkan untuk mendapatkan tiga orang yang dikirim jauh dari kota raja dan membawa kepada mereka untuk kami. Mereka dalam penegakan suatu adalah wakil laksamana hidup 12 mil dari sana. Kami segera diberi rumah lokal, di mana kami tinggal bersama. Tiga hari setelah tiga pasangan bergabung dengan kami dan kita kemudian adalah 33 laki-laki sama sekali.

Pada bulan April kami menerima beberapa menyembunyikan yang telah yang lama di pulau (Quelpaert) bahwa mereka tidak penting dan tidak cukup berharga telah dikirim ke kota raja. Untuk tempat ini tidak sepuluh mil di atas pulau itu dan dekat ke pantai bernama item bisa dibawa ke sana. Dengan menyembunyikan diri kita bisa berpakaian sedikit lagi dan mendapatkan beberapa kebutuhan untuk pengajuan baru kami. Gubernur memerintahkan kita bahwa kita harus mencabut rumput dua kali sebulan dari pasar atau alun-alun di depan balai kota dan tetap bersih ..

Pada awal tahun 1657 Gubernur tersebut ditarik dari jabatannya karena penyuapan. Ia sangat dicintai oleh rakyat dan kedua perwakilan kaum bangsawan dan orang-orang meminta raja untuk memperlakukan dia ringan. Berkat mediasi mereka, dia tidak dihukum mati. Dia menerima fungsi lain.

Pada bulan Februari gubernur baru tiba. Dengan kedatangannya situasi kita memburuk. Dari gubernur sebelumnya kita menerima kayu bakar untuk gratis, sekarang kita harus memotong sendiri. Di atas itu dia membuat kami bekerja lebih keras. Untuk mendapatkan kayu kami harus berjalan perjalanan putaran enam mil melalui daerah pegunungan. Kami senang ketika kami mendengar bahwa dia meninggal karena serangan jantung.

Pada bulan November gubernur baru tiba. Yang satu ini tidak mengganggu sama sekali dengan bisnis kami. Ketika kami minta ganti uang atau tunjangan lain, ia menjawab bahwa ia hanya memiliki perintah dari raja untuk menyediakan kami dengan jatah beras. Untuk sisanya kami harus mempertahankan diri kita sendiri. Karena pakaian kami lelah karena membawa kayu yang konstan, kita sangat membutuhkan pakaian baru. Itulah mengapa kami meminta izin gubernur untuk mengemis. Di negara ini yang tidak dianggap sebagai sesuatu yang lincah dan sedang banyak dilakukan, terutama oleh para bhikkhu.

Gubernur memberikan kami izin, untuk mengemis selama empat hari seminggu di rumah-rumah pertanian dan biara-biara, yang ada banyak di provinsi itu. Mengemis wisata ini merupakan kesuksesan finansial besar, karena baik petani dan para biarawan sangat penasaran dan dalam pertukaran untuk uang menikmati mendengarkan cerita-cerita bagus kami memberitahu mereka tentang orang-orang kita dan negara kita. Dengan cara ini kita bisa membeli beberapa baju baru untuk melewati musim dingin. Untungnya musim dingin ini kurang berat, maka yang kami punya di Seoul.

Pada musim semi tahun 1658 kami mendapat gubernur baru, sejak lama diganti. Ini gubernur baru punya rencana untuk membatasi kebebasan gerakan dan kami ingin kami bekerja setiap hari untuk dia dalam pertukaran untuk tiga potong kain linen masing-masing. Kami tidak berpikir ini adalah ide yang baik, karena tenaga kerja karena pakaian kami akan aus lebih cepat. Di atas bahwa ada kekurangan makanan, sehingga biaya hidup tinggi. Itulah mengapa kami meminta dia untuk memberi kita meninggalkan berkala dua puluh hari. Selama periode ini kita bisa memotong kayu dan menjual sebagian dari itu kepada petani, untuk mempertahankan dalam hidup kita.

Dia menyetujui ini, lebih, karena kematian telah telah pecah di rumah kami. Beberapa dari pasangan kita menderita demam yang mengerikan. Korea sangat takut ini. Kebebasan kita gerakan terbatas hanya pada begitu jauh sehingga kami tidak diizinkan datang dekat ibu kota, juga dekat kantong Jepang. Tetapi kewajiban untuk mengurus rumput dua kali sebulan, tetap. Di bawah kondisi yang kami meninggalkan dua orang kami di belakang untuk merawat orang sakit.
 

April 1659, raja meninggal. Dengan izin dari Tartarians, putra sulungnya dinobatkan raja. Kami terus seperti biasa. Kami menjual kayu beberapa dan memohon terutama pada para biarawan. Kami menemukan yaitu bahwa ini adalah lebih murah maka petani. Para biarawan sangat ingin tahu. Mereka ingin tahu segala sesuatu tentang kebiasaan bangsa kita sendiri dan dari segala bangsa lain yang kami dihubungi. Jika kita mau, kita bisa menceritakan kisah-kisah kami untuk malam berturut-turut. Karena Korea adalah negara bawahan dari itu Manchu, seorang raja baru tidak diizinkan untuk melangkah di atas takhta, tanpa izin mereka. Ini adalah formalitas meskipun; izin harus diminta, tapi selalu diberikan.
 
 

Pada musim semi 1661 lagi gubernur lain datang. Dia baik dibuang ke arah kami. Dia sering mengatakan jika itu adalah dalam kekuasaan-Nya, kita akan menerima izin sudah untuk waktu yang lama untuk kembali ke negara kita. Di bawah pemerintahannya kita bisa melakukan apa pun yang kami inginkan. Sayangnya ini dan tahun yang akan datang ada kekurangan besar makanan. Karena kekeringan terus menerus, panen gagal. Musim semi 1662 ribuan orang meninggal karena kelaparan. Di mana-mana banyak berkeliaran perampok negara. Itu sebabnya ada patroli kontinu pada jalan oleh tentara raja. Mereka juga mendapat tugas untuk membersihkan mayat-mayat yang diletakkan di mari dan kekek.
Beberapa desa dijarah oleh geng roaming dan beberapa ruang penyimpanan raja patah terbuka. Yang dari bangsa, yang selamat kelaparan, makan diri dengan biji, kulit kayu dari pohon dan gulma.

Pada awal tahun 1663, ketika kelaparan sudah berlangsung selama tiga tahun, banyak yang meninggal karena kelaparan, sehingga seluruh daerah itu depopulasi. Di bagian bawah di samping sungai, mereka masih bisa tumbuh beras, karena mereka selalu kurang tergantung pada hujan. Jika itu tidak akan terjadi, seluruh penduduk praktis akan mati. Pada saat tertentu gubernur tidak bisa memberikan kita jatah bulanan kami beras. Itulah sebabnya ia menulis surat kepada raja dengan permintaan untuk mentransfer kita di tempat lain. Pada bulan Februari datang perintah untuk memecah belah kita ke tiga kota. Kami masih dengan 22 laki-laki. Dari ini, dua belas pergi ke SaesOng, lima sampai Sunchon dan juga lima sampai Namwon (Hamel berbicara tentang Namman).

Kami menyesal transfer ini sangat, setelah semua kami memiliki rumah bagus di Duijtsiang, yang kami dihiasi menurut kebiasaan bangsa, dengan sekitar itu sebuah taman yang indah. Kami harus meninggalkan semua ini, untuk mulai baru di tempat lain. Dan ini dalam waktu kekurangan. Pada belakang penghapusan ini namun tampaknya keadaan bahagia bagi pasangan kita yang berakhir di Nagasaki. Tapi kita tidak bisa meramalkan bahwa pada saat itu.

Di Seoul Setelah kami telah melakukan perjalanan seperti ini selama beberapa hari dan tinggal malam di beberapa kota dan desa-desa, kami akhirnya mencapai sebuah sungai selebar Meuse dekat Dordrecht (memiliki perjalanan 70 sampai 75 mil ke utara, tetapi juga barat sedikit). Kami menyeberangi sungai ini setelah kami tiba satu mil lebih lanjut di kota bertembok besar. Ini adalah Sior (Seoul), kediaman raja. Semua dari kita yang ditampung di sebuah rumah di mana kita tinggal dua atau tiga hari. Kemudian kami ditampung dengan laki-laki dua, tiga atau empat di buronan Cina, yang tinggal di Seoul. Hal ini tidak dilakukan atau kita dipanggil sebelum raja yang meminta kami melalui Janse Jan sebelum disebutkan Weltevree, semua jenis pertanyaan.

Kami menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan ini dengan cara terbaik yang kita bisa dan sesuai semangat diminta untuk memberitahu kami pergi ke Jepang. Kami mengingatkan dia bahwa kita kehilangan kapal kita karena badai, yang kita hampir kehilangan setengah dari sahabat kita. Bahwa kita menemukan diri di sebuah negara asing, jauh dari perapian dan rumah dan kami sangat merindukan untuk bertemu kembali dengan orang tua kita, istri, anak, teman dan keluarga terdekat.

 Setelah ini raja menjawab, sekali lagi melalui Weltevree, bahwa ini bukan kebiasaan negara. Asing tidak pernah mendapat izin untuk meninggalkan negara itu. Jadi kita harus merekonsiliasi diri untuk tinggal di negara ini selama sisa hidup kita. Untuk kebiasaan negara ia mengundang kami sesuai untuk menghibur dia dengan menari, menyanyi dan perilaku udik. Meskipun kita memenuhi kewajiban ini dengan sedikit bakat dan antusiasme sebagai sedikit, kinerja kami pada menyukai raja dan istananya.

Setelah kami telah diperlakukan di jalan negara, kita masing-masing menerima dua lembar kain, sehingga kita bisa berpakaian sendiri sesuai dengan kebiasaan negara. Kemudian kami dibawa kembali ke rumah di mana kami diakomodasi. Hari berikutnya kami dipanggil pada komandan-in-chief, yang mengatakan kepada kita melalui Weltevree, bahwa ia telah senang raja untuk rancangan kita sebagai pengawal. Kami akan menerima tunjangan bulanan sekitar 70 ons beras masing-masing.

Masing-masing kita menerima disc kayu bundar, yang terukir dalam huruf Korea nama, usia, negara asal dan fungsi kita dalam pelayanan raja. Di atas bahwa perangko raja dan komandan-in-chief dibakar di dalamnya. Kemudian masing-masing dari kita menerima senapan, mesiu dan memimpin dan penugasan untuk membayar rasa hormat kami kepada raja setiap bulan baru dan penuh.

Ini adalah kebiasaan yaitu di Korea bahwa pegawai inferior dari raja dua kali sebulan dibayar rasa hormat mereka kepada atasan mereka. Penduduk laki-laki adalah, sampai usia tertentu, yang meminta enam bulan satu tahun sebagai prajurit. Oleh karena itu tiga bulan di musim semi dan tiga bulan di musim gugur. Selama kedua periode mereka mengebor tiga kali sebulan, dan dipraktekkan dalam penembakan tiga kali sebulan juga. Weltevree ditugaskan sebagai master pengeboran untuk kita dan selain dia Cina. Ada banyak yaitu terdaftar Cina di pengawal raja.

Kami diundang untuk tampil setiap hari untuk pria besar beberapa, karena baik laki-laki dan istri mereka serta anak-anak mereka penasaran untuk melihat kami. Karena rumor itu telah tersebar bahwa kita lebih mirip monster daripada seperti makhluk manusia. Itu sedang mengatakan bahwa, ketika kita ingin minum, kami harus menempatkan hidung kami di belakang telinga kita. Dan bahwa kepala kami terbaik untuk menjadi dibandingkan dengan kepala sapi laut. Sebuah kenalan lebih dekat dengan kami adalah kekecewaan bagi sebagian besar dari mereka, karena kita tidak melihat bahwa yang amat sebagai salah satu yang diharapkan, atau mungkin bahkan berharap.

Sebenarnya Korea kebanyakan tidak berpikir sama sekali bahwa kami jelek. Mereka mengagumi putihnya kulit kita. Kepemilikan itu sedang dianggap sebagai sesuatu yang diinginkan di. Pada awalnya kami tidak bisa menunjukkan diri di jalan atau keramaian itu mengikuti kami, atau orang-orang di sekitar kita dan menganga pada kami. Di pulau Quelpaert kami jauh lebih sedikit terhalang oleh itu, meskipun kami juga menarik banyak perhatian.

Itu datang sejauh ini bahwa, pada malam tertentu massa pecah menjadi kamar tidur kami, dalam rangka untuk menarik kami, melawan kehendak kita, luar dan membuat menyenangkan dari kami. Kami mengajukan keluhan pada komandan kami tentang hal ini. Dia melarang siapa pun untuk melecehkan kami dengan cara apapun. Sejak saat itu kami bisa bergerak bebas, tanpa menyebabkan pengumpulan keramaian.

Pada bulan Agustus, utusan dari Tartar (= Manchu itu) datang ke Seoul untuk mengumpulkan pajak yang dibebankan pada bangsa Korea. Selama kunjungannya kami dilarang oleh raja keluar kota dan ditampung dalam sebuah benteng. Saat itu sekitar enam atau tujuh mil dari kota pada sebuah gunung yang sangat tinggi. Benteng ini merupakan tempat berlindung. Ketika musuh dipaksa jalan ke negara itu, raja mencari perlindungan di atas sini. Selalu ada begitu banyak makanan yang 1000 orang dapat hidup di sana selama tiga tahun yang panjang. Benteng yang juga digunakan sebagai tempat tinggal bagi para pemimpin spiritual tertinggi bangsa. Nama benteng ini Nammansansong. Kami tinggal di sini dari kedua sampai ketiga bulan September, hari utusan Tartarian pergi lagi.

Menjelang akhir November itu mulai membeku begitu keras bahwa sungai besar (Kang Han) dekat kota membeku. Es itu begitu kuat bahwa unit kavaleri dari sekitar tiga ratus orang dalam kit berbaris penuh bisa menyeberangi sungai tanpa bahaya apapun. Karena dingin meningkat, ia mulai menghalangi kami. Kami pergi ke komandan kami dengan pertanyaan jika dia tidak bisa mengurus untuk pakaian musim dingin. Lalu ia pergi ke raja dengan permintaan untuk memberikan kita kembali bagian dari kulit, yang mereka diselamatkan dari reruntuhan Sperwer tersebut. Permintaan ini dikabulkan. Menyembunyikan dikeringkan dan sesuai dikirim ke Seoul, di mana mereka disimpan di gudang. Setelah pemeriksaan tampak bahwa banyak menyembunyikan ini telah busuk dan sebagian lagi telah dimakan oleh tungau. Kami memutuskan untuk menjual kulit yang masih bisa digunakan, untuk membeli rumah dari keuntungan. Orang Cina dengan siapa kita diakomodasi, yaitu tidak memperlakukan kami dengan sangat ramah. Mereka menuntut kami untuk misalnya mengambil kayu untuk mereka secara teratur. Oleh karena itu kami harus berjalan tiga mil ke sana dan kembali tiga mil juga, atas pegunungan. Karena kita tidak terbiasa mendaki gunung dengan tumpukan kayu di punggung kami, kami menemukan pekerjaan ini sangat tidak menyenangkan. Kami semua berpendapat bahwa kita lebih suka menderita dingin beberapa, jika hanya untuk menyingkirkan orang-orang ini. Keuntungan melebihi harapan kami Namun, uang yang kami terima untuk menyembunyikan cukup untuk membeli tiga rumah kecil dan dengan uang yang tersisa kita bisa membeli beberapa pakaian musim dingin. Dengan cara ini kita berhasil melalui musim dingin yang parah.

Original Info

1656

Our lives in the province of Chollado

In the beginning of March 1656, we left Seoul on horseback. We were accompanied by Weltevree and some other acquaintances to the river. When we stepped on the ferry, they returned to the city. This was the last time we saw Weltevree. We never heard anything of him again.

We traveled the road into the city Ieham and passed the same cities as before. At every new city we stayed, we were lodged at the expenses of the country, provided with new horses and provision as had happened as before. After a couple of days we arrived at Pyongyong or Kangjin ( Hamel calls it duijtsiang or thellapeing , if you follow this link, you will see where it is ). In this city resided the peingse (Pyongsa), the military commander of the province, who was immediately under the governor. We were handed over by the sergeant to the commander who immediately was ordered to get the three men who were sent away from the king’s city and take to them to us. They were in an enforcement were the vice admiral lives 12 miles from there. We were immediately given a local house, where we lived together. Three days thereafter the three mates joined us and we then were 33 men altogether.

In April we received some hides who have been that long on the island ( Quelpaert ) that they were of no importance and not valuable enough to have been sent to the kings city. To this place not ten miles above the island and close to the seaside the named items could be taken there. With these hides we could dress ourselves a bit again and get some necessities for our new lodgment. The governor ordered us that we had to pluck the grass twice a month of the market or plaza in front of the city-hall and keep it clean..

In the beginning of the year 1657 the governor was withdrawn from his post because of bribery. He was very loved by the people and both representatives of the nobility and the people requested the king to treat him mildly. Thanks to their mediation, he was not put to death. He received another function.

In February the new governor arrived. With his arrival our situation deteriorated. From the previous governor we received firewood for free, now we had to cut it ourselves. On top of that he made us work harder. To get the wood we had to walk a round trip of six miles through mountainous terrain. We were happy when we heard that he died of a heart attack.

In November the new governor arrived. This one didn’t interfere at all with our business. When we asked him for dressing money or another allowance, he answered that he only had the order from the king to provide us with a ration of rice. For the rest we had to maintain ourselves. Because our clothes were worn out due to the constant carrying of wood, we urgently needed new clothes. That’s why we asked the governor permission to beg. In this country that’s not considered to be something ungraceful and it is being done a lot, especially by monks .

The governor granted us permission, to beg during four days a week at the farmhouses and monasteries, of which there were a lot in that province. These begging tours were a great financial success, because both the farmers and the monks were very curious and in exchange for some money enjoyed listening to the fine stories we told them about our people and our country. In this way we could buy some new clothes to get through the winter. Luckily this winter was less severe then the ones we had in Seoul .

In the spring of 1658 we got a new governor, since the old one was replaced. This new governor had plans to restrict our freedom of movements and wanted us to work daily for him in exchange for three pieces of linen each. We didn’t think this was a good idea, since due to the labor our clothes would wear out faster. On top of that there was a lack of food, so the cost of living was high. That’s why we asked him to grant us a periodical leave of twenty days. During this period we could cut wood and sell part of it to the farmers, to maintain in our living.

He approved of this, the more, since a decease has had broken out in our house. Some of our mates had a terrible fever. The Koreans are very afraid of this. Our freedom of movements was limited only in so far that we were not allowed to come near the capital, nor near the Japanese enclave. But the obligation to take care of the lawn twice a month, remained. Under the condition that we left two of our men behind to care for the sick.
 

April 1659, the king died. With permission of the Tartarians, his eldest son was crowned king. We continued as ever. We sold some wood and begged especially at the monks . We discovered namely that these were more generous then the farmers. These monks were very inquisitive. They wanted to know everything about the customs of our own nation and from all the other nations we contacted. If we wanted to, we could have told our stories for nights in a row.

Because Korea was a vassal state of the Manchu’s, a new king was not allowed to step on the throne, without their permission. This was a formality though; the permission had to be requested, but was always given.

In spring 1661 again another governor came. He was kindly disposed toward us. He often said if it was in his power, we would have received permission already for a long time to return to our country. Under his reign we could do whatever we wanted. Unfortunately this and the coming year there was a great lack of food. Because of the continuous drought, the harvesting failed. Spring 1662 thousands of people died because the famine. Everywhere a lot of highwaymen roamed the country. That’s why there was a continuous patrolling on the roads by the soldiers of the king. They also had the assignment to clear the corpses which laid around hither and titter.
Several villages were ransacked by the roaming gangs and several storage rooms of the king were broken open. The ones from the nation, who survived the famine, fed themselves with acorns, bark from the trees and weeds.

In the beginning of the year 1663, when the famine already lasted for three years, many died of hunger, so that entire regions were depopulated. In the lower parts alongside the rivers, they could still grow some rice, because they have always been less dependent on the rain. If that would not have been the case, the whole population would practically die out. At a certain moment the governor was not able to provide us our monthly ration of rice. That’s why he wrote a letter to the king with the request to transfer us elsewhere. In February came the order to divide us to three cities. We were still with 22 men. From these, twelve went to SaesOng, five to Sunchon and also five to Namwon ( Hamel speaks of Namman ).

We regretted this transfer enormously, after all we had a nice house in Duijtsiang, which we had decorated according to the customs of the nation, with around it a nice garden. We had to abandon all this, to start anew elsewhere. And this in a time of shortage. At hindsight this removal however appeared to be a happy circumstance for our mates who ended up in Nagasaki. But we couldn’t foresee that at that moment.

At Seoul

After we had traveled like this for several days and stayed the night at several cities and villages, we finally reached a river as wide as the Meuse near Dordrecht (having traveled 70 to 75 miles north, but also a bit west). We crossed this river after which we arrived one mile further at a big walled city. This is Sior (Seoul ), the residence of the king. All of us were accommodated in a house where we stayed two or three days. Then we were accommodated with two, three or four men at Chinese fugitives, who lived in Seoul. This was hardly done or we were summoned before the king who asked us through the before mentioned Jan Janse Weltevree , all kind of questions.

We answered these questions in the best way we could and accordingly requested passionately to let us leave to Japan. We reminded him that we lost our ship because of a storm, with which we almost lost half of our companions. That we found ourselves in a foreign country, faraway from hearth and home and we longed heavily to be reunited with our parents, wives, children, friends and next of kin.

Upon this the king answered, again through Weltevree, that this was not the custom of the country. Foreigners never received permission to leave the country. So we had to reconcile ourselves to staying in this country for the rest of our lives. To the custom of the country he invited us accordingly to amuse him with dancing, singing and clownish behavior. Though we fulfilled this obligation with little talent and as little enthusiasm, our performance was to the liking of the king and his court.

After we had been treated in the way of the country, each of us received two pieces of linen, so we could dress ourselves according to the customs of the country. Then we were brought back to the houses in which we were accommodated. The next day we were summoned at the commander-in-chief, who told us through Weltevree, that it had pleased the king to draft us as his bodyguards. We would receive a monthly allowance of about 70 ounces of rice each.

Each of us received a round wooden disc, on which were engraved in Korean letters our names, age, country of origin and our functions in service of the king. On top of that the stamps of the king and the commander-in-chief were burned in it. Then each of us received a musket, gunpowder and lead and the assignment to pay our respect to the king each new and full moon.

It is namely the custom in Korea that inferior servants of the king twice a month paid their respect to their superior. The male population is, until a certain age, being enlisted six months a year as a warrior. Hence three months in spring and three months in fall. During both periods they are drilled three times a month, and are practiced in shooting three times a month as well. Weltevree was assigned as a drilling master to us and besides him a Chinese. There are namely a lot of Chinese enlisted in the bodyguard of the king.

We were daily invited to appear for several great men, because both men and their wives as well as their children were curious to see us. Because the rumor had been spread that we looked more like monsters than like human creatures. It was being said that, when we wanted to drink, we had to put our noses behind our ears. And that our heads were best to be compared to the head of a sea cow. A closer acquaintance with us was a disappointment for most of them, because we didn’t look that monstrously as one had expected, or maybe even hoped.

Actually most Koreans didn’t think at all that we were ugly. They admired the whiteness of our skin. The possession of it is being regarded at as something desirable. In the beginning we couldn’t show ourselves on the street or a crowd was following us, or people were surrounding us and were gaping at us. On the island Quelpaert we were much less hindered by that, though we also attracted a great deal of attention.

It came thus far that, at a certain night the mob broke into our bedrooms, in order to drag us, against our will, outside and made fun out of us. We lodged a complaint at our commander about this. He forbid anybody to harass us in any way. From that moment on we could move around freely, without causing the gathering of a crowd.

In the month of August, the envoy of the Tartars (=Manchu’s) came to Seoul to collect the taxation which was laid upon the Korean nation. During his visit we were banned by the king out of the city and accommodated in a fortress. It was about six or seven miles from the city on a very high mountain. This fortress was a place of refuge. When the enemy forced its way into the country, the king sought his refuge over here. There is always so much food that 1000 men can live there for three years long. The fortress is also being used as a residence for the highest spiritual leaders of the nation. The name of this fortress was Nammansansong. We stayed here from the second till the third of September, the day the Tartarian envoy left again.

Toward the end of November it started to freeze so hard that the big river (the Han Kang) near the city froze. The ice was so strong that a cavalry unit of about three hundred men in full marching kit could cross the river without any danger. Since the cold was increasing, it began to hinder us. We went to our commander with the question if he couldn’t take care for winter clothes. Then he went to the king with the request to give us back a part of the hides, which they had salvaged from the wreck of the Sperwer. This request was granted. The hides were dried and accordingly shipped to Seoul , where they were stored in a warehouse. Upon inspection it seemed that a lot of these hides were rotten and another part was had been eaten by mite. We decided to sell the hides which were still useable, to buy a house from the profit. The Chinese with whom we were accommodated, namely didn’t treat us very pleasantly. They demanded us for instance to fetch wood for them regularly. Wherefore we had to walk three miles to there and back three miles as well, over the mountains. Since we were not accustomed to climbing a mountain with a pile of wood on our backs, we found this job extremely unpleasant. We were all of the opinion that we preferred to suffer some cold, if only to get rid of these people. The profit exceeded our expectations however, the money we received for the hides was enough to buy three little houses and with the money which was left we could buy some winter clothes. In this way we made it through this severe winter.

Insiden dengan utusan Tartarian
Pada Maret 1655 Tartarian utusan datang lagi ke Seoul. Selama tinggal kita disimpan di bawah tahanan rumah. Tetapi pada hari itu, sejauh kami tahu, utusan itu akan pergi, Hendrik Janse dari Amsterdam dan Hendrik Janse Bos dari Haarlem mengklaim bahwa mereka benar-benar tanpa kayu bakar. Mereka mendapat izin untuk pergi ke kayu. Tapi sebaliknya, mereka pergi ke jalan di mana utusan akan berlalu. Ketika utusan didekati, dikelilingi oleh beberapa ratus penunggang kuda, mereka menerobos barisan polisi dan meraih kuda utusan di memerintah nya.

Buru-buru mereka pakaian garmen Korea luar mereka dan menunjukkan pakaian yang mereka kenakan Belanda bawahnya. Hal ini menyebabkan keributan besar. Utusan takut bertanya apa ini seharusnya berarti, di mana dua berteriak bahwa mereka adalah orang Belanda yang ditempatkan di Korea melawan kehendak mereka. Sayangnya utusan tidak mengerti apa-apa dari apa yang mereka berteriak. Korea yang menemaninya itu tidak bersedia untuk menjelaskan apa pun. Mereka mengaku tidak memahaminya.

Setelah itu utusan Tartarian pengemudi diminta untuk mengambil ke rumahnya tempat ia akan menghabiskan malam dan utusan akan mengurus penerjemah. Jadi hal itu terjadi. Sementara itu Belanda lainnya diseret keluar dari rumah mereka dan dibawa di depan Dewan Crown. Ketua dewan ini bertanya apakah kami tahu apa yang kedua telah sampai. Tentu saja kita membantah menyadarinya. Namun pengadilan dihukum bersalah kita, karena kita bisa melihat bahwa pasangan tidak pergi ke pegunungan, namun, sebaliknya, berjalan ke sisi lain. Kita harus telah melaporkan ini segera.

Putusan itu 50 pukulan di pantat telanjang untuk masing-masing. Namun putusan ini, harus disahkan oleh raja. Raja berpendapat bahwa kita tidak pantas menerima hukuman ini. Dia menganggap bahwa kami tidak memasuki negara sebagai perampok atau penakluk, tetapi didorong di sini, melawan kehendak kita, oleh badai. Dia dibatalkan putusan, setelah itu kami dibawa kembali ke rumah kami, di mana kami harus tinggal sampai pemberitahuan lebih lanjut.

Sementara itu, pengemudi itu telah dipertanyakan, melalui seorang penerjemah, oleh utusan dan tahu seluruh situasi. Dengan ini, Korea datang ke situasi yang sulit. Seperti kami diberitahu kemudian, utusan Tartarian itu disuap dengan banyak uang dan janji untuk lebih jika ia tidak memberitahukan kaisar di Beijing. Seluruh kejadian berakhir buruk selama dua pasangan kita. Mereka dilemparkan ke dalam penjara dan kami tidak pernah melihat mereka lagi. Banyak kemudian kami mengetahui bahwa mereka mati untuk sementara. Apakah mereka meninggal karena penyebab alami atau telah dihukum setelah semua, tidak diberi tahu. Bahkan Weltevree, yang tahu begitu banyak, tidak bisa memberitahu kami. Dari sumber daya Korea kita tahu bahwa dua pasangan kelaparan diri untuk kematian. Korea sangat khawatir tentang hal ini, tapi tidak tahu bagaimana membuat mereka makan lagi.

Pada bulan Juni utusan Tartarian datang lagi ke Seoul. Tak lama sebelum itu kami dipanggil sebelum komandan, yang mengatakan kepada kami sebuah kapal baru telah terdampar di Quelpaert dan karena Weltevree telah menjadi terlalu tua untuk melakukan perjalanan melelahkan seperti, tiga dari kami, yang tahu bahasa yang terbaik, harus bertindak sana sebagai penerjemah. Kami menunjuk tiga dari pasangan kita: asisten, petugas di bawah yang bertanggung jawab atas rig dan pelaut. Threesome ini meninggalkan beberapa hari kemudian ke Selatan didampingi oleh seorang sersan.

Kami, yang tinggal di belakang, mendapat perintah tegas untuk tinggal di rumah kami sampai hari kedua keberangkatan utusan. Dia yang berani hidungnya menempel di luar pintu sebelum itu, bisa mengandalkan memukul tanpa ampun. Setelah beberapa saat kami menerima surat dari tiga pasangan kita, yang telah meninggalkan untuk Quelpaert. Mereka memberitahu kami bahwa mereka dipenjarakan di titik selatan pulau terluar, di mana mereka dijaga ketat. Tidak ada kapal di semua telah hancur. Semua hal ini telah menjadi trik untuk mendapatkan tiga orang keluar dari Seoul.

Tidak jelas bagi kita apa sebenarnya telah menjadi niat ini. Agaknya Korea berharap untuk menjaga di belakang tiga jika kaisar Cina datang untuk mengetahui bahwa ada di Korea dan akan permintaan ekstradisi kami. Mungkin untuk menggunakannya di acara-acara yang terjadi sebagai penerjemah?
 
 

Pada akhir tahun itu, utusan menyeberangi es lagi untuk menuntut upeti. Dan seperti sebelumnya, kami dikurung di rumah kami selama tinggal dan sangat dijaga. Setelah kunjungannya anggota dewan bersikeras pada mahkota raja untuk membunuh kami. Mereka mendapat dukungan dari pejabat lain yang diberi makan dengan kami. Mereka berkumpul pada masalah ini selama tiga hari. Raja, saudara raja, komandan militer dan orang-orang terkemuka lainnya menentang usulan ini, karena mereka baik dibuang ke arah kami.

Para komandan militer mengatakan bahwa, jika seseorang memutuskan untuk membunuh kami, itu harus dalam manusia untuk melawan manusia, di mana masing-masing dari kita harus berjuang melawan dua Korea, yang dipersenjatai dengan cara yang sama. Ia berpikir bahwa untuk menjadi lebih terhormat, baik untuk Korea dan Belanda, kemudian hanya membunuh sejumlah orang asing, yang telah memasuki negara terhadap keinginan mereka. Semua ini telah diam-diam mengatakan kepada kami, oleh informan simpatik. Sangat khawatir kami bertanya Weltevree apakah ia bisa mengkonfirmasi pesan ini. Dia tidak ingin memberitahu kita lebih kemudian, jika kita masih akan hidup setelah tiga hari akan bahaya telah berlalu.

Saudara raja, yang merupakan ketua pertemuan, melewati rumah-rumah kami dalam perjalanan ke pertemuan. Kami mengambil kesempatan, untuk bersujud di depannya dan memohonnya untuk cadangan kehidupan kita. Dia mengatur pikiran kita pada saat istirahat dengan mengatakan kepada kita hal-hal yang tidak terlihat hitam seperti mereka sedang disarankan oleh orang-orang iri, yang unkindly dibuang ke arah kami. Dan begitulah yang terjadi.

Kami berutang hidup kita kepada raja, yang tinggal kaki dan tidak menghasilkan untuk tekanan diterapkan oleh musuh yang bertujuan jatuh kami. Tapi dia harus membuat konsesi juga. Untuk mencegah bahwa kami menyebabkan masalah lagi di masa depan dengan mencari kontak dengan utusan Tartarian, kami dibuang ke provinsi Chollado. Dari raja kami menerima tunjangan bulanan sebesar 50 ons beras

Di pantai selatan.
Kami mengucapkan selamat tinggal mulai 1663 kepada gubernur dan berterima kasih atas semua hal yang telah dia lakukan untuk kami. Lalu kami berangkat ke tujuan yang berbeda kita. Kami harus membuat perjalanan dengan berjalan kaki. Hanya untuk yang sakit dan hal-hal kecil kami diizinkan untuk mengambil bersama, beberapa kuda ditempatkan di pembuangan kami. Orang-orang yang melakukan perjalanan ke Sunchon dan SaesOng, awalnya mengambil jalan yang sama. Setelah empat hari kami tiba di Sunchon, sini kita menginap di gudang pemerintah. Hari berikutnya kami mengucapkan selamat tinggal untuk pasangan empat kami yang tetap tinggal di Sunchon, dan pindah seterusnya. Malam hari yang sama kami tiba di SaesOng, di mana kami diserahkan kepada gubernur.

Dia menyuruh kami ditampung di sebuah rumah nyaris lengkap dan memberi kami jatah beras biasa. Dia tampak kita seorang pria ramah dan periang. Tapi sayangnya, dua hari setelah kedatangan kami, dia pergi. Tiga hari kemudian seorang gubernur baru tiba. Dia tampaknya menjadi bencana bagi kita mengucapkan. Di musim panas dia membiarkan kami berdiri di terik matahari dan di musim dingin dari pagi sampai larut malam di tengah hujan dan hujan es.

Jika cuaca indah, kita tidak melakukan apa pun tetapi memotong cabang-cabang untuk membuat panah yang dipraktekkan para pemanah, karena sepertinya menjadi kehormatan bagi setiap gubernur memiliki pemanah terbaik. Dia marilah kita melakukan pekerjaan buruk lainnya, tentang apa yang kita katakan lebih lanjut.

Karena musim dingin sudah hampir sampai, kita merasa perlu untuk pakaian baru. Itulah mengapa kami meminta Gubernur untuk mempekerjakan enam dari kami dan mengirimkan enam lainnya cuti. Mereka bisa mengumpulkan uang dengan mengemis atau menjual kayu. Resmi izin tidak diberikan, tetapi akhirnya hal ini justru direstui. Hal ini berlangsung sampai 1664, maka gubernur kita telah dipromosikan ke posisi yang lebih tinggi. Penggantinya tampaknya jauh lebih ringan.

Dia lega kami segera dari semua kewajiban pekerjaan kita. Kami hanya diperlukan, sesuai dengan pengaturan asli, untuk melaporkan diri kita sendiri dua kali sebulan. Selanjutnya kami terpaksa setiap kali ketika kami meninggalkan untuk laporan ini ke kantor sekretaris dan juga di mana kami pergi, sehingga mereka bisa menemukan kita dalam kasus mereka membutuhkan kita.

Kami bersyukur kepada Tuhan kami akhirnya lega dari orang sengsara, yang memiliki kehidupan pahit kita dan bahwa penggantinya begitu baik dibuang ke arah kami. Dia mengundang kami waktu banyak di rumahnya, di mana ia memberi kami sambutan hangat dengan bumbu dan minuman. Dia juga ingin tahu segala macam hal tentang tanah air kita. Dia tulus mengasihani kita dan bertanya-tanya mengapa kami tidak mencoba untuk pergi ke Jepang. Untuk ini kita menjawab bahwa kita tidak memiliki izin untuk melakukannya dan di atas bahwa kami tidak memiliki sebuah kapal yang cocok yang kita miliki. Di mana ia mengatakan nakal yang di desa-desa pesisir ada kapal yang kami miliki cukup.

Kami meyakinkannya bahwa kami tidak akan pernah berani untuk menggunakan sebuah kapal yang bukan milik kita, karena jika kita gagal maka, kita tidak hanya akan dihukum karena upaya kami untuk melarikan diri tetapi juga untuk pencurian. Kami mengatakan ini untuk membuat dia tidak curiga. Setiap kali kita mengatakan hal ini, gubernur harus tertawa sepenuh hati.

Dia telah memberi kita gambaran meskipun, dan kami mulai berpikir serius tentang memenuhi ini. Mana-mana kita diberitahu jika tidak ada perahu untuk dijual, yang kita bisa pergi untuk memancing di bawah pantai. Tapi tak seorang pun ingin menjual kami perahu. Mereka pernah tinggal terlalu lama di bawah rezim yang ketat dari gubernur sebelumnya yang mereka sangat patuh dan tidak mudah bersedia melakukan sesuatu yang mereka mungkin akan disalahkan nanti.

Pada akhir tahun kami melihat lama setelah masing-masing dua ekor bintang-lain atau komet yang muncul di langit. Yang pertama, di tenggara, adalah terlihat selama hampir dua bulan. Setelah itu satu sama lain muncul di tenggara. Munculnya benda-benda angkasa, menyebabkan kepanikan besar di negeri ini. Perang-armada berdiri oleh, para penjaga pelabuhan diperkuat, semua benteng diberikan dengan ketentuan tambahan dan amunisi ekstra, sementara kavaleri dan infanteri berolahraga setiap hari. Juga tidak diizinkan untuk cahaya lampu, terutama di kota-kota di sepanjang pantai. Rasa takut ini disebabkan oleh kenyataan bahwa ketika Tartarians menginvasi negara, ada juga tanda-tanda serupa di cakrawala, serta pada awal perang dengan Jepang. Banyak Korea meminta kami apa yang kami pikir itu dan jika kita mempertimbangkan muncul celestials ini juga sebagai pertanda buruk. Kami menjawab bahwa kami, di Belanda, biasanya diharapkan bahwa munculnya tanda serupa pertanda dari satu atau yang lain bencana, baik itu perang, banjir atau epidemi

  
Komet ini juga terlihat di Belanda, dan di Jepang
Karena keadaan alrertness, itu tentu saja ekstra sulit untuk ge ship.We akan memiliki masalah besar melarikan diri dengan itu, karena ada patroli intensif perang-jung. Situasi itu tampaknya pada akhir-mati, tapi kita menerima nasib kita. Kami setelah semua tahanan di negara aneh dan kami harus senang untuk memiliki atap di atas kepala kita dan bisa membuat hidup.

Sementara itu satu demi gubernur lain berhasil satu sama lain. Beberapa dari mereka baik dibuang ke arah kami. Lain-lain menyesalkan kita keistimewaan masing-masing. Satu gubernur ingin kita cap beras untuk sepanjang hari. Yang berikutnya memerintahkan kami untuk memutar 100 depa tali baginya. Setiap kali kita protes keras dan meminta pada raja, yang tidak pernah memiliki niat untuk menempatkan kita ke dalam perbudakan. Tapi saat paling gelap selalu sebelum fajar. Gubernur, yang ingin kami cap beras, mengancam akan memaksa kita, jika perlu, dengan langkah-langkah yang kuat, ketika kita secara ajaib dibebaskan dari dirinya. Selama latihan armada, yang dilakukan setiap hari, karena kelalaian di salah satu jung per barel mesiu meledak, di mana kapal tenggelam dan lima orang di kapal tewas. Gubernur berusaha untuk menjaga rahasia ini, tetapi melalui mata-matanya yang mana-mana di negeri ini, raja datang untuk tahu itu bagaimanapun. Kemudian gubernur ditangkap dan dibawa ke pengadilan. Putusan itu pengunduran tercela, 90 pukulan dengan tongkat dan diasingkan seumur hidup. Ketika gubernur baru ingin kami untuk memutar tali, kami berharap untuk suatu keajaiban baru. Tapi itu tetap akan datang untuk saat ini. Dia tidak memiliki serangan jantung dan ia tidak tabrakan dengan pengadilan juga. Situasi menjadi sangat tidak menyenangkan sekarang

original info

The incident with the Tartarian envoy

In March 1655 the Tartarian envoy came again to Seoul . During his stay we were kept under house arrest. But on the day that, as far as we knew, the envoy would leave, Hendrik Janse from Amsterdam and Hendrik Janse Bos from Haarlem claimed that they were completely without firewood. They got permission to go to the wood. But instead, they went to the road where the envoy would pass. When the envoy approached, surrounded by some hundred horsemen, they broke through the cordon and grabbed the horse of the envoy at his reigns.

Hastily they undressed their Korean outer garment and showed the Dutch clothes they were wearing underneath. This caused an enormous commotion. The frightened envoy asked what this was supposed to mean, at which the two shouted that they were Hollanders who were kept in Korea against their will. Unfortunately the envoy didn’t understand anything of what they shouted. The Koreans who accompanied him were neither willing to clarify him anything. They claimed not to understand it either.

After that the Tartarian envoy requested to take the coxswain to his house where he would spend the night and the envoy would take care of an interpreter. So it happened. In the meantime the other Hollanders were dragged out of their houses and brought in front of the Crown Council. The chairman of this council asked us if we had known what these two had been up to. Of course we denied being aware of it. Nevertheless the court sentenced us guilty, because we could have seen that the couple didn’t go to the mountains, but, on the contrary, walked to the other side. We should have reported this immediately.

The verdict was 50 blows on the bare buttocks for each. This verdict however, had to be ratified by the king. The king was of the opinion that we didn’t deserve this punishment. He considered that we didn’t enter the country as robbers or conquerors, but were driven here, against our will, by the storm. He nullified the verdict, after which we were brought back to our houses, where we had to stay until further notice.

In the meantime, the coxswain had been questioned, through an interpreter, by the envoy and knew the whole situation. With this, the Koreans came into a difficult situation. As we were told later, the Tartarian envoy was bribed with a lot of money and promises for more if he didn’t inform the emperor in Beijing. The whole incident ended badly for our two mates. They were thrown in prison and we have never seen them again. Much later we learned that they died in the meantime. Whether they died of a natural cause or had been sentenced after all, was not told. Even Weltevree, who knew so much, couldn’t tell us. From the Korean resources we know that the two mates starved themselves to death. The Koreans were very worried about this, but didn’t know how make them eat again.

In June the Tartarian envoy came again to Seoul . Shortly before that we were summoned before the commander, who told us a new ship had stranded at Quelpaert and because Weltevree had become too old to undertake such a fatiguing journey, three of us, who knew the language best, had to act there as an interpreter. We appointed three of our mates: an assistant, the under officer in charge of the rigs and a sailor. This threesome left a few days later to the South accompanied by a sergeant.

We, who stayed behind, got the strict orders to stay in our houses until the second day of the departure of the envoy. He who dared to stick his nose outside the door before that, could count on a merciless spanking. After a while we received a letter from our three mates, who had left for Quelpaert. They notified us that they were imprisoned on the outermost south point of the island, where they were strictly guarded. No ship at all had been wrecked. All these things had been a trick to get the threesome out of Seoul.

It was not clear to us what exactly had been the intention of this. Presumably the Koreans hoped to keep these three behind if the emperor of China came to know that there were in Korea and would request our extradition.

Maybe to use them at occurring occasions as interpreters?

At the end of that year, the envoy crossed the ice to demand again tribute . And as before, we were locked up in our houses during his stay and severely guarded. After his visit members of the crown council insisted upon the king to have us killed. They got support from other dignitaries who were fed up with us. They assembled upon this issue for three days. The king, the brother of the king, army commander and other leading persons were against this proposal, because they were kindly disposed toward us.

The army commander said that, if one decided to kill us, it had to be in a man to man fight, in which each of us had to fight against two Koreans, who were armed in the same way. He thought that to be more honorable, both for Koreans and Hollanders , then just killing a number of foreigners, who had entered the country against their will. All of this had been secretly told us, by sympathetic informers. Heavily alarmed we asked Weltevree if he could confirm this message. He didn’t want to tell us more then, if we still would be alive after three days the danger would have passed.

The brother of the king, who was the chairman of the meetings, passed our houses on his way to the meetings. We took the opportunity, to kowtow in front of him and begged him to spare our lives. He set our minds at rest by telling us things didn’t look as black as they were being suggested by envious persons, who were unkindly disposed toward us. And so it happened.

We owed our lives to the king, who stayed foot and didn’t yield for the pressure applied by the enemy who aimed at our down fall. But he had to make concessions as well. To prevent that we caused problems again in the future by seeking contact with the Tartarian envoy, we were exiled to the province of Chollado . From the king we received a monthly allowance of 50 ounces of rice

At the south coast.

We said good-bye beginning 1663 to the governor and thanked him for all the things he had done for us. Then we left for our different destinations. We had to make the journey by foot. Only for the sick and the little things we were allowed to take along, some horses were put at our disposal. The ones who traveled to Sunchon and SaesOng, initially took the same road. After four days we arrived at Sunchon, Here we stayed overnight in the governmental warehouse. The next day we said good-bye to our four mates who stayed behind in Sunchon, and moved onwards. The evening of the same day we arrived at SaesOng, where we were handed over to the governor.

He had us accommodated in a scarcely furnished house and provided us with the usual ration of rice. He seemed us a friendly and good-humored man. But unfortunately, two days after our arrival he left. Three days later a new governor arrived. He appeared to be an utter disaster for us. In summertime he let us stand in the burning sun and in wintertime from early morning till late at night in rain and hail.

If the weather was beautiful, we did nothing else but cutting branches to make arrows with which the archers practiced, because it seemed to be an honor for each of the governors to have the best archers. He let us do other nasty jobs, about which we tell further on.

Because the winter was almost there, we felt the need for new clothes. That’s why we requested the governor to employ six of us and sent the other six on leave. They could gather some money by begging or selling wood. Officially the permission was not granted, but eventually it was condoned. This lasted until 1664, then our governor was promoted to a higher position. His successor appeared to be much more lenient.

He relieved us immediately from all our work obligations. We only needed, according to the original arrangement, to report ourselves twice a month. Further we were obliged every time when we left to report this to his secretarial office and also where we went, so they could find us in case they needed us.

We thanked God we were finally relieved from the miserable guy, who had embittered our lives and that his successor was so kindly disposed toward us. He invited us many a time at his home, where he gave us a warm reception with spice and drinks. He also wanted to know all kinds of things about our homeland. He sincerely pitied us and wondered why we didn’t try to go to Japan. To this we answered that we didn’t have the permission to do so and on top of that we didn’t have a suitable ship at our disposal. At which he remarked mischievously that in these coastal villages there were enough ships at our disposal.

We assured him that we would never dare to make use of a ship which was not our property, because if we failed then, we would not only be punished for our attempt to escape but also for theft. We said this to make him not suspicious. Every time we said this, the governor had to laugh heartily.

He had given us an idea though, and we started to think seriously about the fulfilling of this. Everywhere we informed if there was no boat for sale, with which we could go for fishing under the coast. But nobody wanted to sell us a boat. They had lived too long under the strict regime of the previous governor that they were very dutiful and were not easily willing to do something of which they would be blamed possibly later.

At the end of the year we saw shortly after each other two tail-stars or comets arising in the sky. The first one, in the southeast, was to be seen for almost two months. After that another one appeared in the southeast. The appearance of these celestial bodies, caused a big panic in the country. The war-fleet was standing by, the guards of the ports were reinforced, all fortresses were provided with extra provisions and extra munitions, while cavalry and infantry were exercising daily. Also was it not allowed to light any lamps, especially not in the cities along the coast. This fear was caused by the fact that when the Tartarians invaded the country, there were also similar signs in the firmament, as well as at the beginning of the war with the Japanese. Many a Korean asked us what we thought of it and if we considered the appearing of these celestials also as a bad omen. We answered that we, in Holland, usually expected that the appearance of a similar sign was an omen of one or the other disaster, be it a war, flooding or an epidemic

 
These comets were also seen in the Netherlands, and in Japan

Because of this state of alrertness,it was of course  extra difficult to ge ship.We would have had a great problem escaping with it, because there was an intensive patrolling of war-junks. The situation seemed at a dead-end, but we accepted our fate. We were after all prisoners in a strange country and we had to be happy to have a roof above our heads and could make a living.

In the meantime one after the other governor succeeded each other. Some of them were kindly disposed toward us. Others begrudged us each privilege. One governor wanted us to stamp rice for him all day. The next one ordered us to twist 100 fathoms of rope for him. Every time we protested fiercely and appealed upon the king, who never had the intention to put us into slavery. But the darkest hour was always before the dawn. The governor, who wanted us to stamp the rice, threatened to force us, if necessary, with strong measures, when we were miraculously freed of him. During the fleet exercises, which were done daily, through negligence on one of the junks a barrel of gunpowder exploded, by which the junks sank and five persons on board were killed. The governor tried to keep this secret, but through his spies who were everywhere in the country, the king came to know it anyhow. Thereupon the governor was arrested and brought to the court. The verdict was disgraceful resignation, 90 blows with a stick and lifelong exile. When the new governor wanted us to twist rope, we hoped for a new miracle. But that stayed forthcoming for the time being. He had no heart-attack and he had no collision with the court as well. The situation became really unpleasant by now

1627

The historical relationship between Korea and the Netherlands
In 1627 a handful of Dutch reached for the first time in Korea. Parties in Taiwan to Japan, they had experienced a storm that had baffled and had sent a boat to the water on the Korean coast. Three of them, Dirk Gijsbertsz. and Jan Janse Weltevree, both from De Rijp (North Holland) and Jan Pieterse Verbaest Amsterdam were captured, others managed to escape on board the boat. The trio was sent to the capital where Jan Janse Weltevree even managed to become the bodyguard of the king.

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It Whimsical representation of Hendrik Hamel and his family in their exile in the province of Cholla-do. The house is not much about Korea!

was given a Korean name Pak Yon, and married a Korean woman who bore him a son and a daughter. His two fellow prisoners died in 1637 during fighting against the Manchus, who, seven years later, supplant, China, the Ming Dynasty. After 1656, we hear no more of Weltevree, so he lived at least 39 years in Korea.
 

Also scathing of Taiwan to Japan, the Dutch ship De Sperwer was also baffled by a storm and sank August 15, 1653 on the coast of Cheju-do (Quelpart), a large island south of southwestern Korea. Of the 64 crewmen, 36 managed to reach shore. Most of the survivors died in the ensuing years, fifteen eventually return to their homeland.

 
    
[P. 30]
The adventures of the castaways were recorded by the accounting board, Hendrik van Hamel Gorkum in his Journal which appeared in 1668 in Amsterdam and Rotterdam and enjoyed for many translations into French, German and English. We can not provide here briefly the experiences that knew the shipwrecked. The population of the island provides them with food and treats them well in general. A week after their arrival, a four-man delegation was received by the prefect of Cheju-do. They make it clear that they want to win Japan where the Dutch had a factory while on the island of Dejima, located in the Bay of Nagasaki. This may not allow them, the laws of Korea to the contrary. It sends to the Court a report on the arrival of foreigners and ask for instructions.

Meanwhile, the prefect and often invites the castaways will sometimes hold parties up to console their misfortune. ‘It was so great care of our patients, we can

Arrival of Hamel and fugitives Dutch in Nagasaki.

that we were better received this idolatry that we had not been Christians. ‘
 

On October 29, the prefect demand Hamel, the master pilot and the second surgeon: they meet a man with a long beard who turns out to be Jan Janse Weltevree already mentioned. ‘So was there about being surprised, and even surprising to see a man of fifty-eight years, as it was, had so far forgotten his mother tongue in the beginning we had many of the just to hear it and it is true that it took him a month to do it again. ‘

In late May 1654, we summoned the Dutch in Seoul, where the King receives in audience and where they are sad to learn that they can indeed leave the country. The king, however, marks his good name and bodyguards. Just two years later, they fall into disgrace and into exile in the province of Cholla-do (south-west of Korea). They need this reversal of fortune for some of their attempts to contact an embassy from China and Manchuria to the jealousy of certain senior officials.

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[P. 31]
In the summer of 1666, after ten years of misery, Hamel and seven other successful, against a pretty penny to buy a boat that they sailed to Dejima. In October the following year, the Japanese authorities allow them to earn Batavia. Intervention of the Japanese, the eight remaining castaways receive permission to leave Korea. Seven of them arrived in Nagasaki in September 1668, the eighth, Jan Claesz. van Dort, preferred to remain in Korea. ‘He had married and claimed to have more hair on the body resembling a Christian or a Dutchman.’

The monument erected in 1980 on the south coast of Chejudo in memory of shipwrecked Dutch seventeenth century.

 

About one third of the Journal of Hamel is devoted to the description of Korea, its people and its culture and is the first European book on this country before the West knew little more than existence. The high accuracy attained by some observations Hamel, appears in the remarks he dedicated to language and writing:

‘As for their language, their writing and arithmetic, language differs from all others. It is very difficult to learn, because they give different names to one and the same thing. They speak very clearly, especially the notables and the learned. They use three types of writing. The first type, which is also the most important, like

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[P. 32]
the writing of Chinese and Japanese and is used to print all their books and writings that relate to the state and government. The second is very fast as our cursive, the notables and governors use it routinely to write sentences or to annotate queries and for their private correspondence, as the common man does not know to read it. The third writing, the simplest, is used by women or jointly. It is very easy for an acquisition, but it allows them to write everything and even unfamiliar words easily and better than the other two.

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 In all Von Siebold met by Korea (National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden).

cases we write with a brush – with great skill and speed. They have a lot of handwritten or printed works from ancient times and assign such a value that is the brother of the king or crown prince who has custody forever. Copies and printing plates are held in many cities and fortresses, which they can not find it private in case of fire or other catastrophe. ‘
 

The three graphs are traditional Chinese writing, the cursive and abbreviated Chinese invented the Korean alphabet in the middle of the fifteenth century. The Veritable Records (Chronicles authentic) concerning the events in the reign of the Yi Dynasty (1392-1910) have in fact been kept in different places for the reasons mentioned by Hamel. We find an example of conservation of engravings at the monastery of his Haein-west of Taegu, where stores 81,258 wooden planks that were used for printing, between 1237 and 1251, the Buddhist canon ( Tripitaka).

We find also a very interesting information on Korea in the seventeenth century in Noord-en Oost-Tartaryen (Tartars North and East), a work in two volumes from the hand of Nicolas Witsen, who between 1682 and 1705, was thirteen times mayor of Amsterdam, and in 1697-1698, master of ship-building of Tsar Peter the Great.

For his description of Korea, Witsen made use, among other sources of oral information provided by Matthew Eibokken, a fellow sufferers of Hamel. Eibokken was the second surgeon already mentioned, a rather considerable, judging from the minutes of Hamel. The relationship Eibokken brings a host of valuable supplements

 
    
[P. 33]

illustratie

The original text of the poem by Ko Ungyang (Library of the University of Leiden).

to the work of Hamel, which is particularly interesting is its glossary of 143 Korean words. Their spelling, we can affirm qu’Eibokken was able to read and write the Korean alphabet.
 

This article has already mentioned the Dutch factory located in the artificial island of Dejima where Dutch in 1641 to 1854 were the only Europeans allowed to trade with Japan.

Between 1823 and 1829, Dr. Philipp Franz von Siebold, a native of Würzburg, including filling the position of physician in the service of the Dutch. It was a great scholar who taught Western medicine to many Japanese, who, after his return to the Netherlands, has contributed significantly through its publications to make known in Europe Japan and its neighbors. During his stay in Dejima, new contacts took place between Dutch and Koreans; their meeting on March 17, 1828 deserves special mention.

Three boats manned by Korean trentesix men from the province of Cholla-do, had been wrecked near Goto Islands and the western coast of Kyushu. They were brought to the trading post of the feudal prince of Tsushima in Nagasaki, as this gentleman was in charge of relations between Korea and Japan.

On the said date, Von Siebold and his friend Hubert Carel de Villeneuve received permission to meet six of the castaways. On this occasion, we held a banquet where they exchanged gifts.

Here is the translation of a poem by a Chinese merchant Korean and Von Siebold given to:

 
On borders and capitals of the world
 
I have learned nothing since my birth and my adolescence.
 
The winds have thrown off the coast of Japan.
 
The prohibitions are lifted and here we are in this nice house.
 
People from three countries met
 
and play together now …
 
It has become an enchanting encounter
 
and giving the tone here?
 
We chaired a talented Dutch!
 
I had never heard of Holland …
 
We Koreans, we express our respect
 
and are establishing friendship with you.
 
Written by KB Ungyang, Korean.
Subsequently Von Siebold and Villeneuve went a few visits to their Korean friends, the first named deepened his knowledge of the Korean script, on which he had in 1824 sent a communication to the Government of the Netherlands Indies, while De Villeneuve and Japanese painter Kawahara Keig realized portraits and other artwork. In the interest of Von Siebold in Korea we are not only the first scientific paper on the language and script of this country but also an overview of Korean history.

 
    
[P. 34]

illustratie

Korean children’s song recorded by a Korean friend of Von Siebold (Library of the University of Leiden). The Korean text (third and fifth columns from the right) is written in Korean alphabet (‘han’gul’) and with the right, by a phonetic Japanese. Then comes a Japanese translation (sixth and seventh columns from the right). Here’s what the song says:
‘In this world there is nothing worse than a spider!
Reeling off his son from behind
she makes a great canvas to entangle the butterfly,
so happily visiting the flowers. ‘
Chinese characters (quite close to the right and drawings) mean: Korean song, Korean girl, woman and boy Korean Korean.

 

 
    
[P. 35]
After the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), Korea became a Japanese protectorate which Ito Hirobumi was the first resident-general.

The opening at The Hague in June 1907 of the second Peace Conference appeared to the Emperor Korean Kojong a golden opportunity to plead before a Korean global forum. On April 20, without any filtration – which was a feat, given the pervasiveness of Japanese agents and their creatures – he named three ambassadors to Koreans

illustratie

Korean shipwrecked in Nagasaki near the scene ‘paduk’.

the Conference. This was the former Minister vicepremier Sangsol Yi, former Judge of the High Court of Justice Chun Yi and former secretary of the Korean Embassy in St. Petersburg, Yi Wijong. Flanked by the American academic Homer B. Hulbert who served as their advisor, they came to 24 June in The Hague.
 

Such as Russia and Japan were preparing for the month following the conclusion of an agreement to partition Manchuria into two zones of influence, the president of the conference, the Russian Nelidov, refused admission to the Korean delegation unless invitation by the Dutch government. But neither the Minister

 
    
[P. 36]
Dutch Foreign Affairs nor the heads of other delegations were willing to lend their support to the Koreans. Their argument was that under the protectorate treaty of November 1905, it was Japan who was in charge of External Relations of Korea. So the mission was completed she a fiasco.

On July 19, the Japanese forced the emperor to abdicate in favor of his son, Crown Prince, who was incompetent. Five days later it ratified a new agreement also confided to the resident-general control of the internal administration of Korea. This measure is transformed into the final annexation of Korea by Japan in August 1910 as a mere formality.

Yi Chun died July 15 in The Hague: the failure of his mission had prompted him to completely ignore an already dilapidated health. He was buried in the cemetery of Nieuw Eykenduynen

illustratie

Korean painting on a roll, given as a gift to Von Siebold (National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden).

Indonesian version

1627
Hubungan historis antara Korea dan Belanda
Pada tahun 1627 beberapa Belanda mencapai untuk pertama kalinya di Korea. Pihak di Taiwan ke Jepang, mereka telah mengalami badai yang bingung dan telah mengirimkan kapal ke air di pantai Korea. Tiga dari mereka, Dirk Gijsbertsz. dan Jan Janse Weltevree, baik dari De Rijp (North Holland) dan Jan Pieterse Verbaest Amsterdam ditangkap, yang lain berhasil melarikan diri di papan perahu. Trio dikirim ke ibu mana Jan Janse Weltevree bahkan berhasil menjadi pengawal raja.

Ini biasa dan representasi dari Hendrik Hamel dan keluarganya di pengasingan mereka di provinsi Cholla-lakukan. Rumah ini tidak banyak tentang Korea!

diberi nama Korea Pak Yon, dan menikahi seorang wanita Korea yang melahirkan baginya seorang putra dan seorang putri. Nya dua rekan tahanan meninggal pada tahun 1637 dalam pertempuran melawan Manchu, yang, tujuh tahun kemudian, menggantikan, Cina, Dinasti Ming. Setelah 1656, kita mendengar tidak lebih dari Weltevree, sehingga ia hidup setidaknya 39 tahun di Korea.
 

Juga pedas dari Taiwan ke Jepang, kapal Belanda De Sperwer juga bingung dengan badai dan tenggelam 15 Agustus 1653 di pantai Cheju-do (Quelpart), pulau besar selatan barat daya Korea. Dari 64 awak, 36 berhasil mencapai pantai. Sebagian besar korban meninggal di tahun-tahun berikutnya, lima belas akhirnya kembali ke tanah air mereka.

 
    
[P. 30]
Petualangan orang yang terdampar dicatat oleh dewan akuntansi, Hendrik van Hamel Gorkum di Journal-nya yang muncul pada tahun 1668 di Amsterdam dan Rotterdam dan menikmati bagi banyak terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Perancis, Jerman dan Inggris. Kami tidak dapat menyediakan sini secara singkat pengalaman yang tahu terdampar. Penduduk pulau itu menyediakan mereka dengan makanan dan memperlakukan mereka dengan baik pada umumnya. Seminggu setelah kedatangan mereka, delegasi empat orang diterima oleh prefek Cheju-do. Mereka membuat jelas bahwa mereka ingin menang Jepang di mana Belanda pabrik sementara di pulau Dejima, yang terletak di Teluk Nagasaki. Ini mungkin tidak memungkinkan mereka, hukum-hukum Korea untuk sebaliknya. Ia mengirimkan ke Pengadilan laporan tentang kedatangan orang asing dan meminta petunjuk.

Sementara itu, prefek dan sering mengundang terdampar kadang-kadang akan terus pihak hingga konsol kemalangan mereka. “Itu peduli begitu besar pasien kita, kita dapat

Kedatangan Hamel dan buronan Belanda di Nagasaki.

bahwa kami lebih baik menerima ini penyembahan berhala yang kami belum Kristen. ‘
 

Pada tanggal 29 Oktober prefek Hamel permintaan, pilot master dan ahli bedah kedua: mereka bertemu seorang pria dengan janggut panjang yang ternyata Jan Janse Weltevree telah disebutkan. “Jadi ada sekitar terkejut, dan bahkan mengejutkan untuk melihat seorang pria lima puluh delapan tahun, seperti yang, sejauh ini melupakan bahasa ibunya di awal kami telah banyak hanya untuk mendengarnya dan itu adalah benar bahwa membawanya sebulan untuk melakukannya lagi. ‘

Pada akhir Mei 1654, kami dipanggil Belanda di Seoul, di mana Raja menerima di antara penonton dan di mana mereka sedih untuk belajar bahwa mereka memang bisa meninggalkan negara itu. Raja, bagaimanapun, menandai nama baik dan pengawal. Hanya dua tahun kemudian, mereka jatuh ke dalam aib dan ke pengasingan di provinsi Cholla-lakukan (selatan-barat dari Korea). Mereka membutuhkan pembalikan keberuntungan untuk beberapa dari usaha mereka untuk menghubungi kedutaan besar dari Cina dan Manchuria untuk kecemburuan dari pejabat senior tertentu.

 
    
[P. 31]
Pada musim panas 1666, setelah sepuluh tahun kesengsaraan, Hamel dan tujuh sukses lainnya, terhadap pretty penny untuk membeli sebuah perahu yang mereka berlayar ke Dejima. Pada Oktober tahun berikutnya, pemerintah Jepang memungkinkan mereka untuk mendapatkan Batavia. Intervensi dari Jepang, delapan terdampar tersisa menerima izin untuk meninggalkan Korea. Tujuh dari mereka tiba di Nagasaki pada bulan September 1668, yang kedelapan, Jan Claesz. van Dort, memilih untuk tetap di Korea. “Dia sudah menikah dan mengaku memiliki rambut yang lebih pada tubuh yang menyerupai seorang Kristen atau seorang Belanda.”

Monumen didirikan pada tahun 1980 di pantai selatan Chejudo dalam memori abad ketujuh belas karam Belanda.

 

Sekitar sepertiga dari Journal of Hamel dikhususkan untuk deskripsi Korea, orang dan budaya dan adalah buku Eropa pertama di negara ini sebelum Barat tahu sedikit lebih dari keberadaan. Akurasi yang tinggi dicapai oleh beberapa Hamel pengamatan, muncul dalam pernyataan yang didedikasikan untuk bahasa dan menulis:

‘Adapun bahasa mereka, tulisan mereka dan aritmatika, bahasa berbeda dari semua orang lain. Hal ini sangat sulit untuk belajar, karena mereka memberikan nama yang berbeda untuk satu dan hal yang sama. Mereka berbicara dengan sangat jelas, terutama tokoh dan belajar. Mereka menggunakan tiga jenis tulisan. Tipe pertama, yang juga yang paling penting, seperti

 
    
[P. 32]
penulisan dan Cina dan Jepang digunakan untuk mencetak semua buku-buku dan tulisan-tulisan yang berhubungan dengan negara dan pemerintah. Yang kedua adalah sangat cepat karena kursif kami, tokoh dan gubernur menggunakannya secara rutin untuk menulis kalimat atau untuk membubuhi keterangan pertanyaan dan untuk korespondensi pribadi mereka, sebagai orang biasa tidak tahu untuk membacanya. Tulisan ketiga, yang paling sederhana, digunakan oleh wanita atau bersama-sama. Hal ini sangat mudah untuk akuisisi, tetapi memungkinkan mereka untuk menulis segala sesuatu dan kata-kata bahkan asing mudah dan lebih baik dibandingkan dengan dua lainnya.

 Dalam semua Von Siebold bertemu oleh Korea (National Museum of Ethnology, Leiden).

kasus kita menulis dengan kuas – dengan keterampilan dan kecepatan. Mereka memiliki banyak karya tulisan tangan atau dicetak dari zaman kuno dan menetapkan nilai tersebut yang adalah saudara dari raja atau mahkota pangeran yang memiliki hak asuh selamanya. Salinan dan pelat cetak diadakan di banyak kota dan benteng, yang mereka tidak dapat menemukannya pribadi dalam kasus kebakaran atau bencana lainnya. ‘
 

Ketiga grafik tulisan Cina tradisional, Cina kursif dan disingkat menemukan alfabet Korea di pertengahan abad kelima belas. Records benar (Tawarikh otentik) tentang peristiwa-peristiwa pada masa pemerintahan Dinasti Yi (1392-1910) kenyataannya telah disimpan di tempat yang berbeda untuk alasan yang disebutkan oleh Hamel. Kita menemukan contoh konservasi ukiran di biara-nya Haein-barat Taegu, di mana toko 81.258 papan kayu yang digunakan untuk mencetak, antara 1237, dan 1251 kanon Buddhis (Tripitaka).

Kami juga menemukan informasi yang sangat menarik di Korea pada abad ketujuh belas di Noord-en Oost-Tartaryen (Tartar Utara dan Timur), sebuah karya dalam dua jilid dari tangan Nicolas Witsen, yang antara 1682 dan 1705, tiga belas kali Walikota Amsterdam, dan di 1697-1698, master kapal-bangunan Tsar Peter Agung.

Untuk deskripsinya Korea, Witsen memanfaatkan, antara lain sumber informasi lisan yang diberikan oleh Matius Eibokken, seorang penderita sesama Hamel. Eibokken adalah ahli bedah kedua telah disebutkan, yang agak besar, dilihat dari menit Hamel. Para Eibokken Hubungan membawa sejumlah suplemen yang berharga

 
    
[P. 33]

Teks asli puisi oleh Ko Ungyang (Perpustakaan Universitas Leiden).

untuk pekerjaan Hamel, yang sangat menarik adalah glossary nya 143 kata Korea. Ejaan mereka, kita dapat menegaskan qu’Eibokken mampu membaca dan menulis alfabet Korea.
 

Artikel ini telah disebutkan pabrik Belanda yang terletak di pulau Dejima di mana Belanda di 1641-1854 orang Eropa hanya diperbolehkan untuk perdagangan dengan Jepang.

Antara 1823 dan 1829, Dr Philipp Franz von Siebold, yang berasal dari Würzburg, termasuk mengisi posisi dokter dalam pelayanan Belanda. Ini adalah seorang sarjana besar yang mengajarkan pengobatan barat ke Jepang banyak, yang, setelah kembali ke Belanda, telah memberikan kontribusi signifikan melalui publikasi untuk membuat dikenal di Eropa Jepang dan tetangga-tetangganya. Selama tinggal di Dejima, kontak baru terjadi antara Belanda dan Korea; pertemuan mereka pada 17 Maret 1828 patut disebutkan secara khusus.

Tiga kapal diawaki oleh orang-orang trentesix Korea dari provinsi Cholla-lakukan, telah dirusak dekat Goto Kepulauan dan pantai barat Kyushu. Mereka dibawa ke pos perdagangan pangeran feodal Tsushima di Nagasaki, karena pria ini bertanggung jawab atas hubungan antara Korea dan Jepang.

Pada tanggal tersebut, Von Siebold dan temannya Hubert Carel de Villeneuve mendapat izin untuk memenuhi enam dari terdampar. Pada kesempatan ini, kami mengadakan pesta di mana mereka bertukar hadiah.

Berikut adalah terjemahan dari puisi oleh seorang pedagang Cina Korea dan Von Siebold diberikan kepada:

 
Pada batas-batas dan ibukota dunia
 
Saya tidak belajar apa pun sejak lahir dan masa remaja saya.
 
Angin telah melemparkan lepas pantai Jepang.
 
Larangan diangkat dan di sini kita berada di rumah yang bagus.
 
Orang dari tiga negara bertemu
 
dan bermain bersama sekarang …
 
Hal ini telah menjadi sebuah pertemuan yang mempesona
 
dan memberikan nada di sini?
 
Kami memimpin Belanda berbakat!
 
Saya belum pernah mendengar Belanda …
 
Kami Korea, kami mengungkapkan rasa hormat kami
 
dan membangun persahabatan dengan Anda.
 
Ditulis oleh KB Ungyang, Korea.
Selanjutnya Von Siebold dan Villeneuve pergi beberapa kunjungan ke teman-teman mereka di Korea, yang pertama bernama memperdalam pengetahuannya tentang script Korea, di mana pada tahun 1824 ia mengirim komunikasi kepada Pemerintah Hindia Belanda, sementara De Villeneuve dan Jepang pelukis Kawahara Keig menyadari potret dan karya seni lainnya. Dalam kepentingan Von Siebold di Korea kita tidak hanya kertas ilmiah pertama pada bahasa dan aksara dari negara ini, tetapi juga merupakan gambaran dari sejarah Korea.

 
    
[P. 34]

Lagu anak-anak Korea direkam oleh teman Korea Von Siebold (Perpustakaan Universitas Leiden). Teks Korea (kolom ketiga dan kelima dari kanan) ditulis dalam huruf Korea (‘han’gul’) dan dengan tepat, oleh Jepang fonetik. Kemudian datang terjemahan bahasa Jepang (kolom keenam dan ketujuh dari kanan). Inilah yang lagu mengatakan:
“Di dunia ini tidak ada yang lebih buruk dari laba-laba!
Reeling dari anaknya dari belakang
dia membuat sebuah kanvas besar untuk melibatkan kupu-kupu,
begitu bahagia mengunjungi bunga-bunga. ‘
Karakter Cina (cukup dekat ke kanan dan gambar) berarti: lagu Korea, gadis Korea, wanita dan anak Korea Korea.

 

 
    
[P. 35]
Setelah Perang Rusia-Jepang (1904-1905), Korea menjadi protektorat Jepang yang Ito Hirobumi adalah yang pertama penduduk-umum.

Pembukaan di Den Haag pada Juni 1907 dari Konferensi Perdamaian kedua muncul ke Korea Kaisar Kojong kesempatan emas untuk memohon sebelum forum global Korea. Pada tanggal 20 April, tanpa filtrasi apapun – yang merupakan prestasi, mengingat pervasiveness agen Jepang dan makhluk mereka – ia bernama tiga duta besar untuk Korea

 karam di Nagasaki di dekat lokasi ‘paduk’.korea

Konferensi. Ini adalah mantan Menteri vicepremier Sangsol Yi, mantan Hakim Pengadilan Tinggi Kehakiman Chun Yi dan mantan sekretaris Kedutaan Besar Korea di St Petersburg, Yi Wijong. Diapit oleh Homer akademik Amerika B. Hulbert yang menjabat sebagai penasehat mereka, mereka datang sampai 24 Juni di Den Haag.
 

Seperti Rusia dan Jepang sedang mempersiapkan diri untuk bulan berikutnya setelah kesimpulan dari perjanjian untuk partisi Manchuria menjadi dua zona pengaruh, presiden konferensi, Nelidov Rusia, menolak masuk ke delegasi Korea kecuali undangan oleh pemerintah Belanda. Tapi baik Menteri

 
    
[P. 36]
Luar Negeri Belanda maupun kepala delegasi lainnya bersedia untuk memberikan dukungan mereka ke Korea. Argumentasi mereka adalah bahwa di bawah perjanjian protektorat November 1905, itu adalah Jepang yang bertanggung jawab atas Hubungan Eksternal Korea. Jadi misi itu selesai ia menemui kegagalan.

Pada 19 Juli, Jepang memaksa kaisar untuk turun tahta demi anaknya, Putra Mahkota, yang tidak kompeten. Lima hari kemudian meratifikasi perjanjian baru juga menceritakan ke kontrol penduduk-umum administrasi internal Korea. Langkah ini berubah menjadi aneksasi akhir Korea oleh Jepang pada bulan Agustus 1910 sebagai formalitas belaka.

Chun Yi meninggal 15 Juli di Den Haag: kegagalan misinya telah mendorong dia untuk sepenuhnya mengabaikan sebuah kesehatan yang sudah bobrok. Ia dimakamkan di pemakaman dari Nieuw Eykenduynen

Korea lukisan di roll, diberikan sebagai hadiah kepada Von Siebold (Museum Nasional Etnologi, Leiden).

 

 

 
 
 
New
   


 
Isaac Titsingh: Plattegrond der Nederlandse Faktory op et Eiland Desima bij Nagasaki. Copied from a Bunjiemon Toshimaya’s woodblockprint. From I. Titsingh: Illustrations of Japan. London 1822. Part I, Plate 4.
 

 
    Deshima, known as Dejima in Japanese, was a small artificial island in Nagasaki Bay (approximately 150 feet by 500 feet) on the southwestern Japanese island of Kyushu. From 1641 to 1845, Deshima served as the sole conduit of trade between Europe and Japan, and during the period of self-imposed Japanese seclusion (approximately 1639-1854) was Japan’s only major link to the European world. Though Dutch merchants were generally confined to the island, it nonetheless served as a conduit of considerable culture exchange in both directions. The exchanges ranged from hydrangeas to knowledge of electricity and paralleled a similar exchange passing between the Japanese and Chinese merchants, who were also permitted to trade at Deshima under similar controlled circumstances. Though it was destroyed during the modernization of Nagasaki harbor in the 20th century, the significance of Deshima has since been recognized. There are now plans to reconstruct the island to attract both European and Asian tourists drawn by its historic role as a meeting place between East and West.
1
   
The Establishment of the Dutch Trade with Japan  
    Europeans began trading with Japan and engaging Japanese society in 1600, when a Dutch ship, the Liefde, arrived in Usuki Bay on Kyushu with 24 half-starved men, seven of whom later died from the effects of malnutrition. The ship, piloted by an Englishman, Will Adams, had reached Japan during the second year of his mission to seek out and destroy Spanish and Portuguese settlements in Africa and Asia and return with the much prized pepper of Southern Asia. Adams won the confidence of Tokugawa Ieyasu in spite of (or perhaps because of) the attempts of the Catholic Portuguese to denounce their Protestant Dutch commercial rivals as pirates. Of course, this was not far off the mark as the Dutch were engaged in piratical attacks on the Portuguese. However, Tokugawa Iyesu was coming to view the Portuguese as a more serious threat to his own ambitions than any pirate might pose, because they were determined to convert and assert political control over as many Japanese as possible. These activities ultimately led him to ban European missionary activity and offer their converts the choice of recanting their faith or death. In contrast, Adams was granted privileged status. Adams was perceived as a businessman rather than a missionary and as a representative of a Protestant rival of the Catholic nation had no intention of meddling in Japanese internal affairs. He was thus regarded as a valuable asset, a possible European counterweight to the Portuguese. As such, he was not allowed to leave Japan, though as with any other court favorite, he was given a grant of land and revenue from a village for his support. He is still annually honored today in Japan by a celebration on the street in Edo where he lived. There is also a roadway in Tokyo honoring him by the title by which he was known, An-jin (An-jin Cho or Pilot Street).
2


 
Will Adams, his Memorial in Hirado and at Gillingham, his birthplace (seen in 1984). From http://www.medway.gov.uk/index/leisure/localhistory/timeline/17900/26373.htm.
 

 
    In 2005, a celebratory festival was held in Adams’ home county of Kent, featuring Japanese music, dancing, martial arts and other aspects of Japanese culture.1 Adams’ relations with the Tokugawa were immortalized, if also highly fictionalized, by the late James Clavell in his popular novel, Shogun (1975). The novel ultimately served as the basis of a television miniseries and a Broadway play. A more reliable rendition of his experiences is Adam’s own account, an excerpt of which is offered below as a student exercise. Whatever the actual relationship that existed between Tokugawa Iyesu and Adams, it laid the foundation for a unique association of the Dutch with the bafuku, or Japanese ruling court, that was to last almost two and a half centuries.  


 
Two views of the bay of Nagasaki and the island of Deshima in 1832 (top) and 1850 (bottom). From http://www.hogaku.it/storia/edo/politica.html and http://flcsvr.rc.kyushu-u.ac.jp/~michel/serv/eujap/voc/dejima/1850.html.
 

 
    In 1641 a new phase of this relationship began when the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie or V. O. C in Dutch) transferred its business from Hirado south to the island of Dejima in Nagasaki harbor. The island had originally been built in 1636 for Portuguese traders, but the Dutch were able to enjoy the use of its facilities when the Portuguese were finally expelled from Japan for their interference in Japanese affairs. The Dutch had no such intentions. They were happy to fulfill the role as a counter-weight to Catholic political ambitions during a revolt by Christian samurai (the Shimbara Rebellion, 1637-38). The Dutch assisted in the suppression of the revolt by providing ships at the bafuku’srequest to bombard the rebel positions. Nonetheless, they were closely watched by the Japanese authorities. Their property was often (rightly) searched for signs of smuggling and they were permitted to make only limited visits to the mainland from a complex of offices, warehouses, and other dwellings that made up a European overseas trading station or “factory.” These visits included an annual trip of the entire staff (12-15 agents) living within the Dutch factory to offer presents to the Tokugawa Shogunate in their capital city of Edo (modern Tokyo). These visits offered an opportunity for the Japanese to “assure themselves of their loyalty and to weaken them by putting financial burdens on them.” They also offered the Dutch the opportunity to impress the Japanese. Among the gifts they presented the court were elephants and camels and a magnificent copper lantern that has survived to this day:

Once a year, the director and his staff visited Edo in order to pay respects to the Shogun. The Dutch appear to have been treated like daimyo (Japanese feudal lords), who were also required to make these visits. At first, these visits were strictly controlled, but later the Dutch had more chance to enjoy the journey and to study Japanese history and culture. The Dutch were also allowed to participate in the kunchi festival of Suwa Shinto Shrine. When a new governor of Nagasaki arrived in the town, he visited Dejima and the Dutch also entertained the bureaucrats—translators and administrators—who supervised trade between the two countries.2

3
    The visits often included entertainments at which the agents, usually after much drinking, were encouraged by the court to dance and sing in their national idiom. The political subtext of this activity is indicative of the servant-to-patron relationship these visits were designed to cement.  


 
Top: Image of the Procession of the Dutch Factors from Deshima to the Tokugawa court in Edo from http://www.deutsches-museum.de/bib/entdeckt/alt_buch/buch0199.htm. Bottom, an Englishman (note lack of red hair and presence of beard) dances before a samisen player in image suggestive of capering at court by European merchants. Does the dignified samisen player appear non-plussed by this, to her, uncultured behavior?
 

 
    At the change of factory directors that coincided with the arrival of the annual trading fleet of ships from Holland there was also a meeting with Japanese officials. Fresh from Europe, the new director was expected to report not only on the factory’s activities, but on recent global affairs. It has been suggested that it was primarily for the latter reason—and the intelligence it provided—that the Japanese permitted the existence of the factory. 4
   
Contemporary Accounts  
    Scholars are fortunate that the correspondence of Isaac Titsingh (1740?-1812) is now available in print (Frank Lequin, ed., The Private Correspondence of Isaac Titsingh, Volume 1 (1785-1811), and Volume 2 (1779-1811) (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 1990, 1992) and on microfilm. This Dutch explorer, diplomat, and administrator went to Japan as the Dutch Envoy in 1778 and served as Director of the Dutch East India Company factory at Deshima Island for three periods between 1779 and 1784 (for a list of all Dutch East India Company’s chief mangers in Japan from 1600 to 1860, see http://www.worldstatesmen.org/Japan.htm#Dejima). Titsingh wrote widely on Japan in several languages and was among the first Europeans to collect Japanese artifacts, thus becoming Europe’s first Japanologist. He may have also have been the first to introduce the Tale of 47 Ronin to Europe in his work, Illustrations of Japan (London: Ackerman, 1822).3 His over 300 letters offer an intimate account of the customs and events associated with the Directors’ annual pilgrimage to Edo (pictured above). According to the publishers of his letters, these observations “range from wedding ceremonies to the conduct of the Edo court, and from the cultivation of Bonsai trees [see under "Cultural Exchange" below] to the suicide of a prominent Japanese scholar of the West.”4  His work also provided insight into the activities of the Chinese factory at Deshima:
5


 
The Chinese factory at Deshima. Note Chinese dress and banners. From: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/historical/titsingh_chinese.jpg
 

 
    Another blessing is the wide availability of the actual daily registers of the Deshima factory, called Dagregisters, which have been published through 1760.5 The editors and translators of the published version of the first nine years of registers (Cynthia Vialle and Leonard Blussé, The Deshima Dagregusters, Volume XI, 1641-1650, 2001) note the great value of the contents of these registers for students of world history. They contain not only lists of trade items, but also accounts of Japanese efforts to be sure the Dutch remained outside of any alliance of Catholic nations and held themselves aloof from the trouble caused by unauthorized visits of other merchants on Japanese soil. As the editors of this work and some of its reviewers have noted, the translations of these registers must be used with care. For example, an entry discussing a shipment to the royal court suggests that sake was part of shipment. However, an error in translation disguises the fact that the sake was not part of the delivery, but part of the refreshment provided for the shippers en route!6 These difficulties should not discourage the use of the published version of the registers in the classroom. An example of their use in a classroom setting is provided at the conclusion of this essay. 6
   Many Dutch East India Company day registers are available on-line as a result of the efforts of Henny Savenji (Henry Kang Lee). His site permits students of the period to trace the travels of the Marco Polo of Korea, Hendrick Hamel. It also offers a plethora of resources including an index to Daregisters and journals of Dutch shipping in the Indies and individual day-registers (http://www.hendrick-hamel.henny-savenije.pe.kr/Dutch/bijlagen.htm) that have been translated into English (see the exercise provided below).
7
    Neither of these sources surpasses the usefulness of two accounts of the Blomhoff family based on family records as well as Dagreisters. The first of these is Matthi Forrer and Fifi Effert’s (trans. and eds.), Court Journey to the Shogun of Japan: From a Private Account by Jan Cock Blomoff (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishers, 2000), which offers an account of Jan Cock Blomhoff’s(1779-1853) career as Director at Deshima. During his career, he wrote many letters to his wife Titia in Holland and kept a record of his visit to Edo in 1818. This work is a major source for Tokugawa Japan, enriched by images of the cultural objects he collected while in Japan. 8


 
 
 

 
    A more personal account of the Dutch-Japanese encounter as viewed by the Blomhoffs is the story of Titia Blomhoff (1786-1821), who along with the wet-nurse for her son, came to Deshima to join her husband, then Director of the factory. Because European women had been previously banned on the island, on her arrival in 1817 she and her wet-nurse became the first Western women to visit Japan. She was expelled after nearly four months, but not before making an impact at least in the form of 500 paintings, etchings, prints, and dolls the author has found were introduced into the nineteenth-century Japanese market. One example of these images appears above right (note the possibly Javanese servant from the Dutch base at Batavia, today Jakarta in Indonesia). It is adapted from a photograph taken by Kathleen Cohen from a wall hanging entitled “Edo Anonymous   Netherlandish Women,” dated 1817. It now hangs in Amsterdam’s Rijksmuseum Stadhouderskade in the Netherlands. (For this and similar images, see http://gallery.sjsu.edu/encounters/orient/orient-Thumb.00003.html). This is so dramatic a story that neither an academic review,7 nor the following publisher’s summary can dull a reader’s interest in René P. Bersma’s study of her life (Titia: The First Western Woman in Japan (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing (imprint of KIT Publishers), 2002):
9

Drawn from contemporary documents, private family correspondence and the Deshima logbooks, Titia is neither a history nor a novel or an official biography. Rather, it is a tribute to a woman who achieved an accidental place in history by being the first Western woman to travel to Japan in the 19th century . . . The Japanese government ordered her deportation. Fortunately, Nagasaki’s painters, including Kawahara Keiga, immortalized her before she left three and a half months after her arrival and these depictions were to prove most influential in representations of Western women in Japanese art. Separated from her husband, she died in 1821 of physical and mental exhaustion resulting from her experiences.8

10
   Both works help illuminate the practice of court visits that the Tokugawa employed for much the same purposes as King Louis IV employed his palace at Versailles: to help control and weaken the nobility, due to the costs of the visits in terms of travel and local housing, and to gather intelligence on their activities. 11
   
Postcards from the Edge: Nagasaki-e  
 
    The presence of the Dutch sparked much interest among the Japanese, only a few of whom caught a rare glimpse of the red-haired Gaijin. The desire to know more about the appearance and manners of these barbarians created a market niche for Nagasaki-e, a series of popular woodblock prints depicting the Dutch merchants, their vessels, and the exotic animals that were part of their annual tribute (see the exhibition on Red-Haired Barbarians at http://www.iisg.nl/exhibitions/japaneseprints/index.html). The Dutch were nearly always portrayed as red-hared, big-nosed and blue eyed. Given the isolation in which the Dutch lived their everyday lives, it is not surprising that Japanese artists portrayed the forks the Dutch used at meals as small garden rakes.
12
    Richard Illing suggests that the Nagasaki-e industry, which flourished from 1800 to 1860, was something of a sideline for the artists the Japanese government employed in Nagasaki to copy western images brought to Japan by foreigners.9 That the prints were unsigned further suggests that they were produced locally more as quality souvenirs than as high art. Like the parallel Yokohama-e, which showed “foreigners and their technical achievements” in that enclave, these prints “were not produced with elaborate techniques like mica or embossing as they were targeted at a broad Japanese public more on a coffee table book level.”10 13
   
Trade and Cultural Exchange  


 

 
 

 

 
    One of the chief trade items that passed through Deshima was silk from China. This import was indicative of the “country trade” or the means by which European traders profited not by command of the internal economies of subordinated Asian states, but by serving those economies as transporters of their products. The Dutch also imported goods from Southeast Asia and Europe. Dennis O’Flynn provides a succinct analysis of this trade in the Journal of World History (see an even more succinct abstract of Flynn’s essay, which is currently available at no cost from JSTOR at http://muse.jhu.edu/cgi-bin/access.cgi?uri=/journals/journal_of_world_history/v013/13.2flynn.pdf).11 14
    The country trade gave the Dutch access to Japanese silver and gold and also porcelain, such as Arita, Imari and other fine Japanese ceramics that were in high demand in the Netherlands and elsewhere in Europe. While “the Japanese artisans catered for their European clients with Dutch motifs. . . [w]hen demand could not be met by imports, the Dutch copied Japanese porcelain in large quantities.”12 In fact, the cross-cultural flow was rich and complex. The illustration above is of Chinese export ‘Van Frytom’ dishes designed, as the name suggests, by Frederick Van Frytom (1632-1702). This pattern, long known as “Deshima Island,” actually describes a scene in the north of Holland. Chinese artisans copied this pattern from the Japanese Arita-ware versions of the Dutch Delft artist’s work! A pair of these plates, originally traded sometime between 1730-1740, is currently listed for sale at $3,200. 15
    Deshima fostered other more culturally significant forms of exchange. Some Japanese students were exposed to the Dutch language at the enclave, though legally speaking, the learning of a foreign language was legally prohibited until after 1745. Still, considerable knowledge of Japan passed to Europe via Deshima. The Japanese gained some knowledge of Western science via the settlement.13 Bavarian biologist/botanist Philipp Franz von Siebold (1796-1866) served at Deshima as the factory’s medical officer from 1823 to 1829 and may have transferred considerable knowledge of Western medicine to the Japanese and of the Japanese to the West. He brought over 500 Japanese books back to Europe. He certainly worked with many Japanese translators and students. His multipart book, Nippon (Leiden, 1832-1858), was instrumental in spreading knowledge of Japan to the West. This work was among the first to explain Japanese Buddhism to the West. It remains of value to scholars of that period and has been the subject of a recent analysis of cross-cultural exchange suitable for students.14
16
    Because he was a trained botanist, Siebold also left an early record of Japanese bonsai to add to that of Titsingh. This practice of miniaturizing trees and shrubs requires minute and repetitive pruning that can be used as a form of Zen meditation, among other cultural functions. Siebold, a student of Japanese Buddhism, greatly admired this practice, as can be seen from the following excerpt from the English translation of his Manners & Customs of the Japanese(1841):

. . . a few words must be said of the Japanese gardeners, although their horticultural skills would entitle them to rank among the artists or artificers of the country rather than the agriculturists.  These gardeners value themselves alike upon the art of dwarfing and that of unnaturally enlarging all vegetable productions.  They exhibit in the miniature gardens of the towns full grown trees of various kinds only three feet high, with heads no more than this in diameter.  These dwarf-trees are reared in flower-pots . . and when they bear luxuriant branches upon a distorted stem, the very acmé of perfection is attained . . .15

 

17


 

Bonsai by Craig Cousins and others from http://www.bonsaiinformation.com/bonsaibeginners.htm.

 

 
    Students of ecological or “plant imperialism” will note that Siebold smuggled tea plants out of Japan and used them to start the tea plantation economy in Dutch Indonesia. He also set up a greenhouse at his estate in Holland (appropriately called “Deshima”) where he naturalized Japanese plants, such as the hosta and hydrangea, to European soils and climate. Though Japan attempted to protect its plant catalog, it still considers Seibold a culture hero (as Siborut-san).16This honor is all the more generous given the circumstances of his departure from Japan:

    At the end of his stay, it became known that Siebold was copying a map of the northern (Ezo) regions of Japan with the connivance of the Imperial librarian and astronomer (who he had befriended on the early 1826 Dutch court journey to the shogun in Edo).  The Government (and some political enemies of the astronomer), suspecting that the intention might be to put the map to some use harmful to Japan, imprisoned all of Siebold’s known Japanese students and friends, searched his house repeatedly, confiscated religious objects and other things which he might have intended to export illegally, and informed him that he would not be allowed to leave the country.


18

    He had been informed of the impending situation and had spent a night in mid-December 1828 finishing a copy of the important map.  Everything that was essential to his description of Nippon, manuscripts, maps and books, he packed in a large lead-lined chest which was then hidden.  The [Dutch] director . . . was informed, and also personally entrusted with the copy of the Ezo map, to be placed in the archives.  All this was done in the name of science.  It was illegal, but at that time the objectives of the smuggling must have been purely scientific, not political . . . however [the storehouse was] searched and many of his most prized articles were confiscated.  A prolonged investigation into the matter took place. It was late October before Siebold was informed that he was to be permitted to leave Japan, but was to be banished forever.  When he set sail for Batavia at the end of the year, he was given a send-off by some of his less suspected friends and students who had been released from prison.  Some of those who were more suspected did die in prison.  Siebold was forced to leave behind his young mistress and a two-year-old daughter (who lived until 1903), who were forbidden to accompany him.17

19
     William Ten Rhyne (1647-1700), was the first university-trained medical doctor to serve at Deshima. On his arrival in 1673, he is thought to have advised the very ill Japanese emperor, who subsequently recovered. Rhyne went on to introduce the medicine and culture of Japan to the West. He was the first physician to publish a detailed description of the indications for and practices of acupuncture, published as Transisalano-Daventriensis Dissertatio de arthritide: Mantissa schematica: De acupunctura: et Orationes tres, I. De chymiae ac botaniae antiquitate & dignitate: II. De physiognomia: III. De monstris / Singula ipsius authoris notis illustrate (London: R. Chiswell, 1683). 20
     Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716), a well-educated and well-traveled German scientist, arrived in Deshima in 1690, where, like Siebold, he served as medical officer. Kaempfer, “whose only wish was to study the country and its people, despaired at his confinement” there. However, his fluency with languages led to his rapid command of Japanese, which “soon won him the friendship of the Japanese interpreters and officers of the island, who were under solemn oath not to talk with foreigners or discuss the affairs of Japan.” According to his account of what proved to be a two-year sojourn in Japan, one of these officers was “a discreet young man, by whose means I was richly supplied with whatever notice I wanted [including Japanese books], concerning the affairs of Japan . . . He was about 24 years of age, well vers’d in the Chinese and Japanese languages, and very desirous of improving himself. Upon my arrival he was appointed to wait on me as my servant, and at the same time to be instructed by me in Physick (medicine) and surgery.” Kaempfer also paid him a handsome salary and taught him Dutch. This officer’s superiors must have countenanced this “animated and highly fruitful exchange,” as they permitted him to accompany Kaempfer on “visiting” trips (1690-2) to Edo.18
21


 

Engelbert Kaempfer (Left, above and below) and Philipp von Siebold (Right, above and below) as seen in Europe and modern Japan) from http://www1.city.nagasaki.nagasaki.jp/dejima/en/glass/contents/main_004.html; http://home.debitel.net/user/RMittelstaedt/Japan/Siebold.htm

 

 
    Students of the place of food in world history should take note that Kaempfer “played a key role in introducing the soybean and soy-based foods to the Western world.” His book Amoenitatum Exoticarum, published in Germany in 1712, “contained the first written description by a Westerner of the soybean plant and seeds (accompanied by the first Western illustration of these), plus the most detailed descriptions to date of the process for making miso and shoyu (Japanese-style soy sauce).”19 22
    Figures such as Titsingh, Siebold, Rhyne and Kaempfer were merely a few among the many contributors to a much larger process of cultural exchange known as the Dutch Studies or manner of knowledge (in Japanese, Rangaku or “the study of Dutch,” which included medicine, military technology, the natural sciences and language studies). The impact of this school of knowledge at a time when the Japanese were in an anti-Confucian mood and focusing instead on a school of Japanese history and tradition called “National Learning” is discussed in leading world history survey texts.20 However, for an illustration of how Deshima facilitated the encounter between Japanese scholars and Enlightenment science in books written in Dutch and the nature of the initial Japanese response to that knowledge, there is no better example than the transmission of the idea of electricity to Japan cited by William R. Everdell in his review of Scott L. Montgomery’s Science in Translation: Movements of Knowledge Through Cultures and Time (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000):

Dutch books imported through Deshima in the 18th century described the new phenomenon of “elektriciteit” which a Japanese scientific translator rendered as “erekiteristato” using the Japanese syllabary, katakana. A fascinated rangaku scholar, Hiraga Gennai (1729-1780), procured a broken Dutch electrostatic generator and began copying it. He renamed erekiteristato “erekiteru,” which he spelled using the phonetic values of “kanji,” the Chinese characters naturalized into the Japanese writing system centuries before, and he explained it as the manifestation of the fifth element, fire, in the cosmology of Shingon Buddhism. Not long after Hiraga’s death, the Japanese explanation of electricity was recast in a way that westerners like Ben Franklin could have understood more easily [as] the word for it was changed to “denki,” Chinese for a form of the neo-Confucian cosmic energy, using the Chinese character for “lightning.”21

23
   
The Reclamation and Restoration of Dejima Island  
    The resourceful Dutch benefited even from the American Admiral Perry’s second trip to coerce Japan into opening its trade to the West. Perry’s trip secured the Treaty of Kanagawa (1854), the first of many such treaties that ended Japan’s self-imposed isolation from the world beyond China. However, that treaty marked the end of the Dutch monopoly of Western trade and there was no longer any reason for foreign traders to operate from enclaves such as Deshima. Accordingly, the factory was closed in 1860. In time, Nagasaki became better known as the site of a nuclear attack than a historic trade entrepot. Yet, perhaps as a result of the recent prolonged Japanese recession of the 1990s, civic leaders in Nagasaki came to view the location of the former Deshima Island as offering considerable opportunities for economic growth through tourism. For a long while, only ground markers denoted the location of most of the Dutch structures, but several buildings have already been reconstructed from old records and wood-block prints. Museums and other related sites have also opened. March-April of 2006 will mark the opening of the second phase of the planned total reconstruction which was formally begun in 1996.22  


 
 


 
 

 

 
   
Resources and Questions for Further Study  
Article-Based Questions  
What knowledge of Japanese plants, food and other practices was transmitted to the West through Deshima?What knowledge of Europe was gleaned by the Japanese from contacts at Deshima?Discuss the views of an advocate of Dutch and/or National Learning.Explain the global and local religious and political context which led to the Dutch succeeding the Portuguese in Japan.What aspects of Dutch life at Deshima indicate the inferior position of Europeans in Asia prior to the nineteenth century?  
   
Document and Map Based Exercises  
    There is a small, but useful, group of documentary sources that can be derived from accounts of the Dutch at Deshima.Document No. 1: Will Adams Arrives in Japan    A letter written by Will Adams in 1611 describing part of his voyage to Japan and his reception there is easily accessible. The source of this letter is Eva March Tappan, ed., The World’s Story: A History of the World in Story, Song, and Art, Volume I: China, Japan, and the Islands of the Pacific,(Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), pp. 325-331. The following excerpts were scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, of California State University, Fullerton. The text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg and offered online as part of the on-line Modern History Sourcebook project created by Paul Halsall. The study questions which follow have been developed by this writer.    After reading these excerpts, students may be directed to answer the following questions. In view of his mission as described above, how candid is Adams in his description of his past actions and motives? What was the likely statement he might have made to the Japanese about political conditions in Europe and, assuming he told the truth of conflict between Catholic and Protestant nations, why would the Japanese be satisfied with that account? Research the conflict being played out between these European nations and relate them to Adam’s European enemies’ speaking against him in court. How did the Japanese court treat Adams and his men? What favors did he perform for his Japanese overlord? How did he adjust to the place he had found himself occupying there and what were its costs?  
   
Will Adams, My Coming to Japan, 1611  

It was agreed that we should leave the coast of Peru and direct our course for Japan, having understood that cloth was good merchandise there and also how upon that coast of Peru the king’s ships were out seeking us, having knowledge of our being there, understanding that we were weak of men, which was certain, for one of our fleet for hunger was forced to seek relief at the enemies’ hands in Saint Ago. So we stood away directly for Japan, and passed the equinoctial line together, until we came in twenty-eight degrees to the northward of the line, in which latitude we were about the twenty-third of February, 1600. We had a wondrous storm of wind as ever I was in, with much rain, in which storm we lost our consort, whereof we were very sorry. Nevertheless with hope that in Japan we should meet the one the other, we proceeded on our former intention for Japan, and in the height of thirty degrees sought the northernmost cape of the fore-named island, but found it not by reason that it lay false in all cards and maps and globes; for the cape lies in thirty-five degrees and one half, which is a great difference. In the end, in thirty-two degrees and one half we came in sight of the land, being the nineteenth day of April. So that between the Cape of St. Maria and Japan we were four months and twenty-two days; at which time there were no more than six besides myself that could stand upon his feet.

 

So we in safety let fall our anchor about a league from a place called Bungo. At which time came to us many boats and we suffered them to come aboard, being not able to resist them, which people did us no harm, neither of us understanding the one the other. The king of Bungo showed us great friendship, for he gave us a house and land, where we landed our sick men, and had all refreshing that was needful. We had when we came to anchor in Bungo, sick and whole, four and twenty men, of which number the next day three died. The rest for the most part recovered, saving three, which lay a long time sick, and in the end also died.

 

In the which time of our being here, the emperor hearing of us sent presently five galleys, or frigates, to us to bring me to the court where His Highness was, which was distant from Bungo about eighty English leagues. So that as soon as I came before him, he demanded of me of what country we were. So I answered him in all points, for there was nothing that he demanded not, both concerning war and peace between country and country; so that the particulars here to write would be too tedious. And for that time I was commanded to prison, being well used, with one of our mariners that came with me to serve me.

 

A two days after, the emperor called me again, demanding the reason of our coming so far. I answered: We are a people that sought all friendship with all nations, and to have trade in all countries, bringing such merchandise as our country did afford into strange lands in the way of traffic. He demanded also as concerning the wars between the Spaniards or Portugal and our country and the reasons; the which I gave him to understand of all things, which he was glad to hear, as it seemed to me.

 

In the end I was commanded to prison again, but my lodging was bettered in another place. So that thirty-nine days I was in prison, hearing no more news, neither of our ship nor captain, whether he were recovered of his sickness or not, nor of the rest of the company; in which time I looked every day to die, to be crossed [crucified] as the custom of justice is in Japan, as hanging in our land. In which long time of imprisonment, the Jesuits and the Portuguese gave many evidences against me and the rest to the emperor that we were thieves and robbers of all nations, and, were we suffered to live, it should be against the profit of His Highness and the land; for no nation should come there without robbing; His Highness’s justice being executed, the rest of our nation without doubt should fear and not come here any more: thus daily making access to the emperor and procuring friends to hasten my death. But God, that is always merciful at need, showed mercy unto us and would not suffer them to have their wills of us. In the end, the emperor gave them answer that we as yet had not done to him nor to none of his land any harm or damage; therefore against reason and justice to put us to death. If our countries had war the one with the other, that was no cause that he should put us to death; with which they were out of heart that their cruel pretense failed them. For which God be forever-more praised.

 

Now in this time that I was in prison the ship was commanded to be brought so near to the city where the emperor was as she might be (for grounding her); the which was done. Forty-one days being expired, the emperor caused me to be brought before him again, demanding of me many questions more, which were too long to write. In conclusion he asked me whether I were desirous to go to the ship to see my countrymen. I answered very gladly, the which he bade me do. So I departed and was free from imprisonment. And this was the first news that I had that the ship and company were come to the city. So that with a rejoicing heart I took a boat and went to our ship, where I found the captain and the rest recovered of their sickness; and when I came aboard with weeping eyes was received, for it was given them to understand that I was executed long since. Thus, God be praised, all we that were left alive came together again.

 

From the ship all things were taken out, so that the clothes which I took with me on my back I only had. All my instruments and books were taken. Not only I lost what I had in the ship, but from the captain and the company generally what was good or worth the taking was carried away; all which was done unknown to the emperor. So in process of time having knowledge of it, he commanded that they which had taken our goods should restore it to us back again; but it was here and there so taken that we could not get it again, saving 50,000 R in ready money was commanded to be given us and in his presence brought and delivered in the hands of one that was made our governor, who kept them in his hands to distribute them unto us as we had need for the buying of victuals for our men with other particular charges. In the end the money was divided according to every man’s place; but this was about two years that we had been in Japan, and when we had a denial that we should not have our ship, but to abide in Japan. So that the part of every one being divided, every one took his way where he thought best. In the end, the emperor gave every man, much as was worth eleven or twelve ducats a year, namely, myself, the captain, and mariners all alike.

 

So in process of four or five years the emperor called me, as divers times he had done before. So one time above the rest he would have me to make him a small ship. I answered that I was no carpenter and had no knowledge thereof. “Well, do your endeavor,” said he; “if it be not good, it is no matter.” Wherefore at his command I built him a ship of the burden of eighty tons or thereabout; which ship being made in all respects as our manner is, he coming aboard to see it, liked it very well; by which means I came in favor with him, so that I came often in his presence, who from time to time gave me presents, and at length a yearly stipend to live upon, much about seventy ducats by the year with two pounds of rice a day daily. Now being in such grace and favor by reason I learned him some points of geometry and understanding of the art of mathematics with other things, I pleased him so that what I said he would not contrary. At which my former enemies did wonder, and at this time must entreat me to do them a friendship, which to both Spaniards and Portuguese have I done, recompensing them good for evil. So to pass my time to get my living, it hath cost me great labor and trouble at the first; but God hath blessed my labor.

 

In the end of five years I made supplication to the king to go out of this land, desiring to see my poor wife and children according to conscience and nature. With the which request the emperor was not well pleased, and would not let me go any more for my country, but to bide in his land. Yet in process of time, being in great favor with the emperor, I made supplication again, by reason we had news that the Hollanders were in Shian and Patania; which rejoiced us much with hope that God should bring us to our country again by one means or other. So I made supplication again, and boldly spoke myself with him, at which he gave me no answer. I told him if he would permit me to depart, I would be a means that both the English and Hollanders should come and traffic there. But by no means he would let me go. I asked him leave for the captain, the which he presently granted me. So by that means my captain got leave, and in a Japan junk sailed to Pattan; and in a year’s space came to Hollanders. In the end, he went from Patane to Ior, where he found a fleet of nine sail, of which fleet Matleef was general, and in this fleet he was made master again, which fleet sailed to Malacca and fought with an armado of Portugal; in which battle he was shot and presently died; so that, as I think, no certain news is known whether I be living or dead. Therefore I do pray and entreat you in the name of Jesus Christ to do so much as to make my being here in Japan known to my poor wife, in a manner a widow and my two children fatherless; which thing only is my greatest grief of heart and conscience. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliffe and Limehouse, by name to my good Master Nicholas Diggines and M. Thomas Best and M. Nicholas Isaac and William Isaac, brothers, with many others; also to M. William Jones and M. Becket. Therefore may this letter come to any of their hands or the copy, I do know that compassion and mercy is so that my friends and kindred shall have news that I do as yet live in this vale of my sorrowful pilgrimage; the which thing again and again I do desire for Jesus Christ his sake.

 
   
Document No. 2: An Image of a “Visiting” Procession  
Thanks to Henny Siveniji, we have a large number of journals, dagregisters, maps, and illustrations of Dutch operations in the East Indies accessible on-line. One of these offers an account of the procession accompanying a Korean mission to the Court at Edo, which can be used to accompany the images and accounts of “visiting” processions discussed and illuminated above and pictured again below (see this document dated September, 1666 at http://www.hendrick-hamel.henny-savenije.pe.kr/Dutch/dag6614se.htm). Students can be directed to closely examine the image below for elements of European and Japanese customs and dress and the differential in status between the two.  


 

An early 19th Century painting of a Dutch “Visiting” Procession to the Court at Edo. Image from: http://www.columbia.edu/itc/ealac/moerman/v2361/weeks/images/thumbs/procession_dutch.jpg.

 

 
Document No. 3: Life within the World That Trade Created  
A six meter Japanese silk screen mural (called a makimono) produced between 1840-1850 illustrates the interior of the Dutch factory at Deshima. Students can be directed to the use of skin and hair color as defining characteristics of the anonymous painter’s subjects. The Dutch are stereotyped here and in other Japanese mediums as all having pure white skin; the darker figure with long hair in the center is likely a Thai servant (the Dutch long had a factory at Ayuthia in Siam), two men of possibly African descent (African slaves were not uncommon in Asia) are pushing a bale of what may be Chinese silk, while two servants are seen engaged in other activities. There are further details students can be asked to identify and explore as signifying this early phase of globalization by trade.  


 

Detail of makimono of the interior of Deshima Island by unknown artist. From the collection of the Rijksmuseum at http://www.rijksmuseum.nl/images/aria/ng/z/ng-1977-4.z. Note street lamps, rain gutters and animals present.

 

 
Document Exercise No. 4: Persecution of Catholics in Japan  
What follows is an account of a very different procession, the arrival in Nagasaki of a group of Roman Catholic missionaries who entered Japan despite the Tokugawa ban on Europeans of that faith. Their arrival and trial is recorded in the day register at Deshima for August 21, 1642. Small notational changes and some less literal translations of the Dutch into English have been added to the text for clarity. For the original in Dutch, see http://www.hendrick-hamel.henny-savenije.pe.kr/Dutch/daghreg21a42.htm. The original English translation (Copyright Henny Saveniji) can be found at http://www.hendrick-hamel.henny-savenije.pe.kr/Dutch/daghreg21a42e.htm.  
This document can be used to measure student understanding of the reasons why the Japanese sought to ban contact with most Westerners. Students might usefully explore why the Dutch might be less impressed with the confessions of the arrested Catholics than the Japanese apparently were. They could address why Japanese officials might have been emotionally moved by their bravery, yet, while so moved, why would these same officials still torture the missionaries to death? Why did the Japanese feel such persecution was justified? What steps did they believe their government had taken to make such punishment unnecessary? How does the list of captured Catholics, and one in particular, reflect the breadth of the Western colonial enterprise in early modern Asia? Students might also explore why there might be more than one reason the assimilated former Christian Jaon seemed “touched” in his mind and walked away without comment after his attempt to save his former co-religionists lives failed.  

Daegister, August, 1642

 

21: and 22nd ditto. Dirty, rainy weather, east south east winds. Three Chinese junks arrived with silk cloth from Bivor as well as raw goods. Later that evening, a barge arrived from Satsuma carrying the caught papists [Roman Catholics], who were expected on the 11th of this month, as was made mention of in earlier correspondence. These men, all shaved and dressed in the Japanese way, were brought to the local prison immediately, where the renegade papist Jaon spoke to them.

 

[Here Sivenji notes this "renegade " Jaon was Sawano Chuan (1571–1649), previously a Jesuit. He had come to Japan as Christavao Ferreira, S.J. (Society of Jesus, i.e. a Jesuit) in 1609 and served until 1632 as the head of a monastery. Caught in 1633 in Nagasaki, he was tortured by his persecutors until he abandoned his faith, thus becoming an apostat.e]

 

Jaon addressed the arrested Catholics by order of the Japanese Governor asking if they wanted to become apostate, leave their faith and, like himself, live in the Japanese way. The arrested men answered, “Thou villain, what tiger, pig, serpent or wicked vermin has produced you? For laying these questions in front of us, go to the devil and his hellish deceit, which you serve.” Upon hearing this, the renegade was so affected in his mind that he could not say another word, and left without any further conversation with them.

 

The names of the previously mentioned papists are these:

-Anthonio Romeyn,  Italian Jesuit, 62 years old being the principal of a college within Macao [the Portuguese settlement in southern China], where he is an esteemed person, his name and quality since some years hither known by the governor. [Probably Padre Antonio Rubino, an Italian].

–Pranciscus Marcus [Francisco Marquez], Jesuit, 32 years old, whose father was a Portuguese and fathered here in Nangasackij with a Japanese woman.

–Pasquael Corea [Pascoal Correa de Souza, a businessman and servant of the mission], merchant, a Portuguese, 35 years old, having made several journeys with the galliots [galleys] to Nangasackij, being very impoverished by big losses, has connected himself as a servant with previously mentioned Jesuits.

–Jahan de Schave [Joao de Chaves], 30 years old, born on the Canarian Islands [Canary Islands.

–Also an old man from Corea, a Coutchinchiender [someone from Cochin, either Cochin in India or Cochin-China in southern Vietnam/Kampuchea] and an eel catcher serving as servants.

 

The captured Catholics declared that they came together in Manila, hired a junk [Chinese ship] for three thousand Spanish reals, accompanied by some Chinese, serving like countrymen and a Spanish pilot, and put ashore in Sutsuma, where they were hidden, without being discovered, though eventually they were watched. They had with them T. 107 weight of Chinese gold and T. 250 Tael Silver. They spoke these words very frankly and unabashed, despising the death and all the torments to be expected here.

 

The Governor Saboseymondonne and his Councilors, being very surprised about this frankness, examined the men further, asking if they didn’t have the full knowledge of the ban of His Majesty of Japan, that no Castilians, Portuguese and those who adhere to their doctrine, much less Roman papists, were permitted in his country and would be caught, and killed with the most painful torments? The governor noted that their Majesty had made such orders know throughout the whole country of Japan. Why then would people from any foreign nation seek to set themselves upon this land? What had moved them to come hence and to raise new revolt?

 

The arrested men replied that they had known of the ban of his Majesty, however taking more in esteem the orders of the great Godt [sic]and his son Jesum Christum and the ruler of heaven, earth and all containing, they had set out on this journey in His Name with the hope of teaching some people inhabiting this country the rightful, genuine knowledge of God Almighty. They had been discovered too soon to accomplish their task, but understood that nothing could be done for them. They were ready and unafraid to suffer everything, whatever pain and indignity the Japanese might be intending to do with their bodies; they were ready to suffer everything in the name of their Savior. This straightforward confession, made without changing posture or face, touched the listeners somewhat. The Governor ordered all to be put in a prison house under strict guard . . . where he directed that they were not to be killed quickly, but tortured daily so as to cause all kinds of torments of the world until they could no longer stand it and die.

 
   
Map Exercise  
Thanks to the work of Gerald Danvers and others there are now new and more productive ways of using maps to examine world historical processes. However any map of Asia can be employed to direct students to the “country trade,” the means by which Europeans acted as transporters of the merchandise of Asian trading nations. The Dutch trade with Deshima was a classic example of this trade, which enabled the Dutch, who could not otherwise afford much trade due to the lack of domestic goods that were desirable in Asia, to buy cheap goods elsewhere in Asia and trade them at Deshima for Japanese silver in excess of the cost of the original trade item. The profits in silver could be repatriated to Holland or used to purchase otherwise costly items in Asia where silver, unlike merchandise from Holland, was in demand. The Casteneda collection at the University of Texas provides a host of free maps tracing this trade. See, for example, http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/historical/shepherd/asia_mediaeval_commerce.jpg.  


 

From: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/historical/shepherd/asia_mediaeval_commerce.jpg. Maps at this original site is easily enlarged for very detailed view of cities and other locations.

 

 
Lesson Plans and Other Classroom Approaches  
Students can replicate the procession of the Dutch factory to the Tokugawa Court using Matthi Forrer and Fifi Effert’s The Court Journey of the Shogun of Japan: From a Private Account by Jan Cock Blomhoff  (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishers, 2000). Their study can be enriched by taking a visit of their own to Edo via a spectacular virtual tour provided at http://www.us-japan.org/edomatsu/.The images of the Dutch participation in Japan’s “visiting system” to the Court of the Tokugawa can also be viewed and used as a basis for a discussion of “Journey as Narrative” at http://www.fulltable.com/vts/j/jn/jn.htm. For further comparison studies, see A Bibliography of Travel Literature in Asia prepared by Bryn Mawr College at http://www.brynmawr.edu/library/speccoll/guides/travel/asia.html.A bibliography on Tokugawa Japan features study guides, topical questions, projects and other student activities related to this period. See http://www.nvcc.edu/home/jebraden/Tokugawa/tkgstudyguide.htm.Students can be assigned a reading of René Bersma’s Titia: The First Western Woman in Japan (2002) as a book review assignment or as the source of an essay exam question.Using the works of the Blomhoff’s or the day registers, students can examine these sojourners’ perceptions of Japanese society. This can be accomplished individually or in study groups.

Teachers may find Henry Smith (ed.), Learning from Shogun: Japanese History and Western Fantasy (Santa Barbara: University of California, Santa Barbara, distributed by the Japan Society of New York, 1980) a useful tool. This book is available online for personal and instructional use at http://www.columbia.edu/%7Ehds2/learning/Learning_from_shogun_txt.pdf. It includes articles about James Clavell’s novel Shogun by Elgin Heinz, William Lafleur, Susan Matisoff, Chieko Mulhern, Sandra Piercy, David Plath, Henry Smith, and Ron Toby.

The literature on the impact of Japanese woodblock prints on Western art can be used alongside lesson plans on Impressionist paintings (see, for example, that at http://www.impressionism.org/teachimpress/browse/lesson7.htm). For material usefully drawn from that literature, see Charlotte van Rappard-Boon, Willem van Gulik, Keiko van Bremen-Ito, “Catalogue of the Van Gogh Museum’s Collection of Japanese Prints (Amsterdam: Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam, 1991) and major sites on cultural exchange fostered by woodblock prints at http://www.iisg.nl/exhibitions/japaneseprints/ and Ukioy-earts at http://www.cjn.or.jp/ukiyo-e/index.html.

A Lesson Plan on the Coming of Admiral Matthew Perry to Japan can be found at: http://www.history.navy.mil/branches/teach/ends/opening.htm.

Lesson plans that address the Dutch in Japan can be found at:

http://www.indiana.edu/~japan/lessons.html

http://www.smithsonianeducation.org/educators/lesson_plans/japan_images_people/index.html

http://www.askasia.org/teachers/lessons/plan.php?no=97

http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/03/03/news/tulips.php

http://www.cstone.net/~bcp/5/5JGeo.htm

 
Students can be assigned to analyze the content of an exhibit currently sponsored by The Netherlands Economic History Archive entitled “Red-Haired Barbarians: The Dutch and other foreigners in Nagasaki and Yokohama, 1800 ­ 1865.”  This exhibit examines 40 woodblock prints (Nagasaki-e and Yokohama-e,) sold to Japanese who were curious about the Dutch community on Deshima Island. This digital presentation is self-described as highlighting “the amazement with which the Japanese looked at Westerners. The Dutch are depicted as pale, ugly, red-haired barbarians with large noses. The ships the Dutch used and the exotic animals they brought caused much astonishment and admiration.”  In 1858, Americans and other Europeans were granted the same rights as the Dutch. The Dutch settlement in Yokohama is also the subject of the popular illustrations on view as part of a virtual version of this exhibition at http://www.iisg.nl/exhibitions/japaneseprints/index.html or http://www.iisg.nl/exhibitions/japaneseprints/.  
   
    

 

Deshima, yang dikenal sebagai Dejima di Jepang, adalah sebuah pulau buatan kecil di Nagasaki Bay (sekitar 150 kaki dengan 500 kaki) di barat daya Pulau Kyushu Jepang. Dari 1641-1845, Deshima menjabat sebagai saluran tunggal perdagangan antara Eropa dan Jepang, dan selama periode pengasingan diri Jepang dipaksakan (sekitar 1639-1854) adalah hanya link utama Jepang untuk dunia Eropa. Meskipun pedagang Belanda umumnya terbatas pada pulau itu, tetap menjabat sebagai saluran pertukaran budaya yang cukup besar di kedua arah. Bursa berkisar dari hydrangea pengetahuan tentang listrik dan sejajar pertukaran serupa yang lewat di antara pedagang Jepang dan Cina, yang juga diizinkan untuk perdagangan di Deshima dalam keadaan terkontrol serupa. Meskipun hancur selama modernisasi pelabuhan Nagasaki di abad 20, pentingnya Deshima sejak itu telah diakui. Sekarang ada rencana untuk merekonstruksi pulau untuk menarik baik wisatawan Eropa dan Asia ditarik oleh peran sejarah sebagai tempat pertemuan antara Timur dan Barat. 1
    
Pembentukan Perdagangan Belanda dengan Jepang
    Eropa mulai perdagangan dengan Jepang dan melibatkan masyarakat Jepang pada tahun 1600, ketika sebuah kapal Belanda, ukuran rendah itu, tiba di Usuki Bay di Kyushu dengan 24 laki-laki setengah kelaparan, tujuh di antaranya kemudian meninggal dari efek malnutrisi. Kapal, dikemudikan oleh seorang Inggris, Will Adams, telah mencapai Jepang selama tahun kedua dari misinya untuk mencari dan menghancurkan permukiman Spanyol dan Portugis di Afrika dan Asia dan kembali dengan banyak lada berharga Asia Selatan. Adams memenangkan kepercayaan dari Tokugawa Ieyasu meskipun (atau mungkin karena) upaya dari Portugis Katolik untuk mengecam saingan mereka komersial Protestan Belanda sebagai bajak laut. Tentu saja, ini tidak jauh meleset seperti Belanda terlibat dalam serangan bajak laut di Portugis. Namun, Tokugawa Iyesu datang untuk melihat Portugis sebagai ancaman yang lebih serius untuk ambisi sendiri dari bajak laut pun bisa berpose, karena mereka bertekad untuk mengubah dan menegaskan kontrol politik atas seperti Jepang sebanyak mungkin. Kegiatan ini akhirnya menyebabkan dia untuk melarang kegiatan misionaris Eropa dan menawarkan mereka mengubah pilihan recanting iman mereka atau kematian. Sebaliknya, Adams diberikan status istimewa. Adams dianggap sebagai seorang pengusaha daripada misionaris dan sebagai wakil dari Protestan saingan bangsa Katolik tidak berniat ikut campur dalam urusan internal Jepang. Dia demikian dianggap sebagai aset berharga, penyeimbang Eropa mungkin untuk Portugis. Dengan demikian, dia tidak diizinkan untuk meninggalkan Jepang, meskipun sebagai dengan favorit pengadilan yang lain, ia diberi hibah tanah dan pendapatan dari desa untuk dukungannya. Dia masih dihormati setiap hari di Jepang dengan perayaan di jalan di Edo dimana dia tinggal. Ada juga jalan di Tokyo menghormatinya dengan gelar yang ia dikenal, An-jin (An-jin Cho atau Street Pilot).
 2

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Will Adams, Memorial di Hirado dan di Gillingham, tempat kelahirannya (terlihat pada 1984). Dari http://www.medway.gov.uk/index/leisure/localhistory/timeline/17900/26373.htm.
   

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    Pada tahun 2005, sebuah festival perayaan diadakan di Adams ‘rumah county Kent, yang menampilkan musik Jepang, menari, seni bela diri dan aspek lain dari Jepang culture.1 Adams hubungan dengan klan Tokugawa adalah diabadikan, jika juga sangat fiksi, oleh James akhir Clavell dalam novel populer, Shogun (1975). Novel ini akhirnya menjabat sebagai dasar dari sebuah miniseri televisi dan bermain Broadway. Sebuah pengkalimatan yang lebih handal dari pengalamannya sendiri adalah rekening Adam, kutipan dari yang ditawarkan di bawah ini sebagai latihan siswa. Apapun hubungan yang sebenarnya yang ada antara Tokugawa Iyesu dan Adams, itu meletakkan fondasi bagi sebuah asosiasi unik dari Belanda dengan bafuku, atau putusan pengadilan Jepang, yang berlangsung hampir dua setengah abad.

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Dua pemandangan teluk Nagasaki dan pulau Deshima pada tahun 1832 (atas) dan 1850 (bawah). Dari michel/serv/eujap/voc/dejima/1850.html ~ http://www.hogaku.it/storia/edo/politica.html dan http://flcsvr.rc.kyushu-u.ac.jp/.
   

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    Dalam 1641 fase baru dari hubungan ini dimulai ketika Belanda East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie atau VO C di Belanda) ditransfer bisnisnya dari Hirado selatan ke pulau Dejima di Nagasaki pelabuhan. Pulau ini awalnya dibangun pada 1636 bagi para pedagang Portugis, namun Belanda mampu menikmati penggunaan fasilitas ketika Portugis akhirnya diusir dari Jepang untuk campur tangan mereka dalam urusan Jepang. Belanda tidak memiliki niat seperti itu. Mereka senang memenuhi peran sebagai berat kontra-untuk ambisi politik Katolik selama pemberontakan oleh Christian samurai (Pemberontakan Shimbara, 1637-1638). Belanda membantu dalam penindasan pemberontakan dengan menyediakan kapal di bafuku’srequest untuk membombardir posisi pemberontak. Meskipun demikian, mereka diawasi ketat oleh pemerintah Jepang. Properti mereka sering (benar) mencari tanda-tanda penyelundupan dan mereka diizinkan untuk hanya membuat kunjungan terbatas ke daratan dari kompleks kantor, gudang, dan tempat tinggal lainnya yang membuat sebuah stasiun perdagangan Eropa di luar negeri atau “pabrik.” Kunjungan ini termasuk sebuah perjalanan tahunan dari seluruh staf (12-15 agen) yang tinggal di dalam pabrik Belanda untuk menawarkan hadiah untuk Keshogunan Tokugawa di ibukota mereka Edo (modern Tokyo). Kunjungan-kunjungan ini menawarkan kesempatan bagi Jepang untuk “menjamin kesetiaan mereka sendiri dan untuk melemahkan mereka dengan meletakkan beban keuangan pada mereka.” Mereka juga menawarkan Belanda kesempatan untuk mengesankan Jepang. Di antara hadiah mereka disajikan pengadilan adalah gajah dan unta dan lentera tembaga megah yang telah bertahan sampai hari ini:
Sekali setahun, direktur dan stafnya mengunjungi Edo dalam rangka untuk memberikan penghormatan kepada Shogun. Belanda tampaknya telah diperlakukan seperti daimyo (tuan-tuan feodal Jepang), yang juga dibutuhkan untuk membuat kunjungan ini. Pada awalnya, kunjungan ini dikontrol dengan sangat ketat, tetapi kemudian Belanda memiliki kesempatan lebih untuk menikmati perjalanan dan untuk mempelajari sejarah dan kebudayaan Jepang. Belanda juga diijinkan untuk berpartisipasi dalam festival kunchi dari Kuil Shinto Suwa. Ketika seorang gubernur baru dari Nagasaki tiba di kota itu, ia mengunjungi Dejima dan Belanda juga dihibur para birokrat-penerjemah dan administrator-yang mengawasi perdagangan antara kedua negara.2
 3
    Kunjungan sering dimasukkan hiburan di mana agen, biasanya setelah minum banyak, didorong oleh pengadilan untuk menari dan bernyanyi dalam idiom nasional mereka. Subteks politik dari kegiatan ini adalah indikasi dari hubungan hamba-ke-pelindung kunjungan ini dirancang untuk semen.

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Atas: Gambar dari Prosesi Faktor Belanda dari Deshima ke pengadilan Tokugawa di Edo dari http://www.deutsches-museum.de/bib/entdeckt/alt_buch/buch0199.htm. Bawah, seorang Inggris (catatan kurangnya rambut merah dan kehadiran jenggot) tarian sebelum pemain samisen dalam gambar sugestif dari capering di pengadilan oleh para pedagang Eropa. Apakah pemain samisen bermartabat tampak non-plussed oleh, untuk, perilaku berbudaya itu?
   

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    Pada perubahan direktur pabrik yang bertepatan dengan kedatangan armada perdagangan tahunan kapal dari Belanda ada juga pertemuan dengan para pejabat Jepang. Segar dari Eropa, direktur baru diharapkan untuk melaporkan tidak hanya pada kegiatan pabrik, tetapi pada urusan global baru-baru ini. Ia telah mengemukakan bahwa itu terutama untuk alasan-dan yang kedua kecerdasan itu memberikan-bahwa Jepang diizinkan keberadaan pabrik. 4
    
Akun Kontemporer
    Para sarjana beruntung bahwa korespondensi Ishak Titsingh (1740 -1812?) Sekarang tersedia dalam bentuk cetak (Frank Lequin, ed, The Correspondence Pribadi Ishak Titsingh., Volume 1 (1785-1811), dan Volume 2 (1779-1811) (Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing, 1990, 1992) dan pada mikrofilm ini explorer Belanda, diplomat, dan administrator pergi ke Jepang sebagai Utusan Belanda pada tahun 1778 dan menjabat sebagai Direktur pabrik Timur Belanda Perusahaan India di Pulau Deshima selama tiga periode antara 1779. dan 1784 (untuk daftar mangers kepala semua Belanda East India Company di Jepang 1600-1860, lihat http://www.worldstatesmen.org/Japan.htm # Dejima) Titsingh menulis. luas tentang Jepang dalam beberapa bahasa dan merupakan salah . orang Eropa pertama untuk mengumpulkan artefak Jepang, sehingga menjadi Japanologist pertama Eropa Ia mungkin juga telah menjadi pertama untuk memperkenalkan Kisah 47 Ronin ke Eropa dalam karyanya, Ilustrasi Jepang (London: Ackerman, 1822) .3 Nya lebih dari 300 surat menawarkan account intim adat dan acara yang berkaitan dengan ziarah tahunan Direksi ‘ke Edo (digambarkan di atas). Menurut penerbit surat-suratnya, pengamatan ini “berkisar dari upacara pernikahan dengan pelaksanaan pengadilan Edo, dan dari budidaya pohon Bonsai [lihat bawah "Pertukaran Budaya" di bawah] untuk bunuh diri dari seorang sarjana Jepang terkemuka dari Barat “4 Karyanya juga memberikan wawasan ke dalam kegiatan pabrik Cina di Deshima.:
 5

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Pabrik Cina di Deshima. Catatan gaun Cina dan spanduk. Dari: http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/historical/titsingh_chinese.jpg
   

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    Berkat lain adalah ketersediaan luas register harian aktual dari pabrik Deshima, disebut Dagregisters, yang telah dipublikasikan melalui 1760,5 Para editor dan penerjemah dari versi yang dipublikasikan dari sembilan tahun pertama register (Cynthia dan Leonard Blusse Vialle, The Dagregusters Deshima , Volume XI, 1641-1650, 2001) mencatat nilai yang besar dari isi register ini untuk siswa sejarah dunia. Mereka berisi tidak hanya daftar item perdagangan, tetapi juga account dari upaya Jepang untuk memastikan Belanda tetap berada di luar dari setiap aliansi Katolik negara dan diadakan sendiri jauh dari masalah yang disebabkan oleh kunjungan yang tidak sah dari pedagang lain di tanah Jepang. Sebagai editor ini bekerja dan beberapa peninjau yang telah dicatat, terjemahan register ini harus digunakan dengan hati-hati. Sebagai contoh, sebuah entri membahas pengiriman ke istana demi menunjukkan bahwa adalah bagian dari pengiriman. Namun, kesalahan dalam penerjemahan menyamarkan fakta bahwa sake bukan bagian dari pengiriman, tetapi bagian dari penyegaran disediakan untuk pengirim perjalanan! 6 Kesulitan-kesulitan ini seharusnya tidak membuat penggunaan versi yang dipublikasikan untuk register di kelas. Sebuah contoh penggunaan mereka di ruang kelas disediakan pada akhir esai ini. 6
   Banyak Timur Belanda register Perusahaan India hari tersedia on-line sebagai hasil dari upaya Henny Savenji (Henry Kang Lee). Situs-nya memungkinkan siswa periode untuk melacak perjalanan dari Marco Polo Korea, Hendrick Hamel. Ini juga menawarkan sejumlah besar sumber daya termasuk indeks untuk Daregisters dan jurnal pelayaran Belanda di Hindia dan individu sehari-register (http://www.hendrick-hamel.henny-savenije.pe.kr/Dutch/bijlagen.htm) yang telah diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Inggris (lihat latihan disediakan di bawah ini).
 7
    Baik sumber-sumber melampaui kegunaan dari dua rekening dari keluarga Blomhoff berdasarkan catatan keluarga serta Dagreisters. Yang pertama adalah Matthi FORRER dan Fifi yang Effert (trans. dan eds.), Mahkamah Perjalanan ke Shogun Jepang: Dari Account Swasta oleh COCK Jan Blomoff (Amsterdam: Penerbit Hotei, 2000), yang menawarkan account dari COCK Jan Blomhoff itu (1779-1853) karir sebagai Direktur di Deshima. Selama karirnya, ia menulis banyak surat kepada istrinya Titia di Belanda dan menyimpan catatan tentang kunjungannya ke Edo pada tahun 1818. Karya ini merupakan sumber utama bagi Tokugawa Jepang, diperkaya dengan gambar-gambar dari benda-benda budaya yang dikumpulkan sementara di Jepang. 8

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    Sebuah account yang lebih pribadi dari pertemuan Belanda-Jepang sebagai dipandang oleh Blomhoffs adalah kisah Titia Blomhoff (1786-1821), yang bersama dengan perawat basah-untuk anaknya, datang ke Deshima untuk bergabung suaminya, maka Direktur pabrik. Karena perempuan Eropa sebelumnya telah dilarang di pulau itu, pada kedatangannya pada 1817 ia dan basah-perawat menjadi wanita Barat pertama yang mengunjungi Jepang. Dia diusir setelah hampir empat bulan, tetapi tidak sebelum membuat dampak setidaknya dalam bentuk 500 lukisan, etsa, cetakan, dan boneka penulis telah menemukan diperkenalkan ke pasar Jepang abad kesembilan belas. Salah satu contoh gambar-gambar ini muncul di atas kanan (perhatikan mungkin hamba Jawa dari pangkalan Belanda di Batavia, saat ini Jakarta di Indonesia). Hal ini diadaptasi dari sebuah foto yang diambil oleh Kathleen Cohen dari dinding menggantung berjudul “Perempuan Edo Netherlandish Anonim,” tertanggal tahun 1817. Sekarang hang di Stadhouderskade Rijksmuseum Amsterdam di Belanda. (Untuk gambar ini dan yang sejenis, lihat http://gallery.sjsu.edu/encounters/orient/orient-Thumb.00003.html). Hal ini begitu dramatis cerita bahwa baik kajian akademik, 7 atau ringkasan penerbit berikutnya dapat menarik membosankan pembaca dalam penelitian René P. Bersma ‘s hidupnya (Titia: Perempuan Barat Pertama di Jepang (Amsterdam: Hotei Penerbitan (jejak KIT Penerbit), 2002):
 9
Diambil dari dokumen kontemporer, korespondensi pribadi keluarga dan logbooks Deshima, Titia bukan sejarah atau novel atau biografi resmi. Sebaliknya, ini merupakan penghargaan untuk seorang wanita yang mencapai tempat kecelakaan dalam sejarah dengan menjadi wanita Barat pertama untuk melakukan perjalanan ke Jepang pada abad ke-19. . . Pemerintah Jepang memerintahkan deportasi itu. Untungnya, pelukis Nagasaki, termasuk Kawahara Keiga, diabadikan sebelum ia meninggalkan tiga setengah bulan setelah kedatangannya dan ini adalah penggambaran untuk membuktikan paling berpengaruh dalam representasi perempuan Barat dalam seni Jepang. Dipisahkan dari suaminya, ia meninggal pada tahun 1821 dari kelelahan fisik dan mental akibat experiences.8 nya

 10
   Keduanya bekerja membantu menerangi praktek kunjungan pengadilan bahwa Tokugawa digunakan untuk banyak tujuan yang sama sebagai Raja Louis IV dipekerjakan istananya di Versailles: untuk membantu mengendalikan dan melemahkan kaum bangsawan, karena biaya dari kunjungan dalam hal perumahan perjalanan dan lokal , dan untuk mengumpulkan data intelijen tentang kegiatan mereka. 11
    
Kartu pos dari Edge: Nagasaki-e

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Dari: http://www.printsofjapan.com/Index-Glossary_M_thru_O.htm.

 
 
   

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    Kehadiran Belanda memicu minat banyak kalangan, Jepang hanya beberapa dari mereka melihat sekilas langka dari Gaijin berambut merah. Keinginan untuk tahu lebih banyak tentang penampilan dan perilaku barbar ini menciptakan ceruk pasar untuk Nagasaki-e, serangkaian woodblock cetakan populer yang menggambarkan pedagang Belanda, kapal mereka, dan hewan eksotis yang merupakan bagian dari upeti tahunan mereka (lihat pameran pada Red-haired barbar di http://www.iisg.nl/exhibitions/japaneseprints/index.html). Belanda hampir selalu digambarkan sebagai hared merah, berhidung besar dan bermata biru. Mengingat isolasi di mana Belanda tinggal kehidupan sehari-hari mereka, tidak mengherankan bahwa seniman Jepang menggambarkan garpu Belanda digunakan pada makanan seperti garu taman kecil.
 12
    Richard Illing menunjukkan bahwa industri Nagasaki-e, yang berkembang 1800-1860, adalah sesuatu dari usaha sampingan bagi para seniman yang digunakan pemerintah Jepang di Nagasaki untuk menyalin gambar barat dibawa ke Jepang oleh foreigners.9 Bahwa Jejak tersebut unsigned lebih lanjut menunjukkan bahwa mereka diproduksi secara lokal lebih sebagai souvenir kualitas daripada sebagai seni tinggi. Seperti paralel Yokohama-e, yang menunjukkan “orang asing dan prestasi teknis mereka” di daerah kantong itu, para mencetak “tidak diproduksi dengan teknik rumit seperti mika atau timbul karena mereka ditargetkan pada publik Jepang lebih luas pada tingkat meja kopi buku. “10 13
    
Perdagangan dan Pertukaran Budaya

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    Salah satu barang dagangan utama yang melewati Deshima sutra dari Cina. Impor ini adalah indikasi dari “perdagangan negara” atau sarana yang memungkinkan pedagang Eropa diuntungkan bukan oleh perintah dari ekonomi internal negara-negara Asia subordinasi, tetapi dengan melayani orang-orang ekonomi sebagai transporter produk mereka. Juga barang impor Belanda dari Asia Tenggara dan Eropa. Dennis O’Flynn memberikan analisis singkat tentang perdagangan ini dalam Journal of Sejarah Dunia (lihat abstrak justru lebih ringkas dari esai Flynn, yang saat ini tersedia tanpa biaya dari JSTOR di http://muse.jhu.edu/cgi- bin / access.cgi uri = / journals/journal_of_world_history/v013/13.2flynn.pdf)? .11 14
    Perdagangan negara memberikan akses Belanda untuk perak Jepang dan emas dan juga porselen, seperti Arita, dan lainnya keramik Imari Jepang halus yang berada di permintaan tinggi di Belanda dan di tempat lain di Eropa. Sementara “para perajin Jepang melayani untuk klien Eropa mereka dengan motif Belanda… [W] hen permintaan tidak dapat dipenuhi oleh impor, porselen Jepang Belanda disalin dalam jumlah besar.” 12 Pada kenyataannya, arus lintas-budaya adalah kaya dan kompleks. Ilustrasi di atas adalah masakan Cina ekspor ‘Van Frytom’ yang dirancang, seperti namanya, oleh Frederick Van Frytom (1632-1702). Pola, lama dikenal sebagai “Pulau Deshima,” sebenarnya menggambarkan sebuah adegan di utara Belanda. Pengrajin Cina pola ini disalin dari Arita-ware versi Jepang karya seniman Delft Belanda! Sepasang lempengan-lempengan ini, awalnya diperdagangkan kadang-kadang antara 1730-1740, saat ini terdaftar untuk dijual di $ 3.200.
 15
    Deshima dipupuk bentuk yang lebih budaya signifikan pertukaran lainnya. Beberapa siswa Jepang terkena bahasa Belanda di wilayah itu, meskipun secara hukum, pembelajaran bahasa asing secara hukum dilarang sampai setelah 1745. Namun, pengetahuan yang cukup dari Jepang yang dikirimkan ke Eropa melalui Deshima. Orang Jepang memperoleh beberapa pengetahuan tentang ilmu pengetahuan Barat melalui biologi settlement.13 Bavaria / botani Philipp Franz von Siebold (1796-1866) disajikan di Deshima sebagai perwira medis pabrik 1823-1829 dan mungkin telah ditransfer pengetahuan yang cukup tentang pengobatan barat ke Jepang dan Jepang ke Barat. Dia membawa lebih dari 500 buku-buku Jepang kembali ke Eropa. Dia pasti bekerja dengan penerjemah Jepang banyak dan mahasiswa. Buku multipart Nya, Nippon (Leiden, 1832-1858), berperan dalam menyebarkan pengetahuan dari Jepang ke Barat. Pekerjaan ini antara yang pertama untuk menjelaskan Buddhisme Jepang ke Barat. Masih nilai bagi para sarjana dari periode itu dan telah menjadi subyek dari analisis terbaru dari lintas pertukaran budaya cocok untuk students.14
 16
    Karena dia adalah seorang ahli botani terlatih, Siebold juga meninggalkan catatan awal bonsai Jepang untuk menambah dengan yang Titsingh. Ini praktek miniaturisasi pohon dan semak membutuhkan pemangkasan menit dan berulang-ulang yang dapat digunakan sebagai bentuk meditasi Zen, antara fungsi budaya lainnya. Siebold, seorang mahasiswa dari Buddhisme Jepang, sangat dikagumi praktek ini, seperti dapat dilihat dari kutipan berikut dari terjemahan bahasa Inggris dari Manners nya & Bea Cukai dari Jepang (1841):
. . . beberapa kata harus dikatakan dari tukang kebun Jepang, meskipun keterampilan hortikultura mereka akan memberikan mereka untuk peringkat di antara para seniman atau artificers negara bukan agriculturists. Tukang kebun ini nilai sendiri sama pada seni mengerdilkan dan bahwa wajar memperbesar semua produksi sayuran. Mereka menunjukkan di taman miniatur kota-kota penuh tumbuh pohon dari berbagai jenis hanya tiga meter, dengan kepala tidak lebih dari ini dalam diameter. Kurcaci-pohon ini dibesarkan dalam pot bunga. . dan ketika mereka menanggung cabang mewah atas batang terdistorsi, yang sangat puncak kesempurnaan dicapai. . .15

   17

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Bonsai oleh Craig Cousins ​​dan lain-lain dari http://www.bonsaiinformation.com/bonsaibeginners.htm.

 
 
   

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    Mahasiswa “imperialisme tanaman” ekologi atau akan mencatat bahwa tanaman teh Siebold diselundupkan keluar dari Jepang dan digunakan mereka untuk memulai ekonomi perkebunan teh di Belanda Indonesia. Ia juga mendirikan rumah kaca di tanah miliknya di Belanda (tepat disebut “Deshima”) di mana ia menanam Jepang dinaturalisasi, seperti Hosta dan hydrangea, untuk tanah Eropa dan iklim. Meskipun Jepang berusaha untuk melindungi katalog pabrik, masih menganggap Seibold pahlawan budaya (sebagai Siborut-san) .16 Kehormatan ini adalah semua lebih murah hati mengingat keadaan keberangkatannya dari Jepang:
    Pada akhir tinggal, menjadi diketahui bahwa Siebold adalah menyalin peta (Ezo) daerah utara Jepang dengan diam-diam dari pustakawan Imperial dan astronom (yang dia berteman di perjalanan awal 1826 pengadilan Belanda untuk shogun di Edo). Pemerintah (dan beberapa musuh politik astronom), mencurigai bahwa niat mungkin untuk menempatkan peta untuk beberapa penggunaan berbahaya ke Jepang, dipenjarakan semua siswa yang dikenal Siebold di Jepang dan teman-teman, menggeledah rumahnya berulang-ulang, benda-benda keagamaan disita dan hal-hal lain yang mungkin dimaksudkan untuk ekspor ilegal, dan memberitahu kepadanya bahwa ia tidak akan diizinkan untuk meninggalkan negara itu.

 18
    Dia telah diberitahu tentang situasi yang akan datang dan menghabiskan malam di pertengahan Desember 1828 menyelesaikan salinan dari peta penting. Segala sesuatu yang penting untuk deskripsi Nippon, manuskrip, peta dan buku, ia dikemas dalam peti berlapis-timah besar yang kemudian tersembunyi. Para [Belanda] direktur. . . diberitahu, dan juga secara pribadi dipercayakan dengan salinan peta Ezo, untuk ditempatkan dalam arsip. Semua ini dilakukan atas nama ilmu pengetahuan. Itu ilegal, tetapi pada saat itu tujuan penyelundupan pasti murni ilmiah, bukan politik. . . Namun [gudang itu] dicari dan banyak artikel yang paling berharga disita. Sebuah investigasi ke dalam masalah berkepanjangan berlangsung. Saat itu akhir Oktober sebelum Siebold diberitahu bahwa ia akan diizinkan untuk meninggalkan Jepang, tapi akan dibuang selamanya. Ketika ia berlayar ke Batavia pada akhir tahun, dia diberi send-off oleh beberapa teman-temannya yang kurang dicurigai dan mahasiswa yang telah dibebaskan dari penjara. Beberapa dari mereka yang lebih dicurigai tidak mati di penjara. Siebold dipaksa untuk meninggalkan nyonya muda dan seorang putri dua tahun (yang tinggal sampai 1903), yang dilarang untuk menemani him.17

 19
     William Sepuluh Rhyne (1647-1700), adalah dokter lulusan universitas pertama medis untuk melayani di Deshima. Pada kedatangannya di 1673, ia diperkirakan telah menyarankan kaisar Jepang sangat sakit, yang kemudian pulih. Rhyne melanjutkan untuk memperkenalkan obat-obatan dan budaya Jepang ke Barat. Dia adalah dokter pertama untuk menerbitkan deskripsi rinci tentang indikasi untuk dan praktek akupunktur, diterbitkan sebagai Transisalano-Daventriensis Dissertatio de arthritide: mantissa schematica: De acupunctura: et tres Orationes, I. De chymiae ac botaniae antiquitate & dignitate: II. De physiognomia: III. De monstris / Singula ipsius authoris notis menggambarkan (London: R. Chiswell, 1683). 20
     Engelbert Kaempfer (1651-1716), seorang ilmuwan Jerman terdidik dan baik-perjalanan, tiba di Deshima pada tahun 1690, di mana, seperti Siebold, ia menjabat sebagai petugas medis. Kaempfer, “yang hanya berharap adalah untuk mempelajari negara dan rakyatnya, putus asa di kurungan nya” di sana. Namun, kefasihan nya dengan bahasa menyebabkan perintah cepat nya Jepang, yang “segera memenangkan persahabatan dari Jepang dan petugas penerjemah pulau, yang berada di bawah sumpah untuk tidak berbicara dengan orang asing atau membahas urusan Jepang.” Menurut ceritanya tentang apa yang terbukti menjadi tinggal dua tahun di Jepang, salah satu petugas adalah “seorang pria muda rahasia, oleh yang berarti saya sudah kaya dipasok dengan apa pemberitahuan saya ingin [termasuk buku-buku Jepang], tentang urusan Jepang… Dia adalah sekitar 24 tahun, baik vers’d dalam bahasa Cina dan Jepang, dan sangat berkeinginan memperbaiki dirinya Setibanya saya dia ditunjuk untuk menunggu saya sebagai hamba-Ku,. dan pada saat yang sama untuk diinstruksikan oleh saya dalam Physick (obat) dan bedah. ” Kaempfer juga membayarnya gaji tampan dan mengajarinya Belanda. Atasan ini perwira harus memiliki countenanced ini “pertukaran animasi dan sangat bermanfaat,” karena mereka diizinkan menemani Kaempfer pada “mengunjungi” perjalanan (1690-2) untuk Edo.18 21

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Engelbert Kaempfer (Kiri, atas dan bawah) dan Philipp von Siebold (kanan, atas dan bawah) seperti yang terlihat di Eropa dan modern Jepang) dari http://www1.city.nagasaki.nagasaki.jp/dejima/en/glass/contents / main_004.html; http://home.debitel.net/user/RMittelstaedt/Japan/Siebold.htm
 
   

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    Mahasiswa tempat makanan dalam sejarah dunia harus mencatat bahwa Kaempfer “memainkan peran kunci dalam memperkenalkan makanan kedelai dan kedelai berbasis dunia Barat.” Bukunya Amoenitatum Exoticarum, yang diterbitkan di Jerman pada 1712, “berisi deskripsi tertulis pertama oleh Barat dari tanaman kedelai dan biji-bijian (disertai dengan ilustrasi Barat pertama ini), ditambah dengan deskripsi paling rinci dengan tanggal proses untuk pembuatan miso dan shoyu (gaya Jepang kecap) “19 22.
    Tokoh-tokoh seperti Titsingh, Siebold, Rhyne dan Kaempfer hanyalah beberapa di antara banyak kontributor proses jauh lebih besar dari pertukaran budaya yang dikenal sebagai Studi Belanda atau cara pengetahuan (dalam bahasa Jepang, Rangaku atau “studi tentang Belanda,” yang termasuk kedokteran, teknologi militer, ilmu alam dan studi bahasa). Dampak dari sekolah ini pengetahuan pada saat Jepang berada dalam suasana hati yang anti-Konfusianisme dan bukan fokus pada sebuah sekolah sejarah Jepang dan tradisi yang disebut “Belajar Nasional” dibahas dalam survei sejarah terkemuka dunia texts.20 Namun, untuk ilustrasi bagaimana Deshima memfasilitasi pertemuan antara para sarjana Jepang dan ilmu Pencerahan di buku yang ditulis dalam bahasa Belanda dan sifat respon Jepang awal pada pengetahuan yang, tidak ada contoh yang lebih baik daripada transmisi gagasan listrik ke Jepang yang dikutip oleh William R. Everdell di review Sains Scott L. Montgomery ‘s in Translation: Gerakan Pengetahuan Melalui Budaya dan Waktu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000):
Buku Belanda diimpor melalui Deshima pada abad ke 18 menggambarkan fenomena baru “elektriciteit” yang seorang penerjemah ilmiah Jepang diterjemahkan sebagai “erekiteristato” menggunakan suku kata Jepang, katakana. Sebuah rangaku terpesona sarjana, Hiraga Gennai (1729-1780), generator elektrostatik diperoleh rusak Belanda dan mulai menyalin. Dia berganti nama erekiteristato “erekiteru,” yang dieja menggunakan nilai-nilai fonetik “kanji,” karakter Cina dinaturalisasikan ke dalam sistem tulisan Jepang abad sebelumnya, dan dia menjelaskan sebagai manifestasi dari elemen kelima, kebakaran, dalam kosmologi Shingon Buddhisme. Tidak lama setelah kematian Hiraga itu, penjelasan Jepang listrik kembali dalam cara yang barat seperti Ben Franklin bisa dipahami lebih mudah [sebagai] kata untuk diubah menjadi “Denki,” Cina untuk bentuk neo-Konfusianisme kosmik energi, menggunakan karakter Cina untuk 21 “petir.”
 23
    
Para Reklamasi dan Pemulihan Pulau Dejima
    Belanda akal diuntungkan bahkan dari perjalanan kedua Amerika Laksamana Perry memaksa Jepang agar membuka perdagangan ke Barat. Perjalanan Perry mengamankan Persetujuan Kanagawa (1854), yang pertama dari perjanjian tersebut banyak yang mengakhiri isolasi diri dipaksakan Jepang dari dunia luar China. Namun, perjanjian yang menandai berakhirnya monopoli perdagangan Belanda Barat dan tidak ada lagi alasan bagi para pedagang asing untuk beroperasi dari daerah-daerah kantong seperti Deshima. Dengan demikian, pabrik ditutup pada tahun 1860. Dalam waktu, Nagasaki menjadi lebih dikenal sebagai situs dari serangan nuklir dari gudang perdagangan bersejarah. Namun, mungkin sebagai akibat dari resesi berkepanjangan Jepang baru-baru ini pada 1990-an, pemimpin sipil di Nagasaki datang untuk melihat lokasi Pulau Deshima mantan menawarkan peluang besar bagi pertumbuhan ekonomi melalui pariwisata. Untuk waktu yang lama, hanya penanda tanah dilambangkan lokasi sebagian besar struktur Belanda, tetapi beberapa bangunan telah direkonstruksi dari catatan lama dan kayu-blok cetak. Museum dan situs terkait lainnya juga telah dibuka. Maret-April 2006 akan menandai pembukaan dari fase kedua dari total yang direncanakan rekonstruksi yang secara resmi dimulai pada 1.996,22

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Maket dari http://www.rijksmuseum.nl/images/aria/ng/z/ng-721.z?leftcoulisse. Model dengan pandangan parit dari http://www.uchiyama.nl / fotogalerij / ngnagasakideshima.htm.
 
   

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Rencana Jalan Nagasaki, 1733, dari http://www.deutsches-museum.de/bib/entdeckt/alt_buch/img/nagasaki.jpg.
 
   

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Sumber dan Pertanyaan untuk studi lebih lanjut
Pasal Berbasis Pertanyaan
Pengetahuan apa tanaman Jepang, makanan dan praktek-praktek lainnya yang ditransmisikan ke Barat melalui Deshima?

Apa pengetahuan Eropa dikumpulkan oleh Jepang dari kontak di Deshima?

Diskusikan pandangan seorang penganjur Belanda dan / atau Belajar Nasional.

Jelaskan konteks agama dan politik global dan lokal yang menyebabkan Belanda berhasil Portugis di Jepang.

Apa aspek kehidupan Belanda di Deshima menunjukkan posisi inferior dari orang Eropa di Asia sebelum abad kesembilan belas?
   
    
Dokumen dan Peta Berbasis Latihan
    Ada kelompok kecil, tapi berguna dari sumber-sumber dokumenter yang dapat diturunkan dari rekening Belanda di Deshima.

Dokumen No 1: Apakah Adams Tiba di Jepang

    Sebuah surat yang ditulis oleh Will Adams pada tahun 1611 yang menggambarkan bagian dari perjalanannya ke Jepang dan penerimaan di sana mudah diakses. Sumber dari surat ini adalah Eva Maret Tappan, ed, Cerita Dunia:. Sebuah Sejarah Dunia dalam Cerita, Song, dan Seni, Volume I: Cina, Jepang, dan Kepulauan Pasifik, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), hlm 325-331. Kutipan-kutipan berikut ini dipindai oleh Jerome S. Arkenberg, dari California State University, Fullerton. Teks telah dimodernisasi oleh Prof Arkenberg dan ditawarkan secara online sebagai bagian dari proyek on-line Sourcebook Sejarah Modern dibuat oleh Paul Halsall. Pertanyaan penelitian yang mengikuti telah dikembangkan oleh penulis ini.

    Setelah membaca kutipan ini, siswa dapat diarahkan untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan berikut. Dalam pandangan misinya seperti dijelaskan di atas, bagaimana candid adalah Adams dalam deskripsi tentang tindakan masa lalu dan motif? Apa pernyataan kemungkinan ia mungkin telah dibuat untuk orang Jepang tentang kondisi politik di Eropa dan, dengan asumsi dia mengatakan kebenaran dari konflik antara Katolik dan Protestan bangsa, mengapa Jepang puas dengan account tersebut? Penelitian konflik yang dimainkan antara negara-negara Eropa dan menghubungkannya dengan Eropa Adam musuh ‘berbicara melawan dia di pengadilan. Bagaimana pengadilan Jepang memperlakukan Adams dan anak buahnya? Apa yang nikmat dia melakukan untuk tuan nya Jepang? Bagaimana dia menyesuaikan ke tempat ia telah menemukan dirinya menduduki ada dan apa biaya nya?
   
    
Will Adams, saya Datang ke Jepang, 1611
Disepakati bahwa kita harus meninggalkan pantai Peru dan langsung kursus kami untuk Jepang, setelah memahami bahwa kain adalah barang bagus di sana dan juga bagaimana pada bahwa pantai kapal Peru raja keluar mencari kita, memiliki pengetahuan tentang kita berada di sana, pemahaman bahwa kita lemah dari laki-laki, yang pasti, untuk salah satu armada kami karena lapar terpaksa mencari bantuan di tangan musuh ‘di Saint Ago. Jadi kita berdiri pergi langsung untuk Jepang, dan melewati garis yg panjangnya siang dan malam sama-sama bersama-sama, sampai kami datang dua puluh delapan derajat ke utara garis, di mana lintang kami tentang dua puluh tiga Februari, 1600.

 

Bibliography

 
Bersma. René P. Titia: The First Western Woman in Japan. Amsterdam: Hotei Publishing (imprint of KIT Publishers) 2002.Blussé, Leonard, Remmelink, Willem and Smits, Ivo (eds.). Bridging the Divide: 400 Years The Netherlands-Japan.Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 2000.Bodart-Bailey, Beatrice M.;Vialle, Cynthia ;Blusse, Leonard, trans., eds, The Deshima Dagregusters, Volume XI, 1641-1650.Leiden: Intercontinenta No. 23, Universiteit Leiden, 2001.Boxer, C. R. A True Description of the Mighty Kingdoms of Japan and Siam.London, The Argonaut Press, 1935.Flynn, Dennis Owen. Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century in the Journal of World History, Volume 13, Number 2 (Fall 2002): 391-427.

Forrer, Matthi and Effert, Fifi (eds.and trans.). Court Journey to the Shogun of Japan: From a Private Account by Jan Cock Blomoff. Amsterdam: Hotei Publishers, 2000.

Haberland, Detlef. Translated by Peter Hogg. Engelbert Kaempfer–a Biography. London: The British Library 1996.

Hyma, A. The Dutch in the Far East (1942, repr. 1953); study by B. Gardner (1972).

Kaempfer, Engelbert. The history of Japan, giving an account of the ancient and present state and government of that empire; of its temples, palaces, castles and other buildings; of its metals, minerals, trees, plants, animals, birds and fishes; of the chronology and succession of the emperors, ecclesiastical and secular; of the original descent, religions, customs, and manufactures of the natives, and of their trade and commerce with the Dutch and Chinese. Together with a description of the kingdom of Siam. Written in High-Dutch by Engelbertus Kaempfer … and translated from his original manuscript, never before printed, by J. G. Scheuchzer … With the life of the author, and an introduction. London: Printed for the translator, 1727. A copy is at Bryn Mawr College Library at DS808 .K127 1727 v. 1-2.

Milburn, William. Oriental Commerce Containing a Geographical Description of the Principal Places in The East Indies, China, and Japan with their Produce, Manufactures, and Trade, including the Coasting or Country Trade from Port to Port also The Rise and Progress of the Trade of the Various European Nations with the Eastern World Particularly that of the English East India Company From the Discovery of the Passage Round the Cape of Good Hope to the Present Period with An Account of the Company’s Establishments, Revenues, Debts, Assets, & c. at Home and Abroad Deduced from Authentic Documents, and Founded upon Practical Experience Obtained in the Course of Seven Voyages to India and China. London: Black, Parry and Co., 1813 rpt. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1999.

Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie, The Deshima Dagregisters: Their Original Tables of Contents. Leiden: Leiden Centre for the History of European Expansion, 1986-. Volumes 1-2 (published in 1988 and 1989) were edited by Toni Vermeulen; Volume 3 (1989) was jointly edited by Toni Vermeulen and Paul van der Velde; Volumes 4-7 (1989-1993) were edited by Paul van der Velde; Volume 8 (1994) was edited by Paul van der Velde and Cynthia Vialle; Volume 9 (1996) was edited by Cynthia Vialle and Leonard Blussé; Volume 10 (1997) was edited by Cynthia Vialle; Volume 11 (2001) was edited by Cynthia Vialle and Leonard Blussé. Series contents: Dagregisters Volume 1 (1680-1690), Volume 2 (1690-1700), Volume 3 (1700-1710), Volume 4 (1710-1720), Volume 5 (1720-1730), Volume 6 (1730-1740), Volume 7 (1740-1760), Volume 8 (1760-1780), Volume 9 (1780-1790), Volume 10 (1790-1800), Volume 11 (1641-1650).

Siebold, Dr. Philipp Franz von. Manners and Customs of the Japanese [in the Nineteenth Century from the accounts of Dutch residents in Japan and from the German work of]. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1841; Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Company; 1973, 1977.

Totman, Conrad. Tokugawa Ieyasu Shogun. Kyoto: Heian International Inc., 1988.

van der Velde, Paul and Bachofner, Rudolf. The Deshima Diaries Marginalia, 1700-1740. Tokyo: Japan-Netherlands Institute, 1992.

van Gulik, Willem. A Distant Court Journey, Dutch Traders visit the Shogun of Japan. Amsterdam: Amsterdam: Stichting Koninklijk Paleis 2000.

_____The Dutch in Nagaskai: 19th Century Japanese Prints. Amsterdam: 1998.

_____In the wake of the Liefde. Cultural relations between the Netherlands and Japan, since 1600. Rotterdam: Museum voor Volkenkunde / De Bataafsche Leeuw, 1986.

Vialle, Cynthia and Leonard van der Velde, Paul and Bachofner, Rudolf. The Deshima Diaries Marginalia, 1700-1740. Tokyo: Japan-Netherlands Institute, 1992.

 
   
Internet Resources:  
A Bibliography of travel literature in Asia prepared by Bryn Mawr College: http://www.brynmawr.edu/library/speccoll/guides/travel/asia.html. A World of Difference: The VOC and Japan’s Economic Policy, 1640-1715: http//: www.iias.nl/iiasn/22/theme/22T7.html.Christianity in Nagasaki: http://www.tca-japan.com/en/htmle/pagej04-6.html. Chronology of Dutch Colonial History: http://www.colonialvoyage.com/NLpoAsFarEast.html. Commerce and Culture: A Reader on Japan edited by Alex Redetich: http://www.indiana.edu/~easc/resources/commerce_culture/index.htm.Dejima Comes Back to Life at http://www1.city.nagasaki.nagasaki.jp/dejima/en/history/index.html.

Deshima at http://www.geocities.com/CapitolHill/Rotunda/2209/Deshima.html.

Deshima Re-Emerges at http://www.uwosh.edu/faculty_staff/earns/deshima.html.

Dutch accounting in Japan 1609­1850: isolation or observation? http://ideas.repec.org/a/taf/acbsfi/v11y2001i3p369-382.html.

The Dutch and other Foreigners in Nagasaki and Yokohama, 1800-1865, 40 Japanese Prints from the National Economic History Archive at http://www.iisg.nl/exhibitions/japaneseprints/index.html.

Dutch in Japan: http://batavia.rug.ac.be/b@tavia.htm?http://batavia.rug.ac.be/Japan/Desjima.htm. http://www.mainlesson.com/display.php?author=bergen&book=japan&story=dutch.

The Dutch-Japanese Relationship: http://www.holland-expo2005.com/1036/Dutch-Japanese.Relations.html.

Dutch Japanese Relations (Netherlanden Consulaat): http://www.oranda-cg.or.jp/english/index.html.

The DutchTtrade with Japan: http://www.nationaalarchief.nl/webviews/ead/ead_scopecnt.webview?eadid=NL-HaNA_1.04.21&id=1082461644453.110.

Dutch and Japanese in Taiwan: http://www.cbs.org.tw/English/TDF/EP1-INT.asp.

The Dutch in Nagasaki: http://www.nagasaki-gaigo.ac.jp/nagasaki/6.html.

The Dutch in Nagasaki: http://www.artelino.com/articles/dutch_nagasaki.asp.

Inventory of Pictures of Deshima at http://flcsvr.rc.kyushu-u.ac.jp/~michel/serv/eujap/voc/dejima/.

East Meets West: Original Records of Traders, Travellers, Missionaries and Diplomats to 1852 Original Records of Western Traders, Travellers, Missionaries and Diplomats to 1852 Part 3: Papers of John Scattergood (1681-1723), Isaac Titsingh (1740?-1812), Heinrich Julius Klaproth (1783-1835) and other early materials from the British Library, London, at http://www.adam-matthew-publications.co.uk/collections_az/EastWest-3/description.aspx.

Englebert Kaempfer, a bibliography at http://www.fl.kyushu-u.ac.jp/~michel/se*rv/ek/lit1946_1999.html.

Englebert Kaempfer, a biographical essay in William Shurtleff and Akiko Aoyagi. “The History of Soy Pioneers Around the World”, Unpublished Manuscript at http://www.fengshuitours.com/MOSkaempfer/kaempferpg1.asp.

Japan-Netherlands Relations at http://www.iias.nl/iiasn/22/theme/22T7.html.

Philipp Seibold at http://www.users.qwest.net/~rjbphx/1800Refs/Siebold.html.

Reconstructions of VOC establishments at http://www.tanap.net/obp/help/.

Shogun, the novel, at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shogun_(novel).

The Oldest Share (Dutch East India Company): http://www.oldest-share.com

the end @copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2012

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