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Herman Willem Daendels

 

 

Herman Willem Daendels

Herman Willem Daendels (Hattem, Gelderland, October 21, 1762 – St. George d’Elmina (Dutch Gold Coast, now part of Ghana), May 2, 1818) was a Dutch politician who served as the 36th Governor General of the Dutch East Indies between 1808 and 1811.[1]

[edit] Early life

Born in Hattem, Netherlands, on the 21 October 1762, Daendels was the son of Burchard Johan Daendels, the mayoral secretary, and Josina Christina Tulleken. He studied law at the University of Harderwijk, acquiring his doctorate on 10 April 1783.

[edit] Political Activity

In 1785, he sided with the Patriots, who had seized power in several Dutch cities. In 1786 he defended the city of Hattem against stadholderian troops. In 1787, he defended Amsterdam against the Prussian army that invaded the Netherlands to restore William V of Orange. After William V was in power again, he fled to France because of a death sentence. Daendels was close witness to the French revolution.

He returned to the Netherlands in 1794, as a general in the French revolutionary army of general Charles Pichegru and commander of the Batavian Legion. Daendels helped unitarian politician Pieter Vreede to power in a coup d’état on 25 January 1798. The group behind Vreede was dissatisfied with the conservative-moderate majority in parliament, which tried to prevent the formulation of a more democratic, centralistic constitution. The reign of Vreede did not bring the expected results, however, and Daendels supported another coup d’état against Vreede on 14 June 1798. In the Batavian Republic Daendels occupied several political offices, but he had to step down when he failed to prevent the Anglo-Russian Invasion of Holland in 1799, and became a farmer in Heerde, Gelderland.

[edit] Military and colonial career

[edit] Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies

 

 

Java Great Post Road, commissioned by Daendels.

Louis Bonaparte made Daendels colonel-general in 1806 and Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in 1807. After a long voyage, he arrived in the city of Batavia (now Jakarta) on 5 January 1808 and relieved the former Governor General, Albertus Wiese. His primary task was to rid the island of Java of the British Army, which he promptly achieved.[citation needed] He built new hospitals and military barracks, a new arms factories in Surabaya and Semarang, and a new military college in Batavia. He demolished the Castle in Batavia and replaced it with a new fort at Meester Cornelis (Jatinegara), and built Fort Lodewijk in Surabaya. However, his best-known achievement was the construction of the Great Post Road (Indonesian: Jalan Raya Pos) across northern Java. The road now serves as the main road in the island of Java, called Jalur Pantura. The thousand-kilometre road was completed in only one year, during which thousands of Javanese forced labourers died.[2]

He displayed a firm attitude towards the Javanese rulers, with the result that the rulers were willing to work with the British against the Dutch. He also subjected the population of Java to forced labour (Rodi). There were some rebellious actions against this, such as those in Cadas Pangeran, West Java.

There is considerable debate as to whether he increased the efficiency of the local bureaucracy and reduced corruption, although he certainly enriched himself during this period.[citation needed]

[edit] General in Napoleon’s Grande Armée

When the Kingdom of Holland was incorporated into France in 1810, Daendels returned to Holland. He was appointed a Divisional General (Major General) and commanded the 26th Division of the Grande Armée in Napoleon’s invasion of Russia.

[edit] Governor-General of the Dutch Gold Coast

After the fall of Napoleon, king Willem I and the new Dutch government feared that Daendels could become an influential and powerful opposition leader and effectively banned him from the Netherlands by appointing him Governor-General of the Dutch Gold Coast (now part of Ghana). In the aftermath of the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, Daendels tried to redevelop the rather dilapidated Dutch possessions as an African plantation colony driven by legitimate trade. Drawing on his experience from the East Indies, he came up with some very ambitious infrastructural projects, including a comprehensive road system, with a main road connecting Elmina and Kumasi in Ashanti. The Dutch government gave him a free hand and a substantial budget to implement his plans. At the same time, however, Daendels regarded his governorship as an opportunity to establish a private business monopoly in the Dutch Gold Coast.

Eventually none of the plans came to fruition, as Daendels died of malaria in the castle of St. George d’Elmina, the Dutch seat of government, on 8 May 1818. His body was interred in the central tomb at the Dutch cemetery in Elmina town. He had been in the country less than two y

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Jan Willem Janssens

 

 

 

Jan Willem Janssens, by Jan Willem Pieneman , ca 1820

Jonkheer Jan Willem Janssens GCMWO (12 October 1762 – 23 May 1838) was a Dutch nobleman, soldier and statesman who served both as the governor-general of the Cape Colony and Dutch East Indies.[1]

[edit] Early life

Born in Nijmegen, his military career began at the age of nine when he became a cadet in the Dutch army. He rose through the ranks and by 1793, at the start of the Napoleonic Wars, he held the rank of colonel, and was wounded in the campaign.[1]

[edit] Batavian Republic

The Dutch surrender in 1795 made way for the mostly peaceful establishment of the Batavian Republic, a satellite state under Napoleon’s growing empire. From 1795 to 1802, Colonel Janssens served mostly as an administrator within the new Batavian Army. He was appointed governor-general of the Cape Colony upon its return to the Dutch by the British under the terms of the Treaty of Amiens in 1802. Arriving in early 1803, he attempted to strengthen the defences of the colony, but found resources lacking, having few trained troops at his disposal and the political situation tenuous at best. During this time, he was promoted to Lieutenant-General.

The start of the War of the Third Coalition marked another British invasion of the Cape Colony. Janssens was under no impression that he had the ability to defeat the British force, led by Lieutenant-General Sir David Baird, yet he mobilized his forces and engaged the British on 8 January 1806, at the Battle of Blaauwberg, near Cape Town. His force was routed and the Cape Colony was surrendered to the British for the last time on January 18. Under the terms of the surrender, Janssens was transported back to the Netherlands, arriving at the Hague on 8 June 1806.

By the time Janssens surrendered to the British, the war in Europe had ended with the Treaty of Pressburg. When he returned to the Netherlands, Napoleon had already installed his brother Louis Bonaparte as the king of the newly formed Kingdom of Holland.

[edit] Kingdom of Holland and the French Empire

Louis Bonaparte named Janssens Secretary-General of the Department of War upon his return. He held a series of high-ranking administrative posts within the kingdom until the abdication of Louis Napoleon and the annexation of the Netherlands by France in 1810. On 11 November 1810, he was appointed governor-general of the territory known, before the annexation, as the Dutch East Indies, replacing Herman Willem Daendels. He arrived in Batavia, Java on 15 May 1811 and immediately involved himself in efforts to strengthen the colony’s defenses. Java benefited from a larger amount of both Dutch and French troops, as well as better defenses, compared to the Cape Colony. However, the British invasion fleet arrived shortly thereafter, on 30 July, led by Sir Samuel Auchmuty.

Janssens mounted a defense that centered around the existing fortifications, namely Meester Cornelis. However, the French soldiers under his command lacked well-trained officers and as the British laid siege to the fortress, Janssens personally led a futile defense and was forced to retreat to Buitenzorg (later the place of residence of the British governor-general, Sir Stamford Raffles. A large number of French soldiers were captured during the retreat and ensuing pursuit and Janssens was forced to surrender on 18 September 1811. He was imprisoned in Britain until 12 November 1812, when he was repatriated to the Netherlands.

He was involved in some minor engagements in the ensuing years, until he resigned his post in the French Army on 9 April 1814.

[edit] Post-Napoleonic War career

Janssens was involved with the nascent Kingdom of the Netherlands as the provisional Commissary-General of War, but he resigned his post after his request to be posted once again as the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies was denied. He resigned from active duty on 22 May 1815.

He died as a highly decorated veteran in the Hague, aged 75

 

Gilbert Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, 1st Earl of Minto

The Right Honourable
The Earl of Minto
PC

 

by James Atkinson

Governor-General of the Presidency of Fort William

In office
31 July 1807 – 4 October 1813

Monarch

George III

Preceded by

Sir George Barlow, Bt
As Acting Governor-General

Succeeded by

The Earl of Moira

Personal details

Born

23 April 1751 (1751-04-23)
Edinburgh

Died

21 June 1814 (1814-06-22)
Stevenage, Hertfordshire

Nationality

British

Spouse(s)

Anna Maria Amyand (d. 1829)

Alma mater

University of Edinburgh
Christ Church, Oxford

Gilbert Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, 1st Earl of Minto PC (23 April 1751 – 21 June 1814), known as Sir Gilbert Elliott between 1777 and 1797 and as The Lord Minto between 1797 and 1813, was a Scottish politician diplomat. He was viceroy of the short-lived Anglo-Corsican Kingdom from 1793 to 1796 and went on to become Governor-General of India between 1807 and 1813.

[edit] Background and education

Minto was born in Edinburgh, the eldest son of Sir Gilbert Elliot, 3rd Baronet, and Agnes, daughter of Hugh Dalrymple-Murray-Kynynmound.[1] He was the nephew of John Elliott, Governor of Newfoundland, and of the poet Jean Elliot, while Hugh Elliot was his younger brother and Sir Charles Elliot his nephew. About 1763 Elliot and his brother Hugh were sent to Paris, where their studies were supervised by the Scottish philosopher David Hume, and where they became intimate with Honoré Mirabeau. Having passed the winters of 1766 and 1767 at the University of Edinburgh, Minto entered Christ Church, Oxford, and on quitting the university he was called to the Bar.

[edit] Career

In 1776 Minto entered parliament as an independent Whig MP for Morpeth. He became very friendly with Edmund Burke, whom he helped in the attack on Warren Hastings and Sir Elijah Impey, and on two occasions was an unsuccessful candidate for the office of Speaker. He was sworn of the Privy Council in 1793 and in 1794 he was appointed as viceroy of the short-lived Anglo-Corsican Kingdom. In 1797 he assumed the additional names of Murray-Kynynmound and was created Baron Minto, of Minto in the County of Roxburgh. From 1799 to 1801 he was Envoy-Extraordinary to Austria, and having been for a few months President of the Board of Control he was appointed Governor-General of India at the end of 1806. The district of Minto in New South Wales, Australia, was named after him in 1809. He governed until 1813, during which he expanded the British presence in the area to the Moluccas, Java, and other Dutch possessions in the East Indies during the Napoleonic Wars. He was then created Viscount Melgund, of Melgund in the County of Forfar, and Earl of Minto, of Minto in the County of Roxburgh.

[edit] Family

Lord Minto married Anna Maria, daughter of Sir George Amyand, 1st Baronet, in 1777.[2] Their second son was the naval commander Admiral the Hon. Sir George Elliot while their third son the Hon. John Elliot was a politician. Lord Minto died at Stevenage, Hertfordshire, on 21 June 1814, aged 63, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son, Gilbert. Lady Minto died in March 1829

 

Stamford Raffles

Sir Thomas Stamford Bingley Raffles

 

Born

6 July 1781 (1781-07-06)
Off the Coast of
Jamaica

Died

5 July 1826 (1826-07-06) (aged 44)
London, England, UK

Occupation

British Colonial Official

Known for

Founding Singapore

Religion

Anglican

Sir Thomas Stamford Bingley Raffles, FRS (6 July 1781 – 5 July 1826) was a British statesman, best known for his founding of the city of Singapore (now the city-state of the Republic of Singapore). He is often described as the “Father of Singapore”. He was also heavily involved in the conquest of the Indonesian island of Java from Dutch and French military forces during the Napoleonic Wars and contributed to the expansion of the British Empire. He was also an amateur writer and wrote a book entitled History of Java (1817).

Early life

Raffles was born on the ship Ann off the coast of Port Morant, Jamaica, to Captain Benjamin Raffles (d. June 1797) and Anne Raffles (née Lyde). His father was a Yorkshireman who had a burgeoning family and little luck in the West Indies trade during the American Revolution, sending the family into debt. The little money the family had went into schooling Raffles. He attended a boarding school. In 1795, at the age of 14, Raffles started working as a clerk in London for the British East India Company, the trading company that shaped many of Britain’s overseas conquests. In 1805 he was sent to what is now Penang in the country of Malaysia, then called the Prince of Wales Island, starting his long association with Southeast Asia. He started with a post under the Honourable Philip Dundas, the Governor of Penang.

He was appointed assistant secretary to the new Governor of Penang in 1805 and married Olivia Mariamne Fancourt, a widow who was formerly married to Jacob Cassivelaun Fancourt, an assistant surgeon in Madras who had died in 1800. At this time he also made the acquaintance of Thomas Otho Travers, who would accompany him for the next twenty years.

His knowledge of the Malay language as well as his wit and ability, gained him favour with Lord Minto, Governor-General of India, and he was sent to Malacca. Then, in 1811, after the invasion and annexation of the Kingdom of Holland by France during Napoleon’s war, Raffles had no choice but to leave the country. He mounted a military expedition against the Dutch and French in Java, Indonesia. The war was swiftly conducted by Admiral Robert Stopford, General Wetherhall, and Colonel Gillespie, who led a well-organized army against an army of mostly French conscripts with little proper leadership. The previous Dutch governor, Herman Willem Daendels, had built a well-defended fortification at Meester Cornelis (now Jatinegara), and at the time, the governor, Jan Willem Janssens (who, coincidentally, surrendered to the British at the Cape Colony), mounted a brave but ultimately futile defence at the fortress. The British, led by Colonel Gillespie, stormed the fort and captured it within three hours. Janssens attempted to escape inland but was captured. The British invasion of Java took a total of forty-five days, during which Raffles was appointed the Lieutenant-Governor by Lord Minto before hostilities formally ceased. He took his residence at Buitenzorg and despite having a small subset of Britons as his senior staff, he kept many of the Dutch civil servants in the governmental structure. He also negotiated peace and mounted some small military expeditions against local princes to subjugate them to British rule, as well as a takeover of Bangka Island to set up a permanent British presence in the area in the case of the return of Java to Dutch rule after the end of the War of the Sixth Coalition in Europe.

 

The memorial to Olivia Mariamne, Raffles’ first wife, erected by him along the Kanarielaan in the National Botanical Gardens (now the Bogor Botanical Gardens) that he founded in Buitenzorg (now Bogor), West Java

During his governorship, Raffles introduced partial self-government, stopped the slave trade, became an early opponent of the Opium trade by placing strict limitations upon its importation, much to the dismay of Calcutta, led an expedition to rediscover and restore Borobudur and other ancient monuments, and replaced the Dutch forced agriculture system with a land tenure system of land management, probably influenced by the earlier writings of Dirk van Hogendorp (1761–1822). He also changed the Dutch colonies to the British system of driving on the left,[citation needed] which is why Indonesia drives on the left today.

Under the harsh conditions of the island, Olivia died on 26 November 1814, an event that devastated Raffles. In 1815, he left again for England after the island of Java was returned to control of the Netherlands following the Napoleonic Wars, under the terms of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814, but not before he was officially replaced by John Fendall on account of the poor financial performance of the colony during his administration, as deemed by the successors of Lord Minto in Calcutta. He sailed to England in early 1816 to clear his name, and en route, visited Napoleon, who was in exile at St. Helena, but found him unpleasant and unimpressive.

Interlude in England

In 1817, Raffles wrote and published a book entitled History of Java, describing the history of the island from ancient times. In 1817 he was knighted by the prince regent, whose daughter, Princess Charlotte, was particularly close to him. At the publication of the book, he also stopped using the name “Thomas”, preferring to use his middle name, “Stamford”, possibly to avoid confusion amongst his associates with Sir Thomas Sevestre or his cousin who bore the same name. On February 22, he married his second wife, Sophia Hull.

He was appointed as the Governor-General of Bencoolen (now Bengkulu) on 15 October 1817, and set sail to take the post with his new wife.

Bencoolen (Bengkulu) and Malaya

 

 

Raffles in 1817

Raffles arrived in Bencoolen (Bengkulu) on 19 March 1818. Despite the prestige connected with the title, Bencoolen was a colonial backwater whose only real export was pepper and only the murder of a previous Resident, Thomas Parr, gained it any attention back home in Britain. Raffles found the place wrecked, and set about reforms immediately, mostly similar to what he had done in Java – abolishing slavery and limiting cockfighting and such games. To replace the slaves, he used a contingent of convicts, already sent to him from India. It is at this point when he realized the importance of a British presence that both challenged the Dutch hegemony in the area and could remain consistently profitable, unlike Bencoolen or Batavia. However, the strategic importance of poorly-maintained but well-positioned British possessions such as Penang or Bencoolen made it impossible for the British to abandon such unprofitable colonies in such close proximity to the Dutch in Java. The competition in the area, between Raffles and the aggressive Dutch de jure Governor, Elout, certainly led at least in part to the later Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824. Raffles looked into alternatives in the area – namely Bangka, which had been ceded to the Dutch after its conquest by the British during its occupation of Java.

Bintan was also under consideration. Despite the fact that Warren Hastings overlooked the island before settling upon Penang in 1786, the Riau Archipelago was an attractive choice just to the south of the Malay Peninsula, for its proximity to Malacca. In his correspondences with Calcutta, Raffles also emphasized the need to establish a certain amount of influence with the native chiefs, which had greatly waned since the return of the Dutch. Raffles sent Thomas Travers as an ambassador to the Dutch, to possibly negotiate an expansion of British economic interests. When this failed, and when Raffles’ own expeditions into his new dominion found only treacherous terrain and few exportable goods, his desire to establish a better British presence was cemented.

However, the Anglo-Dutch Convention of 1814 was not completely clear, especially on the issue of certain possessions such as Padang. The Convention of 1814 only returned Dutch territory that was held before 1803, which did not include Padang. Raffles asserted the British claim personally, leading a small expedition to the Sultanate of Minangkabau. Yet, as Raffles confirmed with the sultan regarding the absolute British influence of the area, he realized that the local rulers had only limited power over the well-cultivated and civilized country, and the treaty was largely symbolic and had little actual force.

Founding of Singapore

 

 

Statue of Sir Stamford Raffles in Singapore, based on the original by Thomas Woolner

Meanwhile, Major William Farquhar, the British Resident of Malacca, had been attempting to negotiate commercial treaties with the local chiefs of the Riau Archipelago, especially with the heads of the Sultanate of Johore. Due to the death and subsequent turmoil of the sultanate at the time of Farquhar’s arrival, Farquhar was compelled to sign the treaty not with the official head of the sultanate, but rather, the Raja Muda (Regent or Crown Prince) of Riau. Noting it as a success and reporting it as such back to Raffles, Raffles sailed to Malacca in late 1818 to personally secure a British presence in the Riau area, especially Singapura, which was favoured by him both through the readings of Malayan histories and by Farquhar’s explorations.

Despite Lord Hastings’ less-than-stellar opinion of Raffles before (which had necessitated his trip to England to clear his name at the end of his tenure as Governor-General of Java), the now well-connected and successful Raffles was able to secure the permission to set up a settlement where in Malaysian history the name Lion City was applied and was in a strategically advantageous position. However, he was not to provoke the Dutch, and his actions were officially disavowed. Despite the best efforts in London by authorities such as the Viscount Castlereagh to quell Dutch fears and the continuing efforts to reach an agreement between the nations that eventually became the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of London of 1824, as well as to send instructions to Raffles to undertake far less intrusive actions, the distance between the Far East and Europe had meant that the orders had no chance of reaching Raffles in time for his venture to begin.

 

John Fendall, Jr.

   

 

John Fendall, Jr. (1762–1825), also known as John of Java and Bengal, was a colonial official in the British Honourable East India Company and governor of Java for five months in 1816 before it was returned to Holland.

[edit] Early Life and service in East India Company

Fendall was born on 9 October 1762 at St. Andrew, Holburn, London, England. He began service in the East India Company in 1778 at the age of 16. In 1790 he was Collector of Midnapur and had attained the status of Senior Merchant. He returned to London in 1809 for the first time in 31 years. The voyage at that time took 5 ½ months to complete.

[edit] Governor of Java

Fendall returned to Calcutta in 1815 only to find that he had been appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Java, which island the British took from the Dutch in 1811. On 11 March 1816 by the last advice from Batavia, John relieved Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles as Lieutenant Governor of Java, an island which is now apart of the Republic of Indonesia.

In 1816, the Dutch sent a fleet to reclaim possession of Java. However, Fendall had not received orders from the Governor-General, and therefore, stoutly refused to give up possession, and the Dutch had to wait until the orders came. On 16 August, of the same year, the Dutch resumed possession, thus making Fendall the last British Governor. John left Java on June 1818, on the ship Caesar.

Fendall returned to Calcutta in 1817 and took his seat on the Bench of Sudder Diwani and Nizamat Adalat, the predecessor of the High Court. It seems that while at Java, Fendall had disallowed some allowance which a certain Col. Yule had claimed. As a result, the fiery soldier followed him to Calcutta and demanded that he should alter his decision. After Fendall refused, Yule pushed the papers in his face and brushed them across it and told him to take it as a personal insult. This Fendall was quite ready to do and sent for a friend, named Assey, to take a challenge to the Colonel. Assey refused to have anything to do with a challenge, in spite of John’s protests, and took the matter to various members of Council. The Council agreed that Fendall could not be called on to defend an official act in such a way and that Col. Yule’s conduct was highly insubordinate. As the Governor-General agreed with them, Fendall was forbidden to fight and his opponent apologized, to escape being tried by court martial.

Fendall was transferred to Bengal, and became a member of the Supreme Council on 20 May 1820, which constituted membership in the Bengal Civil Service. He was a Senior Merchant of the East India Company, and in 1823 was the President of the Board of Trade on the Bengal Establishment. In 1824 he served on the Viceroy’s Council. Fendall died on 10 November 1825 in Calcutta, India.

[edit] Personal life

John married first in 1790, Mary Farquharson (1761–1818), the daughter of John Farquharson of “Yateley“, Hampshire, England, a scion of the family of Farquharson of Fingean.

John married second, Harriet “Henrietta” Halcott (died 1871) in 1820.

John had two residences. One was at Harewood Square, St. Marylebone, London, England. The other was 67 Great Portland St., St. Marylebone, London, England, a house that had belonged to his grandfather.

[edit] Ancestry

John was the son of John Fendall, Sr., Esq. (1729–1791) and Sarah Bolder (1735–1813). John Sr., was in turn the son of William Fendall, Sr. (1693–1753) and Delia Rivers. William Sr., was the son of Thomas Fendall, Sr., and his wife, Jane (1648–1736), of Gloucester, England.

1820

Sir T. Stamford Raffles, who was among them in 1820, found some of their law

 

 

1821

The KNIL was involved in many campaigns against indigenous groups in the Netherlands East Indies including the Padri War (1821–1845),

 

Godert van der Capellen

 

 

Baron van der Capellen

Godert Alexander Gerard Philip, Baron van der Capellen (December 15, 1778 – April 10, 1848) was a Dutch statesman from Utrecht.

Van der Capellen was made Prefect of Friesland and soon thereafter Minister of the Interior and a member of the Privy Council. At his advice, King Louis Napoleon abdicated the throne in 1810 in favor of his son, Louis II. Van der Capellen did not serve Napoleon I. Wilhelm I, King of the Netherlands, appointed him Colonial Minister and sent him as Secretary of United Kingdom of the Netherlands to Brussels. In 1815, van de Capellen was made the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, where he had to deal with both a native rebellion and a money shortage. In fact, during his tenure in Java, his power was largely ceremonial as his adjunct, Cornelis Theodorus Elout, had much of the actual power. He was ordered back in 1825 and named President of the Board of Trustees of the University of Utrecht in 1828. In 1838, he attended the coronation of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in London as the Dutch envoy. Van de Capellen then served as the Lord Chamberlain of King William II. He died in April 1848 in De Bil

In the earlier “Padri War” between the Dutch and Minangkabau of west-central Sumatra (1821-38), the fighting was almost as bloody, as here too, the Dutch were pitted against Indonesian inspired by Islam.

 

 

 

 

 

1825

KNIL

The KNIL was involved in many campaigns against indigenous groups in the Netherlands East Indies including the Java War (1825–1830),

1825

Banten

 

 

Dutch Residence in Anyer 1825 

 

 

Leonard du Bus de Gisignies

 

 

Viscount du Bus de Gisignies

Leonard Pierre Joseph, Viscount du Bus de Gisignies (Mouscron (Hainaut), 1 March 1770 – Oostmalle, 31 May 1849) was a soldier and politician in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands. He was born as Leonard Pierre Joseph Dubus, but on 14 June 1822, because of name multiplication, du Bus de Gisignies was added to his name. On 20 September 1816, he was raised to Dutch nobility and on 22 May 1819 he became a Viscount.

[edit] Personal life

He married twice (his first wife, Marie-Catherine de Deurwaerder, died on 23 June 1836, he remarried with Marie-Antoinette van der Gracht de Fretin on 20 November 1839). He had 1 daughter and 5 sons from his first marriage: Clémentine-Cathérine-François (Bruges, 7 August 1803-Kortrijk, 18 October 1817), Knight Gustave-Bernard-Joseph (Bruges, 5 May 1807-Brussels, 23 September 1831), Bernard-Aimé-Léonard (Sint-Joost-ten-Node, June 21, 1808 – Brussels, July 6, 1874), Viscount Albéric (Tournai, 30 May 1810-Brussels, 26 July 1874), Baron Chrétien-Henri-Honoré-Léonard (Kortrijk, 17 September 1819-Brussels, 9 June 1835), Viscount Constantin-Léonard-Anne-Francois-Marie-Joseph (Brussels, 11 October 1823-Sint-Joost-ten-Node, 16 November 1850).

[edit] Career

He studied law at Douai, but did not finish his education. He served in the French army from 1802 until 1815. On 21 September 1815, in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, he became a member of the House of Representatives of the States-General of the Netherlands for the province of West Flanders and became its President during the meeting year 1818-1819. Afterwards he had several administrative functions, first of all as Governor of the province of Antwerp (3 April 1820 – March 1823) and from 25 March 1823 up to 9 May 1828 of the province of Zuid-Brabant (E: South-Brabant).

From 4 February 1826 up to 16 January 1830 he was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies (Dutch: Commissaris-Generaal) of the Dutch East Indies, for which he received an annual wages of 200,000 Guilders, with the condition that he retained his function of governor of Zuid-Brabant. On 9 May 1828 he was appointed as Minister of State, but after the Belgian Revolution he was removed from this office on 18 October 1830. On 6 October 1830, he bought Renesse Castle in Oostmalle from Count Clement-Wenceslas de Renesse-Breidbach and renovated the castle in Empire style.

He was knighted (24 November 1816) and a commander (20 July 1823) in the order of the Dutch Lion, and received on 6 July 1830 the cross in the same order

1830

 

Since the establishment of the VOC in the seventeenth century, the expansion of Dutch territory had been a business matter. Graaf van den Bosch‘s Governor-generalship (1830–1835) confirmed profitability as the foundation of official policy was to restrict its attention to Java, Sumatra and Bangka.[17

 

 

 

Hendrik Merkus de Kock

 

 

Baron Hendrik Merkus de Kock

Hendrik Merkus, Baron de Kock (May 25, 1779 – April 12, 1845) was a Dutch military general, minister and senator.

Hendrik Merkus de Kock was born in Heusden, Netherlands on May 25, 1779.

In 1801 he joined the Batavian navy, and by 1807 was posted to the Dutch East Indies. In 1821 he commanded a military expedition to Palembang to suppress a local uprising. Later, as lieutenant governor-general (1826–1830), De Kock led the fight against Prince Diponegoro in the Java War.

 

 

The submission of Prince Diponegoro to General De Kock in 1830, painting by Nicolaas Pieneman

The triumphant commander was declared a baron in 1835, and served in the Dutch government as minister of foreign affairs and minister of state from 1836 to 1842. He remained a member of the upper chamber of parliament until his death. He died in The Hague on April 12, 1845.

 

Jenis Pusaka : Wedhung
Nama : WEDHUNG MATARAM
Era : Abad Ke-19
Asal : Karang Gayam, Pesisir Utara Jawa, Indonesia
Dimensi : 34.5 (panjang); 8,3 (lebar)
Material : Emas, Tanduk Kerbau, Rotan dan Logam Khusus
Nomer Inventaris : 963-4

 

 

Jenis : Keris
Nama : KERIS JAWA
Era : Wilah (Abad Ke-16), Warangka (Abad Ke-19)
Asal : Jawa

 

 

Jenis : Keris
Nama : KERIS JAWA
Era : Abad Ke 18 – 19
Asal : Jawa

Material :
Wilah : Besi Aji
Warangka dan Hulu : Fosil Geraham Gajah

 

Johannes van den Bosch

 

 

Count Johannes van den Bosch

This is a Dutch name; the family name is van den Bosch, not Bosch.

Johannes, Count van den Bosch (February 2, 1780, Herwijnen, Gelderland – January 28, 1844) was a Dutch Lieutenant General and politician.

[edit] Biography

Born at Herwijnen in the province of Gelderland, the Netherlands, van den Bosch arrived in Java in 1797 as a lieutenant, but was quickly promoted to colonel. He departed in 1810, because of differences with Governor-General Daendels. After his return to Holland in November 1813, Van den Bosch agitated for the return of the House of Orange.

He was recommissioned in the army as a Colonel and made Commander of Maastricht. He later became a Major General. Van den Bosch helped found the Society for the Founding of Poor Colonies and was especially associated with the Colony of Frederiksoord.

In 1827, he became the commissary general and was sent back to Jakarta, where he was made Governor-General in 1830. Van den Bosch returned to the Netherlands five years later and took over the governing of the colony. He retired voluntarily in 1839, when he was elevated to the noble rank of Count and made Minister of State on December 25 of that year. Van den Bosch died on January 1844 at his estate in the Hague.

 

Jean Chrétien Baud

Jean Chrétien baron Baud (1789 – 1859) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1833 until 1836.

He was born in The Hague on 23 October 1789. He was a civil servant and politician who served under William I and William II of the Netherlands. He sped through the ranks of the civil service until he reached the post of Vice President of the Council for the Dutch East Indies. Following Johannes van den Bosch, as acting Governor-General and, later, Minister for the Colonies, he was a strong defender of the Dutch Colonial policy, the cultuurstelsel, which required a certain amount of profitable crops to be dedicated to export.

He was succeed in 1836 by Dominique Jacques de Eerens. He became Minister of the Marine in 1840 and Minister for the Colonies from that year until 1848. After 1848 he was for a few years a conservative member for Rotterdam of the House of Representatives. He died in The Hague on 27 June 1859

 

 

 

 

 

1844

 

 

Benteng Van Der Wijck adalah bangunan benteng peninggalan kolonial Belanda. Benteng ini berada di wilayah Gombong, kabupaten Kebumen, Jawa Tengah. Bangunan ini memiliki metamorfosa sejarah yang sangat disayangkan kurang diketahui oleh masyarakat Kebumen pada umumnya. Bahkan pada akhirnya terjadi kesalahan dalam penentuan kurun waktu benteng ini dibuat. Kini para wisatawan yang berkunjung di objek wisata ini terlanjur mempercayai bahwa benteng Van Der Wijck dibangun pada tahun 1818 seperti yang tertera pada berbagai sisi ruangan di dalam benteng “AKU DIBANGUN TAHUN 1818″. Dengan dilengkapinya data sejarah di Benteng ini akan lebih menambah daya tarik tersendiri sebagai pariwisata sejarah di Kebumen.

 

Pelurusan Sejarah Benteng Van Der Wijck

- Sebelum tahun 1844

Sebelum tahun 1844, Benteng Van der Wijck merupakan bangunan kantor Kongsi Dagang VOC di Gombong. Bangunan tersebut sama sekali bukan berupa benteng. Besarnya kekuatan Dipanegara yang berpusat di bagelen selatan (sekarang kabupaten Kebumen) pada tahun 1825 – 1830, mengakibatkan Belanda mendatangkan bala bantuan pasukan VOC dalam jumlah besar dari Batavia dan menempati kantor Kongsi Dagang VOC di Gombong. Tempat tersebut kemudian dijadikan pertahanan militer Belanda dalam melawan kekuatan Dipanegara di Bagelen Selatan hingga masa penyerangan besar – besaran Belanda serta pembumihangusan pendopo kota raja kabupaten Panjer yang menjadi pusat kekuatan terakhir (1832). Peristiwa tersebut merubah status kantor Kongsi Dagang Gombong menjadi markas pertahanan Belanda di Gombong. Meski demikian, bangunan tersebut belum diubah menjadi benteng.

 

Berdirinya Benteng Gombong/Fort Generaal Cochius

Pada tahun 1844 dibangunlah sebuah benteng Pertahanan Belanda di bekas kantor kongsi dagang VOC di gombong. Bangunan ini bertujuan untuk pertahanan dalam rangka persiapan perang melawan Kesultanan Yogyakarta. benteng ini dibangun selama 4 tahun (selesai pada tahun 1848: sayang angka tahun di atas gerbang utama benteng yang dahulu disisi selatan telah hilang). Benteng ini kemudian diberi nama Fort Cochius/ Fort Generaal Cochius, diambil dari nama Letnan Jenderal Frans David Cochius, seorang komandan di Hindia Belanda yang memimpin pasukan Belanda di Gombong pada masa perang Dipanegara 1825 – 1830. Benteng ini dibangun oleh tentara corp. Zeni Belanda. Dari 1400 buruh yang bekerja dalam proyek tersebut, 1200 orang di antaranya berasal dari Kabupaten Bagelen, sedangkan sisanya berasal dari Kabupaten Banyumas. Para buruh yang diawasi oleh pengawas yang diambil dari daerah masing – masing. Para buruh dibayar 15 sen / hari, sedangkan Pengawas mendapat 1 florin / hari. Bahan baku bangunan seperti kalsit dan kayu berasal dari kabupaten sekitar Bagelen, sebagian besar dari Banyumas.

 

Arsitektur Benteng

Benteng /Fort Cochius berbentuk segi delapan, dengan tinggi 10 meter dan luas permukaan 7.168 m2. Dindingnya memiliki ketebalan 1,4 m. Struktur ini terdiri dari dua lantai, lantai pertama memiliki empat pintu masuk dan 16 kamar besar, masing-masing berukuran 18 m x 6,5 m. Ada lagi 27 kamar dengan berbagai ukuran, 72 jendela, 63 menghubungkan dan keluar pintu, 8 tangga menuju ke lantai dua, dan 2 tangga darurat. Di lantai dua terdapat 70 pintu penghubung, 84 jendela, 16 kamar besar masing-masing berukuran 18 m x 6,5 m, 25 kamar kecil dan 4 tangga menuju ke atap, 2 dari 4 tangga tersebut tidak diperuntukkan untuk umum, dengan kondisi masih asli. Benteng ini memiliki atap piramida yang terbuat dari bata merah, dalam bentuk bukit-bukit kecil dengan 2 lubang ventilasi di atas. Atap berukuran 3 m x 3 m x 1,5 m. Ada dua jenis pintu: pintu utama dan pintu yang mengarah ke kamar. Pintu utama terdiri dari 4 buah masing-masing berukuran 3,25 m x 3 m sedangkan pintu kamar masing-masing berukuran 2,3 m x 2,1 m.

Pada tahun 1856 benteng/Fort Cochius berubah menjadi Pupillenschool (Sekolah Taruna Militer) untuk anak-anak Eropa yang lahir di Hindia Belanda (sekarang Indonesia). Benteng/Fort Cochius berubah nama menjadi benteng/Fort Van der Wijck sebagai penghormatan kepada Van der Wijck atas jasanya kepada pemerintah Belanda dalam bidang kemiliteran di Hindia belanda.

 

 

Lukisan wajah F.D. Cochius ketika berpangkat Luitenant-Generaal (sekitar tahun 1850)

Riwayat Van Der Wijck

Ada tiga nama Van Der Wijck yang dikenal pernah bertugas di Hindia Belanda khususnya di Jawa. Nama benteng Gombong yang kini dikenal dengan nama Van Der Wijk sangat besar kemungkinan diambil dari salah satunya. Sebelum menguraikan mengenai ketiga Van Der Wijck, ada sebuah kejanggalan yang kita dapati di benteng tersebut berupa tulisan “Van Der Wijck” yang kemungkinan itu dibuat jauh setelah benteng tersebut berdiri sebagai pengganti tulisan “Chocius”. Hal itu mungkin terjadi pada masa salah satu dari ke tiga Van Der Wijk berkuasa di Jawa. Ini dikaitkan dengan adanya beberapa nama dalam pintu masuk benteng yang ternyata salah satunya merupakan nama dari orang tua Jenderal Chocius. Secara logika, ketika ada nama orang tua dari Chocius terlebih benteng tersebut dinamakan “Fort Geneeral Chocius”, seharusnya nama Chocius tertera di benteng (terlebih nama orang tuanya pun ditulis). Namun yang kita dapati adalah Van Der Wijk. Dari logika tersebutlah bisa dimungkinkan adanya perubahan nama/tulisan Chocius menjadi Van Der Wijk oleh pembesar militer Hindia belanda pada masa tertentu.

 

Lukisan wajah Jonkheer C. van der Wijck (sekitar tahun 1850) – Van Der Wijk yang ke 2

 

      1. Majoor Generaal Harmen Jan Van der Wijck; ahli perbentengan yang bertugas saat gubernur jendral Deandles dan Janssen. Tetapi karena sebelum perang Diponegoro sudah pensiun dan kembali ke Belanda, nama Van der Wijck yang satu ini jelas tidak mungkin.
      2. Luitenant Generaal Carel Van der Wijck; Ia merupakan anak sulung dari Majoor Generaal Harmen Jan Van der Wijck. Pada tahun 1837, ia menjabat direktur genie KNIL dan terlibat dalam pembangunan benteng di Ambarawa, Gombong dan Ngawi. Pada tahun 1847 ia menggantikan Cochius menjadi kepala KNIL. Pada tahun 1848 ia meresmikan benteng Fort Generaal Cochius. (Sudah menjadi kelaziman hanya mengabadikan nama tentara yang sudah non aktif sebagai penghormatan, apalagi yang dianggap berjasa).
      3. Luitenant Generaal Johan Cornelis Van der Wijck; Ia adalah keponakan Luitenan Generaal Carel Van der Wijck. Ayahnya adalah Herman Constantinj Van der Wijck merupakan adik dari Carel Van der Wijck. Karir militernya cukup pesat karena koneksi dua orang kakaknya yakni Carel Herman Aart Van der Wijck (Gubernur Jendral Hindia Belanda) dan Herman Marinus Van der Wijck (Menteri Kelautan Belanda). (sumber data M. Parwoko)

Riwayat Singkat Van der Wijck yang ke 3 (sumber data Wikipedia)

Van der Wijck inilah kemungkinan yang mengakibatkan hilangnya tulisan Chocius dan munculnya tulisan dinasti “ Van Der Wijck”.

Jhr. Johan Cornelis van der Wijck  lahir pada tanggal 11 Januari 1848 di Buitenzorg (kawasan Istana dan Kebun Raya Bogor). Ia adalah adalah seorang Letnan Jenderal dari Militer Kerajaan Hindia Belanda (KNIL) yang menjabat sebagai Gubernur Aceh. Van der Wijck dididik di Koninklijke Militaire Academie dan pada tahun 1869 dan dipromosikan menjadi Letnan Dua. Pada tahun 1874 ia dipromosikan menjadi Letnan Satu dan menjadi Komandan Departemen Militer III. Van der Wijck menjadi Kapten pada tahun 1888, Mayor di tahun 1892 dan Letnan Kolonel pada tahun 1894. Pada 1895 dan 1898 ia menjadi Komandan militer di Palembang. Selanjutnya pada tahun 1880 ia menjadi Komandan Infanteri di Magelang. Pada tahun 1898 Van der Wijck dipromosikan menjadi Kolonel dan pada tahun 1900 ia berpangkat Mayor Jenderal dan menjadi Komandan Utama dari Departemen Militer II di Jawa. Kemudian ia menjadi Kepala Persenjataan Infanteri serta Kepala Departemen II Kementerian Perang Belanda di Hindia Belanda.

 

Karena kualitasnya, Pemerintah Belanda mengangkat Van der Wijck menjadi Kepala KNIL pada tahun 1903. Pada tahun 1904 Van der Wijck menjadi Gubernur Sipil dan Militer sementara di Aceh. Setahun kemudian ia diberhentikan dari tugasnya di Aceh. Pada tahun 1905 Van der Wijck menjadi Letnan Jenderal, Komandan Tentara dan Kepala Departemen Perang di Hindia Belanda. Pada tahun yang sama ia menjadi anggota Komite Palang Merah Pusat Hindia Belanda. Atas permintaannya sendiri Van der Wijck pensiun dari militer pada tahun 1907. Ia mendapatkan penghargaan dari Pemerintah Belanda atas jasa – jasanya. Dia mendapat gelar Kesatria Singa Belanda dan menerima Medali Aceh untuk prestasi militernya di Kraton selama Perang Aceh. Dia juga mendapat Gelar Kehormatan atas aksi militernya di XII dan XXVI Mukims di Aceh pada tahun 1879.

 

Van der Wijck meninggal dunia pada tanggal 12 Oktober 1919 dan dimakamkan di Algemene Begraafplaats (General Cemetery) di Den Haag.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adapun beberapa nama yang masih terpampang di beberapa pintu masuk benteng seperti: F.A. Kortz (lahir di Grisse 1828), A.R. Dibbetz (Ibu F.D. Cochius ), L.J.L.T. Van Gorkum (Kapten Infanteri 1866 pada masa Van den Bosch), L.H. Deeleman,  dan K. F.W. Bouwensch adalah pejabat –pejabat militer setelah masa Cochius, artinya sama sekali bukan pada masa kurun 1818 seperti yang tertera di Benteng Van der Wijck saat ini.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Semoga data ini bisa menjadi wawasan baru bagi masyarakat Kebumen pada khususnya dan masyarakat indonesia pada umumnya terhadap sejarah Benteng/Fort Generaal Cochius yang kemudian dikenal dengan nama Benteng/Fort Van der Wijck.

Sumber

Ravie Ananda (Kebumen)

 

Referensi

  • Tropen Museum.
  • De Java Oorlog 1825 – 1830.
  • Ibrahim, Alfian. “Aceh dan Sabil PERANG.”
  • P.J.F Louw, Kaarten En Teekeningen DE JAVA – OORLOG van 1825 – 1830, No. 2; Vestelijk Gedeelte van het Oorlogtoonel; Batavia; Topographisch Bureau 1897.
  • M.D, Sagimun, Pahlawan Dipanegara Berjuang (Bara Api Kemerdekaan Nan Tak Kunjung Padam), 1956, Jogjakarta, Tjabang Bagian Bahasa, Djawatan Kebudajaan Kementerian P.P. dan K. Jogjakarta MCMLVII.
  • Materi napak Tilas Dipanegara Hari Kebangkitan Nasional di Kebumen; Ravie Ananda; 2012
  • Indonesian Heritage: Awal Sejarah Modern. Vol. 3, ed. Anthony Reid, Sian Jay dan T.  Durairajoo. Singapura: Editions Didier Millet, 2001.
  • De legercommandant J.C. van der Wijck. Het Nieuws van de Dag voor Nederlands Indië; 1907.
  • Hermeten Topographisch Bureau; 1900.
  • Jonkheer van der Wijck J.C. overleden. Nieuwe Courant; 1919.
  • Alphabetische naamlijst van gepensioneerde Nederlandsche koloniale Ambtenaren, Officieren, en Hunne Weduwen en Weezen door R.P. Van den Bosch; S’ Gravenhage; 1866.
  • Sejarah Dinasti Kalapaking; R. Tirta Wenang Kalapaking; 1997.
  • Stamboomzooker.nl.
  • pusat dokumentasi arsitektur; 2008.
  • wikipedia

 

 

 

1845-1851:

Jan Jacob Rochussen

Jan Jacob Rochussen

Jan Jacob Rochussen

 

Prime Minister of the Netherlands

In office
18 March 1858 – 23 February 1860

Monarch

William III

Preceded by

Justinus van der Brugghen

Succeeded by

Floris Adriaan van Hall

Jan Jacob Rochussen (23 October 1797, Etten – 21 January 1871, The Hague) was a Dutch politician. He served as Finance Minister from 1840 to 1843 and Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1845 to 1851. He served as Prime Minister of the Netherlands from 18 March 1858 to 23 February 1860. He was also a Dutch colonial minister

 

 

THE INDONESIAN PHRASE IN 19th CENTURY COLLECTIONS

Sjair Indonesia Abad ke-19

iwansuwandy.wordpress.com. @Copyright Dr iwan s.2010

 

vintage Chineseoverseas surabaya east java book’ The Power of Gods ‘

I.Dr Iwan S.Notes

I have compiled the 19th Century Indonesian Phrase  from many vintage 19th century Books and magazine, in recent Indonesian language,Dutch Language, but very difficult to translate in english.(I hope the International expert on phrase will help me to translate in English for the international collectors,thanks Dr Iwan S)

 

 

II. Indonesia Phrase In 1870

This phrase (puisi ) from Binaglala magazine No 30,Agust,12th 1870.

This magazine in Malay latin characters ,issued by Stefanus Sandiman and Mas Marcus Garito , this chriastin Magazine not commercial ,the first edition in 1850, in 1870 this magazine  witn name A.D. caption AMIN.(Amen)

AMIN

Amin, Bapa saya ! Amin! ,ku percaya! Amin ,saya trima!

Bapa punya kerja

Amin,kapan suka, Amin,kapan duka.Amin,kapan berkat.Amin,kapan laknat.

Asal saya slamat!

( free translate:please corrections)

Machinal Translate

AMEN

Amen, my Father ! Amen,I bielive!,Amen,I accept! The Father’s work

Amen,when like.Amen,when sad.Amen,when bless.Amin when foolish.In order I safe!

 

2. This phrase from Bintang Johar newspaper, caption ‘Musim Derep-Musim Malyo’

Musim potong sudah datang.Apa kita dengar itu .pddi di sawah sudah matang.Kita orang rame pergi disitu.

Pada suatu siang hari.Tranglah cahayanya matahari.Dengar di kanan,dan dikiri.Segala burung pada menyanyi.

Tuhan ada puhun slamat.Yang beri segala berkat.Biatla kita jangan lamabat.Dari dosa lekas tobat.

Padi yang jeli selamanya.Tunduk dirinya pada temannya’Tapi padi yang tak ada isinya.Tinggi hati itu adanya.

Biarlah kita yang beirisi .Tunduk diri selamanya.Pada Allah yang Mahakuasa.

3. BALADA JIKALAU RASA MALU(SK Bintang Johar,Aug.213th.1873)

Adalah suatu tuan.Jala-jalan di pingir kali.Lihat seorang anak perempuan.Lagi menangis keras sekali.

NOTE;STILL IN PROCESSING,PLEASE @COPYRIGHT Dr Iwan S  2010

 

 

1836

 


TEUNGKU CIK DI TIRO
Lahir : Tiro, Pidie, 1836
Wafat : Benteng, Aneuk Galong, Januari 1891

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SEJAK kecil, Teungku Cik Di Tiro yang bernama asli Muhammad Saman telah terbiasa tinggal di lingkungan pesantren. Di situ ia banyak menimba ilmu dari beberapa ulama terkenal di Aceh. Setelah merasa cukup berguru, Saman menunaikan ibadah haji ke Mekah sekaligus memperdalam ilmu agamanya. Sekembalinya dari Mekah, Saman menjadi guru agama di Tiro hingga kemudian dikenal sebagai Teungku Cik Di Tiro.

Tahun 1873, Saman melakukan perlawanan terhadap VOC yang bermaksud memasukkan Aceh ke dalam wilayah jajahannya. Bahkan pada perang di tahun itu, Panglima Belanda, Mayor Jenderal JHR Kohler tewas dalam suatu pertempuran. Hal ini membuat Belanda marah dan mengirimkan pasukan dalam jumlah yang jauh lebuih besar dan kuat untuk memerangi Aceh.

Mei 1881, benteng Belanda di Indrapuri berhasil direbut pasukan Cik Di Tiro. Tak lama kemudian benteng-benteng Belanda lainnya seperti benteng Lambaro, dan Aneuk Galong juga berhasil direbut. Ketika itu, Belanda sudah sangat terdesak sehingga satu-satunya tempat bertahan Belanda hanya tinggal benteng di Banda Aceh. Daerah yang dikuasai Belanda itu pun hanya tinggal empat kilometer persegi. Hal ini membuat Belanda panik dan kewalahan. Cik Di Tiro memang sulit ditundukkan, dan Belanda selalu mengalami kekalahan.

Menyadari peran vital Cik Dik Tiro sebagai sumber semangat perjuangan rakyat Aceh, Belanda akhirnya menggunakan akal licik untuk membunuhnya. Cik Di Tiro akhirnya berhasil diracun melalui makanannya yang dilakukan oleh kakitangan Belanda. Cik Di Tiro kemudian jatuh sakit dan meninggal dunia di benteng Aneuk Galong pada bulan Januari 1891.

 

 

1854


TEUKU UMAR
Lahir : Meulaboh, Aceh 1854
Wafat : Meulaboh, 11 Februari 1899

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SEJAK umur 19 tahun, tepatnya tahun 1873, Teuku Umar telah ikut berperang melawan Belanda di kampung halamannya Meulaboh. Terlebih sejak menikah dengan Cut Nyak Dien pada tahun 1880, perlawanan Teuku Umar semakin menghebat. Seperti diketahui, Cut Nyak Dien juga merupakan seorang pejuang wanita yang gigih melawan Belanda.

Teuku Umar adalah panglima perang yang cerdik dan pandai bersiasat. Ia pernah berpura-pura membantu Belanda membebaskan kapal Inggris Nissero yang terdampar dan ditawan oleh Raja Teunom, Aceh Barat. Inggris mendesak Belanda agar membantu membebaskan awak kapal yang ditawan. Belanda lantas mengutus TeukuUmar dengan 32 orang tentara ke Teunom. Di tengah jalan, tentara Belanda yang menyertainya dibunuh dan dirampas senjatanya.

Teuku Umar pernah menyerang dan menawan kapal Hok Canton yang berlabuh di Pantai Rigaih. Pasalnya, Teuku Umar curiga awak kapal tersebut akan menangkap dirinya. Untuk menebusnya, Belanda terpaksa harus membayar uang sebesar 25.000 Dollar.

Tahun 1893,

Teuku Umar tunduk dan bergabung dengan Belanda. Siasat berpura-pura Teuku Umar ini ternyata berhasil. Belanda kemudian mengizinkan Teuku Umar memiliki tentara berkekuatan 250 orang berikut persenjataan lengkap untuk memerangi pejuang-pejuang Aceh yang belum tunduk. Para pejuang Aceh yang akan diperangi pun paham karena telah diberitahu sebelumnya. Semua itu dilakukan Teuku Umar demi mendapatkan senjata dan perbekalan dari pihak VOC Belanda.

Pada tanggal 29 Maret 1896,

Teuku Umar kembali bergabung dengan para pejuang Aceh. Ia berhasil membawa lari senjata, uang sebanyak 800.000 Dollar, dan perlengkapan lain milik Belanda.

Semasa bergabung dengan Belanda, Teuku Umar pernah diberi gelar Teuku Johan Pahlawan dan memimpin 1 legiun tentara berkekuatan 250 orang serdadu. Teuku Umar mampu menghadapi Politik Devide et Empera (“Pecah Belah dan Jajahlah”) Belanda dengan menggunakan kekuatan Belanda sendiri.

Pada Januari 1899,

Belanda merasa tertipu dan amat marah sehingga mengerahkan seluruh kekuatannya untuk menangkap Teuku Umar di Meulaboh. Teuku Umar akhirnya gugur pada tanggal 11 Februari 1899, dan dimakamkan di Desa Mugo, Aceh.

 

  • 1872-1875: James Loudon
  • 1875-1881: Johan Wilhelm van Lansberge
  • 1881-1884: Freserik s’Jacob
  • 1884-1888: Otto van Rees
  • 1888-1893: Cornelis Pijnacker Hordijk
  • 1893-1899: Carel Herman Aart van Wijck
  • Jenis : Baju Adat
    Nama : BAJU ADAT ACEH DENGAN BORDIR EMAS
    Era : Abad Ke-19
    Material : Sutera Tradisional & Benang Emas
    Asal : Aceh, Sumatera
  • Diperdagangkan Oleh :
    Michael Backman Ltd
    1 New Burlington Street, London, W1S 2JD
    United Kingdom
  • Keterangan :
  • Silk Ceremonial Jacket (Baju) with Gold Brocade
    Sumatra, Indonesia
    19th century
  • length: 46cm, width (with arms outstretched): 163cm
  • This jacket of purple and yellow silk with gold brocade applique over a calico lining is from Sumatra, Indonesia and probably dates to the 19th century.
  • Possibly it is from Aceh. It might also have been worn be the Minangkabau people who imported silk clothing items from Aceh.
  • The manner of the gold stitching work is highly suggestive of Arab influence. This is not surprising as there were many trade and diplomatic links between the courts of the Middle East and also the Ottoman empire. The applied gold motifs to the lower section of the front of the jacket also suggest Chinese influence: clearly the motifs are based on stylised dragons.
  • Such a jacket almost certainly was made for a man, to be worn at his wedding.
  • A vest with related gold brocade applique work which is attributed to Aceh, before 1878, is illustrated in Brinkgreve & Sulistianingsih (2009, p. 157).
  • The condition is fine – there are no insect holes and no repairs, but there are some splits across the shoulders to the silk along the creaselines. Also, some of the gold brocade has become unstitched. These age-related matters most likely can be resolved with some minor conservation.
  • Provenance: From a Belgium private collection; acquired by the family of the previous owners directly from Sumatra during the 1920s.
  • References:
    Brinkgreve F, & R. Sulistianingsih (eds), Sumatra: Crossroads of Cultures, KITLV Press, 2009.
    Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, The Message and the Monsoon: Islamic Art of Southeast Asia, IAMM Publications, 2005.
    Leigh, B., Hands of Time: The Crafts of Aceh, Penerbit Djambatan, 1989.
    Summerfield, A., & J., Walk in Splendor: Ceremonial Dress and the Minangkabau, UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1999.
    1896

Dayaks Mandau

CREATED Y

Dr IWAN S

FROM HIS VINTAGE BOOK AND UNMIQUE COLLECTIONS

*ILL C-001

FREE PRIVATE E-BOOK ISSUED FOR COLLECTORS

JAKARTA @COPYRIGHT Dr IWAN S 2010

*ill 001 original Mandau handle found at Pontianak 1994.,


 

Dayaks Mandau original or fake

 

 

East Borneo Mandau 1888

 

 

Fig h-l Handles Type

 

 

 

Fig e-g Pamor Mata type

 

 

 

Fig a-d Blades type

 

 

 

Dayaks Mandau Book

 

THE VINTAGE DAYAKS MANDAU BOOK ILLSUTRATION 1888
(Tromp SW,Assisten Resident of Koetei, Schmeltz JDE,Band I ,Ethanographie,Leiden,1888,ex Libris J.Jonge Jan)
UCM-uniquecollection.wordpress.com CyberMuseum collection.@copyright Dr Iwan S.2010.
(this info dedicated to Dr Sugeng,Pontianak, ex my officer during my duty at West Borneo 1990-1994, he now have finish Medical Specialization Orthopaedy, and the chief of West Borneo National police Medical Hospital. During my last visit at Borneo in 2008, Dr Sugeng and his chief Dr Priok were helping me to seeking the uniquecollections, and made My Adventure from Pontianak-Kuching-Miri-Brunei Bandar Sri benagwan-Labuan-Kotatkinibalu were succeess ,also with the helping of Mr Chan kee Text-Sarawak, and many other friend along the very happy adventure,all about that I have written in Sarawak and related countries Collections
Dr Sugeng , Dr Priok and mr Chan Kee text thank you very much for friendly helping during my last visit Borneo, and Do you have the original Mandau collections? please show us via comment-Dr iwan suwandy.)
1.The information about Mandau,the special Dayaks waepons, from the West and south Borne have been written, that is why I (Mr Tromp) must written the mandau in my area Koetai.
The mandau of Koetai were from the nothern area ,Berouw. In Koetai , there were two types of Mandau,:
(1). The light and small mandau from Dayaks at Toendjoeng, Bentia, and Benoewa( Southern Dayaks)
(2).The bigger mandau from Dayaks at Modang , Bahau, kenja,Penhing and Poenan (central Dajaks in the Koetai Aboveland-Benedenlanden van Koetai).

2.The original Mandau was used by the Dayaks commander of Chief-Si Ramboet Kawat . The best mandau in Koetei were made at the native Kenja-fabric by Poh-Kedjin, locatated at vthe mountain at central Borneo near Kajan-river, the price was fbetween 10-12 Guldens, for the best quality was 50 Guldens.

3. The Illustration of Koetai -Mandau

(1) The type of Mandau Blade
(fig a) Monong
(Fig b) Logna
(Fig.c) Lidjip
(Fig d) Li-po-tong

(No information of the sarung mandau, please compare with my two original Mandau were found at Pontianak, and the other one at Jakarta,may be from East Borneo, pleae the mandau collectors send more info via comment. Be careful and compare with this original information of the Dayaks Mandau, because many fake and new repro Mandau exist now-Dr Iwan S.)

(2) The Type of Mandau Pamor(mata)
(fig e)Mata djoh
(fig f)Mata kalong
(fig g) Tap-set-sien

(3) The Type of handle(So-op)
(fig h) So-op Kenhong
(fig i ) So-op kombeh
(fig J) unknown named
(fig k) So-op goanliklik
(fig l) So-op njong pendjoh.

(I hope the Mandau Collectors send us new information about the original Mandau illustration, and My West Borneo Mandau original or fake ,please send your info via comment,thanks very much )

THE END @Copyright Dr Iwan S.2010

 

Jenis : Mahkota Kerajaan
Nama : MAHKOTA KERAJAAN KUTAI KERTANEGARA
Asal : Kutai, Kalimantan Timur
Material : Emas dan Batu Permata

Koleksi :
MUSEUM NASIONAL INDONESIA (Museum Gajah)
Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat no.12,
Jakarta Pusat, DKI JAKARTA 10110
INDONESIA

Ini adalah Ketopong (mahkota) yang dibuat pada pertengahan abad ke-19, ketika itu masa pemerintahan Sultan Muhammad Sulaiman (1845-1899), karya agung ini dibuat oleh seniman lokal dan tukang emas dari Kerajaan Kutai di Kalimantan Timur. Mahkota ini merupakan salah satu simbol paling penting dari keberadaan kerajaan, dibentuk sebagai brunjungan, dan membutuhkan hampir dua kilogram emas untuk penciptaannya.

Mahkota Kerajaan BADUNG – Bali, abad ke-19

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 12 April 2012

Posted in: Mahkota Kerajaan / Kesultanan. Tagged: Badung, Bali, Batu Mulia, Batu Permata, Emas, Mahkota Kerajaan. 1 komentar

 

Jenis : Mahkota Kerajaan
Nama : MAHKOTA KERAJAAN BADUNG (GELUNG AGUNG)
Asal : Badung, Bali
Material : Emas, Batu Mulia dan Batu Permata

Koleksi :
MUSEUM NASIONAL INDONESIA (Museum Gajah)
Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat no.12,
Jakarta Pusat, DKI JAKARTA 10110
INDONESIA

Ini adalah perhiasan kepala yang sangat indah berasal dari istana kerajaan Badung – Bali. Mahkota ini dikenakan pada acara-acara upacara penting, antara lain oleh pengantin pada pernikahan kerajaan. Hal ini juga dapat dikenakan oleh penari pilihan dari istana saat melakukan tarian gambuh. Sementara bagian depannya dihiasi dengan berbagai bunga logam kecil, bagian belakang berbentuk gelung agung, yang berbentuk segitiga dan menampilkan tiga segitiga kecil dihiasi dengan 175 batu permata, ukiran kepala gajah, serta asti karang (batu khusus) yang diyakini memiliki kekuatan gaib untuk mengusir kejahatan, sama spektakulernya dengan keindahan yang dipancarkannya. Jadi, ketika penari gambuh menghadap ke belakang membelakangi penonton, penonton disuguhi tampilan yang menakjubkan dari keindahan maha karya ini

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 4

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Bahasa, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Inskripsi, Kerajaan Majapahit, Majapahit, Prasasti, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1841
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Artefak ini dipindahkan oleh Rafles ke Jakarta dan menjadi inventaris Museum Nasional. Yang menjadi pertanyaan adalah dimana lokasi ASLI dari inskripsi ini, sebagian ahli beteori : berada di puncak bangunan piramid / Candi Sukuh ???. Adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 170 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

Drawing of a Lingga with spheres

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia
Inventory number: 37-903-48
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: Drawing of a Lingga with spheres
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 44 x 28 cm
Date: 1841

Description:
Picture of the almost 2 meters high Lingga, taken by Raffles Jakarta. It is now in the Museum Nasional in Jakarta. The Lingga comes from Candi Sukuh. According to the Cat. Groeneveldt 1887 p 114-116 representing the yoni a four spheres in which the fifth ball, the Lingga. However, the contemporary view that the Lingga belongs on top of the main temple which would represent an enormous yoni. The Lingga is a realistic phallus with four balls just below the summit. The four balls, the first set of four mountains surrounding Mount Meru can represent. The inscription reads: “Inauguration of the holy Ganggusudhi in [...]. The symbol of masculinity is the essence of the world. On Saturday the Wuku Wayang.” It is followed by a chronogram with a date which translates to 1440. Further reliefs of a kris, an eight-pointed sun and a crescent. Signed in 1841 by HN Sieburgh

Another inventory number: D (Oudnr)
Function: representations of the supernatural, drawing
Culture: East Javanese, Indo-Javanese, Hindu, Colonial, European Styles and periods
Origin: Karanganyar
Object keywords: pencil drawings

Publications on the subject:
Bruijn, Jean Victor de (1937), “HN Sieburgh and its significance for the Javanese Archaeology,” dissertation Leiden: Luctor et Emergo.,

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 3

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Bahasa, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Kerajaan Majapahit, Majapahit, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1837 – 1838
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Artefak ini masih utuh di lokasinya. Adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 173 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

The stone of Sukuh

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia

Inventory number: 37-903-18
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: The stone of Sukuh
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 30 x 22 cm
Date: 1837-1838

Description:
Shown is the medallion to the north west side of the obelisk. “By the obelisk is a heart-shaped locket, 2.23m high, surrounded by an ornament which Hoepermans peacocks with raised tails, Knebel makaras and snakes recognized. In any case, from above, enclosed by a monster (with, as Hoepermans observed, even next two) and are about two snake heads bowed out in the medallion two human figures, of which one may Arjuna is, down there are still a pendapa a tree and a man, carved two people still lower. ” Today the work is interpreted as follows: horseshoe-shaped relief, formed by the tails of two animals. Top of a kala head and along the sides, two kala-heads in profile. Three scenes are visible. The top contains two figures, a four-armed Shiva left and right Bhima, both are on a double-headed naga. Beneath a man for a small pavilion, he does a little guy down. At the bottom two figures are pulling in an animal. Signed by HN Sieburgh in 1837 / 8.
Another inventory number: 8 (Oudnr)

Function: constructions religious / ritual, drawing
Culture: Central Javanese, Indo-Javanese, European-Colonial styles and periods
Origin: Lawu (mountain)
Object keywords: pencil drawings

Publications on the subject:
Bruijn, Jean Victor de (1937), “HN Sieburgh and its significance for the Javanese Archaeology,” dissertation Leiden: Luctor et Emergo.,

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 2

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Inskripsi, Kerajaan Majapahit, Majapahit, Prasasti, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1840
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Pada saat saya berkunjung ke CANDI SUKUH, luput dari perhatian saya (apakah masih ada ataukah sudah hilang / berpindah tempatnya). Maka ini adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 171 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

Drawing of the inscription on the back of one of Candi Garuda Sukuh

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia
Inventory number: 37-903-52
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: Drawing of the inscription on the back of one of Candi Garuda Sukuh
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 51 x 35 cm
Date: 1840

Description:
Pictured are two inscriptions found in candidiasis Sukuh numbered H and I. H: for the large inscription on the back of a Garuda with the year 1363 Saka. I: relates to the title of a bas-relief with three people, including the year 1361 Saka. Signed in 1840 by HN Sieburgh

Another inventory number: H and I (Oudnr)
Function: writing, drawing
Culture: East Javanese, Indo-Javanese, Hindu, Colonial, European styles and periods
Origin : Karanganyar, Lawu (mountain)
Object keywords : pencil drawings

Publications on the subject:
Bruijn, Jean Victor de (1937), “HN Sieburgh and its significance for the Javanese Archaeology,” dissertation Leiden: Luctor et Emergo.,

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 1

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Bahasa, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Inskripsi, Kerajaan Majapahit, Laporan Penelitian, Majapahit, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1840
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Pada saat saya berkunjung ke CANDI SUKUH, tidak saya temukan artefak ini (sudah hilang atau berpindah tempatnya). Maka ini adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 171 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

Drawing with five inscriptions found in Candi Sukuh

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia
Inventory number: 37-903-53
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: Drawing with five inscriptions found in Candi Sukuh
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 51.5 x 32 cm
Date: 1840

Description:
Pictured are five inscriptions found in the Sieburgh Sukuh candidiasis, numbered J t / J to N: refers to the inscription on a man’s image with the year 1364 Saka. Flushing of the states that the inscription on the back of the frame, this is incorrect. Moreover, the inscription does not appear on a man’s image, but on the front of a Garuda, whose head is gone. Sieburgh also reports that the inscription on a Garuda located. K: refers to the inscription on the belly band called Bima image with the year 1365 Saka. L: inscription on the southern terrace on which the year 1363 Saka (1441 AD).. M: the year 1338 Saka on a pedestal. About this piece, that already during the Bruijn’s research had gone Sieburgh said: “This piece was broken in my presence, and will therefore soon be lost.” N: inscription on a round pedestal feet with a broken image, around which a serpent winds inscription affixed thereto, that the year 1372 (?) Saka to read. Again, this piece was in de Bruijn’s research disappeared. “A union of Brahman, which the weapons Meeden exercised, built alhier their workplace and a contrite little temple to the weapon sacred. One of the two small temples bears the date 1363, this is not loch genes, because it is in the basement brick. A bas-relief, which probably in the wall of the great honor has been draagd 1361, the great Garuda image bears part 1363, the second in 1364 (but the 4 is doubtful) the Krisnjou 1365, a snake or naga, which at the feet of a statue curly was 1357 and finally a loose fragment an entirely different script, which I was up and acquires 1227 to be. I must be the small temples as well as the separate images for Donatien from later time love, which perhaps, to obtain wapene done here by wealthy, “said Sieburgh. Signed in 1840 by HN Sieburgh

Another inventory number: J, K, L, M, N. (Oudnr)

Function : writing ,drawing
Culture : Central Javanese, Indo-Javanese, Hindu, Colonial, European styles and periods
Origin : Karanganyar, Lawu (mountain)
Object keywords : pencil drawings

 

 

 

 

1828

Javasche Bank 1828

 

 

De Javasche Bank 1828 – 1953

Presidents, Secretaries and Directors

 

info source: Rob Huisman

The Javasche Bank was founded in 1828 and continued its operations until after the Dutch transfer of souvereignty to Indonesia in 1949. The Javasche Bank became the circulation bank for the Republic of Indonesia and was nationalized in 1953.

A date in italics (24/01/1828) means the date of the decree deciding about the appointment or discharge of  the board member. The date of a decree is only mentioned in case the actual start or end date is unknown.

The following board members (Presidents, Secretaries and Directors) were authorized to sign banknotes issued by the Javasche Bank:

Presidents:

24/01/1828 – 22/03/1838 Chr. de Haan (LL.M.)
Leonard Pierre Joseph viscount du Bus de Gisignies, Commissioner General of the Netherlands Indies, appointed Chr. de Haan by decree 25 on January 24, 1828, to the position of President of the Javasche Bank. Although several other people applied for the position of President, the Commissioner General used his right to move past the nominees. On December 13, 1837, after almost 10 year of service, de Haan was granted a two year European leave. He seceded in the board meeting of March 22, 1838.

 

 

1830
Kemudian Jenderal Hendrik De Kock selaku pemimpin Belanda saat itu berupaya untuk menundukkan Paku Buwono VI. Berbagai siasat dan tekanan-tekanan dilakukan hingga pada tanggal 6 Juni 1830 Paku Buwono VI pergi ke pemakaman Imogiri untuk berdoa. Belanda menuduh Paku Buwono VI akan menyiapkan pemberontakan.

 

The KNIL was formed by royal decree on 10 March 1830. It was not part of the Royal Netherlands Army, but a separate military arm specifically formed for service in the Netherlands East Indies. Its establishment coincided with the Dutch drive to expand colonial rule from the 17th century area of control to the far larger territories comprising the Dutch East Indies seventy years later, which remain the present boundaries of Indonesia

 

1832

[Vigelius] dalam “Fragmenten eener beschrijving van Sumatra’s Westkust.” (TNI 13.II, Afl.7, 1851: 7-16, hal.11) dan E. Francis dalam Herinneringen uit den levensloop van een ‘Indish’ Ambtenaar van 1815 tot 1851, Vol.3 (Batavia: H.M. van Dorp, 1859, hal. 73) mengatakan bahwa Tuanku Nan Renceh wafat tahun 1832 di ‘Medjang’, sebuah desa dalam wilayah Laras Bukit, Luhak Agam (mungkin yang dimaksud adalah desa Mejan di Kamang).

Menurut Naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Tuanku Nan Renceh wafat karena sakit: “Kemudian daripada itu maka tersebut pula perkataan [berita; Suryadi] Tuanku Nan Renceh dapat sakit. Dengan takdir Allah taala tidak berapa lamanya dalam sakit itu dan berpulanglah [ia] ke rahmatullah adanya” (Naskah hal.58 dalam Sjafnir Aboe Nain [tansliterator], Tuanku Imam Bonjol. Padang: PPIM, 2004, hal. 48).

Pada tahun wafatnya Tuanku Nan Renceh, pusat Gerakan Paderi sudah pindah ke Bonjol, dengan pemimpin utamanya Tuanku Imam Bonjol, salah seorang panglima Paderi yang ‘dibesarkan’ oleh Tuanku Nan Renceh sendiri.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1833

 

St. Helena, crown (25p) reverse.

The trading operations of the East India Company in India and China had been wound up in 1833. From that time the Company governed India on behalf of Great Britain. Following the Indian Mutiny all its property was transferred to the Crown in 1858 under the India Act. It was finally dissolved in 1874 when the 1854 Charter expired.
This modern cupronickel coin commemorates the tercentenary (1673-1973) of St. Helena’s Royal Charter. The “East Indiaman,” in full sail on the reverse, is a fitting tribute to a unique company.
1837

Tahun-tahun berikutnya Benteng Bonjol dikepung Belanda, hingga akhirnya jatuh pada 17 Agustus 1837. Sumber-sumber pertama (bronnen) yang mencatat pengepungan itu pada tahun-tahun terakhir sebelum Bonjol jatuh dapat dibaca dalam karya Gerke Teitler, Het einde Padri Oorlog: het beleg en de vermeestering van Bondjol 1834-1837: een bronnenpublicatie [Akhir Perang Paderi. Pengepungan dan Perampasan Bonjol 1834-1837; sebuah publikasi sumber]. Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw, 2004). Di dalam buku itu antara lain terdapat “Journaal van de expeditie naar Padang onder de Generaal-Majoor Cochius in 1837 Gehouden door de Majoor Sous-Chief van den Generaal-Staf Jonkher C.P.A. de Salis” (hal.59-183). Dalam laporan itu dicatat pergerakan harian pasukan Belanda mendekati bonjol. Laporan itu dihiasi dengan banyak sketsa mengenai sistem pertahanan Kaum Paderi.

 

Sulit untuk dibantah bahwa sepak terjang golongan radikal dalam Kaum Paderi yang dibidani Tuanku Nan Renceh telah semakin memperkuat keinginan Kaum Adat untuk minta bantuan kepada Belanda, karena mereka betul-betul merasa dihinakan oleh orang-orang yang masih satu sukubangsa dengan mereka sendiri.

Tuanku Nan Renceh adalah sosok kontroversial: seorang penganjur agama Islam tapi dalam melakukan misinya sudah melewati dogma-dogma Islam sendiri. Tangannya terlalu banyak berlumur darah sudara-saudaranya sendiri sesama orang Minang. Masih untung kekeliruan ini akhirnya disadari oleh Tuanku Imam Bonjol, ulama Paderi penerus Tuanku Nan Renceh (lihat Sjafnir Aboe Nain, op cit., hal. 39, Naskah). Jika Tuanku Nan Renceh dan pengikutnya tidak bersikap radikal, mungkin jalan sejarah Minangkabau (Perang Paderi) akan jadi lain.

 

Masa lalu tak akan kembali. Tapi “jangan sekali-kali melupakan sejarah”, kata almarhum Presiden Sukarno. Untuk konteks kekinian masyarakat kita, kisah Tuanku Nan Renceh patut menjadi cermin sejarah bagi generasi Minangkabau dan generasi Indonesia pada umumnya, baik kini maupun masa depan, terutama bagi mereka yang tangannya menggenggam kekuasaan, yang tak sadar apa akibatnya jika dengan sikap radikal dan taklid menjadikan agama sebagai komoditas politik.(allaboutminang)

 

1833

Pada tanggal 2 Mei 1833 Yang Dipertuan Minangkabau Sultan Alam Bagagarsyah, raja terakhir Kerajaan Pagaruyung, ditangkap oleh Letnan Kolonel Elout di Batusangkar atas tuduhan pengkhianatan. Sultan dibuang ke Betawi, dan akhirnya dimakamkan di pekuburan Mangga Dua.

referensi

  1. 1.      ^ Djamaris, Edwar. 1991. Tambo Minangkabau. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.
    2. ^ Cheah Boon Kheng, Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail (1998). Sejarah Melayu. the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
    3. ^ Haan, F. de, 1896. Naar midden Sumatra in 1684, Batavia-s Hage, Albrecht & Co.-M. Nijhoff. 40p. 8vo wrs. Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 39.

 

1835 1871
The Sultan Muda

 

1837

 

Pada tahun 1837, pemerintah Hindia-Belanda menjadikan Padang sebagai pusat pemerintahan wilayah Pesisir Barat Sumatera (Sumatra’s Westkust) yang wilayahnya meliputi Sumatera Barat dan Tapanuli sekarang.[19] (wiki)

 

August 17, 1837
(See Teitler 2004),
 battlefield switch to Rokan Hulu and surrounding area with its center in Fort Dalu-Dalu.

 

Tambusai My lord, my lord Imam Bonjol compatriots, did not want to surrender to the Dutch. This indicates that the system is not Padri movement organizations recognize leadership hierarchy and chain of command.
Later, a controversy about the heroic lord Tambusai after BHH wrote the GTR that in developing the Wahabi doctrine in this area and surrounding Rokan and Mandailing,

 

Padri’s commander and his followers have killed many people, not least the followers of Datu Bange of Simanabun. Datu Bange is one of a chieftain in a persistent Mandailing against Tuanku Tambusai (GTR, p. 54-76).
BHH assess lord Tambusai and Tuanku Imam Bonjol unpatriotic. People who are not patriotic certainly not fit to be a national hero. According to him, Tuanku Imam Bonjol set their own surrender himself to the Dutch (The text is based on the interpretation of Tuanku Imam Bonjol [see Sjafnir Aboe Nain, 2004]). Tambusai lord who fled to Malaysia, leaving his followers, for fear captured or killed the Netherlands, is also considered a coward.
“We ask where heroism has a lot to kill, kidnap women to be sold as slaves or concubines in the nation itself? [...] Is a [...] not [be able to] defend homeland to the death [...] and trample on the dignity of the nation itself deserves to be a hero? [...] A true patriot, even cornered must still fight to preserve the earth persada to the death, “wrote BHH in the GTR (hlm.106).
BHH is a descendant of Datu Bange. Factors underlying genealogy is an emotional critique (which represents his people) the lord Tambusai the GTR. “This question was asked by someone whose ancestors were victims kekajaman Tambusai lord, is Datu Bange, King Hurlang, Bandaro and all the relatives and people Simanabun”, he wrote in a GTR (p. 107). Sentences subjective and emotive as it immediately removes the impression of scientific GTR.
Lessons to be learned
There are at least two important things that can be seen from this polemic: first, about the influence of ethnicity in the writing of history (in) Indonesia, secondly, the emergence of criticism of the procedures and mechanisms for the nomination and appointment of a person to be a national hero.
Narrative “history book” GTR reflects feelings of regionalism (regionalism) is strong, because it raises an obvious bias. It is difficult-but not inevitable-be a written history of the area as well as a local ethnic itself. This is the dilemma that the BHH Mandailing and also write the history of Mandailing.
Of course, historians who study the history of science and research methods will not slip into the GTR subjektifisme as in writing. It is not possible to use the brain solely in the writing of history. But the full awareness of the history of science scientific convention will prevent someone from falling into subjektifisme no threshold in the writing of history.
Author GTR somewhat unimportant to the socio-historical context Mandailing region in the first half of the 19th century.

The role of the Netherlands, rivalry and ethnic sentiments, the influence of Aceh, Refugee of (penghijrahan )Minangkabau people who had been so long occur along the west coast of Sumatra (see for example the story of the Young Helmsman [Drewes, 1961] and biographies of Muhammad Saleh Dt. Rangkayo Bases, 1965) and the tribal migrants others in the region somewhat unnoticed BHH.

 

It is likely that the acceptance and rejection of teachings brought lord Tambusai in Mandailing and surrounding areas participated influenced the factors mentioned above.

 

 

Gerth van Wijk,

in his introduction to the Kaba Puti Balukih (Tale Princess Balkis) (1881) said that the tribe Padri also sought to replace pagan literature as stories haunter, fairies, and gods with the nuances of Islamic literature. It is not possible these factors will determine the dispute between the lord Tambusai hardware that adheres to Islamic purists Babiat clan led by Datu Bange who worship the tiger totem (hlm.13-48).


Instead, my lord Tambusai proposing a national hero laden with regionalism pride. Its main proponent was lord Tambusai own offspring.

 

One of the main proponents are Djasit Saleh H, SH Tambusai descendant of a child who was a Regent of Kampar.


They emphasize the value of struggle Tambusai lord who years fighting the Dutch colonialists (1830-1839) and never give up and do not want to make peace with the Netherlands (see: Ekmal Rusdy, Riau Post, 30-11-2007).

 

Similar to the way of writing “history” are very subjective GTR, the controversy heroism Tambusai lord teach us that in the future need a more comprehensive study of the history of the person who will be proposed as a national hero, involving figures credible academic and lintasetnis .

One thing to note from this is that apparently polemical discourse “historical rectification” now spilling everywhere.

 

At first, the discourse was only the “historical rectification” Revolution 1965. Now it extends to the discourse of local history as Padri War. At this level the actual ethnic relations at stake.

 

This nation is still strong oral tradition. Any issue of potential swallowed raw or used as a political commodity by certain parties.


Hopefully polemic “alignment Padri War history” does not make turbid interethnic relations in this multiethnic country.

 

original info

17 Agustus 1837

(lihat Teitler 2004),

Medan perang beralih ke daerah Rokan Hulu dan sekitarnya dengan pusatnya di Benteng Dalu-dalu. Tuanku Tambusai, rekan seperjuangan Tuanku Imam Bonjol, ternyata tidak mau menyerah kepada Belanda. Ini menandakan bahwa sistem organisasi Gerakan Paderi bukan mengenal hirarki kepemimpinan dan rantai komando.

Belakangan muncul kontroversi mengenai kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai setelah BHH menulis dalam GTR bahwa dalam mengembangkan ajaran Wahabi di daerah Rokan dan Mandailing dan sekitarnya,

Panglima Paderi itu bersama para pengikutnya telah membunuhi banyak orang, tak terkecuali para pengikut Datu Bange dari Simanabun.

Datu Bange adalah salah seorang kepala suku di Mandailing yang gigih melawan Tuanku Tambusai (GTR, hlm. 54-76).

BHH menilai Tuanku Tambusai dan Tuanku Imam Bonjol tidak patriotis.

Orang yang tidak patriotis tentu tidak pantas menjadi pahlawan nasional.

Menurutnya, Tuanku Imam Bonjol mengatur sendiri penyerahan dirinya kepada Belanda (ini berdasarkan tafsirannya terhadap Naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol [lihat Sjafnir Aboe Nain, 2004]).

Tuanku Tambusai yang melarikan diri ke Malaysia, meninggalkan para pengikutnya, karena takut ditawan atau dibunuh Belanda, juga dianggap pengecut.

“Kita bertanya di manakah jiwa kepahlawanan seorang yang telah banyak membunuh, menculik kaum perempuan untuk dijual sebagai budak atau dijadikan gundik di kalangan bangsa sendiri? [...]

Apakah seorang yang [...] tidak [mampu] mempertahankan tanah tumpah darah sampai titik darah penghabisan [...] dan menginjak-injak harkat dan martabat bangsa sendiri pantas menjadi pahlawan? [...]

Seorang patriot sejati, sekalipun terpojok pastilah tetap berjuang mempertahankan bumi persada sampai titik darah penghabisan”, tulis BHH dalam GTR (hlm.106).

BHH adalah salah seorang keturunan Datu Bange.

Faktor genealogi inilah yang melatari kritiknya yang penuh emosi (yang mewakili kaumnya) terhadap Tuanku Tambusai dalam GTR.

“Pertanyaan ini diajukan oleh orang yang leluhurnya adalah korban kekejaman Tuanku Tambusai, ialah Datu Bange, Raja Hurlang, Bandaro dan seluruh kerabat dan rakyat Simanabun”, tulisnya dalam GTR (hlm. 107).

Kalimat-kalimat subjektif dan emotif seperti itu segera menghilangkan kesan ilmiah GTR.

 

Pelajaran yang dapat dipetik

Setidaknya ada dua hal penting yang dapat disimak dari polemik ini:

pertama, soal pengaruh etnisitas dalam penulisan sejarah (di) Indonesia;

kedua, munculnya kritik terhadap prosedur dan mekanisme pencalonan dan pengangkatan seseorang menjadi pahlawan nasional.

Narasi “buku sejarah” GTR merefleksikan perasaan kedaerahan (regionalisme) yang kuat, karena itu menimbulkan bias yang kentara.

Ini sulitnya –tapi bukan tidak bisa dihindari– menjadi seorang yang menulis sejarah satu daerah sekaligus menjadi warga etnis daerah itu sendiri.

Inilah dilema BHH yang orang Mandailing dan juga menulis sejarah tentang Mandailing.

Tentu saja sejarawan yang mendalami ilmu dan metode penelitian sejarah tidak akan terpeleset ke dalam subjektifisme seperti dalam penulisan GTR.

Memang tak mungkin menggunakan otak semata-mata dalam penulisan sejarah.

Akan tetapi kesadaran penuh atas konvensi ilmiah ilmu sejarah akan mencegah seseorang jatuh ke dalam subjektifisme tanpa ambang batas dalam menulis buku sejarah.

Penulis GTR agak cuai terhadap konteks sosio-historis daerah Mandailing pada paruh pertama abad ke-19.

Peran Belanda, rivalitas dan sentimen antar suku, pengaruh Aceh, penghijrahan orang Minangkabau yang sudah begitu lama terjadi di sepanjang pantai barat Sumatera (lihat misalnya kisah Nakhoda Muda [Drewes, 1961] dan biografi Muhammad Saleh Dt. Rangkayo Basa, 1965) dan suku pendatang lainnya di kawasan itu agak luput dari perhatian BHH.

Sangat mungkin bahwa penerimaan dan penolakan ajaran yang dibawa Tuanku Tambusai di daerah Mandailing dan sekitarnya ikut dipengaruhi faktor-faktor tersebut di atas.

Gerth van Wijk dalam pengantarnya terhadap Kaba Puti Balukih (Hikayat Putri Balkis) (1881) mengatakan bahwa

Kaum Paderi juga berusaha mengganti sastra pagan seperti cerita mambang, peri, dan dewa-dewa dengan sastra yang bernuansa Islami.

Bukan tidak mungkin faktor ini ikut menentukan pertikaian keras antara Tuanku Tambusai yang menganut Islam puritan dengan marga Babiat yang dipimpin Datu Bange yang menyembah totem harimau (hlm.13-48).

Sebaliknya, pengusulan Tuanku Tambusai menjadi pahlawan nasional juga sarat dengan kebanggan regionalisme.

Pemrakarsa utamanya adalah anak keturunan Tuanku Tambusai sendiri.

Salah satu di antara pemrakarsa utama adalah H Saleh Djasit, SH seorang anak keturunan Tambusai yang pernah menjadi Bupati Kabupaten Kampar. (http://www.riaumandiri.co.id/berita/380).

Mereka menekankan nilai perjuangan Tuanku Tambusai yang bertahun-tahun memerangi kolonialis Belanda (1830-1839) dan tidak pernah menyerah dan tidak mau berdamai dengan Belanda (lihat: Ekmal Rusdy, Riau Pos, 30-11-2007).

Sama halnya dengan cara penulisan buku “sejarah” GTR yang sangat subjektif itu,

kontroversi kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai memberi pelajaran kepada kita bahwa di masa datang perlu studi sejarah yang lebih komprehensif terhadap seseorang yang akan diajukan sebagai pahlawan nasional, yang melibatkan tokoh akademis yang kredibel dan lintasetnis.

Satu hal yang perlu dicatat dari polemik ini adalah bahwa rupanya wacana “pelurusan sejarah” sekarang meluber kemana-mana.

Pada mulanya wacana itu hanya menyangkut “pelurusan sejarah” Revolusi 1965.

Sekarang wacana itu melebar ke sejarah lokal seperti Perang Paderi.

Pada level ini sebenarnya hubungan etnisitas ikut dipertaruhkan.

Bangsa ini masih kuat tradisi lisannya. Isu apapun potensial ditelan mentah-mentah atau dijadikan komoditi politik oleh pihak-pihak tertentu.

Mudah-mudahan polemik “pelurusan sejarah Perang Paderi” tidak membuat keruh hubungan antaretnis di negara multietnis ini.

Suryadi, Dosen dan Peneliti pada Opleding Talen en Culturen van Indonesië, Faculteit der Letteren Universiteit Leiden, Belanda

PadangKini.com; Minggu, 19/10/2008

 

 

 

1835.
But by stating that Tuanku Rao is the Pongki, it is actually more likely to agree that Tuanku Said Rao is derived from Batak land, rather than the so-called Dutch sources.
Hamka (1974) is a writer who tries to correct historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao as the Batak.
According Hamka stories (myths) about this in the Tuanku Rao among the Batak Toba much broke, where Hamka find in these writings that Tuanku Rao is true Batak children.
Hamka Tuanku Rao said that the history of several authors disclosed Batak as Master of Cainan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Paruhum Pane is a myth.
Hamka also criticized article about the history of Tuanku Rao MOP as a bouquet made-up and assume Parlindungan are good people “make up” a story.
In presenting evidence, calling Hamka MOP in making writings on the origins Tuanku Rao raised a lot of things that contain lies.
The origin Tuanku Rao by Hamka confirmed that Tuanku Rao had married the daughter of Yang lordship lordship Rao Rao and since then not panganut Wahabi leadership was taken over by a law known as the Tuanku Rao.
Besides Hamka also stressed Tuanku Rao is the Padang Matinggi. Not the Bakkara.
Therefore he Minang people. Not the Batak. Hamka phrase is strengthened by conducting interviews with people Rao himself, namely Drs. H. Asrul Sani who is a descendant of Rao Nunang The lordship Padang.
To justify and reinforce a statement, citing sources from the author Hamka Batak, Sanusi Pane do not imagine that Tuanku Rao is the Batak.
Recent academic research about the origin of this figure by considering multiple sources is rare.
One historian who raised the question was Christine Dobbin (2008).
According to Dobbin Tuanku Rao from a historical perspective is a vague figure but admitted this is very well known figure in the history of Batak.
However, Dobbin said,
mostly written about him is based on oral tradition Batak early 20th century and could dikomfirmasikan in Dutch sources that exist.
 Dobbin is surprising because he said the letters were written by Dutch officials at that time regularly tells about his contemporaries, lord conqueror Tambusai Batak lands to the east.
 The lack of information about the Tuanku Rao by Dobbin partly be explained by the fact that he died on tahun1833, shortly after the Dutch entered Rao.
Thus, he does not have another position that could invite the Dutch investigation on the activities initially.
But what is surprising is the attitude of the opinion menduanya Dobin, on the one hand he says: “It is acceptable that a Batak Tuanku Rao was formerly known as Pongki na Ngolngolan.” But on the other hand he says: “But there is an oral tradition which states that the Batak He is the nephew of King Priest Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, which took control of the Bakara-Toba. However, even this can not be ascertained. “
 Whatever its origin, said Dobbin,
 Pongki na Ngolngolan Batak is an adventurer who at some stage in his career arrived in the Valley Rao.
 He found a patron in the day-to-day. Eventually in 1808, he converted to Islam.
Then he related to teaching Padri in areas further south and apparently they felt that by gaining recognition as an exponent of this doctrine, its position as an outsider or someone comes in Rao society would be much better.
 Unfortunately Dobbin said, we do not have a clear picture of the relationship with Imam Bondjol.
Tuanku Rao @ Pongki Nangolngolan Sinambela:
“Controversy and Anarchism in Batak
Rewritten: Muhammad Ilham
This article was posted by a friend via Facebook that he cites from Togar Pardede, a very intense study of Islam in Batak problem.
Apart from the various controversies – Tuanku Rao was very controversial – at least this article gives us another perspective (either like or do not agree).
 As Tuanku Nan known Renceh hard socialize Islam, Tuanku Rao who somehow can not be separated from Minangkabau Padri Movement, also known as “hard”.
 Tuanku Rao – which is debatable, to say nothing of this mysterious – is the person who introduced the religion-based government system a-la Padri (Qadi) in Batak. Hopefully this article enriches our understanding of the figure Tuanku Rao, a scholar Genetic Batak, Minangkabau Sociological – which to this day, “the historical” is still being debated

Original info

Sumber

Pardede Th

 

Catatan Dr Iwan

Teman saya memeberikan informasi bahwa keluarganya pindah ke Penang saat perang padre baca info aslinya dibawah ini

Dear Dr. Iwan,

Congratulations for putting up the materials contain in this wordpress site and thank you for sharing your research.

 

I can think of one area where we can possibly collaborate namely in the Padang-Penang connection.

Salam

Pak Lubis

p.s. I’m a Malaysian national, a descendant of Mandailing migrants to the peninsula during the Padri War

Berdasarkan informasi ini ternyata akibat situasi saat gerakan PADRI Imam bonjol , ada suku Mandailing yang migrasi keluar negeri antara lain Ke Penang.

Sebaliknya ada juga dari Penang migrasi ke Padang Pandjang yaitu Keluarga Khoe Kim Lian dan saudaranya ayah Ibu Lena Khoe, mungkin hubungan Peang dan Padang ini dapat dilakukan penelitian bersama antara dr iwan dan Pak Lubis.

Keadaan yang sama terjadi saat situasi kurang menguntungkan di perang dunia pertama, seorang Jawa dengan isteri Minangkbau yang putranya kemudian jadi anggota Saya Dr Azhar Kiman, kembali ke Padang dan ia menjadi Tentara Nasional Indonesia dibagian Penerang Mayor kIman dan sempat menjadi anggota BFO tahun 1949

1835.

Tapi dengan menyatakan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah si Pongki, maka sebenarnya Said lebih setuju kalau Tuanku Rao memang berasal dari tanah Batak, bukan sebagaimana disebut sumber-sumber Belanda.

Hamka (1974) merupakan penulis yang mencoba mengoreksi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao sebagai orang Batak.

Menurut Hamka dongeng-dongeng (mitos) tentang Tuanku Rao ini dalam kalangan orang Batak Toba banyak tersiar, dimana Hamka menemukan dalam tulisan-tulisan itu bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah anak Batak sejati.

Hamka mengatakan bahwa riwayat Tuanku Rao yang di ungkapkan dari beberapa penulis Batak seperti Guru Kenan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Pane Paruhum merupakan mitos.

Hamka juga mengkritik tulisan MOP tentang riwayat Tuanku Rao sebagai karangan yang dibuat-buat dan menganggap Parlindungan adalah orang yang mahir “menyusun” suatu cerita.

Dengan mengemukakan bukti-bukti, Hamka menyebut MOP dalam membuat tulisannya tentang asal-usul Tuanku Rao banyak mengemukakan hal-hal yang mengandung kebohongan.

Asal-usul Tuanku Rao menurut Hamka membenarkan bahwa Tuanku Rao telah kawin dengan puteri Yang Dipertuan Rao dan karena Yang Dipertuan Rao bukan panganut Wahabi maka pimpinan diambil alih oleh menantunya yang dikenal dengan Tuanku Rao.

Selain itu Hamka juga menekankan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Padang Matinggi. Bukan orang Bakkara.

Sebab itu beliau orang Minang. Bukan orang Batak. Ungkapan Hamka tersebut dimantapkan dengan cara melakukan wawancara kepada orang Rao sendiri, yaitu Drs. H. Asrul Sani yang merupakan keturunan Yang Dipertuan Padang Nunang Rao.

Untuk membenarkan dan memperkuat pernyataannya, Hamka mengutip sumber dari penulis Batak, Sanusi Pane yang tidak membayangkan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak.

Riset akademis terakhir tentang asal usul tokoh ini dengan memperhatikan berbagai sumber masih jarang dilakukan.

Salah seorang sejarahwan yang menyinggung masalah ini adalah Christine Dobbin (2008).

Menurut Dobbin Tuanku Rao dari perspektif sejarah merupakan tokoh yang kabur tapi diakuinya tokoh ini sangat dikenal dalam sejarah Batak.

Akan tetapi kata Dobbin,

kebanyakan yang ditulis tentang dirinya didasarkan atas tradisi lisan Batak awal abad ke 20 dan tak bisa dikomfirmasikan dalam sumber-sumber Belanda yang ada.

Ini mengherankan Dobbin karena katanya, surat-surat yang ditulis oleh pejabat-pejabat Belanda pada waktu itu secara teratur menceritakan tentang rekan sejamannya, Tuanku Tambusai penakluk tanah Batak bagian timur.

Tidak adanya informasi tentang Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin sebagian bisa dijelaskan dengan kenyataan bahwa ia meninggal pada tahun1833, tak lama sesudah Belanda memasuki Rao.

Dengan demikian, ia tidak mempunyai jabatan lain yang bisa mengundang penyelidikan Belanda mengenai kegiatan-kegiatan awalnya.

Akan tetapi yang mengherankan dari pendapat Dobin adalah sikap menduanya, disatu pihak dia mengatakan : ”Dapat diterima bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah seorang Batak yang dulunya dikenal dengan Pongki na Ngolngolan.” Tapi dipihak lain dia mengatakan : ”Akan tetapi ada tradisi lisan Batak yang menyatakan bahwa ia adalah keponakan Raja Imam Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, yang menguasai daerah Bakara-Toba. Namun, ini pun tidak bisa dipastikan.”

Apa pun asal muasalnya, kata Dobbin,

Pongki na Ngolngolan adalah seorang petualang Batak yang pada tahap tertentu dalam kariernya tiba di Lembah Rao.

Dia menemukan seorang pelindung di sehari-harinya. Pada akhirnya di tahun 1808, ia menjadi Islam.

Kemudian ia berhubungan dengan ajaran Padri di daerah lebih ke selatan dan rupanya mereka merasa bahwa dengan memperoleh pengakuan sebagai eksponen ajaran ini, posisinya sebagai orang luar atau orang datang dalam masyarakat Rao akan jauh lebih baik.

Sayang kata Dobbin, kita tidak memiliki gambaran yang jelas mengenai hubungannya dengan Imam Bondjol.

Tuanku Rao @ Pongki Nangolngolan Sinambela :

“Kontroversi dan Anarkisme di Tanah Batak

Ditulis ulang : Muhammad Ilham

Artikel ini dikirim oleh seorang kawan via Facebook yang dikutipnya dari Togar Pardede, yang sangat intens mengkaji masalah Islam di Tanah Batak.

Terlepas dari berbagai kontroversi – memang Tuanku Rao sangat kontroversial – setidaknya artikel ini memberikan kepada kita perspektif lain (baik suka ataupun tidak menyetujuinya).

Sebagaimana halnya Tuanku Nan Renceh yang dikenal keras mensosialisasikan ajaran Islam, Tuanku Rao yang bagaimanapun juga tidak bisa dilepaskan dari Gerakan Paderi Minangkabau, dikenal juga “keras”.

Tuanku Rao – yang debatable, untuk tidak mengatakan misterius ini – adalah orang yang memperkenalkan sistem pemerintahan berbasis agama a-la Paderi (Qadhi) di Tanah Batak. Semoga artikel ini memperkaya pemahaman kita terhadap figur Tuanku Rao, seorang ulama Batak Genetik, Minangkabau Sosiologis – yang hingga hari ini, “jalan historisnya” masih terus diperdebatkan.

One source of controversy in the traditional historiography Batak is about the origin of Tuanku Rao. Most of the writings, as well as the oral tradition is considered Tuanku Rao Toba Batak people, so it was not the Minang or Rao.
Author historiography Batak named Batara Sangti in his History of Batak (1977) claimed to have done research in 1930 to 1933 to establish kebatakan Tuanku Rao ..
 Surely “research” is Batara Sangti is collecting oral traditions in the period it was still strong in the collective memory of the Batak Toba.
According Batara Sangti, the original name was Pongki Nangolngolan Tuanku Rao. Pongki Nangolngolan been dumped by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland where he was put in a coffin made of wooden sticks called “Pongki”.
Being Nangolngolan from Nangirngiran ‘, is eagerly awaited.
Pongki as hardwood timber in the center of the country Toba is a very strong type of wood for a long time can only grow.
The symbolic meaning of the name Pongki Nangolngolan it is a figure or figures that have been long-awaited.

Cause why Mangaraja X Lion to throw Sipongki Toba waters by Batara Sangti because Sipongki Nangolngolan has shown signs of magic as owned by Mr. Lion Mangaraja dynasty general.
Lions feel Sipongki Nangolngolan Mangaraja X will be a rival that the made-up excuse then discarded keperairan Nangolngolan Sipongki Toba.
Sangti Batara Hutagalung Kenan Professor straightened paper saying that Pongki Nangolngolan beheaded Mangaraja X Lion and bring the head back to negrinya.
 Batara Sangti convinced that the story as described above continued to live in the middle of the central State Batak Toba and Batak pustaha noted in (ancient scriptures beraksara Batak), except for the head of Mr. Lion Mangaraja the cut and carry home by Sipongki Nangolngolan.

According to the head of the king’s Batara actually had fallen into the hands of Sipongki Nangolngolan, but the magic really fell into the hands of Empress Mr. X Lion Mangaraja Bakkara.
At the time of burial bones Mangaraja The Lion XII in Soposurung Balige on June 17, 1953, secretly helped by Batara also pieces of the skull of Mr. X Lion Mangaraja brought by the families there.
 Batara Sangti refuted Muhammad Said (1961) that mentions that Mangaraja Lions XII during a meeting with people in Balige mentions that his grandfather (Mangaraja X Lion) have been killed by the Dutch.
According Batara Sangti incorrect Mangaraja Lions XII once stated that Mangaraja X Lion killed by the Dutch.
According Batara sangti news as it never was heard in the midst of the Toba from the past until today although only hearsay or rumor.
 Batara Sangti Hamka also refuted suggestions that mentions that the Minangkabau Tuanku Rao is true.

Adniel Lumbantobing in his book History of The Lion Mangaraja (1967) states that at the time of his small Nangolngolan Pongki named Tangkal Stone.
 He was banished by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland with them in boxes. But he survived because immune. Tangkalbatu renamed Pongki Nangolngolan.
The name was adapted to the immune and suffering. At the time Pongki 17 years, he left to meet his uncle Lions Bakkara Mangaraja X.
But his uncle did not recognize him as kemanakan although he has shown evidence that indicates he is a family of lions Mangaraja.
Because it is not recognized by his uncle proceeded Pongki The West Sumatra.
When it came to the power Tuanku Rao, Pongki arrested. But at that time he got an offer from Tuanku Rao to kill his enemies.
If Pongki successful then he will be married to his daughter. With spearheaded by Pongki few kings around the region Bonjol Rao surrendered to the Lord. The Pongki eventually marries the king’s daughter named Aysjah Siti Wagini.

When Pongki has become chief of the army across the country Bonjol, he continued aggression to Tapanuli region. Here he planned to kill his uncle (Lion Mangaraja X) by means of deceiving his uncle.
 At the appointed time Pongki pretend to cry and hugged her uncle saw it Pongki Nangolngolan.
 When embraced, Pongki Nangolngolan slowly pulled the knife from his waist and suddenly all of his uncle’s neck cut so cut off entirely. But head mamaknya soar upwards, wherever sought Pongki Nangolngolan its people, the head was not met.

Processing the oral tradition of the origin of the most monumental Tuanku Rao in Batak traditional historiography is what Onggang Mangaradja Parlindungan (MOP).
Monumental is widely cited as the work of writers Batak to establish justification of existing oral tradition.
According to MOP The Pongkinangolngolan born of an incestuous relationship between the son of the Lion Mangaraja named Gindoporang Sinambela VIII and IX Mangaraja daughter of Lion named Princess Gana Sinambela.
Because of the Batak do not allow the lions mating semarga Mangaraja IX evict them not to be punished by the public.
They were both out of and into Singkil Bakkara then converted to Islam, the name Muhammad Amiruddin Sinambela Zainal and his wife remained in the faith, so that they can not marry a Muslim.
Gana Sinambela daughter gave birth to a son and named Mohammad Fakih and Miss Gana Amirudin Sinambela Sinambela called “Na Pongki Ngolngolan” = “Fakih waiting”. When it comes to Pongkinangolngolan Bakkara / Toba, she became the favorite child of the Lion Mangarja X. Regarding punishment given to Pongkinangolngolan as a result of incest committed by her parents, according to the demands of community leaders (datu), the Lions Mangarja verdict drowned in Lake Toba. But Mangaraja X Lion loosen the ropes that bind Pongkinangolngolan. He floats on the water up to the beginning of Asahan river, where he was in favor by a man named Lintong Marpaung.

Pongkinangolngolan then migrate to the Minangkabau, at the instigation of Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Chitan Pongkinagolngolan in accordance with the full-laden chitan and creed, on the 9th Rabi 1219 / H = 1804 / M diislamkan with the name: “Umar Katab” turned into “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab be Padry Army General Officer, with the title of lord Rao. By Padri Army Command ordered Tuanku Rao Overseas learning task. Meanwhile, a different version of the origin of Tuanku Rao expressed by Basyral lost interest in his book Tuanku Rao (2007). For Basyral Tuanku Rao is not from the North but from the Batak Batak South. According Tuanku Rao is the original Mandailing. Basyral basing his argument from the source script that calls Bonjol Tuanku Imam is Pakih Tuanku Rao Muhammad, his father was Huta Tower [Hutanagodang in Small Mandailing] and her mother the Rao.

Original info

Salah satu sumber kontroversi dalam historiografi tradisional Batak adalah tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Kebanyakan tulisan, begitu juga tradisi lisan menganggap Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak Toba, jadi sama sekali bukan orang Minang atau orang Rao.

Penulis historiografi Batak bernama Batara Sangti dalam bukunya Sejarah Batak (1977) mengaku telah melakukan riset pada tahun 1930 sampai 1933 untuk mengukuhkan kebatakan Tuanku Rao..

Tentulah “riset” yang dimaksud Batara Sangti ini pengumpulan tradisi lisan yang pada kurun waktu itu masih kuat dalam ingatan kolektif orang Batak Toba.

Menurut Batara Sangti, nama asli Tuanku Rao adalah pongki Nangolngolan. Pongki Nangolngolan pernah dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dimana dia dimasukkan dalam sebuah peti mati yang dibuat dari batang kayu yang bernama “Pongki”.

Sedang Nangolngolan berasal dari Nangirngiran’, yang ditunggu-tunggu.

Kayu Pongki sebagai kayu keras di pusat negeri Toba merupakan jenis kayu sangat kuat yang lama sekali baru bisa tumbuh besar.

Makna simbolik dari nama Pongki Nangolngolan itu adalah sosok atau tokoh yang sudah lama ditunggu-tunggu.

Penyebab mengapa Singa Mangaraja X membuang Sipongki ke perairan Toba menurut Batara Sangti karena Sipongki Nangolngolan telah menunjukkan tanda-tanda kesaktian seperti yang dimiliki oleh dinasti Tuan Singa Mangaraja umumnya.

Singa Mangaraja X merasa Sipongki Nangolngolan akan menjadi saingannya sehingga dengan alasan yang dibuat-buat maka Sipongki Nangolngolan dibuang keperairan Toba.

Batara Sangti meluruskan tulisan Guru Kenan Hutagalung yang mengatakan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan telah memenggal kepala Singa Mangaraja X dan membawa kepala tersebut pulang ke negrinya.

Batara Sangti meyakinkan bahwa cerita seperti yang telah diuraikan di atas terus menerus hidup di tengah-tengah masyarakat Batak di pusat Negeri Toba dan di catat dalam Pustaha Batak (kitab-kitab kuno beraksara batak) , kecuali mengenai kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja yang terpotong dan di bawa pulang oleh Sipongki Nangolngolan.

Menurut Batara kepala raja itu sebenarnya tidak sempat jatuh ke tangan Sipongki Nangolngolan, tetapi secara gaib benar-benar jatuh ke tangan Permaisuri Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di Bakkara.

Pada waktu pemakaman tulang belulang Si Singa Mangaraja XII di Soposurung Balige pada tanggal 17 Juni 1953, secara diam-diam menurut Batara turut juga kepingan-kepingan tengkorak kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di bawa oleh pihak keluarga ke sana.

Batara Sangti membantah pendapat Muhammad Said (1961) yang menyebut bahwa Singa Mangaraja XII dalam sebuah pertemuan dengan rakyatnya di Balige menyebut bahwa kakeknya (Singa Mangaraja X) telah dibunuh oleh Belanda.

Menurut Batara Sangti tidak benar Singa Mangaraja XII pernah menyatakan bahwa Singa Mangaraja X dibunuh oleh Belanda.

Menurut Batara sangti berita seperti itu tidak pernah ada terdengar di tengah-tengah masyarakat Toba dari dulu hingga saat ini walaupun hanya desas-desus atau selentingan.

Batara Sangti juga membantah pendapat Hamka yang menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Minangkabau sejati.

Adniel Lumbantobing dalam bukunya Sejarah Si Singa Mangaraja (1967) menyebutkan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan pada waktu kecilnya bernama Tangkal Batu.

Dia dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dengan memasukkannya ke dalam peti. Tapi dia selamat karena kebal. Tangkalbatu mengganti namanya menjadi Pongki Nangolngolan.

Nama itu disesuaikan dengan kekebalan dan penderitaannya. Pada waktu Pongki berumur 17 tahun, ia berangkat ke Bakkara untuk menemui pamannya Singa Mangaraja X.

Tetapi pamannya tidak mengakuinya sebagai kemanakan walaupun dia telah menunjukkan bukti-bukti yang menandakan dia adalah keluarga dari Singa Mangaraja.

Karena tidak diakui oleh pamannya Si Pongki meneruskan perjalanannya ke Sumatra Barat.

Ketika sampai ke daerah kekuasaan Tuanku Rao, Pongki ditangkap. Tapi pada waktu itu ia mendapat tawaran dari Tuanku Rao untuk membunuh musuhnya.

Jika Pongki berhasil maka ia akan dikawinkan dengan putrinya. Dengan dipelopori oleh Pongki beberapa raja-raja disekitar wilayah Bonjol menyerah kepada Tuanku Rao. Si Pongki akhirnya kawin dengan putri baginda yang bernama Aysjah Siti Wagini.

Ketika Pongki telah menjadi kepala tentara di seluruh Tanah Bonjol, ia pun terus melakukan agresi ke wilayah Tapanuli. Disini ia merencanakan membunuh pamannya (Singa Mangaraja X) dengan cara mengelabui pamannya.

Pada waktu yang telah ditentukan Pongki berpura-pura menangis dan melihat hal itu pamannya memeluk Pongki Nangolngolan.

Sewaktu berangkulan, Pongki Nangolngolan pelan-pelan mencabut pisau dari pinggangnya dan dengan tiba-tiba sekali memotong batang leher pamannya sehingga terputus sama sekali. Tetapi kepala mamaknya melambung ke atas, kemanapun dicari Pongki Nangolngolan beserta orang-orangnya, kepala itu tidak dijumpainya.

Pengolahan tradisi lisan paling monumental tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao dalam historiografi tradisonal Batak adalah apa yang dilakukan Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP).

Monumental karena karya ini banyak dirujuk penulis-penulis Batak untuk mengukuhkan pembenaran tradisi lisan yang ada.

Menurut MOP Si Pongkinangolngolan lahir dari hubungan incest antara putra dari Singa Mangaraja VIII yang bernama Gindoporang Sinambela dan Putri dari Singa Mangaraja IX yang bernama Putri Gana Sinambela.

Oleh karena orang Batak tidak membolehkan kawin semarga maka Singa Mangaraja IX mengusir mereka agar tidak di hukum oleh khalayak ramai.

Mereka berdua keluar dari Bakkara dan menuju Singkil lalu masuk Islam, dengan nama Muhammad Zainal Amiruddin Sinambela dan istrinya tetap pada kepercayaannya, sehingga mereka tidak dapat menikah secara Islam.

Putri Gana Sinambela melahirkan seorang putra dan diberi nama Muhammad Fakih Amirudin Sinambela dan Putri Gana Sinambela menyebutnya “Pongki Na Ngolngolan” = “Fakih yang menunggu-nunggu”. Ketika Pongkinangolngolan datang ke Bakkara/Toba, ia menjadi anak mas dari Singa Mangarja X. Mengenai hukuman yang diberikan kepada Pongkinangolngolan sebagai akibat dari incest yang dilakukan oleh orang tuanya, sesuai tuntutan pemuka masyarakat (datu) maka Singa Mangarja menjatuhkan vonis ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba. Tetapi Singa Mangaraja X melonggarkan tali-tali yang mengikat Pongkinangolngolan. Ia mengapung di atas air sampai ke permulaan sungai Asahan, dimana dia kemudian di tolong oleh seseorang yang bernama Lintong Marpaung.

Pongkinangolngolan kemudian merantau ke Minangkabau, atas anjuran Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Pongkinagolngolan di chitan sesuai dengan sarat-sarat chitan serta syahadat, pada tanggal 9 Rabiulawal 1219/H = 1804/M diislamkan dengan nama: “Umar Katab” dibalik menjadi “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab menjadi General Officer Padry Army, dengan gelar Tuanku Rao. Oleh Padri Army Command Tuanku Rao diperintahkan tugas belajar ke Luar Negeri. Sementara itu satu versi lain tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao diungkapkan oleh Basyral dalam bukunya Greget Tuanku Rao (2007). Bagi Basyral Tuanku Rao bukan berasal dari Batak Utara tapi dari kawasan Batak Selatan. Menurutnya Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing asli. Basyral mendasarkan argumennya dari sumber naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol yang menyebut Tuanku Rao adalah Pakih Muhammad, ayahnya orang Huta Gadang [Hutanagodang di Mandailing Kecil] dan Ibunya orang Rao.

Interesting to see where Pakih Muhammad as Priest Nagari Tuanku Rao Rao title. My lord father Rao is a person according to sources Basyral Huta Tower (Hutanagodang?) And her mother was so Basyral Rao conclude Tuanku Rao was Mandailing. Unfortunately, the description of the origin of this Tuanku Rao Basyral yet Mandailing explore other sources. Muhammad Said (1961) based on the source he cites meresepsi historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao. According to Said The Nangolngolan Pokki is the “aggressor” who had come to the land of Batak to implement pengislaman. Tuanku Rao is Si Pokki Nangolngolan who had killed his uncle is Ompu Mr. Na Bolon or Lion Mangaraja X. But once regretted Said penetration events Bonjol especially those concerning life history Tuanku Rao not be the source or sources Padri maintained its neutrality. In this case, Said holds more sources are considered neutral because the sources are obtained from the first hand, where people still reside and participate in the event. The sources written by J.B. Neumann 1866 a BB Kontelir who wrote about “ever Bataks en Batakschelanden Studies” (page 51) and call that Tuanku Rao is from Padang Matinggi, not called that Tuanku Rao came from Toba. Neumann himself took the essay sources of Resident TJ Willer its Tapanuli 1835. But by stating that Tuanku Rao is the Pongki, it is actually more likely to agree that Tuanku Said Rao is derived from Batak land, rather than the so-called Dutch sources.

Hamka (1974) is a writer who tries to correct historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao as the Batak. According Hamka stories (myths) about this in the Tuanku Rao among the Batak Toba much broke, where Hamka find in these writings that Tuanku Rao is true Batak children. Hamka Tuanku Rao said that the history of several authors disclosed Batak as Master of Cainan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Paruhum Pane is a myth. Hamka also criticized article about the history of Tuanku Rao MOP as a bouquet made-up and assume Parlindungan are good people “make up” a story. In presenting evidence, calling Hamka MOP in making writings on the origins Tuanku Rao raised a lot of things that contain lies. The origin Tuanku Rao by Hamka confirmed that Tuanku Rao had married the daughter of Yang lordship lordship Rao Rao and since then not panganut Wahabi leadership was taken over by a law known as the Tuanku Rao.

Besides Hamka also stressed Tuanku Rao is the Padang Matinggi. Not the Bakkara. Therefore he Minang people. Not the Batak. Hamka phrase is strengthened by conducting interviews with people Rao himself, namely Drs. H. Asrul Sani who is a descendant of Rao Nunang The lordship Padang. To justify and reinforce a statement, citing sources from the author Hamka Batak, Sanusi Pane do not imagine that Tuanku Rao is the Batak. Recent academic research about the origin of this figure by considering multiple sources is rare. One historian who raised the question was Christine Dobbin (2008). According to Dobbin Tuanku Rao from a historical perspective is a vague figure but admitted this is very well known figure in the history of Batak. However, Dobbin said, most written about him is based on oral tradition Batak early 20th century and could dikomfirmasikan in Dutch sources that exist. Dobbin is surprising because he said the letters were written by Dutch officials at that time regularly tells about his contemporaries, lord conqueror Tambusai Batak lands to the east.

The lack of information about the Tuanku Rao by Dobbin partly be explained by the fact that he died on tahun1833, shortly after the Dutch entered Rao. Thus, he does not have another position that could invite the Dutch investigation on the activities initially. But what is surprising is the attitude of the opinion menduanya Dobin, on the one hand he says: “It is acceptable that a Batak Tuanku Rao was formerly known as Pongki na Ngolngolan.” But on the other hand he says: “But there is an oral tradition which states that the Batak He is the nephew of King Priest Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, which took control of the Bakara-Toba. However, even this is not certain. “Whatever asalmuasalnya, said Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan Batak is an adventurer who at some point in his career came in the Valley Rao. He found a patron in the day-to-day. Eventually in 1808, he converted to Islam. Then he related to teaching Padri in areas further south and apparently they felt that by gaining recognition as an exponent of this doctrine, its position as an outsider or someone comes in Rao society would be much better. Unfortunately Dobbin said, we do not have a clear picture of the relationship with Imam Bondjol.

Reports were read Dobbin admitted Batak tend to emphasize the violence and chaos that occurred during the period Padri. However, according to Dobbin Tuanku Rao has tried to introduce a form of administration Padri the Batak villages. However, how the system is institutionalized and how much support received is a question that can not be answered. Some people are already diverse Muslim Batak before the invasion Padri. There are those Muslims who live in Panyabungan when attacked. Even certain villages close by there that have trade relations with the west coast and has been a Muslim for a few years.

But in the early reign of Rao invaders by relying kekuatanya Dobbin himself and lifting people Minagkabau as qadi in Batak villages. These judges are basing administer the Quran says his words. They also try to impose all their moves outward puritanism. Of course Dobbin said people were forced into Islam and there were many murders, in addition, the Padri also very excited destroy Batak literature. At first raid Padri said Dobbin difficult to distinguish from foreign invasion and occupation. Besides Batak trade has led to the special port on the west coast, Tuanku Rao also requires finance tribute to Rao and Alahan length in rice, buffalo and slaves. The dependencies also require maintenance fund Minangkabau troops in their villages and provide armed forces for Padri activities in areas further north again. In 1822, the Padri was behind Tapanuli, after sweeping across the region Angkola. According to the Batak which Dobbin should be taken with caution, Tuanku Rao appointed a lord Lelo, Nasution clan members and the son of a salt merchant Batak, a “governor” Angkola. In addition, he also built a fort in Padang Sidempuan. This area is a strategic location because it is an important trade route junction that leads to the beach and to the Mandailing and Silindung. This is where he runs Padri policy to promote trade, opening the way – the way of commerce, and support the merchants.

Dobbin said Batak oral tradition that calls a bunch Padri under Tuanku Rao entered Butar far north, at Humbang plateau. In this place, Tuanku Rao faced vice dynasty king Sisingamangaraja faith at the time, who lives a stone Bakkara valley in the northwest of Lake Toba. According to the Batak tradition, Tuanku Rao is the nephew wasted by Sisingamangaraja. This information is an attempt to explain why killing Tuanku Rao said. The tragedy happened in the market Butar, after him Sisingamangaraja invite for a meeting. But, as figures Sisingamangaraja dangerous because they can exert Toba Batak clans to fight Islam. Another factor because Sisingamangaraja have a relationship with the Barus. In fact, the fabric is said Dobbin, who wants to be broken by the Padri.

As noted Dobbin, Batak traditions describing the atrocities attacks Batak Padri to the ground. In an essay written the Batak to date, as well as writing Sihombing (2008) still remembered the bitterness of invasion Pidari (Batak writings pidari denominator for the vicar) that is considered one of the best period in the history of black and dark Batak, Angkola- Mandailing-Padang Lawas and Toba. In his Sihombing called Tanah Batak situation became so helter-skelter after the death of troops Pidari and all legal chaos that occurs on the ground next Batak considered the impact of the attacks Padri. According to Sihombing, for quite a long time, laws and manners that govern society in the reign of drug-pushers to fall apart. If there seems any masihb tal should be ignored anymore. There is often a mutual-attack and suspicion among one group against another group (usually based on the “saompu” or collateral). That said, at this stage this time that they are in fact just the start “can” kill and “eat” (literally) of meat from a defeated enemy or from pangkahap (spy) in disguise and caught, as a result of liver indignation. In another book Bisuk Siahaan (2005) says that the adverse effects of war in Toba Padri hanja not only materially, but also socially in society manners, including uhum dohot slave changes (laws and regulations). For example, katanja, before the invasion of the Pidari, the Toba has fought the law governing the procedure that should not be violated. Code of Conduct-war Batak oang previously set various restrictions, such as attacking the enemy at night, burned the enemy; kill women, etc..

Sihombing regard, the Batak had always been an ethic of international war in which both sides would have to declare war first challenge, intentions and decisions perangnja. According to the Sihombing,: manners war done sincerely by King Sisingamangaraja XII, when declaring (Asleep) Batak War, which must be done in a frontal attack, with the command “ready”. Means everyone in the forces both parties really are ready for battle, spiritual and physical. An chivalry, far from cowardice. But all manners “of international and regional Batak” according to the size of each era, said Sihombing, have been violated by the troops Pidari. Perhaps, the next Sihombing said, because of the weight of suffering and trauma of the nightmare (nightmare hell) Pidari destruction by the forces, which is why that sepeninggalan the rioters, who are the rest of the Batak people actually even imitate and do the same behavior with the Pidari.

But why is said “those who are the rest?” Sihombing like other Batak authors also refer to MOP saying that troops are retreating Pidari very anxious and in a hurry because begu antuk affected by the epidemic (cholera) from the northern part of the Land of Batak, the rest of the Batak people who live to survive and then come out of hiding in caves the caves and forests during the invasion and occupation of the three years, only 25% lived alone. That said, as well as the condition of the rest of the troops invading Pidari, only the remaining 25 to 30% as well. Although statistics on the number Invaders (30 thousand persons) of the book was considered Sihombing MOP probably exaggerated, but said Sihombing, no matter how large the number of the invading army, we can imagine how much destruction to all aspects of life he left behind.

To strengthen the atrocities of war in the land of Batak Padri, Sihombing also refer Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) to emphasize the news about the terrible destruction done in the occupation of the Pidari of Minangkabau in Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas to Toba in the first quarter of the 19th century. Presumably, the book was written by Harahap, so Sihombing, among others, with the intention to correct and refine certain parts of the book Tuanku Rao, while reinforcing justification news about “the dream of hell” suffered by the Batak people of the south and north, as a result of the invasion and occupation of the Pidari it.

Sihombing said the next most Batak people of the younger generation, was deliberately not too intensive diceritai (if not to say the story dideponir) by parental about how horror experience grandfather ancestor “bangso” Batak in the decade from 1820 to 1830-an, which shattered due to invasion of the Pidari. That thousands of relatives who did not die because of the invasion, had died of the plague tokh terrible. Thousands of the rest of the living, so Sihombing, also hijacked the incalculable suffering, sold into slavery in the South Tapanuli and west coasts of Sumatra. The purpose of the elders Batak who was then wanted mendeponir story of the invasion Pidari, is a very shameful disgrace that it does not need to know the younger generation. Generally they are short notes like this: ever experienced a nightmare Batak people is called “ni Tingki Pidari (the Pidari)” Annual Almanac HKBP course, the historical record milestones referred Sihombing, every sunrise-yearly, only a brief note like this: 1825 -1829 porang ni Tuanku Rao (porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Tuanku Rao War (War Bonjol) who come up against the “nation” Batak).

Just like Sihombing, other authors who had already called the Siahaan (2005) in his description of Padri also not miss to refer to the book MOP. Described MOP, thus Siahaan, between the years 1816-1818 Padri troops began to invade and occupy Mandailing Tapanuli, Sipirok and Padang Lawas, while Islamize the population who still worship idols. After Tapanuli controlled, a few years later made the invasion of North Tapanuli targeting Pahae, Silindung, Humbang and Toba. Soldiers burned dozens Padri homes, charming and kill people regardless of whether they are women, children or the elderly are helpless. Even the incomparable cruelty occurred in the Pahae, Humbang and Silindung. Residents who do not submit to the army Padri captive, his eyes gouged out. During the attack hundreds of innocent people were brutally murdered, dead bodies covered walkways, making it no longer possible to bury him properly. Everywhere looks carcasses decompose, causing outbreaks of cholera and typhus raged. Efidemi outbreak suddenly, not only attacking the locals, but also tenatra Padri. Caused so many residents and soldiers who died Padri disease cholera, Padri army leader who ordered that all troops leave northern Tapanuli. It is very difficult to imagine how cruel treatment Padri army to innocent civilians, leading up to this day when people want to describe something that is very cruel and uncivilized, it says “like in the Pidari” (“in tingki ni Pidari).

Although the army has left North Tapanuli Padri, but the population according Siahaan remains wary, afraid that one day reappear Padri soldiers torturing them. Witnessing the atrocities of war that has just passed, causing the population is no longer fully obedient to the teachings of “fighting by the rules dohot Uhum slave” as commonly held. They set the rules have changed and the war itself, according to individual taste. This is according to Siahaan, reported by Baron van Hoevel Kontelir GWWC who participated in the Dutch military forces under the command of Captain Infantry Scheltens, and justified by kings Silindung and Toba. Before Scheltens begin his expedition (perjalananya) to the Toba and Silindung, they first learn all the Dutch archives stored since 1845, specifically on how the Batak peoples and war. Apparently text in files no longer compatible with reality. Troops Scheltens very surprised when they suddenly attacked by followers of Si Singamangaraja at night, but according to the rules of slave dohot Uhum they studied, the Batak are not allowed to attack the enemy at night, in addition, several houses and barracks of the Dutch army officers attempted about to be burned, but forbidden by slave dohot Uhum burn enemy houses.

Since the incident, according to Siahaan Dutch soldiers realize that things have changed, the invasion army Padri very cruel to the Land of Batak, has changed the way people think. Apparently, according to Siahaan, the suffering experienced during the war cleric, has left a difficult TRUMA dipupus of the minds of the population, they feel constantly threatened by mortal danger. To secure ourselves, even elevated fortress village protection and reinforced with bamboo spiked as far footsteps can still be seen in the Batak villages.

Oral tradition :: Batak provide verification that Tuanku Rao is a native of the Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), born of an affair, a relationship with the royal family Singamangaraja, migrated to Rao, Islam and the Batak lands invaded by cruel because they want revenge. Later he managed to kill his uncle Singamangaraja X and spread Islam even done by force, cruel, inhuman and very bloody, but failed to convert the northern part of the Land of Batak. Necessary caution dealing with oral tradition of controversy this. Historians such as Dobbin also be trapped decipher “episode” Tuanku Rao in Batak land, basing his description of the oral tradition Batak alone professed not be clarified to historical sources the other. Ironically Dobbin obtained oral tradition is an oral tradition that has been developed, fictionalized the imagination as found in the writings of MOP. Description Dobbin showed as he went into the Batak oral tradition and the academic work is a pity he did not explore and compare the oral tradition that developed in South Tapanuli, Rao and Minangkabau. Ttradisi Batak oral then written was the result of the construction of a certain period of time, in certain areas and for certain interests. I estimate that, at the time the story was constructed, the Dutch authorities and the missionaries spreading Christianity in worrying about the spread of Islam to the Toba Batak lands and they are trying to prevent the spread of it in various ways, including fortify themselves by creating and developing Padri atrocities in Batak land and reproduce through figures Batak Christian religion of the first generation of Christianity in the land of Batak. Reproduction is done Toba region and Humbang threatened and did not occur in the Samosir.

Batak Padri to the ground assault, especially Toba, an attack which also happens to be recognized that there are resources in the Minangkabau itself. But the version of the oral tradition about the attacks and genealogy Tuanku Rao in Batak tradition is constructed. In his analysis Dobbin finally admitted, perhaps this lineage created to explain some of the advantages Tuanku Rao in the military. He according to Dobbin, indeed led his followers a series of extraordinary duress journey to the north, directly entering the Batak Toba people. Here he met and killed Sisingamangaraja X. With regard him as the nephew of the king who lost his right, according to Dobbin Batak traditions can provide a reasonable motivation for a military attack, that is revenge.

How could Tuanku Rao were imaged as a sadistic killer and invaders and persecute Batak Batak descent is constructed as? How do we understand the logic of Si Pongki: sentenced to death (had drowned in Lake Toba because he was an illegitimate child of an incestuous relationship results Singamangaraja family) then rescued by his uncle the king Singamangaraja X, and after Si Pongki be Tuanku Rao came to kill Singamangaraja X uncle who actually save? Construction of this oral tradition in my interest to subordinating the two imaging, the first Muslim from the South and two Singamangaraja and descendants and followers that can not be tamed by the missionaries and the Dutch authorities. It takes a more in-depth investigation of the construction has already considered this reality.
Sources: Togar Pardede (via FB)
Posted by IFA and MALIKA INSPIRATION at 03:18
Labels: Biography, Book Reviews
Tuanku Rao In Traditional Historiography in Tapanuli

 

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Menarik untuk melihat keberadaan Pakih Muhammad sebagai Imam Besar Nagari Rao gelar Tuanku Rao. Ayah Tuanku Rao menurut sumber Basyral adalah orang Huta Gadang (Hutanagodang?) dan ibunya orang Rao sehingga Basyral membuat kesimpulan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing. Sayang sekali, dalam uraian asal-usul Tuanku Rao ini Basyral belum mengeksplorasi sumber-sumber Mandailing lainnya. Muhammad Said (1961) berdasar sumber yang dikutipnya meresepsi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Menurut Said Si Pokki Nangolngolan adalah “agresor” yang pernah datang ke tanah Batak untuk melaksanakan pengislaman. Tuanku Rao adalah Si Pokki Nangolngolan yang telah membunuh pamannya yaitu Ompu Tuan Na Bolon atau Singa Mangaraja X. Tetapi Said sangat menyayangkan sekali peristiwa penetrasi orang-orang Bonjol apalagi mengenai riwayat hidup Tuanku Rao tidak di dapat dalam sumber Padri atau sumber yang dipertahankan kenetralannya. Dalam hal ini Said memegang sumber yang lebih dianggap netral karena sumber yang diperoleh dari tangan pertama, dimana orang-orangnya masih berada dan turut serta dalam kejadian itu. Sumber tersebut ditulis oleh J.B. Neumann 1866 seorang Kontelir B.B yang menulis tentang “Studies ever Bataks en Batakschelanden” (hal 51) dan menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah berasal dari Padang Matinggi, tidak disebut bahwa Tuanku Rao berasal dari Toba. Neumann sendiri mengambil sumber karangannya dari Residen T.J Willer yang berada di Tapanuli tahun 1835. Tapi dengan menyatakan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah si Pongki, maka sebenarnya Said lebih setuju kalau Tuanku Rao memang berasal dari tanah Batak, bukan sebagaimana disebut sumber-sumber Belanda.

Hamka (1974) merupakan penulis yang mencoba mengoreksi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao sebagai orang Batak. Menurut Hamka dongeng-dongeng (mitos) tentang Tuanku Rao ini dalam kalangan orang Batak Toba banyak tersiar, dimana Hamka menemukan dalam tulisan-tulisan itu bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah anak Batak sejati. Hamka mengatakan bahwa riwayat Tuanku Rao yang di ungkapkan dari beberapa penulis Batak seperti Guru Kenan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Pane Paruhum merupakan mitos. Hamka juga mengkritik tulisan MOP tentang riwayat Tuanku Rao sebagai karangan yang dibuat-buat dan menganggap Parlindungan adalah orang yang mahir “menyusun” suatu cerita. Dengan mengemukakan bukti-bukti, Hamka menyebut MOP dalam membuat tulisannya tentang asal-usul Tuanku Rao banyak mengemukakan hal-hal yang mengandung kebohongan. Asal-usul Tuanku Rao menurut Hamka membenarkan bahwa Tuanku Rao telah kawin dengan puteri Yang Dipertuan Rao dan karena Yang Dipertuan Rao bukan panganut Wahabi maka pimpinan diambil alih oleh menantunya yang dikenal dengan Tuanku Rao.

Selain itu Hamka juga menekankan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Padang Matinggi. Bukan orang Bakkara. Sebab itu beliau orang Minang. Bukan orang Batak. Ungkapan Hamka tersebut dimantapkan dengan cara melakukan wawancara kepada orang Rao sendiri, yaitu Drs. H. Asrul Sani yang merupakan keturunan Yang Dipertuan Padang Nunang Rao. Untuk membenarkan dan memperkuat pernyataannya, Hamka mengutip sumber dari penulis Batak, Sanusi Pane yang tidak membayangkan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak. Riset akademis terakhir tentang asal usul tokoh ini dengan memperhatikan berbagai sumber masih jarang dilakukan. Salah seorang sejarahwan yang menyinggung masalah ini adalah Christine Dobbin (2008). Menurut Dobbin Tuanku Rao dari perspektif sejarah merupakan tokoh yang kabur tapi diakuinya tokoh ini sangat dikenal dalam sejarah Batak. Akan tetapi kata Dobbin, kebanyakan yang ditulis tentang dirinya didasarkan atas tradisi lisan Batak awal abad ke 20 dan tak bisa dikomfirmasikan dalam sumber-sumber Belanda yang ada. Ini mengherankan Dobbin karena katanya, surat-surat yang ditulis oleh pejabat-pejabat Belanda pada waktu itu secara teratur menceritakan tentang rekan sejamannya, Tuanku Tambusai penakluk tanah Batak bagian timur.

Tidak adanya informasi tentang Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin sebagian bisa dijelaskan dengan kenyataan bahwa ia meninggal pada tahun1833, tak lama sesudah Belanda memasuki Rao. Dengan demikian, ia tidak mempunyai jabatan lain yang bisa mengundang penyelidikan Belanda mengenai kegiatan-kegiatan awalnya. Akan tetapi yang mengherankan dari pendapat Dobin adalah sikap menduanya, disatu pihak dia mengatakan : ”Dapat diterima bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah seorang Batak yang dulunya dikenal dengan Pongki na Ngolngolan.” Tapi dipihak lain dia mengatakan : ”Akan tetapi ada tradisi lisan Batak yang menyatakan bahwa ia adalah keponakan Raja Imam Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, yang menguasai daerah Bakara-Toba. Namun, ini pun tidak bisa dipastikan.” Apa pun asalmuasalnya, kata Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan adalah seorang petualang Batak yang pada tahap tertentu dalam kariernya tiba di Lembah Rao. Dia menemukan seorang pelindung di sehari-harinya. Pada akhirnya di tahun 1808, ia menjadi Islam. Kemudian ia berhubungan dengan ajaran Padri di daerah lebih ke selatan dan rupanya mereka merasa bahwa dengan memperoleh pengakuan sebagai eksponen ajaran ini, posisinya sebagai orang luar atau orang datang dalam masyarakat Rao akan jauh lebih baik. Sayang kata Dobbin, kita tidak memiliki gambaran yang jelas mengenai hubungannya dengan Imam Bondjol.

Laporan Batak yang dibaca Dobbin diakuinya cenderung menekankan kekerasan dan kekacauan yang terjadi selama periode Padri. Namun, Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin telah berusaha untuk memperkenalkan bentuk administrasi Padri ke desa-desa Batak. Akan tetapi, bagaimana system ini dilembagakan dan berapa besar dukungan yang diterima adalah pertanyaan yang tidak dapat dijawab. Beberapa orang Batak memang sudah beragam Islam sebelum serbuan Padri. Ada orang-orang muslim yang tinggal di Panyabungan ketika diserbu. Bahkan desa-desa tertentu didekatnya ada yang mempunyai hubungan dagang dengan pantai barat dan telah menjadi Islam selama beberapa tahun.

Namun pada masa awal pemerintahannya penyerbu dari Rao menurut Dobbin mengandalkan kekuatanya sendiri dan mengangkat orang-orang Minagkabau sebagai kadi di desa-desa Batak. Hakim-hakim ini mendasarkan administrasinya pada Quran secara kata perkata. Mereka juga mencoba memberlakukan semua puritanisme lahiriah gerakan mereka. Tentu saja kata Dobbin orang-orang dipaksa menjadi Islam dan terjadi banyak pembunuhan, disamping itu, para Padri juga sangat bersemangat menghancurkan kesastraan Batak. Pada mulanya penyerbuan Padri kata Dobbin sukar dibedakan dari penyerbuan dan pendudukan asing. Selain telah mengarahkan perdagangan Batak ke kelompok pelabuhan khusus di pantai barat, Tuanku Rao juga mewajibkan membiayai upeti kepada Rao dan Alahan Panjang dalam bentuk beras, kerbau dan budak-budak . Wilayah-wilayah bawahan juga mewajibkan membiayai pemeliharaan pasukan Minangkabau di desa-desa mereka dan menyediakan pasukan bersenjata untuk kegiatan Padri di daerah lebih ke utara lagi. Pada tahun 1822, para Padri telah berada di belakang Tapanuli, setelah menyapu seluruh wilayah Angkola. Menurut laporan Batak yang menurut Dobbin harus ditanggapi dengan hati-hati, Tuanku Rao mengangkat seorang Tuanku Lelo, anggota marga Nasution dan putra seorang Batak pedagang garam, menjadi “gubernur” Angkola. Selain itu, ia juga membangun benteng di Padang Sidempuan. Daerah ini adalah lokasi yang strategis karena terletak dipersimpangan rute dagang penting yang menuju ke pantai dan ke daerah Mandailing dan Silindung. Di tempat inilah ia menjalankan kebijakan Padri untuk memajukan perdagangan, membuka jalan – jalan dagang, dan mendukung para pedagang.

Dobbin mengungkapkan tradisi lisan Batak yang menyebut segerombolan Padri di bawah Tuanku Rao masuk sampai sejauh Butar di utara, di plato Humbang. Ditempat ini, Tuanku Rao menghadapi wakil dinasti iman Raja Sisingamangaraja pada waktu itu, yang tinggal dilembah Bakkara yang berdinding batu di barat laut Danau Toba. Menurut tradisi Batak, Tuanku Rao adalah kemenakan yang disia-siakan oleh Sisingamangaraja. Keterangan ini adalah usaha untuk menjelaskan mengapa Tuanku Rao dikatakan membunuh. Tragedi ini terjadi di pasar Butar, sesudah tuanku mengundang Sisingamangaraja untuk suatu pertemuan. Namun, Sisingamangaraja sebagai tokoh berbahaya karena dianggap dapat mengerahkan marga-marga Batak Toba untuk melawan Islam. Faktor lainnya karena Sisingamangaraja mempunyai hubungan dengan Barus. Padahal, jalinan inilah kata Dobbin, yang ingin dipatahkan oleh kaum Padri.

Sebagaimana disebut Dobbin, tradisi Batak menggambarkan kekejaman-kekejaman serangan Padri ke tanah Batak. Dalam karangan yang ditulis orang Batak sampai saat ini, sebagaimana tulisan Sihombing (2008) tetap dikenang pahitnya invasi kaum Pidari (tulisan-tulisan Batak penyebut pidari untuk paderi) sehingga dianggap merupakan salah satu periode yang paling hitam dan gelap dalam sejarah orang Batak, Angkola-Mandailing-Padang Lawas dan Toba. Dalam tulisannya Sihombing menyebut situasi Tanah Batak menjadi begitu morat-marit sepeninggal pasukan Pidari dan segala kekacauan hukum yang terjadi di tanah Batak selanjutnya dianggap sebagai dampak dari serangan Paderi. Menurut Sihombing, untuk waktu yang cukup lama, hukum dan tata-krama yang mengatur masyarakat dalam zaman pemerintahan bius-bius menjadi berantakan. Bila pun masihb ada agaknya tal perlu diindahkan lagi. Sering terjadi saling-serang dan saling curiga di antara satu kelompok terhadap kelompok lain ( umumnya berdasarkan wilayah “saompu” atau seketurunan). Konon, pada tahapan waktu inilah mereka malah justru mulai “bisa” membunuh serta “memakan” (secara harfiah) daging dari musuh yang ditaklukkan atau dari pangkahap (mata-mata) yang menyamar dan tertangkap, sebagai akibat kegeraman hati. Dalam buku lain Bisuk Siahaan (2005) mengatakan bahwa dampak buruk perang Padri di Toba bukan saja hanja secara materiil, tapi juga secara sosial dalam tatakrama kehidupan masyarakat, termasuk terjadinya perubahan patik dohot uhum (peraturan dan hukum). Sebagai contoh, katanja, sebelum serbuan kaum Pidari, orang Toba memiliki hukum yang mengatur tatacara berperang yang tak boleh dilanggar. Kode etik-perang oang Batak sebelumnya menetapkan berbagai larangan, seperti menyerang musuh pada malam hari, membakar rumah musuh; membunuh perempuan, dll.

Sihombing menganggap, orang Batak sejak dulu mengenal etika perang internasional dimana kedua belah pihak yang akan berperang lebih dahulu harus mendeklarasikan tantangan, niat dan keputusan perangnja. Menurut catatan Sihombing, : tatakrama perang itu dilakukan dengan tulus oleh Raja Sisingamangaraja XII, ketika mendeklarasikan (Pulas) Perang Batak, dimana serangan harus dilakukan secara frontal, dengan aba-aba “siap”. Berarti semua orang dalam pasukan kedua belah fihak memang benar-benar sudah siap untuk berperang, lahir dan bathin. Suatu sikap kesatria, jauh dari kepengecutan. Tapi semua tata-krama “internasional dan regional Batak” menurut ukuran zamannya masing-masing itu, kata Sihombing, telah dilanggar oleh pasukan kaum Pidari. Mungkin, demikian Sihombing selanjutnya mengatakan, karena beratnya penderitaan dan trauma dari masa nightmare (mimpi neraka) penghancuran oleh pasukan Pidari, itulah sebabnya bahwa sepeninggalan kaum perusuh, orang Batak yang masih sisa justru malah meniru dan melakukan perilaku yang sama dengan kaum Pidari.

Tapi kenapa dikatakan “orang yang masih sisa”? Sihombing seperti juga penulis Batak lainnya merujuk MOP yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan Pidari yang mundur dengan sangat cemas dan tergesa-gesa karena landaan wabah begu antuk (Kolera) dari Tanah Batak bagian utara, sisa orang Batak yang bisa hidup bertahan dan kemudian keluar dari persembunyian di gua-gua dan hutan selama tiga tahun serbuan dan pendudukan, hanya tinggal 25 % saja. Konon, demikian juga kondisi sisa pasukan Pidari penyerbu, hanya tersisa 25 sampai 30 % juga. Meskipun statistik jumlah penyerbu (30 ribu orang) dari buku MOP itu dianggap Sihombing mungkin terlalu dilebih-lebihkan, namun kata Sihombing, berapa besarpun jumlah pasukan penyerbu, kita bisa membayangkan betapa besar destruksi terhadap segala aspek kehidupan yang ditinggalkannya.

Untuk menguatkan kekejaman perang Paderi di tanah Batak, Sihombing juga merujuk Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) untuk menekankan pemberitaan perihal hebatnya destruksi yang dilakukan dalam masa pendudukan kaum Pidari dari Minangkabau di Tanah Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas sampai Toba dalam kuarter pertama abad 19. Agaknya, buku tersebut ditulis oleh Harahap, demikian Sihombing, antara lain dengan niat untuk mengoreksi dan menyempurnakan bagian-bagian tertentu buku Tuanku Rao, seraya menguatkan pembenaran berita tentang “mimpi neraka” yang dialami oleh orang Batak bagian selatan dan utara, sebagai akibat serbuan dan pendudukan kaum Pidari itu.

Sihombing menyatakan, selanjutnya kebanyakan orang Batak dari generasi lebih muda, memang sengaja tidak terlalu intensif diceritai (kalau tak akan dikatakan kisahnya dideponir) oleh tetuanya tentang betapa ngerinya pengalaman kakek-moyang “bangso” Batak pada dasawarsa 1820-1830-an, yang porak poranda akibat serbuan kaum Pidari. Bahwa ribuan sanak saudara yang tidak mati karena serbuan, tokh harus mati karena wabah mengerikan. Ribuan dari sisa yang hidup, demikian Sihombing, dibajak pula dengan penderitaan tak terkirakan, diperjualbelikan menjadi budak di Tapanuli Selatan dan pantai-pantai barat Sumatra. Maksud tua-tua Batak yang kala itu ingin mendeponir cerita invasi kaum Pidari, ialah supaya aib yang sangat memalukan itu tak perlu diketahui generasi mudanya. Umumnya mereka mencatat singkat begini: pernah ada mimpi buruk dialami orang Batak yang disebut “Tingki ni Pidari (masa Pidari)” Almanak Tahunan HKBP saja, dalam catatan tonggak-tonggak bersejarahnya yang dirujuk Sihombing, setiap terbit-tahunan, hanya mencatat singkat begini: 1825-1829 Porang ni Tuanku Rao (Porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Perang Tuanku Rao(Perang Bonjol) yang datang memerangi “bangsa” Batak).

Sama seperti Sihombing, penulis lain yang tadi sudah disebut yakni Siahaan (2005) dalam uraiannya tentang Padri juga tidak melewatkan untuk merujuk buku MOP. Dijelaskan MOP, demikian Siahaan, antara tahun 1816-1818 tentara Padri mulai menyerbu Tapanuli Selatan dan menduduki Mandailing, Sipirok dan Padang Lawas, sekaligus mengislamkan penduduk yang masih menyembah berhala. Setelah Tapanuli Selatan dikuasai, beberapa tahun kemudian dilakukan penyerbuan ke Tapanuli Utara dengan sasaran Pahae, Silindung, Humbang dan Toba. Tentara Padri membakar berpuluh-puluh rumah, menawan dan membunuh penduduk tanpa memperdulikan apakah mereka wanita, anak-anak atau orang tua yang tak berdaya. Bahkan kekejaman yang tidak ada taranya terjadi di daerah Pahae, Humbang dan Silindung. Penduduk yang tidak mau tunduk kepada tentara Padri ditawan, lalu matanya dicungkil. Selama penyerangan tersebut beratus-ratus penduduk yang tidak bersalah dibunuh secara kejam, mayat bergelimpangan menutupi jalan setapak, sehingga tidak mungkin lagi menguburnya dengan baik. Dimana –mana terlihat bangkai membusuk, menyebabkan wabah penyakit kolera dan tifus mengganas. Efidemi berjangkit secara tiba-tiba, tidak hanya menyerang penduduk setempat,tetapi juga tenatra Padri. Disebabkan sangat banyak penduduk dan tentara Padri yang meninggal terserang penyakit kolera, pemimpin tentara Padri yang memerintahkan supaya semua serdadunya segera meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara. Sangat sulit membayangkan betapa kejamnya perlakuan tentara Padri kepada penduduk yang tidak berdosa, menyebabkan sampai hari ini bila masyarakat hendak menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat bengis dan tak beradab, dikatakan “seperti di masa Pidari” (“di tingki ni Pidari).

Meskipun tentara Padri telah meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara, namun penduduk menurut Siahaan masih tetap waswas, takut jika pada suatu hari tentara Padri muncul kembali menyiksa mereka. Menyaksikan kekejaman perang yang baru saja berlalu, meyebabkan penduduk tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh pada ajaran “berperang menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum” seperti yang dianut selama ini. Mereka telah berubah dan menetapkan aturan perang sendiri, sesuai dengan selera masing-masing. Hal ini menurut Siahaan, dilaporkan oleh Kontelir G.W.W.C Baron van Hoevel yang turut dalam pasukan militer Belanda di bawah komando Kapten Infanteri Scheltens, dan dibenarkan oleh raja-raja di Silindung dan Toba. Sebelum Scheltens memulai ekspedisinya (perjalananya) ke daerah Toba dan Silindung, terlebih dulu mereka mempelajari semua arsip-arsip Belanda yang tersimpan sejak tahun 1845, khusus mengenai adat dan cara orang Batak berperang. Ternyata tulisan yang ada di arsip tidak sesuai lagi dengan kenyataan. Pasukan Scheltens sangat terkejut sewaktu mereka secara tiba-tiba diserang oleh pengikut Si Singamangaraja pada malam hari, padahal menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum yang mereka pelajari, orang Batak tidak diperkenankan menyerang musuh pada malam hari, selain itu, beberapa rumah pejabat dan tangsi tentara Belanda dicoba hendak dibakar, padahal menurut Patik dohot Uhum dilarang membakar rumah musuh.

Sejak peristiwa tersebut, serdadu Belanda menurut Siahaan sadar bahwa keadaan sudah berubah, penyerbuan tentara Padri yang sangat kejam ke Tanah Batak, telah mengubah cara berpikir penduduk. Rupanya, demikian Siahaan, penderitaan yang dialami selama perang paderi, telah meninggalkan truma yang sulit dipupus dari benak penduduk, mereka merasa dirinya senantiasa terancam oleh bahaya maut. Untuk mengamankan diri, bahkan benteng perlindungan kampung ditinggikan dan diperkuat dengan bambu-bambu berduri sebagaimana sampai saat ini jejaknya masih bisa dilihat di desa-desa Batak.

:: Tradisi lisan Batak memberikan pengabsahan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah asli orang Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), lahir dari hubungan gelap, memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan raja Singamangaraja, merantau ke Rao, masuk Islam dan menyerbu tanah Batak dengan kejam karena ingin membalas dendam. Selanjutnya dia berhasil membunuh pamannya Singamangaraja X dan menyebarkan Islam yang sekalipun dilakukan dengan paksaan, sadis, tidak berperikemanusiaan dan sangat berdarah, tapi tidak berhasil mengislamkan Tanah Batak bagian utara. Diperlukan kehati-hatian berhadapan dengan tradisi lisan yang penuh kontroversi ini. Sejarahwan seperti Dobbin juga bisa terjebak menguraikan ”episode” Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak dengan mendasarkan uraiannya semata dari tradisi lisan Batak yang diakuinya tidak bisa diklarifikasi ke sumber-sumber sejarah yang lain. Ironisnya tradisi lisan yang didapat Dobbin adalah tradisi lisan yang telah dikembangkan, difiksikan dengan imajinasi seperti yang terdapat dalam tulisan MOP. Uraian Dobbin memperlihatkan seakan dia meneruskan tradisi lisan Batak ke dalam karya akademisnya dan sangat disayangkan dia tidak mengeksplorasi dan membandingkannya dengan tradisi lisan yang berkembang di Tapanuli Selatan, Rao dan Minangkabau. Ttradisi lisan Batak yang kemudian dituliskan itu merupakan hasil konstruksi dari satu kurun waktu tertentu, di wilayah tertentu dan untuk kepentingan tertentu. Saya perkirakan, pada waktu cerita itu dikontruksi, penguasa Belanda dan para zending penyebar agama kristen di Toba mencemaskan penyebaran Islam ke tanah Batak dan mereka berusaha untuk menghambat penyebaran itu dengan berbagai cara termasuk membentengi diri dengan menciptakan dan mengembangkan kekejaman Padri di tanah Batak dan mereproduksinya lewat tokoh-tokoh Batak beragama kristen dari generasi pertama kristenisasi di tanah Batak. Reproduksi itu dilakukan dikawasan Toba dan Humbang yang terancam dan tidak terjadi di kawasan Samosir.

Penyerangan Padri ke tanah Batak, khususnya Toba, merupakan penyerangan yang juga diakui terjadi oleh sumber-sumber yang ada di Minangkabau sendiri. Tapi versi tradisi lisan tentang penyerangan itu dan genealogi Tuanku Rao dalam tradisi Batak adalah hasil konstruksi. Dalam analisisnya Dobbin akhirnya memang mengakui, barang kali garis keturunan ini diciptakan untuk menjelaskan beberapa keunggulan Tuanku Rao dalam kemiliteran. Dia menurut Dobbin, memang memimpin pengikut-pengikutnya melakukan serangkaian perjalanan paksaan yang luar biasa ke utara, langsung memasuki wilayah orang-orang Batak Toba. Disini ia bertemu dan membunuh Sisingamangaraja X. Dengan menganggap dia sebagai kemenakan raja yang kehilangan haknya, menurut Dobbin tradisi Batak dapat memberikan motivasi yang masuk akal untuk serangan militer ini, yaitu balas dendam.

Bagaimana mungkin Tuanku Rao yang dicitrakan sebagai pembunuh dan penyerbu yang sadis dan menganiaya orang Batak itu dikonstruksi sebagai keturunan Batak? Bagaimana kita memahami logika Si Pongki : dijatuhi hukuman mati (harus ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba karena dia anak haram hasil hubungan incest dari keluarga Singamangaraja) kemudian diselamatkan oleh raja Singamangaraja X pamannya sendiri, dan setelah Si Pongki menjadi Tuanku Rao datang membunuh Singamangaraja X paman yang justru menyelamatkannya? Konstruksi tradisi lisan ini menurut saya berkepentingan untuk mensubordinatkan dua pencitraan, pertama Islam dari selatan dan kedua Singamangaraja serta keturunan dan pengikutnya yang tidak bisa dijinakkan oleh zending dan penguasa Belanda. Diperlukan suatu penyelidikan yang lebih mendalam tentang konstruksi yang terlanjur sudah dianggap sebagai realitas ini.

Sumber : Togar Pardede (via FB)

Diposkan oleh IFA dan MALIKA ILHAM di 03:18

Label: Biografi, Resensi Buku

Tuanku Rao Dalam Historiografi Tradisional di Tapanuli

Dr. phil. Ichwan Azhari
(Pusat Studi Sejarah dan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial Universitas Negeri Medan)

1. Introduction
Scientific research on the expansion of the movement includes figures Tuanku Rao Padri outside of West Sumatra Batak to the ground and the effect is very rare if not say no at all. But the traditional historiography of the living in the form of oral tradition among residents who then recorded the additions writer had first mastered the discourse Tuanku Rao figure among the ethnic Batak Toba in North Sumatra and Mandailing.
This paper will try to explore the oral tradition of Toba Batak who has recorded many of the atrocities figure Tuanku Rao expansion alive or kept alive in the collective memory of the Batak Toba in North Sumatra and Mandailing. The writings are raised, even developing interpreting the oral tradition has been difficult historians clarified his sources, but confirmed the fact that the majority of people there are considered as true and believed by fanaticism
One of the controversial book Tuanku Rao is written by Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP), published in 1964 and later reprinted by LKIS Yogyakarta in 2007. I judge what is described MOP book about atrocities lord Rao in Batak land, more comes from oral tradition Batak Toba. In my investigation, the description is in line with the collective memory of the Batak are passed from generation to generation. This is not surprising given the major source of MOP writings are the writings of his parents, Sutan Martua Radja, a prominent Christian Batak diligently collecting oral histories of their lives. Posts MOP became controversial because he combines the oral tradition of Tuanku Rao Batak with extraordinary imagination wild, full of compelling language and rhetoric presented in a lively and fascinating. Through his book managed to fool and mislead readers who try to clarify the facts in his book. Whereas in the book he has stated that he deliberately put things that are not true.
Most writers were raised about the Tuanku Rao oral tradition in Batak land could not break away from the book because the book MOP MOP parallel with the oral tradition they wish to reveal. Even if someone tries them critical of the fact that MOP exaggerated, but the outline MOP storytelling in line with the collective memory of the people they wish to serve.
2. Tuanku Rao Batak people
One source of controversy in the traditional historiography Batak is about the origin of Tuanku Rao. Most of the writings, as well as the oral tradition is considered Tuanku Rao Toba Batak people, so it was not the Minang or Rao. Author historiography Batak named Batara Sangti in his History of Batak (1977) claimed to have done research in 1930 to 1933 to establish kebatakan Tuanku Rao .. Surely “research” is Batara Sangti is collecting oral traditions in the period it was still strong in the collective memory of the Batak Toba. According Batara Sangti, the original name was Pongki Nangolngolan Tuanku Rao. Pongki Nangolngolan been dumped by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland where he was put in a coffin made of wooden sticks called “Pongki”. Being Nangolngolan from Nangirngiran ‘, is eagerly awaited. Pongki as hardwood timber in the center of the country Toba is a very strong type of wood for a long time can only grow. The symbolic meaning of the name Pongki Nangolngolan it is a figure or figures that have been long-awaited.
Cause why Mangaraja X Lion to throw Sipongki Toba waters by Batara Sangti because Sipongki Nangolngolan has shown signs of magic as owned by Mr. Lion Mangaraja dynasty general. Lions feel Sipongki Nangolngolan Mangaraja X will be a rival that the made-up excuse then discarded keperairan Nangolngolan Sipongki Toba.
Sangti Batara Hutagalung Kenan Professor straightened paper saying that Pongki Nangolngolan beheaded Mangaraja X Lion and bring the head back to negrinya. Batara Sangti convinced that the story as described above continued to live in the middle of the central State Batak Toba and Batak pustaha noted in (ancient scriptures beraksara Batak), except for the head of Mr. Lion Mangaraja the cut and carry home by Sipongki Nangolngolan.
According to the head of the king’s Batara actually had fallen into the hands of Sipongki Nangolngolan, but the magic really fell into the hands of Empress Mr. X Lion Mangaraja Bakkara. At the time of burial bones Mangaraja The Lion XII in Soposurung Balige on June 17, 1953, secretly helped by Batara also pieces of the skull of Mr. X Lion Mangaraja brought by the families there.
Batara Sangti refuted Muhammad Said (1961) that mentions that Mangaraja Lions XII during a meeting with people in Balige mentions that his grandfather (Mangaraja X Lion) have been killed by the Dutch. According Batara Sangti incorrect Mangaraja Lions XII once stated that Mangaraja X Lion killed by the Dutch. According Batara sangti news as it never was heard in the midst of the Toba from the past until today although only hearsay or rumor. Batara Sangti Hamka also refuted suggestions that mentions that the Minangkabau Tuanku Rao is true.
Adniel Lumbantobing in his book History of The Lion Mangaraja (1967) states that at the time of his small Nangolngolan Pongki named Tangkal Stone. He was banished by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland with them in boxes. But he survived because immune. Tangkalbatu renamed Pongki Nangolngolan. The name was adapted to the immune and suffering. At the time Pongki 17 years, he left to meet his uncle Lions Bakkara Mangaraja X. But his uncle did not recognize him as kemanakan although he has shown evidence that indicates he is a family of lions Mangaraja. Because it is not recognized by his uncle proceeded Pongki The West Sumatra. When it came to the power Tuanku Rao, Pongki arrested. But at that time he got an offer from Tuanku Rao to kill his enemies. If Pongki successful then he will be married to his daughter. With spearheaded by Pongki few kings around the region Bonjol Rao surrendered to the Lord. The Pongki eventually marries the king’s daughter named Aysjah Siti Wagini.
When Pongki has become chief of the army across the country Bonjol, he continued aggression to Tapanuli region. Here he planned to kill his uncle (Lion Mangaraja X) by means of deceiving his uncle. At the appointed time Pongki pretend to cry and hugged her uncle saw it Pongki Nangolngolan. When embraced, Pongki Nangolngolan slowly pulled the knife from his waist and suddenly all of his uncle’s neck cut so cut off entirely. But head mamaknya soar upwards, wherever sought Pongki Nangolngolan its people, the head was not met.
Processing the oral tradition of the origin of the most monumental Tuanku Rao in Batak traditional historiography is what Onggang Mangaradja Parlindungan (MOP). Monumental is widely cited as the work of writers Batak to establish justification of existing oral tradition. According to MOP The Pongkinangolngolan born of an incestuous relationship between the son of the Lion Mangaraja named Gindoporang Sinambela VIII and IX Mangaraja daughter of Lion named Princess Gana Sinambela. Because of the Batak do not allow the lions mating semarga Mangaraja IX evict them not to be punished by the public.
They were both out of and into Singkil Bakkara then converted to Islam, the name Muhammad Amiruddin Sinambela Zainal and his wife remained in the faith, so that they can not marry a Muslim. Gana Sinambela daughter gave birth to a son and named Mohammad Fakih and Miss Gana Amirudin Sinambela Sinambela called “Na Pongki Ngolngolan” = “Fakih waiting”. When it comes to Pongkinangolngolan Bakkara / Toba, she became the favorite child of the Lion Mangarja X.
Regarding punishment given to Pongkinangolngolan as a result of incest committed by her parents, according to the demands of community leaders (datu), the Lions Mangarja verdict drowned in Lake Toba. But Mangaraja X Lion loosen the ropes that bind Pongkinangolngolan. He floats on the water up to the beginning of Asahan river, where he was in favor by a man named Lintong Marpaung.
Pongkinangolngolan then migrate to the Minangkabau, at the instigation of Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Chitan Pongkinagolngolan in accordance with the full-laden chitan and creed, on the 9th Rabi 1219 / H = 1804 / M diislamkan with the name: “Umar Katab” turned into “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab be Padry Army General Officer, with the title of lord Rao. By Padri Army Command ordered Tuanku Rao Overseas learning task.
Meanwhile, a different version of the origin of Tuanku Rao expressed by Basyral lost interest in his book Tuanku Rao (2007). For Basyral Tuanku Rao is not from the North but from the Batak Batak South. According Tuanku Rao is the original Mandailing. Basyral basing his argument from the source script that calls Bonjol Tuanku Imam is Pakih Tuanku Rao Muhammad, his father was Huta Tower [Hutanagodang in Small Mandailing] and her mother the Rao.
Interesting to see where Pakih Muhammad as Priest Nagari Tuanku Rao Rao title. My lord father Rao is a person according to sources Basyral Huta Tower (Hutanagodang?) And her mother was so Basyral Rao conclude Tuanku Rao was Mandailing. Unfortunately, the description of the origin of this Tuanku Rao Basyral yet Mandailing explore other sources. Muhammad Said (1961) based on the source he cites meresepsi historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao. According to Said The Nangolngolan Pokki is the “aggressor” who had come to the land of Batak to implement pengislaman. Tuanku Rao is Si Pokki Nangolngolan who had killed his uncle is Ompu Mr. Na Bolon or Lion Mangaraja X. But once regretted Said penetration events Bonjol especially those concerning life history Tuanku Rao not be the source or sources Padri maintained its neutrality. In this case, Said holds more sources are considered neutral because the sources are obtained from the first hand, where people still reside and participate in the event. The sources written by J.B. Neumann 1866 a BB Kontelir who wrote about “ever Bataks en Batakschelanden Studies” (page 51) and call that Tuanku Rao is from Padang Matinggi, not called that Tuanku Rao came from Toba. Neumann himself took the essay sources of Resident TJ Willer its Tapanuli 1835. But by stating that Tuanku Rao is the Pongki, it is actually more likely to agree that Tuanku Said Rao is derived from Batak land, rather than the so-called Dutch sources.
Hamka (1974) is a writer who tries to correct historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao as the Batak. According Hamka stories (myths) about this in the Tuanku Rao among the Batak Toba much broke, where Hamka find in these writings that Tuanku Rao is true Batak children. Hamka Tuanku Rao said that the history of several authors disclosed Batak as Master of Cainan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Paruhum Pane is a myth. Hamka also criticized article about the history of Tuanku Rao MOP as a bouquet made-up and assume Parlindungan are good people “make up” a story. In presenting evidence, calling Hamka MOP in making writings on the origins Tuanku Rao raised a lot of things that contain lies. The origin Tuanku Rao by Hamka confirmed that Tuanku Rao had married the daughter of Yang lordship lordship Rao Rao and since then not panganut Wahabi leadership was taken over by a law known as the Tuanku Rao.
Besides Hamka also stressed Tuanku Rao is the Padang Matinggi. Not the Bakkara. Therefore he Minang people. Not the Batak. Hamka phrase is strengthened by conducting interviews with people Rao himself, namely Drs. H. Asrul Sani who is a descendant of Rao Nunang The lordship Padang. To justify and reinforce a statement, citing sources from the author Hamka Batak, Sanusi Pane do not imagine that Tuanku Rao is the Batak. Recent academic research about the origin of this figure by considering multiple sources is rare. One historian who raised the question was Christine Dobbin (2008). According to Dobbin Tuanku Rao from a historical perspective is a vague figure but admitted this is very well known figure in the history of Batak. However, Dobbin said, most written about him is based on oral tradition Batak early 20th century and could dikomfirmasikan in Dutch sources that exist. Dobbin is surprising because he said the letters were written by Dutch officials at that time regularly tells about his contemporaries, lord conqueror Tambusai Batak lands to the east.
The lack of information about the Tuanku Rao by Dobbin partly be explained by the fact that he died on tahun1833, shortly after the Dutch entered Rao. Thus, he does not have another position that could invite the Dutch investigation on the activities initially. But what is surprising is the attitude of the opinion menduanya Dobin, on the one hand he says: “It is acceptable that a Batak Tuanku Rao was formerly known as Pongki na Ngolngolan.” But on the other hand he says: “But there is an oral tradition which states that the Batak He is the nephew of King Priest Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, which took control of the Bakara-Toba. However, even this is not certain. “Whatever asalmuasalnya, said Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan Batak is an adventurer who at some point in his career came in the Valley Rao. He found a patron in the day-to-day. Eventually in 1808, he converted to Islam. Then he related to teaching Padri in areas further south and apparently they felt that by gaining recognition as an exponent of this doctrine, its position as an outsider or someone comes in Rao society would be much better. Unfortunately Dobbin said, we do not have a clear picture of the relationship with Imam Bondjol.
3. Cruelty Tuanku Rao and Padri in Batak
I review this section by outlining the opinion that discusses the historiography Batak Dobbin on assault Padri to Tapanuli. Reports were read Dobbin admitted Batak tend to emphasize the violence and chaos that occurred during the period Padri. However, according to Dobbin Tuanku Rao has tried to introduce a form of administration Padri the Batak villages. However, how the system is institutionalized and how much support received is a question that can not be answered. Some people are already diverse Muslim Batak before the invasion Padri. There are those Muslims who live in Panyabungan when attacked. Even certain villages close by there that have trade relations with the west coast and has been a Muslim for a few years.
But in the early reign of Rao invaders by relying kekuatanya Dobbin himself and lifting people Minagkabau as qadi in Batak villages. These judges are basing administer the Quran says his words. They also try to impose all their moves outward puritanism. Of course Dobbin said people were forced into Islam and there were many murders, in addition, the Padri also very excited destroy Batak literature. At first raid Padri said Dobbin difficult to distinguish from foreign invasion and occupation. Besides Batak trade has led to the special port on the west coast, Tuanku Rao also requires finance tribute to Rao and Alahan length in rice, buffalo and slaves. The dependencies also require maintenance fund Minangkabau troops in their villages and provide armed forces for Padri activities in areas further north again.
In 1822, the Padri was behind Tapanuli, after sweeping across the region Angkola. According to the Batak which Dobbin should be taken with caution, Tuanku Rao appointed a lord Lelo, Nasution clan members and the son of a salt merchant Batak, a “governor” Angkola. In addition, he also built a fort in Padang Sidempuan. This area is a strategic location because it is an important trade route junction that leads to the beach and to the Mandailing and Silindung. This is where he runs Padri policy to promote trade, opening the way – the way of commerce, and support the merchants.
Dobbin said Batak oral tradition that calls a bunch Padri under Tuanku Rao entered Butar far north, at Humbang plateau. In this place, Tuanku Rao faced vice dynasty king Sisingamangaraja faith at the time, who lives a stone Bakkara valley in the northwest of Lake Toba. According to the Batak tradition, Tuanku Rao is the nephew wasted by Sisingamangaraja. This information is an attempt to explain why killing Tuanku Rao said. The tragedy happened in the market Butar, after him Sisingamangaraja invite for a meeting. But, as figures Sisingamangaraja dangerous because they can exert Toba Batak clans to fight Islam. Another factor because Sisingamangaraja have a relationship with the Barus. In fact, the fabric is said Dobbin, who wants to be broken by the Padri.
As noted Dobbin, Batak traditions describing the atrocities attacks Batak Padri to the ground. In an essay written the Batak to date, as well as writing Sihombing (2008) still remembered the bitterness of invasion Pidari (Batak writings pidari denominator for the vicar) that is considered one of the best period in the history of black and dark Batak, Angkola- Mandailing-Padang Lawas and Toba. In his Sihombing called Tanah Batak situation became so helter-skelter after the death of troops Pidari and all legal chaos that occurs on the ground next Batak considered the impact of the attacks Padri. According to Sihombing, for quite a long time, laws and manners that govern society in the reign of drug-pushers to fall apart. If there seems any masihb tal should be ignored anymore. There is often a mutual-attack and suspicion among one group against another group (usually based on the “saompu” or collateral). That said, at this stage this time that they are in fact just the start “can” kill and “eat” (literally) of meat from a defeated enemy or from pangkahap (spy) in disguise and caught, as a result of liver indignation.
In another book Bisuk Siahaan (2005) says that the adverse effects of war in Toba Padri hanja not only materially, but also socially in society manners, including uhum dohot slave changes (laws and regulations). For example, katanja, before the invasion of the Pidari, the Toba has fought the law governing the procedure that should not be violated. Code of Conduct-war Batak oang previously set various restrictions, such as attacking the enemy at night, burned the enemy; kill women, etc..
Sihombing regard, the Batak had always been an ethic of international war in which both sides would have to declare war first challenge, intentions and decisions perangnja. According to the Sihombing,: manners war done sincerely by King Sisingamangaraja XII, when declaring (Asleep) Batak War, which must be done in a frontal attack, with the command “ready”. Means everyone in the forces both parties really are ready for battle, spiritual and physical. An chivalry, far from cowardice. But all manners “of international and regional Batak” according to the size of each era, said Sihombing, have been violated by the troops Pidari.
Perhaps, the next Sihombing said, because of the weight of suffering and trauma of the nightmare (nightmare hell) Pidari destruction by the forces, which is why that sepeninggalan the rioters, who are the rest of the Batak people actually even imitate and do the same behavior with the Pidari.
But why is said “those who are the rest?” Sihombing like other Batak authors also refer to MOP saying that troops are retreating Pidari very anxious and in a hurry because begu antuk affected by the epidemic (cholera) from the northern part of the Land of Batak, the rest of the Batak people who live to survive and then come out of hiding in caves the caves and forests during the invasion and occupation of the three years, only 25% lived alone. That said, as well as the condition of the rest of the troops invading Pidari, only the remaining 25 to 30% as well. Although statistics on the number Invaders (30 thousand persons) of the book was considered Sihombing MOP probably exaggerated, but said Sihombing, no matter how large the number of the invading army, we can imagine how much destruction to all aspects of life he left behind.
To strengthen the atrocities of war in the land of Batak Padri, Sihombing also refer Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) to emphasize the news about the terrible destruction done in the occupation of the Pidari of Minangkabau in Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas to Toba in the first quarter of the 19th century. Presumably, the book was written by Harahap, so Sihombing, among others, with the intention to correct and refine certain parts of the book Tuanku Rao, while reinforcing justification news about “the dream of hell” suffered by the Batak people of the south and north, as a result of the invasion and occupation of the Pidari it.
Sihombing said the next most Batak people of the younger generation, was deliberately not too intensive diceritai (if not to say the story dideponir) by parental about how horror experience grandfather ancestor “bangso” Batak in the decade from 1820 to 1830-an, which shattered due to invasion of the Pidari. That thousands of relatives who did not die because of the invasion, had died of the plague tokh terrible. Thousands of the rest of the living, so Sihombing, also hijacked the incalculable suffering, sold into slavery in the South Tapanuli and west coasts of Sumatra. The purpose of the elders Batak who was then wanted mendeponir story of the invasion Pidari, is a very shameful disgrace that it does not need to know the younger generation. Generally they are short notes like this: ever experienced a nightmare Batak people is called “ni Tingki Pidari (the Pidari)” Annual Almanac HKBP course, the historical record milestones referred Sihombing, every sunrise-yearly, only a brief note like this: 1825 -1829 porang ni Tuanku Rao (porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Tuanku Rao War (War Bonjol) who come up against the “nation” Batak).
Just like Sihombing, other authors who had already called the Siahaan (2005) in his description of Padri also not miss to refer to the book MOP. Described MOP, thus Siahaan, between the years 1816-1818 Padri troops began to invade and occupy Mandailing Tapanuli, Sipirok and Padang Lawas, while Islamize the population who still worship idols. After Tapanuli controlled, a few years later made the invasion of North Tapanuli targeting Pahae, Silindung, Humbang and Toba. Soldiers burned dozens Padri homes, charming and kill people regardless of whether they are women, children or the elderly are helpless. Even the incomparable cruelty occurred in the Pahae, Humbang and Silindung. Residents who do not submit to the army Padri captive, his eyes gouged out. During the attack hundreds of innocent people were brutally murdered, dead bodies covered walkways, making it no longer possible to bury him properly. Everywhere looks carcasses decompose, causing outbreaks of cholera and typhus raged. Efidemi outbreak suddenly, not only attacking the locals, but also tenatra Padri. Caused so many residents and soldiers who died Padri disease cholera, Padri army leader who ordered that all troops leave northern Tapanuli. It is very difficult to imagine how cruel treatment Padri army to innocent civilians, leading up to this day when people want to describe something that is very cruel and uncivilized, it says “like in the Pidari” (“in tingki ni Pidari).
Although the army has left North Tapanuli Padri, but the population according Siahaan remains wary, afraid that one day reappear Padri soldiers torturing them. Witnessing the atrocities of war that has just passed, causing the population is no longer fully obedient to the teachings of “fighting by the rules dohot Uhum slave” as commonly held. They set the rules have changed and the war itself, according to individual taste. This is according to Siahaan, reported by Baron van Hoevel Kontelir GWWC who participated in the Dutch military forces under the command of Captain Infantry Scheltens, and justified by kings Silindung and Toba. Before Scheltens begin his expedition (perjalananya) to the Toba and Silindung, they first learn all the Dutch archives stored since 1845, specifically on how the Batak peoples and war. Apparently text in files no longer compatible with reality. Troops Scheltens very surprised when they suddenly attacked by followers of Si Singamangaraja at night, but according to the rules of slave dohot Uhum they studied, the Batak are not allowed to attack the enemy at night, in addition, several houses and barracks of the Dutch army officers attempted about to be burned, but forbidden by slave dohot Uhum burn enemy houses.
Since the incident, according to Siahaan Dutch soldiers realize that things have changed, the invasion army Padri very cruel to the Land of Batak, has changed the way people think. Apparently, according to Siahaan, the suffering experienced during the war cleric, has left a difficult TRUMA dipupus of the minds of the population, they feel constantly threatened by mortal danger. To secure ourselves, even elevated fortress village protection and reinforced with bamboo spiked as far footsteps can still be seen in the Batak villages.
4. Cover
The above description shows how the traditional historiography of writing the actual Batak wholly derived from the oral tradition Batak provide verification that Tuanku Rao is a native of the Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), born of an affair, a relationship with the royal family Singamangaraja, migrated to Rao, Islam Batak lands and brutally attacked for wanting revenge. Later he managed to kill his uncle Singamangaraja X and spread Islam even done by force, cruel, inhuman and very bloody, but failed to convert the northern part of the Land of Batak.
Necessary caution dealing with oral tradition of controversy this. Historians such as Dobbin also be trapped decipher “episode” Tuanku Rao in Batak land, basing his description of the oral tradition Batak alone professed not be clarified to historical sources the other. Ironically Dobbin obtained oral tradition is an oral tradition that has been developed, fictionalized the imagination as found in the writings of MOP. Description Dobbin showed as he went into the Batak oral tradition and the academic work is a pity he did not explore and compare the oral tradition that developed in South Tapanuli, Rao and Minangkabau.
I think the Batak oral tradition that was written was the result of the construction of a certain period of time, in certain areas and for certain interests. I estimate that, at the time the story was constructed, the Dutch authorities and the missionaries spreading Christianity in worrying about the spread of Islam to the Toba Batak lands and they are trying to prevent the spread of it in various ways, including fortify themselves by creating and developing Padri atrocities in Batak land and reproduce through figures Batak Christian religion of the first generation of Christianity in the land of Batak. Reproduction is done Toba region and Humbang threatened and did not occur in the Samosir.
In my research on the oral traditions of Tuanku Rao as I know Nangolngolan Pongki The oral tradition is not known on the island of Samosir. Interpreters maintained complex in the tomb of King Sidabutar Tomok, Samosir right on the edge of Lake Toba, when I interviewed at the end of 2007 does not recognize The Pongki Nangolngolan. In fact, she pointed to a tree in the complex Pongki grave as an old tree which was very loud and powerful without something to do with the symbol of a man who later constructed as Tuanku Rao. The story of the legend of The Pongki is also not found in the South Tapanuli.
Batak Padri to the ground assault, especially Toba, an attack which also happens to be recognized that there are resources in the Minangkabau itself. But the version of the oral tradition about the attacks and genealogy Tuanku Rao in Batak tradition is constructed. Not a coincidence that the author reproduces the oral tradition are Christians, even among those included Christian religious leaders. Although MOP Muslims, but the raw material of all writing about Batak came from his father’s archives, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), a prominent Christian in Siantar.
In his analysis Dobbin finally admitted, perhaps this lineage created to explain some of the advantages Tuanku Rao in the military. He according to Dobbin, indeed led his followers a series of extraordinary duress journey to the north, directly entering the Batak Toba people. Here he met and killed Sisingamangaraja X. With regard him as the nephew of the king who lost his right, according to Dobbin Batak traditions can provide a reasonable motivation for a military attack, that is revenge.
But the motivation that I think it is absurd and full of controversy. How could Tuanku Rao were imaged as a sadistic killer and invaders and persecute Batak Batak descent is constructed as? How do we understand the logic of Si Pongki: sentenced to death (had drowned in Lake Toba because he was an illegitimate child of an incestuous relationship results Singamangaraja family) then rescued by his uncle the king Singamangaraja X, and after Si Pongki be Tuanku Rao came to kill Singamangaraja X uncle who actually save? Construction of this oral tradition in my interest to subordinating the two imaging, the first Muslim from the South and two Singamangaraja and descendants and followers that can not be tamed by the missionaries and the Dutch authorities. It takes a more in-depth investigation of the construction has already considered this reality.
READING LIST
Dobbin Christine.2008. “Economic turmoil, Islamic Revival, and the Minangkabau Padri Movement 1784-1847″. Bamboo community. Jakarta.
Hamka. 1974. Between Fact and Imagination “Tuanku Rao”. Jakarta: Moon Star.
Harahap, Basyral Hamidy. , 2007. Tuanku Rao lost interest. Depok: Community Bamboo.
Imran Manan. Until West Sumatra Plakat Panjang. Sinar Harapan Jakarta.
Lumbantobing, Adniel.1967. The Singamangaraja I – XII. Field
Parlindungan, Mangaradja Onggang. , 2007. Tuanku Rao. Jogjakarta: LKIS
Said, Mohammad.1961. Singamangaradja. Printing alert Medan.
Sangti, Batara. 1977. Batak history. Balige: Karl Sianipar Company.
Siahaan Bisuk.2005 Batak Toba Life Behind the Wall of Bamboo. Kempala Foundation Jakarta.
Sihombing PTD.2008. Pastor Mangaradja Hezekiel Manullang, Heroes & Pioneers Pioneers Kemrdekaan spirit of Indonesian independence in Batak Church 1887-1979. Albert-Orem Ministry.Jakarta.
Tuanku Rao, Born Outside of Marriage and Got dumped into Lake Toba. Metro Siantar 25 November 2007.
posted by:
Erond L. Damanik, M.Si
Center for Historical Studies and Social Sciences
Research Institute of the State University of Medan

Cruelty Tuanku Rao and Padri in Batak
Dobbin opinion that discusses the historiography of the attack Batak Padri to Tapanuli.
 Reports were read Dobbin admitted Batak tend to emphasize the violence and chaos that occurred during the period Padri.
However, according to Dobbin Tuanku Rao has tried to introduce a form of administration Padri the Batak villages. However, how the system is institutionalized and how much support received is a question that can not be answered.
Some people are already diverse Muslim Batak before the invasion Padri. There are those Muslims who live in Panyabungan when attacked. Even certain villages close by there that have trade relations with the west coast and has been a Muslim for a few years.
But in the early reign of Rao invaders by relying kekuatanya Dobbin himself and lifting people Minagkabau as qadi in Batak villages.
These judges are basing administer the Quran says his words. They also try to impose all their moves outward puritanism.
Of course Dobbin said people were forced into Islam and there were many murders, in addition, the Padri also very excited destroy Batak literature.
At first raid Padri said Dobbin difficult to distinguish from foreign invasion and occupation.
Besides Batak trade has led to the special port on the west coast, Tuanku Rao also requires finance tribute to Rao and Alahan length in rice, buffalo and slaves. The dependencies also require maintenance fund Minangkabau troops in their villages and provide armed forces for Padri activities in areas further north again.
In 1822,
 the Padri was behind Tapanuli, after sweeping across the region Angkola.
According to the Batak which Dobbin should be taken with caution, Tuanku Rao appointed a lord Lelo, Nasution clan members and the son of a salt merchant Batak, a “governor” Angkola.
In addition, it also builds
 fort in Padang Sidempuan.
 This area is a strategic location because it is an important trade route junction that leads to the beach and to the Mandailing and Silindung.
 This is where he runs Padri policy to promote trade, opening the way – the way of commerce, and support the merchants.

Dobbin said Batak oral tradition
 who called swarm Padri under Tuanku Rao Butar entered so far in the north, on the plateau Humbang.
In this place, Tuanku Rao faced vice dynasty king Sisingamangaraja faith at the time, who lives a stone Bakkara valley in the northwest of Lake Toba.
 According to the Batak tradition, Tuanku Rao is the nephew wasted by Sisingamangaraja.
This information is an attempt to explain why killing Tuanku Rao said.
 The tragedy happened in the market Butar, after him Sisingamangaraja invite for a meeting.
 But, as figures Sisingamangaraja dangerous because they can exert Toba Batak clans to fight Islam.
Another factor because Sisingamangaraja have a relationship with the Barus.
In fact, the fabric is said Dobbin, who wants to be broken by the Padri.

 

Original info

1. Pengantar
Penelitian ilmiah tentang perluasan gerakan Paderi termasuk tokoh Tuanku Rao ke luar Sumatera Barat khususnya ke tanah Batak dan dampak yang ditimbulkannya sangat langka kalau tidak dikatakan belum ada sama sekali. Tapi historiografi tradisional berupa tradisi lisan yang hidup dikalangan penduduk yang kemudian dibukukan dengan tambahan-tambahan penulisnya telah lebih dulu menguasai wacana tentang sosok Tuanku Rao dikalangan etnik Batak Toba dan Mandailing di Sumatera Utara.

Tulisan ini akan mencoba mengeksplorasi tradisi lisan Batak Toba yang telah banyak dibukukan tentang sosok Tuanku Rao yang kekejaman ekspansinya hidup atau terus dihidupkan dalam memori kolektif orang Batak Toba dan Mandailing di Sumatera Utara. Tulisan-tulisan yang mengangkat, mengembangkan bahkan menginterpretasikan tradisi lisan itu memang sulit diklarifikasi sejarahwan sumber-sumbernya, tapi fakta yang dikukuhkan disitu dianggap sebagian besar masyarakat sebagai sesuatu yang benar dan diyakini dengan penuh fanatisme

Salah satu buku yang kontroversial tentang Tuanku Rao adalah yang ditulis oleh Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP) yang terbit tahun 1964 dan kemudian dicetak ulang oleh LKIS Jogyakarta tahun 2007. Saya menilai apa yang diuraikan buku MOP tentang kekejaman tuanku Rao di tanah Batak, lebih banyak bersumber dari tradisi lisan Batak Toba. Dalam penyelidikan saya, uraiannya sejalan dengan memori kolektif orang Batak yang diwariskan dari generasi ke generasi. Hal ini tidak mengherankan mengingat sumber utama tulisan MOP adalah tulisan-tulisan orang tuanya, Sutan Martua Radja, seorang tokoh kristen yang rajin mengumpulkan sejarah lisan Batak semasa hidupnya. Tulisan MOP menjadi kontroversial karena dia memadukan tradisi lisan Batak tentang Tuanku Rao dengan imajinasinya yang luar biasa liar, penuh daya gugah dan disajikan dalam retorika bahasa yang hidup dan memukau. Melalui bukunya berhasil mengelabui dan menyesatkan pembaca yang mencoba-coba mengklarifikasi fakta di dalam bukunya. Padahal dalam buku itu dia sudah menyatakan bahwa dia dengan sengaja memasukkan hal-hal yang tidak benar.

Kebanyakan penulis yang mengangkat tradisi lisan tentang Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak tidak bisa melepaskan diri dari buku MOP karena buku MOP paralel dengan tradisi lisan yang hendak mereka ungkap. Sekalipun diantara mereka ada yang mencoba kritis terhadap fakta yang dilebih-lebihkan MOP, tapi garis besar penceritaan MOP sejalan dengan memori kolektif masyarakat yang hendak mereka sajikan.

2. Tuanku Rao Orang Batak
Salah satu sumber kontroversi dalam historiografi tradisional Batak adalah tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Kebanyakan tulisan, begitu juga tradisi lisan menganggap Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak Toba, jadi sama sekali bukan orang Minang atau orang Rao. Penulis historiografi Batak bernama Batara Sangti dalam bukunya Sejarah Batak (1977) mengaku telah melakukan riset pada tahun 1930 sampai 1933 untuk mengukuhkan kebatakan Tuanku Rao.. Tentulah “riset” yang dimaksud Batara Sangti ini pengumpulan tradisi lisan yang pada kurun waktu itu masih kuat dalam ingatan kolektif orang Batak Toba. Menurut Batara Sangti, nama asli Tuanku Rao adalah pongki Nangolngolan. Pongki Nangolngolan pernah dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dimana dia dimasukkan dalam sebuah peti mati yang dibuat dari batang kayu yang bernama “Pongki”. Sedang Nangolngolan berasal dari Nangirngiran’, yang ditunggu-tunggu. Kayu Pongki sebagai kayu keras di pusat negeri Toba merupakan jenis kayu sangat kuat yang lama sekali baru bisa tumbuh besar. Makna simbolik dari nama Pongki Nangolngolan itu adalah sosok atau tokoh yang sudah lama ditunggu-tunggu.

Penyebab mengapa Singa Mangaraja X membuang Sipongki ke perairan Toba menurut Batara Sangti karena Sipongki Nangolngolan telah menunjukkan tanda-tanda kesaktian seperti yang dimiliki oleh dinasti Tuan Singa Mangaraja umumnya. Singa Mangaraja X merasa Sipongki Nangolngolan akan menjadi saingannya sehingga dengan alasan yang dibuat-buat maka Sipongki Nangolngolan dibuang keperairan Toba.

Batara Sangti meluruskan tulisan Guru Kenan Hutagalung yang mengatakan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan telah memenggal kepala Singa Mangaraja X dan membawa kepala tersebut pulang ke negrinya. Batara Sangti meyakinkan bahwa cerita seperti yang telah diuraikan di atas terus menerus hidup di tengah-tengah masyarakat Batak di pusat Negeri Toba dan di catat dalam Pustaha Batak (kitab-kitab kuno beraksara batak) , kecuali mengenai kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja yang terpotong dan di bawa pulang oleh Sipongki Nangolngolan.

Menurut Batara kepala raja itu sebenarnya tidak sempat jatuh ke tangan Sipongki Nangolngolan, tetapi secara gaib benar-benar jatuh ke tangan Permaisuri Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di Bakkara. Pada waktu pemakaman tulang belulang Si Singa Mangaraja XII di Soposurung Balige pada tanggal 17 Juni 1953, secara diam-diam menurut Batara turut juga kepingan-kepingan tengkorak kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di bawa oleh pihak keluarga ke sana.

Batara Sangti membantah pendapat Muhammad Said (1961) yang menyebut bahwa Singa Mangaraja XII dalam sebuah pertemuan dengan rakyatnya di Balige menyebut bahwa kakeknya (Singa Mangaraja X) telah dibunuh oleh Belanda. Menurut Batara Sangti tidak benar Singa Mangaraja XII pernah menyatakan bahwa Singa Mangaraja X dibunuh oleh Belanda. Menurut Batara sangti berita seperti itu tidak pernah ada terdengar di tengah-tengah masyarakat Toba dari dulu hingga saat ini walaupun hanya desas-desus atau selentingan. Batara Sangti juga membantah pendapat Hamka yang menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Minangkabau sejati.

Adniel Lumbantobing dalam bukunya Sejarah Si Singa Mangaraja (1967) menyebutkan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan pada waktu kecilnya bernama Tangkal Batu. Dia dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dengan memasukkannya ke dalam peti. Tapi dia selamat karena kebal. Tangkalbatu mengganti namanya menjadi Pongki Nangolngolan. Nama itu disesuaikan dengan kekebalan dan penderitaannya. Pada waktu Pongki berumur 17 tahun, ia berangkat ke Bakkara untuk menemui pamannya Singa Mangaraja X. Tetapi pamannya tidak mengakuinya sebagai kemanakan walaupun dia telah menunjukkan bukti-bukti yang menandakan dia adalah keluarga dari Singa Mangaraja. Karena tidak diakui oleh pamannya Si Pongki meneruskan perjalanannya ke Sumatra Barat. Ketika sampai ke daerah kekuasaan Tuanku Rao, Pongki ditangkap. Tapi pada waktu itu ia mendapat tawaran dari Tuanku Rao untuk membunuh musuhnya. Jika Pongki berhasil maka ia akan dikawinkan dengan putrinya. Dengan dipelopori oleh Pongki beberapa raja-raja disekitar wilayah Bonjol menyerah kepada Tuanku Rao. Si Pongki akhirnya kawin dengan putri baginda yang bernama Aysjah Siti Wagini.

Ketika Pongki telah menjadi kepala tentara di seluruh Tanah Bonjol, ia pun terus melakukan agresi ke wilayah Tapanuli. Disini ia merencanakan membunuh pamannya (Singa Mangaraja X) dengan cara mengelabui pamannya. Pada waktu yang telah ditentukan Pongki berpura-pura menangis dan melihat hal itu pamannya memeluk Pongki Nangolngolan. Sewaktu berangkulan, Pongki Nangolngolan pelan-pelan mencabut pisau dari pinggangnya dan dengan tiba-tiba sekali memotong batang leher pamannya sehingga terputus sama sekali. Tetapi kepala mamaknya melambung ke atas, kemanapun dicari Pongki Nangolngolan beserta orang-orangnya, kepala itu tidak dijumpainya.

Pengolahan tradisi lisan paling monumental tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao dalam historiografi tradisonal Batak adalah apa yang dilakukan Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP). Monumental karena karya ini banyak dirujuk penulis-penulis Batak untuk mengukuhkan pembenaran tradisi lisan yang ada. Menurut MOP Si Pongkinangolngolan lahir dari hubungan incest antara putra dari Singa Mangaraja VIII yang bernama Gindoporang Sinambela dan Putri dari Singa Mangaraja IX yang bernama Putri Gana Sinambela. Oleh karena orang Batak tidak membolehkan kawin semarga maka Singa Mangaraja IX mengusir mereka agar tidak di hukum oleh khalayak ramai.

Mereka berdua keluar dari Bakkara dan menuju Singkil lalu masuk Islam, dengan nama Muhammad Zainal Amiruddin Sinambela dan istrinya tetap pada kepercayaannya, sehingga mereka tidak dapat menikah secara Islam. Putri Gana Sinambela melahirkan seorang putra dan diberi nama Muhammad Fakih Amirudin Sinambela dan Putri Gana Sinambela menyebutnya “Pongki Na Ngolngolan” = “Fakih yang menunggu-nunggu”. Ketika Pongkinangolngolan datang ke Bakkara/Toba, ia menjadi anak mas dari Singa Mangarja X.

Mengenai hukuman yang diberikan kepada Pongkinangolngolan sebagai akibat dari incest yang dilakukan oleh orang tuanya, sesuai tuntutan pemuka masyarakat (datu) maka Singa Mangarja menjatuhkan vonis ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba. Tetapi Singa Mangaraja X melonggarkan tali-tali yang mengikat Pongkinangolngolan. Ia mengapung di atas air sampai ke permulaan sungai Asahan, dimana dia kemudian di tolong oleh seseorang yang bernama Lintong Marpaung.

Pongkinangolngolan kemudian merantau ke Minangkabau, atas anjuran Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Pongkinagolngolan di chitan sesuai dengan sarat-sarat chitan serta syahadat, pada tanggal 9 Rabiulawal 1219/H = 1804/M diislamkan dengan nama: “Umar Katab” dibalik menjadi “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab menjadi General Officer Padry Army, dengan gelar Tuanku Rao. Oleh Padri Army Command Tuanku Rao diperintahkan tugas belajar ke Luar Negeri.

Sementara itu satu versi lain tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao diungkapkan oleh Basyral dalam bukunya Greget Tuanku Rao (2007). Bagi Basyral Tuanku Rao bukan berasal dari Batak Utara tapi dari kawasan Batak Selatan. Menurutnya Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing asli. Basyral mendasarkan argumennya dari sumber naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol yang menyebut Tuanku Rao adalah Pakih Muhammad, ayahnya orang Huta Gadang [Hutanagodang di Mandailing Kecil] dan Ibunya orang Rao.

Menarik untuk melihat keberadaan Pakih Muhammad sebagai Imam Besar Nagari Rao gelar Tuanku Rao. Ayah Tuanku Rao menurut sumber Basyral adalah orang Huta Gadang (Hutanagodang?) dan ibunya orang Rao sehingga Basyral membuat kesimpulan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing. Sayang sekali, dalam uraian asal-usul Tuanku Rao ini Basyral belum mengeksplorasi sumber-sumber Mandailing lainnya. Muhammad Said (1961) berdasar sumber yang dikutipnya meresepsi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Menurut Said Si Pokki Nangolngolan adalah “agresor” yang pernah datang ke tanah Batak untuk melaksanakan pengislaman. Tuanku Rao adalah Si Pokki Nangolngolan yang telah membunuh pamannya yaitu Ompu Tuan Na Bolon atau Singa Mangaraja X. Tetapi Said sangat menyayangkan sekali peristiwa penetrasi orang-orang Bonjol apalagi mengenai riwayat hidup Tuanku Rao tidak di dapat dalam sumber Padri atau sumber yang dipertahankan kenetralannya. Dalam hal ini Said memegang sumber yang lebih dianggap netral karena sumber yang diperoleh dari tangan pertama, dimana orang-orangnya masih berada dan turut serta dalam kejadian itu. Sumber tersebut ditulis oleh J.B. Neumann 1866 seorang Kontelir B.B yang menulis tentang “Studies ever Bataks en Batakschelanden” (hal 51) dan menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah berasal dari Padang Matinggi, tidak disebut bahwa Tuanku Rao berasal dari Toba. Neumann sendiri mengambil sumber karangannya dari Residen T.J Willer yang berada di Tapanuli tahun 1835. Tapi dengan menyatakan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah si Pongki, maka sebenarnya Said lebih setuju kalau Tuanku Rao memang berasal dari tanah Batak, bukan sebagaimana disebut sumber-sumber Belanda.

Hamka (1974) merupakan penulis yang mencoba mengoreksi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao sebagai orang Batak. Menurut Hamka dongeng-dongeng (mitos) tentang Tuanku Rao ini dalam kalangan orang Batak Toba banyak tersiar, dimana Hamka menemukan dalam tulisan-tulisan itu bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah anak Batak sejati. Hamka mengatakan bahwa riwayat Tuanku Rao yang di ungkapkan dari beberapa penulis Batak seperti Guru Kenan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Pane Paruhum merupakan mitos. Hamka juga mengkritik tulisan MOP tentang riwayat Tuanku Rao sebagai karangan yang dibuat-buat dan menganggap Parlindungan adalah orang yang mahir “menyusun” suatu cerita. Dengan mengemukakan bukti-bukti, Hamka menyebut MOP dalam membuat tulisannya tentang asal-usul Tuanku Rao banyak mengemukakan hal-hal yang mengandung kebohongan. Asal-usul Tuanku Rao menurut Hamka membenarkan bahwa Tuanku Rao telah kawin dengan puteri Yang Dipertuan Rao dan karena Yang Dipertuan Rao bukan panganut Wahabi maka pimpinan diambil alih oleh menantunya yang dikenal dengan Tuanku Rao.

Selain itu Hamka juga menekankan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Padang Matinggi. Bukan orang Bakkara. Sebab itu beliau orang Minang. Bukan orang Batak. Ungkapan Hamka tersebut dimantapkan dengan cara melakukan wawancara kepada orang Rao sendiri, yaitu Drs. H. Asrul Sani yang merupakan keturunan Yang Dipertuan Padang Nunang Rao. Untuk membenarkan dan memperkuat pernyataannya, Hamka mengutip sumber dari penulis Batak, Sanusi Pane yang tidak membayangkan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak. Riset akademis terakhir tentang asal usul tokoh ini dengan memperhatikan berbagai sumber masih jarang dilakukan. Salah seorang sejarahwan yang menyinggung masalah ini adalah Christine Dobbin (2008). Menurut Dobbin Tuanku Rao dari perspektif sejarah merupakan tokoh yang kabur tapi diakuinya tokoh ini sangat dikenal dalam sejarah Batak. Akan tetapi kata Dobbin, kebanyakan yang ditulis tentang dirinya didasarkan atas tradisi lisan Batak awal abad ke 20 dan tak bisa dikomfirmasikan dalam sumber-sumber Belanda yang ada. Ini mengherankan Dobbin karena katanya, surat-surat yang ditulis oleh pejabat-pejabat Belanda pada waktu itu secara teratur menceritakan tentang rekan sejamannya, Tuanku Tambusai penakluk tanah Batak bagian timur.
Tidak adanya informasi tentang Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin sebagian bisa dijelaskan dengan kenyataan bahwa ia meninggal pada tahun1833, tak lama sesudah Belanda memasuki Rao. Dengan demikian, ia tidak mempunyai jabatan lain yang bisa mengundang penyelidikan Belanda mengenai kegiatan-kegiatan awalnya. Akan tetapi yang mengherankan dari pendapat Dobin adalah sikap menduanya, disatu pihak dia mengatakan : ”Dapat diterima bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah seorang Batak yang dulunya dikenal dengan Pongki na Ngolngolan.” Tapi dipihak lain dia mengatakan : ”Akan tetapi ada tradisi lisan Batak yang menyatakan bahwa ia adalah keponakan Raja Imam Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, yang menguasai daerah Bakara-Toba. Namun, ini pun tidak bisa dipastikan.” Apa pun asalmuasalnya, kata Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan adalah seorang petualang Batak yang pada tahap tertentu dalam kariernya tiba di Lembah Rao. Dia menemukan seorang pelindung di sehari-harinya. Pada akhirnya di tahun 1808, ia menjadi Islam. Kemudian ia berhubungan dengan ajaran Padri di daerah lebih ke selatan dan rupanya mereka merasa bahwa dengan memperoleh pengakuan sebagai eksponen ajaran ini, posisinya sebagai orang luar atau orang datang dalam masyarakat Rao akan jauh lebih baik. Sayang kata Dobbin, kita tidak memiliki gambaran yang jelas mengenai hubungannya dengan Imam Bondjol.

3. Kekejaman Tuanku Rao dan Paderi di Tanah Batak
Bagian ini saya ulas dengan menguraikan pendapat Dobbin yang membahas historiografi Batak tentang serangan Paderi ke Tapanuli. Laporan Batak yang dibaca Dobbin diakuinya cenderung menekankan kekerasan dan kekacauan yang terjadi selama periode Padri. Namun, Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin telah berusaha untuk memperkenalkan bentuk administrasi Padri ke desa-desa Batak. Akan tetapi, bagaimana system ini dilembagakan dan berapa besar dukungan yang diterima adalah pertanyaan yang tidak dapat dijawab. Beberapa orang Batak memang sudah beragam Islam sebelum serbuan Padri. Ada orang-orang muslim yang tinggal di Panyabungan ketika diserbu. Bahkan desa-desa tertentu didekatnya ada yang mempunyai hubungan dagang dengan pantai barat dan telah menjadi Islam selama beberapa tahun.

Namun pada masa awal pemerintahannya penyerbu dari Rao menurut Dobbin mengandalkan kekuatanya sendiri dan mengangkat orang-orang Minagkabau sebagai kadi di desa-desa Batak. Hakim-hakim ini mendasarkan administrasinya pada Quran secara kata perkata. Mereka juga mencoba memberlakukan semua puritanisme lahiriah gerakan mereka. Tentu saja kata Dobbin orang-orang dipaksa menjadi Islam dan terjadi banyak pembunuhan, disamping itu, para Padri juga sangat bersemangat menghancurkan kesastraan Batak. Pada mulanya penyerbuan Padri kata Dobbin sukar dibedakan dari penyerbuan dan pendudukan asing. Selain telah mengarahkan perdagangan Batak ke kelompok pelabuhan khusus di pantai barat, Tuanku Rao juga mewajibkan membiayai upeti kepada Rao dan Alahan Panjang dalam bentuk beras, kerbau dan budak-budak . Wilayah-wilayah bawahan juga mewajibkan membiayai pemeliharaan pasukan Minangkabau di desa-desa mereka dan menyediakan pasukan bersenjata untuk kegiatan Padri di daerah lebih ke utara lagi.

Pada tahun 1822, para Padri telah berada di belakang Tapanuli, setelah menyapu seluruh wilayah Angkola. Menurut laporan Batak yang menurut Dobbin harus ditanggapi dengan hati-hati, Tuanku Rao mengangkat seorang Tuanku Lelo, anggota marga Nasution dan putra seorang Batak pedagang garam, menjadi “gubernur” Angkola. Selain itu, ia juga membangun benteng di Padang Sidempuan. Daerah ini adalah lokasi yang strategis karena terletak dipersimpangan rute dagang penting yang menuju ke pantai dan ke daerah Mandailing dan Silindung. Di tempat inilah ia menjalankan kebijakan Padri untuk memajukan perdagangan, membuka jalan – jalan dagang, dan mendukung para pedagang.

Dobbin mengungkapkan tradisi lisan Batak yang menyebut segerombolan Padri di bawah Tuanku Rao masuk sampai sejauh Butar di utara, di plato Humbang. Ditempat ini, Tuanku Rao menghadapi wakil dinasti iman Raja Sisingamangaraja pada waktu itu, yang tinggal dilembah Bakkara yang berdinding batu di barat laut Danau Toba. Menurut tradisi Batak, Tuanku Rao adalah kemenakan yang disia-siakan oleh Sisingamangaraja. Keterangan ini adalah usaha untuk menjelaskan mengapa Tuanku Rao dikatakan membunuh. Tragedi ini terjadi di pasar Butar, sesudah tuanku mengundang Sisingamangaraja untuk suatu pertemuan. Namun, Sisingamangaraja sebagai tokoh berbahaya karena dianggap dapat mengerahkan marga-marga Batak Toba untuk melawan Islam. Faktor lainnya karena Sisingamangaraja mempunyai hubungan dengan Barus. Padahal, jalinan inilah kata Dobbin, yang ingin dipatahkan oleh kaum Padri.

Sebagaimana disebut Dobbin, tradisi Batak menggambarkan kekejaman-kekejaman serangan Padri ke tanah Batak. Dalam karangan yang ditulis orang Batak sampai saat ini, sebagaimana tulisan Sihombing (2008) tetap dikenang pahitnya invasi kaum Pidari (tulisan-tulisan Batak penyebut pidari untuk paderi) sehingga dianggap merupakan salah satu periode yang paling hitam dan gelap dalam sejarah orang Batak, Angkola-Mandailing-Padang Lawas dan Toba. Dalam tulisannya Sihombing menyebut situasi Tanah Batak menjadi begitu morat-marit sepeninggal pasukan Pidari dan segala kekacauan hukum yang terjadi di tanah Batak selanjutnya dianggap sebagai dampak dari serangan Paderi. Menurut Sihombing, untuk waktu yang cukup lama, hukum dan tata-krama yang mengatur masyarakat dalam zaman pemerintahan bius-bius menjadi berantakan. Bila pun masihb ada agaknya tal perlu diindahkan lagi. Sering terjadi saling-serang dan saling curiga di antara satu kelompok terhadap kelompok lain ( umumnya berdasarkan wilayah “saompu” atau seketurunan). Konon, pada tahapan waktu inilah mereka malah justru mulai “bisa” membunuh serta “memakan” (secara harfiah) daging dari musuh yang ditaklukkan atau dari pangkahap (mata-mata) yang menyamar dan tertangkap, sebagai akibat kegeraman hati.

Dalam buku lain Bisuk Siahaan (2005) mengatakan bahwa dampak buruk perang Padri di Toba bukan saja hanja secara materiil, tapi juga secara sosial dalam tatakrama kehidupan masyarakat, termasuk terjadinya perubahan patik dohot uhum (peraturan dan hukum). Sebagai contoh, katanja, sebelum serbuan kaum Pidari, orang Toba memiliki hukum yang mengatur tatacara berperang yang tak boleh dilanggar. Kode etik-perang oang Batak sebelumnya menetapkan berbagai larangan, seperti menyerang musuh pada malam hari, membakar rumah musuh; membunuh perempuan, dll.
Sihombing menganggap, orang Batak sejak dulu mengenal etika perang internasional dimana kedua belah pihak yang akan berperang lebih dahulu harus mendeklarasikan tantangan, niat dan keputusan perangnja. Menurut catatan Sihombing, : tatakrama perang itu dilakukan dengan tulus oleh Raja Sisingamangaraja XII, ketika mendeklarasikan (Pulas) Perang Batak, dimana serangan harus dilakukan secara frontal, dengan aba-aba “siap”. Berarti semua orang dalam pasukan kedua belah fihak memang benar-benar sudah siap untuk berperang, lahir dan bathin. Suatu sikap kesatria, jauh dari kepengecutan. Tapi semua tata-krama “internasional dan regional Batak” menurut ukuran zamannya masing-masing itu, kata Sihombing, telah dilanggar oleh pasukan kaum Pidari.

Mungkin, demikian Sihombing selanjutnya mengatakan, karena beratnya penderitaan dan trauma dari masa nightmare (mimpi neraka) penghancuran oleh pasukan Pidari, itulah sebabnya bahwa sepeninggalan kaum perusuh, orang Batak yang masih sisa justru malah meniru dan melakukan perilaku yang sama dengan kaum Pidari.

Tapi kenapa dikatakan “orang yang masih sisa”? Sihombing seperti juga penulis Batak lainnya merujuk MOP yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan Pidari yang mundur dengan sangat cemas dan tergesa-gesa karena landaan wabah begu antuk (Kolera) dari Tanah Batak bagian utara, sisa orang Batak yang bisa hidup bertahan dan kemudian keluar dari persembunyian di gua-gua dan hutan selama tiga tahun serbuan dan pendudukan, hanya tinggal 25 % saja. Konon, demikian juga kondisi sisa pasukan Pidari penyerbu, hanya tersisa 25 sampai 30 % juga. Meskipun statistik jumlah penyerbu (30 ribu orang) dari buku MOP itu dianggap Sihombing mungkin terlalu dilebih-lebihkan, namun kata Sihombing, berapa besarpun jumlah pasukan penyerbu, kita bisa membayangkan betapa besar destruksi terhadap segala aspek kehidupan yang ditinggalkannya.
Untuk menguatkan kekejaman perang Paderi di tanah Batak, Sihombing juga merujuk Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) untuk menekankan pemberitaan perihal hebatnya destruksi yang dilakukan dalam masa pendudukan kaum Pidari dari Minangkabau di Tanah Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas sampai Toba dalam kuarter pertama abad 19. Agaknya, buku tersebut ditulis oleh Harahap, demikian Sihombing, antara lain dengan niat untuk mengoreksi dan menyempurnakan bagian-bagian tertentu buku Tuanku Rao, seraya menguatkan pembenaran berita tentang “mimpi neraka” yang dialami oleh orang Batak bagian selatan dan utara, sebagai akibat serbuan dan pendudukan kaum Pidari itu.

Sihombing menyatakan, selanjutnya kebanyakan orang Batak dari generasi lebih muda, memang sengaja tidak terlalu intensif diceritai (kalau tak akan dikatakan kisahnya dideponir) oleh tetuanya tentang betapa ngerinya pengalaman kakek-moyang “bangso” Batak pada dasawarsa 1820-1830-an, yang porak poranda akibat serbuan kaum Pidari. Bahwa ribuan sanak saudara yang tidak mati karena serbuan, tokh harus mati karena wabah mengerikan. Ribuan dari sisa yang hidup, demikian Sihombing, dibajak pula dengan penderitaan tak terkirakan, diperjualbelikan menjadi budak di Tapanuli Selatan dan pantai-pantai barat Sumatra. Maksud tua-tua Batak yang kala itu ingin mendeponir cerita invasi kaum Pidari, ialah supaya aib yang sangat memalukan itu tak perlu diketahui generasi mudanya. Umumnya mereka mencatat singkat begini: pernah ada mimpi buruk dialami orang Batak yang disebut “Tingki ni Pidari (masa Pidari)” Almanak Tahunan HKBP saja, dalam catatan tonggak-tonggak bersejarahnya yang dirujuk Sihombing, setiap terbit-tahunan, hanya mencatat singkat begini: 1825-1829 Porang ni Tuanku Rao (Porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Perang Tuanku Rao(Perang Bonjol) yang datang memerangi “bangsa” Batak).
Sama seperti Sihombing, penulis lain yang tadi sudah disebut yakni Siahaan (2005) dalam uraiannya tentang Padri juga tidak melewatkan untuk merujuk buku MOP. Dijelaskan MOP, demikian Siahaan, antara tahun 1816-1818 tentara Padri mulai menyerbu Tapanuli Selatan dan menduduki Mandailing, Sipirok dan Padang Lawas, sekaligus mengislamkan penduduk yang masih menyembah berhala. Setelah Tapanuli Selatan dikuasai, beberapa tahun kemudian dilakukan penyerbuan ke Tapanuli Utara dengan sasaran Pahae, Silindung, Humbang dan Toba. Tentara Padri membakar berpuluh-puluh rumah, menawan dan membunuh penduduk tanpa memperdulikan apakah mereka wanita, anak-anak atau orang tua yang tak berdaya. Bahkan kekejaman yang tidak ada taranya terjadi di daerah Pahae, Humbang dan Silindung. Penduduk yang tidak mau tunduk kepada tentara Padri ditawan, lalu matanya dicungkil. Selama penyerangan tersebut beratus-ratus penduduk yang tidak bersalah dibunuh secara kejam, mayat bergelimpangan menutupi jalan setapak, sehingga tidak mungkin lagi menguburnya dengan baik. Dimana –mana terlihat bangkai membusuk, menyebabkan wabah penyakit kolera dan tifus mengganas. Efidemi berjangkit secara tiba-tiba, tidak hanya menyerang penduduk setempat,tetapi juga tenatra Padri. Disebabkan sangat banyak penduduk dan tentara Padri yang meninggal terserang penyakit kolera, pemimpin tentara Padri yang memerintahkan supaya semua serdadunya segera meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara. Sangat sulit membayangkan betapa kejamnya perlakuan tentara Padri kepada penduduk yang tidak berdosa, menyebabkan sampai hari ini bila masyarakat hendak menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat bengis dan tak beradab, dikatakan “seperti di masa Pidari” (“di tingki ni Pidari).
Meskipun tentara Padri telah meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara, namun penduduk menurut Siahaan masih tetap waswas, takut jika pada suatu hari tentara Padri muncul kembali menyiksa mereka. Menyaksikan kekejaman perang yang baru saja berlalu, meyebabkan penduduk tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh pada ajaran “berperang menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum” seperti yang dianut selama ini. Mereka telah berubah dan menetapkan aturan perang sendiri, sesuai dengan selera masing-masing. Hal ini menurut Siahaan, dilaporkan oleh Kontelir G.W.W.C Baron van Hoevel yang turut dalam pasukan militer Belanda di bawah komando Kapten Infanteri Scheltens, dan dibenarkan oleh raja-raja di Silindung dan Toba. Sebelum Scheltens memulai ekspedisinya (perjalananya) ke daerah Toba dan Silindung, terlebih dulu mereka mempelajari semua arsip-arsip Belanda yang tersimpan sejak tahun 1845, khusus mengenai adat dan cara orang Batak berperang. Ternyata tulisan yang ada di arsip tidak sesuai lagi dengan kenyataan. Pasukan Scheltens sangat terkejut sewaktu mereka secara tiba-tiba diserang oleh pengikut Si Singamangaraja pada malam hari, padahal menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum yang mereka pelajari, orang Batak tidak diperkenankan menyerang musuh pada malam hari, selain itu, beberapa rumah pejabat dan tangsi tentara Belanda dicoba hendak dibakar, padahal menurut Patik dohot Uhum dilarang membakar rumah musuh.
Sejak peristiwa tersebut, serdadu Belanda menurut Siahaan sadar bahwa keadaan sudah berubah, penyerbuan tentara Padri yang sangat kejam ke Tanah Batak, telah mengubah cara berpikir penduduk. Rupanya, demikian Siahaan, penderitaan yang dialami selama perang paderi, telah meninggalkan truma yang sulit dipupus dari benak penduduk, mereka merasa dirinya senantiasa terancam oleh bahaya maut. Untuk mengamankan diri, bahkan benteng perlindungan kampung ditinggikan dan diperkuat dengan bambu-bambu berduri sebagaimana sampai saat ini jejaknya masih bisa dilihat di desa-desa Batak.

4. Penutup
Uraian di atas memperlihatkan bagaimana penulisan historiografi tradisional Batak yang sebenarnya sepenuhnya berasal dari tradisi lisan Batak memberikan pengabsahan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah asli orang Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), lahir dari hubungan gelap, memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan raja Singamangaraja, merantau ke Rao, masuk Islam dan menyerbu tanah Batak dengan kejam karena ingin membalas dendam. Selanjutnya dia berhasil membunuh pamannya Singamangaraja X dan menyebarkan Islam yang sekalipun dilakukan dengan paksaan, sadis, tidak berperikemanusiaan dan sangat berdarah, tapi tidak berhasil mengislamkan Tanah Batak bagian utara.
Diperlukan kehati-hatian berhadapan dengan tradisi lisan yang penuh kontroversi ini. Sejarahwan seperti Dobbin juga bisa terjebak menguraikan ”episode” Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak dengan mendasarkan uraiannya semata dari tradisi lisan Batak yang diakuinya tidak bisa diklarifikasi ke sumber-sumber sejarah yang lain. Ironisnya tradisi lisan yang didapat Dobbin adalah tradisi lisan yang telah dikembangkan, difiksikan dengan imajinasi seperti yang terdapat dalam tulisan MOP. Uraian Dobbin memperlihatkan seakan dia meneruskan tradisi lisan Batak ke dalam karya akademisnya dan sangat disayangkan dia tidak mengeksplorasi dan membandingkannya dengan tradisi lisan yang berkembang di Tapanuli Selatan, Rao dan Minangkabau.
Menurut saya, tradisi lisan Batak yang kemudian dituliskan itu merupakan hasil konstruksi dari satu kurun waktu tertentu, di wilayah tertentu dan untuk kepentingan tertentu. Saya perkirakan, pada waktu cerita itu dikontruksi, penguasa Belanda dan para zending penyebar agama kristen di Toba mencemaskan penyebaran Islam ke tanah Batak dan mereka berusaha untuk menghambat penyebaran itu dengan berbagai cara termasuk membentengi diri dengan menciptakan dan mengembangkan kekejaman Padri di tanah Batak dan mereproduksinya lewat tokoh-tokoh Batak beragama kristen dari generasi pertama kristenisasi di tanah Batak. Reproduksi itu dilakukan dikawasan Toba dan Humbang yang terancam dan tidak terjadi di kawasan Samosir.
Dalam penyelidikan saya atas tradisi lisan tentang Tuanku Rao sebagai Si Pongki Nangolngolan saya ketahui tradisi lisan ini tidak dikenal di pulau Samosir. Juru pelihara kompleks makam Raja Sidabutar di Tomok, Samosir tepat di tepi Danau Toba, ketika saya wawancarai di akhir tahun 2007 tidak mengenal Si Pongki Nangolngolan. Bahkan dia menunjuk pohon Pongki yang ada di kompleks makam itu sebagai pohon tua yang sangat keras dan kuat tanpa ada hubungannya dengan simbol dari seorang tokoh yang kemudian dikonstruksikan sebagai Tuanku Rao. Kisah tentang legenda Si Pongki ini juga tidak ditemukan di kawasan tapanuli Selatan.
Penyerangan Padri ke tanah Batak, khususnya Toba, merupakan penyerangan yang juga diakui terjadi oleh sumber-sumber yang ada di Minangkabau sendiri. Tapi versi tradisi lisan tentang penyerangan itu dan genealogi Tuanku Rao dalam tradisi Batak adalah hasil konstruksi. Tidak merupakan kebetulan jika penulis yang mereproduksi tradisi lisan itu beragama kristen, bahkan diantara mereka termasuk pemuka agama kristen. Sekalipun MOP beragama Islam, tapi bahan baku dari semua penulisannya tentang Batak berasal dari arsip ayahnya, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), seorang tokoh kristen di Pematang Siantar.
Dalam analisisnya Dobbin akhirnya memang mengakui, barang kali garis keturunan ini diciptakan untuk menjelaskan beberapa keunggulan Tuanku Rao dalam kemiliteran. Dia menurut Dobbin, memang memimpin pengikut-pengikutnya melakukan serangkaian perjalanan paksaan yang luar biasa ke utara, langsung memasuki wilayah orang-orang Batak Toba. Disini ia bertemu dan membunuh Sisingamangaraja X. Dengan menganggap dia sebagai kemenakan raja yang kehilangan haknya, menurut Dobbin tradisi Batak dapat memberikan motivasi yang masuk akal untuk serangan militer ini, yaitu balas dendam.
Tapi motivasi itu menurut saya justru tidak masuk akal dan penuh kontroversi. Bagaimana mungkin Tuanku Rao yang dicitrakan sebagai pembunuh dan penyerbu yang sadis dan menganiaya orang Batak itu dikonstruksi sebagai keturunan Batak? Bagaimana kita memahami logika Si Pongki : dijatuhi hukuman mati (harus ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba karena dia anak haram hasil hubungan incest dari keluarga Singamangaraja) kemudian diselamatkan oleh raja Singamangaraja X pamannya sendiri, dan setelah Si Pongki menjadi Tuanku Rao datang membunuh Singamangaraja X paman yang justru menyelamatkannya? Konstruksi tradisi lisan ini menurut saya berkepentingan untuk mensubordinatkan dua pencitraan, pertama Islam dari selatan dan kedua Singamangaraja serta keturunan dan pengikutnya yang tidak bisa dijinakkan oleh zending dan penguasa Belanda. Diperlukan suatu penyelidikan yang lebih mendalam tentang konstruksi yang terlanjur sudah dianggap sebagai realitas ini.

DAFTAR BACAAN
Dobbin Christine.2008. “Gejolak Ekonomi, Kebangkitan Islam, dan Gerakan Padri Minangkabau 1784-1847”. Komunitas Bambu. Jakarta.
Hamka. 1974. Antara Fakta dan Khayal “Tuanku Rao”. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang.
Harahap, Basyral Hamidy. 2007. Greget Tuanku Rao. Depok: Komunitas Bambu.
Imran Manan . Sumatra Barat Hingga Plakat Panjang. Sinar Harapan Jakarta.
Lumbantobing, Adniel.1967. Si Singamangaraja I – XII. Medan
Parlindungan, Mangaradja Onggang. 2007. Tuanku Rao. Jogjakarta: LkiS
Said, Mohammad.1961. Singamangaradja. Percetakan Waspada Medan.
Sangti, Batara. 1977. Sejarah Batak. Balige: Karl Sianipar Company.
Siahaan Bisuk.2005 Batak Toba Kehidupan di Balik Tembok Bambu. Kempala Foundation Jakarta.
Sihombing PTD.2008. Pendeta Mangaradja Hezekiel Manullang, Pahlawan Perintis Kemrdekaan Bangsa Indonesia & Pelopor Semangat Kemandirian Gereja di Tanah Batak 1887-1979. Albert-Orem Ministry.Jakarta.
Tuanku Rao, Lahir di Luar Nikah dan Sempat dibuang ke Danau Toba. Metro Siantar 25 November 2007.

diposting oleh:

Erond L. Damanik, M.Si

Pusat Studi Sejarah dan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial

Lembaga Penelitian Universitas Negeri Medan

 

Kekejaman Tuanku Rao dan Paderi di Tanah Batak

pendapat Dobbin yang membahas historiografi Batak tentang serangan Paderi ke Tapanuli.

Laporan Batak yang dibaca Dobbin diakuinya cenderung menekankan kekerasan dan kekacauan yang terjadi selama periode Padri.

Namun, Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin telah berusaha untuk memperkenalkan bentuk administrasi Padri ke desa-desa Batak. Akan tetapi, bagaimana system ini dilembagakan dan berapa besar dukungan yang diterima adalah pertanyaan yang tidak dapat dijawab.

Beberapa orang Batak memang sudah beragam Islam sebelum serbuan Padri. Ada orang-orang muslim yang tinggal di Panyabungan ketika diserbu. Bahkan desa-desa tertentu didekatnya ada yang mempunyai hubungan dagang dengan pantai barat dan telah menjadi Islam selama beberapa tahun.

Namun pada masa awal pemerintahannya penyerbu dari Rao menurut Dobbin mengandalkan kekuatanya sendiri dan mengangkat orang-orang Minagkabau sebagai kadi di desa-desa Batak.

Hakim-hakim ini mendasarkan administrasinya pada Quran secara kata perkata. Mereka juga mencoba memberlakukan semua puritanisme lahiriah gerakan mereka.

Tentu saja kata Dobbin orang-orang dipaksa menjadi Islam dan terjadi banyak pembunuhan, disamping itu, para Padri juga sangat bersemangat menghancurkan kesastraan Batak.

Pada mulanya penyerbuan Padri kata Dobbin sukar dibedakan dari penyerbuan dan pendudukan asing.

Selain telah mengarahkan perdagangan Batak ke kelompok pelabuhan khusus di pantai barat, Tuanku Rao juga mewajibkan membiayai upeti kepada Rao dan Alahan Panjang dalam bentuk beras, kerbau dan budak-budak . Wilayah-wilayah bawahan juga mewajibkan membiayai pemeliharaan pasukan Minangkabau di desa-desa mereka dan menyediakan pasukan bersenjata untuk kegiatan Padri di daerah lebih ke utara lagi.

Pada tahun 1822,

para Padri telah berada di belakang Tapanuli, setelah menyapu seluruh wilayah Angkola.

Menurut laporan Batak yang menurut Dobbin harus ditanggapi dengan hati-hati, Tuanku Rao mengangkat seorang Tuanku Lelo, anggota marga Nasution dan putra seorang Batak pedagang garam, menjadi “gubernur” Angkola.

Selain itu, ia juga membangun

benteng di Padang Sidempuan.

Daerah ini adalah lokasi yang strategis karena terletak dipersimpangan rute dagang penting yang menuju ke pantai dan ke daerah Mandailing dan Silindung.

Di tempat inilah ia menjalankan kebijakan Padri untuk memajukan perdagangan, membuka jalan – jalan dagang, dan mendukung para pedagang.

 

 

Dobbin mengungkapkan tradisi lisan Batak

yang menyebut segerombolan Padri di bawah Tuanku Rao masuk sampai sejauh Butar di utara, di plato Humbang.

Ditempat ini, Tuanku Rao menghadapi wakil dinasti iman Raja Sisingamangaraja pada waktu itu, yang tinggal dilembah Bakkara yang berdinding batu di barat laut Danau Toba.

Menurut tradisi Batak, Tuanku Rao adalah kemenakan yang disia-siakan oleh Sisingamangaraja.

Keterangan ini adalah usaha untuk menjelaskan mengapa Tuanku Rao dikatakan membunuh.

Tragedi ini terjadi di pasar Butar, sesudah tuanku mengundang Sisingamangaraja untuk suatu pertemuan.

Namun, Sisingamangaraja sebagai tokoh berbahaya karena dianggap dapat mengerahkan marga-marga Batak Toba untuk melawan Islam.

Faktor lainnya karena Sisingamangaraja mempunyai hubungan dengan Barus.

Padahal, jalinan inilah kata Dobbin, yang ingin dipatahkan oleh kaum Padri.

 

Batak traditions describing the atrocities attacks Batak Padri to the ground.
In an essay written the Batak to date, as well as writing Sihombing (2008) still remembered the bitterness of invasion Pidari (Batak writings pidari denominator for the vicar) that is considered one of the best period in the history of black and dark Batak, Angkola- Mandailing-Padang Lawas and Toba.
In his Sihombing called Tanah Batak situation became so helter-skelter after the death of troops Pidari and all legal chaos that occurs on the ground next Batak considered the impact of the attacks Padri.
According to Sihombing, for quite a long time, laws and manners that govern society in the reign of drug-pushers to fall apart.
If there seems any masihb tal should be ignored anymore. There is often a mutual-attack and suspicion among one group against another group (usually based on the “saompu” or collateral).
That said, at this stage this time that they are in fact just the start “can” kill and “eat” (literally) of meat from a defeated enemy or from pangkahap (spy) in disguise and caught, as a result of liver indignation.
In another book Bisuk Siahaan (2005)
said that the adverse effects of war in Toba Padri hanja not only materially, but also socially in society manners, including uhum dohot slave changes (laws and regulations).
For example, katanja, before the invasion of the Pidari, the Toba has fought the law governing the procedure that should not be violated.
Code of Conduct-war Batak oang previously set various restrictions, such as attacking the enemy at night, burned the enemy; kill women, etc..
Sihombing regard,
Batak people always know the ethics of international war in which both sides would have to declare war first challenge, intentions and decisions perangnja.
According to records Sihombing,
: Manners war done sincerely by King Sisingamangaraja XII, when declaring (Asleep) Batak War, which must be done in a frontal attack, with the command “ready”.
Means everyone in the forces both parties really are ready for battle, spiritual and physical. An chivalry, far from cowardice.
But all manners “of international and regional Batak” according to the size of each era, said Sihombing, have been violated by the troops Pidari.
Perhaps, the next Sihombing said, because of the weight of suffering and trauma of the nightmare (nightmare hell) Pidari destruction by the forces, which is why that sepeninggalan the rioters, who are the rest of the Batak people actually even imitate and do the same behavior with the Pidari.
But why is said “those who are the rest?”
Sihombing like other Batak authors also refer to MOP saying that troops are retreating Pidari very anxious and in a hurry because begu antuk affected by the epidemic (cholera) from the northern part of the Land of Batak, the rest of the Batak people who live to survive and then come out of hiding in caves the caves and forests during the invasion and occupation of the three years, only 25% lived alone.
That said, as well as the condition of the rest of the troops invading Pidari, only the remaining 25 to 30% as well.
Although statistics on the number Invaders (30 thousand persons) of the book was considered Sihombing MOP probably exaggerated, but said Sihombing, no matter how large the number of the invading army, we can imagine how much destruction to all aspects of life he left behind.
To strengthen the atrocities of war in the land of Batak Padri, Sihombing also refer Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007)
to emphasize the news about the terrible destruction done in the occupation of the Pidari of Minangkabau in Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas to Toba in the first quarter of the 19th century.
Presumably, the book was written by Harahap, so Sihombing, among others, with the intention to correct and refine certain parts of the book Tuanku Rao, while reinforcing justification news about “the dream of hell” suffered by the Batak people of the south and north, as a result of the invasion and occupation of the Pidari it.
Sihombing said the next most Batak people of the younger generation, was deliberately not too intensive diceritai (if not to say the story dideponir) by parental about how horror experience grandfather ancestor “bangso” Batak in the decade from 1820 to 1830-an, which shattered due to invasion of the Pidari. That thousands of relatives who did not die because of the invasion, had died of the plague tokh terrible.
Thousands of the rest of the living, so Sihombing, also hijacked the incalculable suffering, sold into slavery in the South Tapanuli and west coasts of Sumatra.
The purpose of the elders Batak who was then wanted mendeponir story of the invasion Pidari, is a very shameful disgrace that it does not need to know the younger generation.
Generally they are short notes like this: ever experienced a nightmare Batak people is called “ni Tingki Pidari (the Pidari)” Annual Almanac HKBP course, the historical record milestones referred Sihombing, every sunrise-yearly, only a brief note like this: 1825 -1829 porang ni Tuanku Rao (porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Tuanku Rao War (War Bonjol) who come up against the “nation” Batak).
Just like Sihombing, other authors who had already called the Siahaan (2005) in his description of Padri also not miss to refer to the book MOP.
Described MOP, thus Siahaan, between the years 1816-1818 Padri troops began to invade and occupy Mandailing Tapanuli, Sipirok and Padang Lawas, while Islamize the population who still worship idols.
After Tapanuli controlled, a few years later made the invasion of North Tapanuli targeting Pahae, Silindung, Humbang and Toba.
Soldiers burned dozens Padri homes, charming and kill people regardless of whether they are women, children or the elderly are helpless.
Even the incomparable cruelty occurred in the Pahae, Humbang and Silindung. Residents who do not submit to the army Padri captive, his eyes gouged out.
During the attack hundreds of innocent people were brutally murdered, dead bodies covered walkways, making it no longer possible to bury him properly.
Everywhere looks carcasses decompose, causing outbreaks of cholera and typhus raged. Epidemic outbreak of a sudden, not only attacking the locals, but also tenatra Padri.
Caused so many residents and soldiers who died Padri disease cholera, Padri army leader who ordered that all troops leave northern Tapanuli.
It is very difficult to imagine how cruel treatment Padri army to innocent civilians, leading up to this day when people want to describe something that is very cruel and uncivilized, it says “like in the Pidari” (“in tingki ni Pidari). Although the army has left North Tapanuli Padri, but the population according Siahaan remains wary, afraid that one day reappear Padri soldiers torturing them.
Witnessing the atrocities of war that has just passed, causing the population is no longer fully obedient to the teachings of “fighting by the rules dohot Uhum slave” as commonly held.
They set the rules have changed and the war itself, according to individual taste.
This is according to Siahaan, reported by Baron van Hoevel Kontelir GWWC who participated in the Dutch military forces under the command of Captain Infantry Scheltens, and justified by kings Silindung and Toba.
Before Scheltens begin his expedition (perjalananya) to the Toba and Silindung, they first learn all the Dutch archives stored since 1845, specifically on how the Batak peoples and war.
Apparently text in files no longer compatible with reality. Troops Scheltens very surprised when they suddenly attacked by followers of Si Singamangaraja at night, but according to the rules of slave dohot Uhum they studied, the Batak are not allowed to attack the enemy at night, in addition, several houses and barracks of the Dutch army officers attempted about to be burned, but forbidden by slave dohot Uhum burn enemy houses.
Since the incident, according to Siahaan Dutch soldiers realize that things have changed, the invasion army Padri very cruel to the Land of Batak, has changed the way people think.
Apparently, according to Siahaan, the suffering experienced during the war cleric, has left a difficult TRUMA dipupus of the minds of the population, they feel constantly threatened by mortal danger. To secure ourselves, even elevated fortress village protection and reinforced with bamboo spiked as far footsteps can still be seen in the Batak villages.
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The above description shows how the traditional historiography of writing the actual Batak wholly derived from the oral tradition Batak provide verification that Tuanku Rao is a native of the Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), born of an affair, a relationship with the royal family Singamangaraja, migrated to Rao, Islam Batak lands and brutally attacked for wanting revenge.
Later he managed to kill his uncle Singamangaraja X and spread Islam even done by force, cruel, inhuman and very bloody, but failed to convert the northern part of the Land of Batak.
Necessary caution dealing with oral tradition of controversy this.
Historians such as Dobbin also be trapped decipher “episode” Tuanku Rao in Batak land, basing his description of the oral tradition Batak alone professed not be clarified to historical sources the other.
Ironically Dobbin obtained oral tradition is an oral tradition that has been developed, fictionalized the imagination as found in the writings of MOP.
Description Dobbin showed as he went into the Batak oral tradition and the academic work is a pity he did not explore and compare the oral tradition that developed in South Tapanuli, Rao and Minangkabau.
Batak oral tradition that was written was the result of the construction of a certain period of time, in certain areas and for certain interests.
at the time the story was constructed, the Dutch authorities and the missionaries Christian missionaries concerned about the spread of Islam in Toba Batak to the ground and they are trying to prevent the spread of it in various ways, including fortify themselves by creating and developing Padri atrocities on the ground through the Batak and reproduce figures Batak Christian religion of the first generation of Christianity in the land of Batak.
Reproduction is done Toba region and Humbang threatened and did not occur in the Samosir.
In my research on the oral traditions of Tuanku Rao as I know Nangolngolan Pongki The oral tradition is not known on the island of Samosir.
Interpreters maintained complex in the tomb of King Sidabutar Tomok, Samosir right on the edge of Lake Toba, when interviewed at the end of 2007 does not recognize The Pongki Nangolngolan.
In fact, she pointed to a tree in the complex Pongki grave as an old tree which was very loud and powerful without something to do with the symbol of a man who later constructed as Tuanku Rao.
The story of the legend of The Pongki is also not found in the South Tapanuli.
Batak Padri to the ground assault, especially Toba, an attack which also happens to be recognized that there are resources in the Minangkabau itself.
But the version of the oral tradition about the attacks and genealogy Tuanku Rao in Batak tradition is constructed.
Not a coincidence that the author reproduces the oral tradition are Christians, even among those included Christian religious leaders.
Although MOP Muslims, but the raw material of all writing about Batak came from his father’s archives, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), a prominent Christian in Siantar.
In his analysis Dobbin finally admitted, perhaps this lineage created to explain some of the advantages Tuanku Rao in the military. He according to Dobbin, indeed led his followers a series of extraordinary duress journey to the north, directly entering the Batak Toba people.
Here he met and killed Sisingamangaraja X. With regard him as the nephew of the king who lost his right, according to Dobbin Batak traditions can provide a reasonable motivation for a military attack, that is revenge.
But the motivation that I think it is absurd and full of controversy.
How could Tuanku Rao were imaged as a sadistic killer and invaders and persecute Batak Batak descent is constructed as?
How do we understand the logic of Si Pongki: sentenced to death (had drowned in Lake Toba because he was an illegitimate child of an incestuous relationship results Singamangaraja family) then rescued by his uncle the king Singamangaraja X, and after Si Pongki be Tuanku Rao came to kill Singamangaraja X uncle who actually save?
Construction of this oral tradition in my interest to subordinating the two imaging, the first Muslim from the South and two Singamangaraja and descendants and followers that can not be tamed by the missionaries and the Dutch authorities.
It takes a more in-depth investigation of the construction has already considered this reality

Original info

Sebagaimana disebut Dobbin,

tradisi Batak menggambarkan kekejaman-kekejaman serangan Padri ke tanah Batak.

Dalam karangan yang ditulis orang Batak sampai saat ini, sebagaimana tulisan Sihombing (2008) tetap dikenang pahitnya invasi kaum Pidari (tulisan-tulisan Batak penyebut pidari untuk paderi) sehingga dianggap merupakan salah satu periode yang paling hitam dan gelap dalam sejarah orang Batak, Angkola-Mandailing-Padang Lawas dan Toba.

Dalam tulisannya Sihombing menyebut situasi Tanah Batak menjadi begitu morat-marit sepeninggal pasukan Pidari dan segala kekacauan hukum yang terjadi di tanah Batak selanjutnya dianggap sebagai dampak dari serangan Paderi.

Menurut Sihombing, untuk waktu yang cukup lama, hukum dan tata-krama yang mengatur masyarakat dalam zaman pemerintahan bius-bius menjadi berantakan.

Bila pun masihb ada agaknya tal perlu diindahkan lagi. Sering terjadi saling-serang dan saling curiga di antara satu kelompok terhadap kelompok lain ( umumnya berdasarkan wilayah “saompu” atau seketurunan).

Konon, pada tahapan waktu inilah mereka malah justru mulai “bisa” membunuh serta “memakan” (secara harfiah) daging dari musuh yang ditaklukkan atau dari pangkahap (mata-mata) yang menyamar dan tertangkap, sebagai akibat kegeraman hati.

Dalam buku lain Bisuk Siahaan (2005)

mengatakan bahwa dampak buruk perang Padri di Toba bukan saja hanja secara materiil, tapi juga secara sosial dalam tatakrama kehidupan masyarakat, termasuk terjadinya perubahan patik dohot uhum (peraturan dan hukum).

Sebagai contoh, katanja, sebelum serbuan kaum Pidari, orang Toba memiliki hukum yang mengatur tatacara berperang yang tak boleh dilanggar.

Kode etik-perang oang Batak sebelumnya menetapkan berbagai larangan, seperti menyerang musuh pada malam hari, membakar rumah musuh; membunuh perempuan, dll.

Sihombing menganggap,

orang Batak sejak dulu mengenal etika perang internasional dimana kedua belah pihak yang akan berperang lebih dahulu harus mendeklarasikan tantangan, niat dan keputusan perangnja.

Menurut catatan Sihombing,

: tatakrama perang itu dilakukan dengan tulus oleh Raja Sisingamangaraja XII, ketika mendeklarasikan (Pulas) Perang Batak, dimana serangan harus dilakukan secara frontal, dengan aba-aba “siap”.

Berarti semua orang dalam pasukan kedua belah fihak memang benar-benar sudah siap untuk berperang, lahir dan bathin. Suatu sikap kesatria, jauh dari kepengecutan.

Tapi semua tata-krama “internasional dan regional Batak” menurut ukuran zamannya masing-masing itu, kata Sihombing, telah dilanggar oleh pasukan kaum Pidari.

Mungkin, demikian Sihombing selanjutnya mengatakan, karena beratnya penderitaan dan trauma dari masa nightmare (mimpi neraka) penghancuran oleh pasukan Pidari, itulah sebabnya bahwa sepeninggalan kaum perusuh, orang Batak yang masih sisa justru malah meniru dan melakukan perilaku yang sama dengan kaum Pidari.

Tapi kenapa dikatakan “orang yang masih sisa”?

Sihombing seperti juga penulis Batak lainnya merujuk MOP yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan Pidari yang mundur dengan sangat cemas dan tergesa-gesa karena landaan wabah begu antuk (Kolera) dari Tanah Batak bagian utara, sisa orang Batak yang bisa hidup bertahan dan kemudian keluar dari persembunyian di gua-gua dan hutan selama tiga tahun serbuan dan pendudukan, hanya tinggal 25 % saja.

Konon, demikian juga kondisi sisa pasukan Pidari penyerbu, hanya tersisa 25 sampai 30 % juga.

Meskipun statistik jumlah penyerbu (30 ribu orang) dari buku MOP itu dianggap Sihombing mungkin terlalu dilebih-lebihkan, namun kata Sihombing, berapa besarpun jumlah pasukan penyerbu, kita bisa membayangkan betapa besar destruksi terhadap segala aspek kehidupan yang ditinggalkannya.

Untuk menguatkan kekejaman perang Paderi di tanah Batak, Sihombing juga merujuk Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007)

untuk menekankan pemberitaan perihal hebatnya destruksi yang dilakukan dalam masa pendudukan kaum Pidari dari Minangkabau di Tanah Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas sampai Toba dalam kuarter pertama abad 19.

Agaknya, buku tersebut ditulis oleh Harahap, demikian Sihombing, antara lain dengan niat untuk mengoreksi dan menyempurnakan bagian-bagian tertentu buku Tuanku Rao, seraya menguatkan pembenaran berita tentang “mimpi neraka” yang dialami oleh orang Batak bagian selatan dan utara, sebagai akibat serbuan dan pendudukan kaum Pidari itu.

Sihombing menyatakan, selanjutnya kebanyakan orang Batak dari generasi lebih muda, memang sengaja tidak terlalu intensif diceritai (kalau tak akan dikatakan kisahnya dideponir) oleh tetuanya tentang betapa ngerinya pengalaman kakek-moyang “bangso” Batak pada dasawarsa 1820-1830-an, yang porak poranda akibat serbuan kaum Pidari. Bahwa ribuan sanak saudara yang tidak mati karena serbuan, tokh harus mati karena wabah mengerikan.

Ribuan dari sisa yang hidup, demikian Sihombing, dibajak pula dengan penderitaan tak terkirakan, diperjualbelikan menjadi budak di Tapanuli Selatan dan pantai-pantai barat Sumatra.

Maksud tua-tua Batak yang kala itu ingin mendeponir cerita invasi kaum Pidari, ialah supaya aib yang sangat memalukan itu tak perlu diketahui generasi mudanya.

Umumnya mereka mencatat singkat begini: pernah ada mimpi buruk dialami orang Batak yang disebut “Tingki ni Pidari (masa Pidari)” Almanak Tahunan HKBP saja, dalam catatan tonggak-tonggak bersejarahnya yang dirujuk Sihombing, setiap terbit-tahunan, hanya mencatat singkat begini: 1825-1829 Porang ni Tuanku Rao (Porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Perang Tuanku Rao(Perang Bonjol) yang datang memerangi “bangsa” Batak).

Sama seperti Sihombing, penulis lain yang tadi sudah disebut yakni Siahaan (2005) dalam uraiannya tentang Padri juga tidak melewatkan untuk merujuk buku MOP.

Dijelaskan MOP, demikian Siahaan, antara tahun 1816-1818 tentara Padri mulai menyerbu Tapanuli Selatan dan menduduki Mandailing, Sipirok dan Padang Lawas, sekaligus mengislamkan penduduk yang masih menyembah berhala.

Setelah Tapanuli Selatan dikuasai, beberapa tahun kemudian dilakukan penyerbuan ke Tapanuli Utara dengan sasaran Pahae, Silindung, Humbang dan Toba.

Tentara Padri membakar berpuluh-puluh rumah, menawan dan membunuh penduduk tanpa memperdulikan apakah mereka wanita, anak-anak atau orang tua yang tak berdaya.

Bahkan kekejaman yang tidak ada taranya terjadi di daerah Pahae, Humbang dan Silindung. Penduduk yang tidak mau tunduk kepada tentara Padri ditawan, lalu matanya dicungkil.

Selama penyerangan tersebut beratus-ratus penduduk yang tidak bersalah dibunuh secara kejam, mayat bergelimpangan menutupi jalan setapak, sehingga tidak mungkin lagi menguburnya dengan baik.

Dimana –mana terlihat bangkai membusuk, menyebabkan wabah penyakit kolera dan tifus mengganas. Epidemi berjangkit secara tiba-tiba, tidak hanya menyerang penduduk setempat,tetapi juga tenatra Padri.

Disebabkan sangat banyak penduduk dan tentara Padri yang meninggal terserang penyakit kolera, pemimpin tentara Padri yang memerintahkan supaya semua serdadunya segera meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara.

Sangat sulit membayangkan betapa kejamnya perlakuan tentara Padri kepada penduduk yang tidak berdosa, menyebabkan sampai hari ini bila masyarakat hendak menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat bengis dan tak beradab, dikatakan “seperti di masa Pidari” (“di tingki ni Pidari). Meskipun tentara Padri telah meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara, namun penduduk menurut Siahaan masih tetap waswas, takut jika pada suatu hari tentara Padri muncul kembali menyiksa mereka.

Menyaksikan kekejaman perang yang baru saja berlalu, meyebabkan penduduk tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh pada ajaran “berperang menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum” seperti yang dianut selama ini.

Mereka telah berubah dan menetapkan aturan perang sendiri, sesuai dengan selera masing-masing.

Hal ini menurut Siahaan, dilaporkan oleh Kontelir G.W.W.C Baron van Hoevel yang turut dalam pasukan militer Belanda di bawah komando Kapten Infanteri Scheltens, dan dibenarkan oleh raja-raja di Silindung dan Toba.

Sebelum Scheltens memulai ekspedisinya (perjalananya) ke daerah Toba dan Silindung, terlebih dulu mereka mempelajari semua arsip-arsip Belanda yang tersimpan sejak tahun 1845, khusus mengenai adat dan cara orang Batak berperang.

Ternyata tulisan yang ada di arsip tidak sesuai lagi dengan kenyataan. Pasukan Scheltens sangat terkejut sewaktu mereka secara tiba-tiba diserang oleh pengikut Si Singamangaraja pada malam hari, padahal menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum yang mereka pelajari, orang Batak tidak diperkenankan menyerang musuh pada malam hari, selain itu, beberapa rumah pejabat dan tangsi tentara Belanda dicoba hendak dibakar, padahal menurut Patik dohot Uhum dilarang membakar rumah musuh.

Sejak peristiwa tersebut, serdadu Belanda menurut Siahaan sadar bahwa keadaan sudah berubah, penyerbuan tentara Padri yang sangat kejam ke Tanah Batak, telah mengubah cara berpikir penduduk.

Rupanya, demikian Siahaan, penderitaan yang dialami selama perang paderi, telah meninggalkan truma yang sulit dipupus dari benak penduduk, mereka merasa dirinya senantiasa terancam oleh bahaya maut. Untuk mengamankan diri, bahkan benteng perlindungan kampung ditinggikan dan diperkuat dengan bambu-bambu berduri sebagaimana sampai saat ini jejaknya masih bisa dilihat di desa-desa Batak.

Penutup

Uraian di atas memperlihatkan bagaimana penulisan historiografi tradisional Batak yang sebenarnya sepenuhnya berasal dari tradisi lisan Batak memberikan pengabsahan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah asli orang Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), lahir dari hubungan gelap, memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan raja Singamangaraja, merantau ke Rao, masuk Islam dan menyerbu tanah Batak dengan kejam karena ingin membalas dendam.

Selanjutnya dia berhasil membunuh pamannya Singamangaraja X dan menyebarkan Islam yang sekalipun dilakukan dengan paksaan, sadis, tidak berperikemanusiaan dan sangat berdarah, tapi tidak berhasil mengislamkan Tanah Batak bagian utara.

Diperlukan kehati-hatian berhadapan dengan tradisi lisan yang penuh kontroversi ini.

Sejarahwan seperti Dobbin juga bisa terjebak menguraikan ”episode” Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak dengan mendasarkan uraiannya semata dari tradisi lisan Batak yang diakuinya tidak bisa diklarifikasi ke sumber-sumber sejarah yang lain.

Ironisnya tradisi lisan yang didapat Dobbin adalah tradisi lisan yang telah dikembangkan, difiksikan dengan imajinasi seperti yang terdapat dalam tulisan MOP.

Uraian Dobbin memperlihatkan seakan dia meneruskan tradisi lisan Batak ke dalam karya akademisnya dan sangat disayangkan dia tidak mengeksplorasi dan membandingkannya dengan tradisi lisan yang berkembang di Tapanuli Selatan, Rao dan Minangkabau.

tradisi lisan Batak yang kemudian dituliskan itu merupakan hasil konstruksi dari satu kurun waktu tertentu, di wilayah tertentu dan untuk kepentingan tertentu.

pada waktu cerita itu dikontruksi, penguasa Belanda dan para zending penyebar agama kristen di Toba mencemaskan penyebaran Islam ke tanah Batak dan mereka berusaha untuk menghambat penyebaran itu dengan berbagai cara termasuk membentengi diri dengan menciptakan dan mengembangkan kekejaman Padri di tanah Batak dan mereproduksinya lewat tokoh-tokoh Batak beragama kristen dari generasi pertama kristenisasi di tanah Batak.

Reproduksi itu dilakukan dikawasan Toba dan Humbang yang terancam dan tidak terjadi di kawasan Samosir.

Dalam penyelidikan saya atas tradisi lisan tentang Tuanku Rao sebagai Si Pongki Nangolngolan saya ketahui tradisi lisan ini tidak dikenal di pulau Samosir.

Juru pelihara kompleks makam Raja Sidabutar di Tomok, Samosir tepat di tepi Danau Toba, ketika diwawancarai di akhir tahun 2007 tidak mengenal Si Pongki Nangolngolan.

Bahkan dia menunjuk pohon Pongki yang ada di kompleks makam itu sebagai pohon tua yang sangat keras dan kuat tanpa ada hubungannya dengan simbol dari seorang tokoh yang kemudian dikonstruksikan sebagai Tuanku Rao.

Kisah tentang legenda Si Pongki ini juga tidak ditemukan di kawasan tapanuli Selatan.

Penyerangan Padri ke tanah Batak, khususnya Toba, merupakan penyerangan yang juga diakui terjadi oleh sumber-sumber yang ada di Minangkabau sendiri.

Tapi versi tradisi lisan tentang penyerangan itu dan genealogi Tuanku Rao dalam tradisi Batak adalah hasil konstruksi.

Tidak merupakan kebetulan jika penulis yang mereproduksi tradisi lisan itu beragama kristen, bahkan diantara mereka termasuk pemuka agama kristen.

Sekalipun MOP beragama Islam, tapi bahan baku dari semua penulisannya tentang Batak berasal dari arsip ayahnya, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), seorang tokoh kristen di Pematang Siantar.

Dalam analisisnya Dobbin akhirnya memang mengakui, barang kali garis keturunan ini diciptakan untuk menjelaskan beberapa keunggulan Tuanku Rao dalam kemiliteran. Dia menurut Dobbin, memang memimpin pengikut-pengikutnya melakukan serangkaian perjalanan paksaan yang luar biasa ke utara, langsung memasuki wilayah orang-orang Batak Toba.

Disini ia bertemu dan membunuh Sisingamangaraja X. Dengan menganggap dia sebagai kemenakan raja yang kehilangan haknya, menurut Dobbin tradisi Batak dapat memberikan motivasi yang masuk akal untuk serangan militer ini, yaitu balas dendam.

Tapi motivasi itu menurut saya justru tidak masuk akal dan penuh kontroversi.

Bagaimana mungkin Tuanku Rao yang dicitrakan sebagai pembunuh dan penyerbu yang sadis dan menganiaya orang Batak itu dikonstruksi sebagai keturunan Batak?

Bagaimana kita memahami logika Si Pongki : dijatuhi hukuman mati (harus ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba karena dia anak haram hasil hubungan incest dari keluarga Singamangaraja) kemudian diselamatkan oleh raja Singamangaraja X pamannya sendiri, dan setelah Si Pongki menjadi Tuanku Rao datang membunuh Singamangaraja X paman yang justru menyelamatkannya?

Konstruksi tradisi lisan ini menurut saya berkepentingan untuk mensubordinatkan dua pencitraan, pertama Islam dari selatan dan kedua Singamangaraja serta keturunan dan pengikutnya yang tidak bisa dijinakkan oleh zending dan penguasa Belanda.

Diperlukan suatu penyelidikan yang lebih mendalam tentang konstruksi yang terlanjur sudah dianggap sebagai realitas ini.

 

 

Dutch army during Teuku Rao era


“Nan Tigers Football(sepakterjang) lunge Salapan also known in South Tapanuli area.
Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau. ‘

Named as Tiger Nan Salapan because the number of eight members, namely: Nan Tuangku Renceh, Tuangku Kubu Sanang, Tuangku Field Laweh, Tuangku Padang Lua, Tuangku Galuang, Tuangku Koto Ambalau, Tuangku Pamansingan and Tuangku Haji Poor
According to DP Asral, an observer of history Bukittinggi Minangkabau origin, degree tuangku their clothing not only because they know and understand and practice Islam properly.
But more because they dare berjauang led forces attacked the invaders. This means they were leading, or just called scholars that time.

The word in the book Tuangku Onggang Parlindungan Rao, Nan Salapan Tigers, also known as Darul Islam Minangkabau Presedium State at the time.
Nan Tuangku Renceh they appoint as Chairman Presedium. Nan ideals Renceh enormous. He wanted to liberate the Land Jawi (Nusantara) Islam is of the darkness and grip invaders.

As a first step, the Group of Eight is a black blanket Minangkabau.
Minang society at that time was carried away with the habit of rejoicing, enjoying life to the hustle gambling and cockfighting, the main target to be cleaned.

History records, cleaning business is not as easy as turning the palm of the hand.
Therefore, the indigenous who likes to enjoy worldly life, feel pleasure disturbed.
Therefore, they also held a resistance movement against the white-led Nan Renceh.
 Thanks to the firmness and maturity of the plan is also white, finally Minang aspect could also be the parson.

Further, the struggle Tigers Nan Salapan bring about peace between the peoples and the religious in Minangkabau in

Original info

“Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan.

Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam serta taktik perang dengan Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau. “

Disebut sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan karena jumlah anggotanya delapan orang, yaitu : Tuangku Nan Renceh, Tuangku Kubu Sanang, Tuangku Ladang Laweh, Tuangku Padang Lua, Tuangku Galuang, Tuangku Koto Ambalau, Tuangku Pamansingan dan Tuangku Haji Miskin

 

Menurut DP Asral, seorang pengamat sejarah Minangkabau asal Bukittinggi, gelar tuangku mereka sandang bukan semata karena mereka paham dan mengerti serta mengamalkan ajaran Islam dengan baik.

Tetapi lebih disebabkan mereka berani berjauang memimpin pasukan menyerang kaum penjajah. Artinya merekalah orang-orang terkemuka, atau disebut saja sarjana masa itu.

Kata Onggang Parlindungan dalam buku Tuangku Rao, Harimau Nan Salapan, juga dikenal sebagai Presedium Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau pada masanya.

Tuangku Nan Renceh mereka tunjuk sebagai Ketua Presedium. Cita-cita Nan Renceh sangat besar. Dia ingin membebaskan Tanah Jawi (Nusantara) ini dari kegelapan Islam dan cengkraman penjajah.

Sebagai langkah awal, Kelompok Delapan ini membuka selimut hitam yang mengatapi Minangkabau.

Masyarakat Minang yang pada masa itu terlena dengan kebiasaan bersuka ria, menikmati hidup dengan keramaian judi dan sabung ayam, menjadi sasaran utama untuk dibersihkan.

Sejarah mencatat, usaha pembersihan ini tidak semudah membalik telapak tangan.

Sebab, kaum adat yang suka menikmati hidup duniawi, merasa kesenangannya terusik.

Karena itu mereka pun mengadakan perlawanan terhadap gerakan kaum putih yang dipimpin Nan Renceh.

Berkat ketegasan dan kematangan rencana dari kaum putih ini pula, akhirnya Ranah Minang bisa juga dikuasai kaum ulama.

Selanjutnya, perjuangan Harimau Nan Salapan menghasilkan perdamaian antara kaum adat dan kaum agama di Minangkabau pada tahun

1834.

Peace is also known as the Mount Marapalam agreement that led to the term ABS-SBK (Indigenous Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Renceh Nan was not present in the peace effort because he was killed in battle against the Dutch in Dublin,

 

Original info

Perdamaian ini pula yang dikenal sebagai Kesepakatan Bukit Marapalam yang membuahkan istilah ABS-SBK (Adat Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Nan Renceh sendiri tidak hadir dalam upaya perdamaian ini karena dia gugur dalam pertempuran melawan Belanda di Bukittinggi,

1826.

Nan Salapan(the eight) lunge Tigers are also known in South Tapanuli area. Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau.

When examined, what do Tuangku Nan Renceh during the struggle, as well as history records, surely can not be separated from the presence Trio returned from the Hajj Mecca in the late 18th century.

They are Piobang Hajj, Hajj and Hajj Sumanik Poor. These three guys have their expertise in understanding embed Wahhabi Minang aspect.

A few notes, Piobang is a graduate of Al-Azhar who had become the Egyptian army and then joined the Turkish army against Napoleon. Last Piobang colonel.
Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, he Piobang colleagues at Al-Azhar, who also worked against Napoleon’s army. While Haji Miskin is a knowledgeable old mengambara Islam in the Arabian Peninsula.

These are the trio Haji kepualngan them to my hometown, accompanied Nan Renceh the struggle to uphold Islamic law in Minang aspect. They also are developing an army, and laid the foundation of the struggle against the invaders.

Padri formation of the Hajj Piobang, rather plebeian soldiers. But it is well-structured to the villages (villages-villages). Nagari is the head of the army commander in the country.

Some litelatur noted, the Minangkabau enforcing Islamic law at that time, each territory Tuangku in implementing the system see the stone foundation (the stamping last stone when it went up on the house).

What if in the examination in the morning the stone is not wet by water wuduk dawn prayer, the person in the house is considered not Islamic. Execution is run in place. Punishment varies, ranging from stroke to train law.

For areas LUHAK Land Data, the period known firmness Taungku Lintau (also known as Alim Tuangku Know). He is famous for a very active parajuritnya examine the stone foundation every morning in every homes. Tramp horse foot soldier in this very fear by those offenders religious Shari’a.

But all of this is the story of the past. Now only memories. Problem or not to wet the stone foundation in people’s homes before the morning prayer, no one else is going to check and remind him, except themselves respectively.

Original info

Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam serta taktik perang dengan Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau.

Jika dicermati, apa yang dilakukan Tuangku Nan Renceh selama perjuangannya, sebagaimana sejarah juga mencatat, tentulah tidak bisa dilepaskan dari keberadaan Trio Haji yang pulang dari Mekah di akhir abad ke 18.

 

Mereka adalah Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Miskin. Ketiga orang ini memiliki keahlian masing-masing dalam menanamkan paham wahabi di Ranah Minang.

Beberapa catatan menyebutkan, Piobang adalah seorang lulusan Universitas Al-Azhar yang sempat menjadi tentara Mesir kemudian bergabung dengan tentara Turki melawan Napoleon. Terakhir Piobang berpangkat kolonel.

Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, dia kawan Piobang di Al-Azhar yang juga ikut melawan tentara Napoleon. Sedangkan Haji Miskin merupakan seorang berpengetahuan luas tentang Islam lama mengambara di Jazirah Arab.

Trio Haji inilah yang sejak kepualngan mereka ke kampung halaman, mendampingi Nan Renceh dalam berjuang menegakkan syariat Islam di Ranah Minang. Mereka pula yang membina angkatan perang, serta meletakkan fondasi perjuangan melawan kaum penjajah.

Tentara padri bentukan Haji Piobang, bukannya tentara kampungan. Tetapi sudah terstruktur rapi hingga ke desa (nagari-nagari). Kepala Nagari merupakan komandan tentara di pedesaan.

Beberapa litelatur mencatat, dalam menegakkan syariat Islam di Minangkabau masa itu, masing-masing Tuangku di daerah kekuasaannya menerapkan sistem lihat batu tapakan (batu yang menjadi injakan terakhir ketika naik ke atas rumah).

Apa bila dalam pemeriksaan di pagi hari batu ini tidak basah oleh air wuduk shalat subuh, maka orang yang ada di atas rumah itu dianggap tidak Islam. Eksekusi pun dijalankan di tempat. Hukumannya beragam, mulai dari cambukan sampai hukum pancung.

Untuk daerah Luhak Tanah Data, masa itu dikenal ketegasan Taungku Lintau (atau disebut juga Tuangku Alim Tahu). Beliau ini terkenal dengan parajuritnya yang sangat aktif memeriksa batu tapakan setiap pagi di setiap rumah-rumah penduduk. Derap langkah kaki kuda prajurit ini sangat di takuti oleh orang-orang pelanggar syariat agama.

Tapi, semua ini adalah cerita masa lalu. Kini hanya tinggal kenangan. Soal basah atau tidaknya batu tapakan di rumah-rumah penduduk menjelang sembahyang subuh, tidak ada lagi yang akan memeriksa dan mengingatkannya, keculai diri mereka masing-masing.

*A.S. Patimarajo

 

 

 

 

Pongki Na Ngol-Ngolan (3)

Cerita Rakyat – Posted by admin on March 9, 2012

 

Ya jalaran bab mau Pongki kang mula  dadi  wong kang ahli, tliti, ngati-ati lan premati marang bab underane pagawe­yan open-open jaran banjur ditresnani dening Raja Baum Siregar. Lan uga ban­jur katambahan ayahan minangka pamonge Umcok, putrane Raja Baum Siregar sing lagi umur setaun. Umcok ditetah, digawekake dolanan, dijak do­lanan. Umcok diwijiki, dilela-lela yen wa­yahe bubuk. Didongengake do­ngeng-dongeng kang tau dirungu. Lan ora kawistara, kadhang kala dido­ngeng­ake dongeng-dongeng lelakon sanyata, kang tau dialami ing dina-dina kang wis ditinggalake. Ora arang Um­cok disirami lan dikeloni. Nganti umur 6 taun Umcok lagi gelem turu yen di­keloni lan dirungrum dening Pongki. Pongki dhewe kerep diwenehi pepa­nganan kang mirasa enak-enak kang dadi jatahe Umcok. Ing antara lelorone tuwuh memitran kang kenthel lan lang­geng-abadi. Memitran wiwit bocah-bayi tumeka pati.

(Cathetan: Ing tembe, lelorone padha seda pahlawan ing papra­ngan Air Bangis, rikala 5-9-1821. Be­suke Pongkinangolngolan man­jilma dadi Tuanku Rao. Lan Umcok menjilma dadi Tuanku Patuan Sari­pada. Perlu kacathet uga mungguh rikala tanggal 22 Jumadilakir 1234 H/1819 M, Cavalery Devision bawahane Tuanku Patuan Saripada kang kaba­wah Comando Tuanku Rao, The Ge­neral Field Marshal Padri Army kasil ngrebut Benteng Bakhara (Toba).)

***

 

 

Lelakone Pongki kuwi diweruhi Tuanku Nan Renceh kang nedheng-nedhengi nyusun rancangan kanggo ngislamake wong Batak sing isih pagan sarana migunakake tentara Islam

Nganti sawiji wektu. Angine midit, ke­kayon padha mobah, gegodhongan ami­yuk-miyuk sineling pang-pang pinangkri­ngan podhang lan prenjak; tetukur se­sautan padha manggung. Srengenge kang sumunar rinasa nikmat dening Pongki angater tumlawunge rasa bali ma­rang lelakon dina-dina kawuri, kang nuli jugar kaya sinamber bledheg ing mangsa ketiga rikala Pongki krungu swarane wong angaruh-aruhi dheweke. Swara iki dumeling ing kuping, kaya nggugah pe­ngimpi kang lagi dipecaki. Swara iki tau rinungu biyen rikala dheweke isih ana ka­na ing bumi Bakhara. Swara kang ga­we gorehing ati. Gusti Allah ngatur tine­mune paraga sakloron ing kono. Kagu­ngan rantaman apa Allah tumrap si Pong­ki. Rantaman sinandi. Kagem Ngarsa Dalem Gusti Allah sajak paraga Pongki kang manggon lan ndherek raja Baum Siregar wis cukup suwe, kang lawase watara limang taun. Lan wektu iku umure Pongki wis 16 taun. Umur kang mungguhe Allah becik banget kanggo nampani piwulang anyar.

Bengine Pongki ora bisa turu. Pi­kirane ngganjret-munyer. Kedadeyan mau awan dadi underane gagasan. Nin­tingi bab-bab kang bakal kelakon. Ngrantam golek dalan ngedohi pati. Miturut penemune Pongki ora wurung kabar anane Pongki ing Sipirok, sesuk utawa emben, gelis utawa suwe, mes­thi bakal tumeka marang salah siji saka Dhatu tetelu. Lan Dhatu tetelu mesthi ngupadi dalan piye carane supaya Pongki bisa dipateni embuh sarana kongkonan ngracun, apa nganggo cara liya. Jalaran saka anane keyakinan yen Pongki bakal mrajaya pamane, ya Sisi­ngamangaraja X.

Esuke, Pongki ngulati kahanan. Me­tani kalamangsa, ngupadi titi wanci kang becik kanggo nglairake niyate kang wus gilig. Nanging dina iku ora tinemu wektu kang becik. Lagi bengine ana kalodhangan kang dianggep ba­nget prayogane.

Ing pendhapa kraton Sipirok. Leng­gahe Panguwasa Raja Baum Siregar jejeg-njegreg. Mung ayang-ayange kang gedhe ireng metu saka urupe da­mar kadhang kala mobah nguripake ayang-ayang ing temboke kraton.

Sawuse ngempos nyuntak hawa kang seseg ngebeki jaja, nuli ngen­dika

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tuanku Nan Renceh, Penegak Syariat Islam di Ranah Minang

     

 

 

 

COMMANDER of the vicar who firmly and with dignity. Successfully carrying out the purification of Islam to every districts in Minang aspect, to the extent that liability pray controlled very tightly

The triumph of Islam in the domains Minang (West Sumatra)
 had reached its peak when the cleric (cleric) was led by ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh.

 Stabbing his power to government agencies authorized autonomous villages by Minangkabau kingdom. The kingdom was then centered on Pagaruyung.

Centers of power are in the chaplain himself LUHAK territorial (district) Nan Tuo, namely LUHAK Agam, Tanah Datar, and Nan LUHAK Limopuluah Dikoto. Or, as large areas of government administration Agam District, Tanah Datar, and District 50 Cities now.

At that time, the vicar really holds the reins of government and society to practice Islamic law. Conditions are not much different when it ruled the Arab Wahhabis, led by Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab (1703-1787).

The history of the movement born cleric in Minang aspect is not removable from the Wahhabi movement in the Arabian peninsula.
Movement began in 1802 when “the Three” returned from Mecca, the Hajj Miskin from Sikek Smart (Smart Brush) LUHAK Agam, Haji Muhammad Arief from Sumanik, LUHAK Tanah Datar (known as Haji Sumanik), and Haji Abdurrahman from Piobang, LUHAK Limopuluah Dikoto (known as Haji Piobang). All three are known as Haji Nan Tigo. They are steeped in the Wahabi teachings while studying in the holy land of Mecca nearly 10 years.

Commander Padri

‘Abdullah was the son of Incik Rahmah, tribal leaders Kamang Homecoming Nagari Koto, who was born in Jorong Bansa, Nagari Kamang Homecoming, LUHAK Agam, in 1762. Since childhood, Abdullah always keen to deepen the science of religion.

He felt not enough just to learn to tutor nagari level as is the tradition at that young age. Abdullah made a breakthrough by studying in another village, precisely at the surau lord Tuo in Cangkiang, LUHAK Agam.

The End of the educational model of surau, ‘Abdullah was still not satisfied. He instead Kambali to my hometown, but went on to Ulakan, Padang Pariaman.

Nearly five years studying, then ‘Abdullah returned to Jorong Bansa. Once in the village, ‘Abdullah was heard on Clever Sikek great scholar who had just returned from Mecca. His name is Haji Poor. ‘Abdullah, who was newly arrived in the home straight just go to Clever Sikek.

Once there, how disappointed ‘by Haji Abdullah Miskin not found. He was more disappointed to learn of the new poor Haji brought home was only briefly in Clever Sikek. Apparently he figures it should go quickly because his message is not accepted by the village community itself.

For ‘Abdullah, word “expulsion” Poor Haji actually intriguing. He thought, even if it is what brought Haji Miskin not too special, surely opposition from the village itself is not that great.

It was true. Once found Haji Poor in places of refuge, Nagari Ampek Angkek (Four Lift), Abdullah got a lesson about the purification of the Islamic movement. This teaching is similar to that driven by the Wahabis in Arabia.

Poor Haji provide continuous recitation, aided by the two best friend Haji and Haji Piobang Sumanik. Then, joined by several other Islamic figures, such as Lord Kubu Sanang, Lintau my lord, my lord Laweh Field (Field Area), lord Dikoto Lua Padang (Padang Foreign), lord Galung, Dikoto Ambalau lord, and my lord Dilubuk Aua (Lubuk Aur). They each are scholars in the village.

The scholars then to Haji berbai’at poor to move forward with enforcement of Islamic law which they named the movement of the vicar. They became known as the Leadership Council Padri nicknamed “Nan Salapan Tiger” (Tiger Eight). ‘Abdullah was appointed as head of the warlord concurrently with a degree Tuanku Nan Renceh Al-Mujaddid. While Haji Poor was appointed as a judge.

According Parlindungan Anga in his Tuanku Rao, head of Nan Renceh Padri movement is systemic movement similar army Turkish army. Indeed, Nan Renceh several times to send some of his best soldiers to learn to fight in the Turkish Empire.

At that time science has advanced warfare Turkish Empire. Jenitsar Cavalary Turkish troops ever banish and destroy the army of Napoleon Bonaparte. Among the army chaplain who was lord Kulawat sent. He even had to fight with the Turkish army against Napoleon’s army in 1809 until 1812. Then, my lord Gapuak (1809-183), Tuanku Rao (1812-1815), and Lord Tambusai (1817-1821).

The struggle of the vicar, as noted by Haji Piobang, phase three targets. Firstly, the term of seven years has had to seize the entire island and the Malay peninsula Andalas. Second, term three years later was to seize power in Java and small islands in the eastern. Third, all the land of Jawi (Nusantara), and in collaboration with the troops Dato ‘Onn Haji. The latter forces have reportedly captured power in the southern Philippines, North Borneo, and Sangihe.

Firmly Enforce Islamic Law

During his leadership of ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh (1762-1825), according to historian Salim Ampera, the vicar successfully implement Islamic purification and into each nagari scope of government. To the extent that liability pray in people’s lives every districts strictly controlled.

After prayers at the surau Shubuh-surau, Nan Renceh lower Padri Warriors around the village. Their job is to inspect the stone foundation that has been provided at each entrance to the house. If the rock was wet, it transpired that the occupants of the house are fulfilling their prayers Shubuh. But if not, residents will be directly interrogated.

If not pray for sleeping, then ordered immediately prayed. If three times is found nor pray – marked by the stone foundation that is not wet – then the household must repent to Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala. However, if later proven to leave the prayer again, the residents have to leave the villages.

Nan Renceh also managed to cultivate a white robe clothing for men and veils for women. For those who will be elected as mayor villages (villages pemeritahan head) should be able to become priests pray in congregation.

Islamic law enforced in the leadership of the Padri Nan Renceh very firm and authoritative. Ampera Salim also said, had once Etek (sister mom / dad) Nan Renceh himself did not heed the rules of the State Government imposed Darul Islam Minangkabau. He was feeling just continue drinking wine and smoked opium.

Indeed, the near Nan Renceh, namely Hassan Nasution, had rebuked the Etek to stop the habit. But he still refused. Even when offered to be evacuated to Kuantan, the Etek firmly rejected.

Legal authority for the sake of Islam, the Etek sentenced to death. Executions carried out with a sword by Haji and Haji Hassan Idris. This incident took place in a calm gaze Tuanku Nan Renceh. For him, the law enforcement authority of Islam is more than your own peting who would deny it.

Original info

PANGLIMA kaum paderi yang tegas dan penuh wibawa. Berhasil melaksanakan pemurnian Islam ke setiap nagari di Ranah Minang, sampai-sampai kewajiban menunaikan shalat dikontrol sangat ketat

Kejayaan Islam di Ranah Minang (Sumatera Barat)

pernah mencapai puncaknya ketika kaum paderi (ulama) dipimpin oleh ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh.

 

Kekuasaannya menghunjam sampai lembaga pemerintahan nagari yang diberi hak otonom oleh Kerajaan Minangkabau. Kerajaan tersebut kala itu berpusat di Pagaruyung.

Pusat kekuasaan kaum paderi sendiri berada di teritorial Luhak (Kabupaten) Nan Tuo, yakni Luhak Agam, Tanah Datar, dan Luhak Nan Limopuluah Dikoto. Atau, seluas wilayah administrasi pemerintahan Kabupaten Agam, Tanah Datar, dan Kabupaten 50 Kota sekarang.

Pada masa itu, kaum paderi benar-benar memegang kendali pemerintahan dan kemasyarakatan untuk mengamalkan syariat Islam. Kondisinya tak jauh berbeda ketika jazirah Arab dikuasai kaum Wahabi yang dipelopori oleh Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab (1703-1787).

Sejarah kelahiran pergerakan kaum paderi di Ranah Minang memang tak dapat dilepas dari pergerakan kaum Wahabi di jazirah Arab.

Pergerakannya berawal pada tahun 1802 ketika “Tiga Serangkai” pulang dari Makkah, yakni Haji Miskin dari Pandai Sikek (Pandai Sikat) Luhak Agam, Haji Muhammad Arief dari Sumanik, Luhak Tanah Datar (dikenal dengan Haji Sumanik), dan Haji Abdurrahman dari Piobang, Luhak Limopuluah Dikoto (dikenal dengan Haji Piobang). Ketiganya dikenal dengan sebutan Haji Nan Tigo. Mereka mendalami ajaran Wahabi saat belajar di tanah suci Makkah hampir 10 tahun lamanya.

Panglima Paderi

‘Abdullah adalah putra dari Incik Rahmah, pemuka suku Koto Nagari Kamang Mudik, yang lahir di Jorong Bansa, Nagari Kamang Mudik, Luhak Agam, tahun 1762. Sejak kecil, Abdullah senantiasa giat memperdalam ilmu agama.

Ia merasa tidak cukup hanya belajar pada guru mengaji tingkat nagari sebagaimana tradisi anak muda seusianya kala itu. Abdullah melakukan terobosan dengan belajar di kampung lain, tepatnya di surau Tuanku Tuo di Cangkiang, Luhak Agam.

Tamat dari pendidikan model surau, ‘Abdullah masih belum merasa puas. Dia bukannya kambali ke kampung halaman, tetapi meneruskan perjalanan ke Ulakan, Padang Pariaman.

Hampir lima tahun menuntut ilmu, barulah ‘Abdullah kembali ke Jorong Bansa. Begitu sampai di kampung, ‘Abdullah mendengar kabar ada ulama besar di Pandai Sikek yang baru pulang dari Makkah. Namanya Haji Miskin. ‘Abdullah yang saat itu baru tiba di rumah langsung saja berangkat ke Pandai Sikek.

Sesampai di sana, betapa kecewanya ‘Abdullah karena Haji Miskin tak ditemukan. Dia lebih kecewa lagi ketika mengetahui bawa Haji Miskin yang baru pulang itu hanya sebentar berada di Pandai Sikek. Ternyata tokoh yang ia buru itu harus pergi lagi karena dakwahnya tak diterima oleh masyarakat kampungnya sendiri.

Bagi ‘Abdullah, kabar “diusirnya” Haji Miskin justru membuat penasaran. Pikirnya, kalaulah apa yang dibawa Haji Miskin tak terlalu istimewa, tentulah perlawanan dari orang kampung sendiri tidak sehebat itu.

Ternyata benar. Begitu ketemu Haji Miskin di tempat pengungsiannya, Nagari Ampek Angkek (Empat Angkat), Abdullah mendapat pelajaran tentang pemurnian gerakan Islam. Ajaran ini sama dengan yang digerakan oleh kaum Wahabi di jazirah Arab.

Haji Miskin memberikan pengajian secara berkesinambungan, dibantu oleh dua karibnya yakni Haji Piobang dan Haji Sumanik. Lalu, bergabung pula beberapa tokoh Islam lainnya, seperti Tuanku Kubu Sanang, Tuanku Lintau, Tuanku Ladang Laweh (Ladang Luas), Tuanku Dikoto Padang Lua (Padang Luar), Tuanku Galung, Tuanku Dikoto Ambalau, dan Tuanku Dilubuk Aua (Lubuk Aur). Mereka masing-masing adalah ulama di kampungnya.

Para ulama itu kemudian berbai’at kepada Haji Miskin untuk melancarkan gerakan penegakan syariat Islam yang mereka beri nama gerakan kaum paderi. Mereka ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Dewan Pimpinan Paderi dengan julukan “Harimau Nan Salapan” (Harimau yang Delapan). ‘Abdullah ditunjuk sebagai pimpinan merangkap panglima perang dengan gelar Tuanku Nan Renceh Al-Mujaddid. Sementara Haji Miskin diangkat sebagai hakim.

Menurut Angga Parlindungan dalam bukunya Tuanku Rao, gerakan Paderi pimpinan Nan Renceh adalah gerakan sistemik dengan angkatan perang yang mirip angkatan perang Turki. Memang, Nan Renceh beberapa kali mengirimkan beberapa prajurit terbaiknya untuk belajar bertempur di Kesultanan Turki.

Kala itu ilmu peperangan Kesultanan Turki sudah maju. Pasukan Jenitsar Cavalary Turki pernah menghalau dan menghancurkan tentara Napoleon Bonaparte. Di antara tentara paderi yang dikirim tersebut adalah Tuanku Kulawat. Ia malah sempat berperang bersama tentara Turki melawan tentara Napoleon tahun 1809 sampai 1812. Kemudian, Tuanku Gapuak (1809-183), Tuanku Rao (1812-1815), dan Tuanku Tambusai (1817-1821).

Perjuangan kaum paderi, seperti dicatat oleh Haji Piobang, memiliki tiga target fase. Pertama, jangka tujuh tahun sudah harus merebut seluruh pulau Andalas dan Semenanjung Malaya. Kedua, jangka tiga tahun kemudian sudah harus merebut kekuasaan di Pulau Jawa dan pulau-pulau kecil di timurnya. Ketiga, merebut seluruh tanah Jawi (Nusantara), kemudian bekerjasama dengan pasukan Dato’ Haji Onn. Pasukan yang terakhir ini kabarnya sudah berhasil merebut kekuasaan di Filipina Selatan, Kalimantan Utara, dan Kepulauan Sangihe.

Tegas Tegakkan Hukum Islam

Selama masa kepemimpinan ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh (1762-1825), menurut sejarawan Ampera Salim, kaum paderi berhasil melaksanakan pemurnian Islam dan masuk ke setiap ruang lingkup pemerintahan nagari. Sampai-sampai kewajiban menunaikan shalat dalam kehidupan masyarakat setiap nagari dikontrol dengan sangat ketat.

Usai shalat Shubuh di surau-surau, Nan Renceh menurunkan Laskar Paderi keliling kampung. Mereka bertugas memeriksa batu tapakan yang sudah disediakan di setiap pintu masuk rumah penduduk. Apabila batu itu basah, diketahuilah bahwa penghuni rumah sudah melaksakan shalat Shubuh. Tapi bila tidak, penghuni rumah akan langsung diinterogasi.

Andai belum shalat karena tertidur, maka diperintahkan segera menunaikan shalat. Bila tiga kali didapati tidak juga menunaikan shalat–ditandai dengan batu tapakan yang tidak basah–maka penghuni rumah harus bertaubat kepada Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala. Akan tetapi bila kemudian terbukti meninggalkan shalat kembali, maka penghuni rumah harus meninggalkan nagari.

Nan Renceh juga berhasil membudayakan pakaian jubah putih bagi laki-laki dan kerudung bagi perempuan. Bagi mereka yang akan dipilih menjadi wali nagari (kepala pemeritahan nagari) harus mampu menjadi imam shalat berjamaah.

Hukum Islam yang ditegakkan kaum Paderi dalam masa kepemimpinan Nan Renceh sangat tegas dan berwibawa. Ampera Salim juga menyebutkan, pernah suatu kali etek (adik ibu/ayah) Nan Renceh sendiri tak mengindahkan aturan yang diberlakukan Pemerintah Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau. Dia enak saja meneruskan kebiasaan minum tuak dan menghisap candu.

Memang, orang dekat Nan Renceh, yakni Hassan Nasution, pernah menegur si etek agar menghentikan kebiasaannya. Tapi dia tetap menolak. Bahkan ketika ditawarkan agar diungsikan ke Kuantan, si etek tegas-tegas menolak.

Demi tegaknya wibawa hukum Islam, si etek divonis hukuman mati. Eksekusi dilakukan dengan pedang oleh Haji Idris dan Haji Hassan. Kejadian ini berlangsung dalam tatapan tenang seorang Tuanku Nan Renceh. Baginya, penegakan wibawa hukum Islam lebih peting daripada saudara sendiri yang mengingkarinya.

Panji Islam

hidayatullah.com

 

 

 

 

Nan Tigers Football lunge Salapan also known in South Tapanuli area. Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics to Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau. ‘
Named as Tiger Nan Salapan because the number of eight members, namely:
(1) – Tuangku Nan Renceh,
(2) – Tuangku Kubu Sanang,
(3) – Tuangku Laweh field,
(4) – Padang Tuangku Lua,
(5) – Tuangku Galuang,
(6) – Tuangku Koto Ambalau,
(7) – Tuangku Pamansingan
(8) – and Tuangku Haji Poor.
According to DP Asral, an observer of history Bukittinggi Minangkabau origin, degree tuangku their clothing not only because they know and understand and practice Islam properly. But more because they dare to struggle led an army to fight the invaders. This means they were leading, or just called scholars that time.
Onggang Parlindungan Tuangku Rao said in the book, Nan Salapan Tigers, also known as Darul Islam Minangkabau Presedium State at the time. Nan Tuangku Renceh they appoint as Chairman Presedium. Nan ideals Renceh enormous. He wanted to liberate the Land Jawi (Nusantara) Islam is of the darkness and grip invaders.
As a first step, the Group of Eight is a black blanket Minangkabau. Minang society at that time was carried away with the habit of rejoicing, enjoying life to the hustle gambling and cockfighting, the main target to be cleaned.
History records, cleaning business is not as easy as turning the palm of the hand. Therefore, the indigenous who likes to enjoy worldly life, feel pleasure disturbed. Therefore, they also held a resistance movement against the white-led Nan Renceh. Thanks to the firmness and maturity of the plan is also white, finally Minang aspect could also be the parson.
Further, the struggle Tigers Nan Salapan bring about peace between the peoples and the religious in Minangkabau in 1834. Peace is also known as the Mount Marapalam agreement that led to the term ABS-SBK (Indigenous Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).
Tuangku Renceh Nan was not present in the peace effort because he was killed in battle against the Dutch in Dublin, 1826.
Nan Salapan lunge Tigers are also known in South Tapanuli area. Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics to Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau.
When examined, what do Tuangku Nan Renceh during the struggle, as well as history records, surely can not be separated from the presence Trio returned from the Hajj Mecca in the late 18th century. They are Piobang Hajj, Hajj and Hajj Sumanik Poor. These three guys have their expertise in understanding embed Wahhabi Minang aspect.
A few notes, Piobang is a graduate of Al-Azhar who had become the Egyptian army and then joined the Turkish army against Napoleon. Last Piobang colonel. Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, he Piobang colleagues at Al-Azhar, who also worked against Napoleon’s army. While Haji Miskin is a knowledgeable about Islam, long mengambara in the Arabian Peninsula.
These are the trio Haji their return to their hometown, accompanied Nan Renceh in the struggle to enforce Islamic law in Minang aspect. They also are developing an army, and laid the foundation of the struggle against the invaders.
Army chaplain Haji Piobang formation, rather than the plebeian soldiers. But it is well-structured to the villages (villages-villages). Nagari is the head of the army commander in the country.
Some litelatur noted, the Minangkabau enforcing Islamic law at that time, each territory Tuangku in implementing the system see the stone foundation (the stamping last stone when it went up on the house).
When the examination in the morning the stone is not wet by water wuduk dawn prayer, the person in the house is considered not Islamic. Execution is run in place. Punishment varies, ranging from stroke to train law.
For areas LUHAK Land Data, the period known firmness Taungku Lintau (also known as Alim Tuangku Know). He is famous for a very active parajuritnya examine the stone foundation every morning in every homes. Tramp horse foot soldier in this very fear by those offenders religious Shari’a.
But all of this is the story of the past. Now only memories. Problem or not to wet the stone foundation in people’s homes before the morning prayer, no one else is going to check and remind him, except themselves respectively.
* U.S. only Patimarajo
Other Sources: Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan Siregar, “Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela title Tuanku Rao, Hanbali School of Islamic Terror in Batak”, Publisher Cape of Good Hope, Jakarta, 1964.
Pongkinagolngolan born of a family dynasty SM Raja. Due to family conflict and fierce then animism life, making them victims, stranded as an orphan and a floater in the various regions.
Mother of Pongkinangolngolan is Gana Sinambela, daughter of Singamangaraja IX, while his father was the younger brother of Prince Gindoporang Sinambela Singamangaraja IX. Singamangaraja Gindoporang and IX are the sons Singamangaraja VIII. Thus, the child is Pongkinangolngolan affair between Princess Gana Sinambela uncle, Prince Gindoporang Sinambela.
Gana Sinambela itself is the brother of Singamangaraja X. Although as a child born out of wedlock, Singamangaraja X is very loved and spoiled nephew. To name the genus, it is not possible given Sinambela clan, because his mother surnamed Sinambela. But the clan is very important for the Batak, so Singamangaraja X find a solution to this problem. Singamangaraja X has another sister, Princess Sinambela Sere, who is married to Jongga Simorangkir, a district chief. In a traditional ceremony, the pro forma Pongkinangolngolan “sold” to Jongga Simorangkir, and Pongkinangolngolan now surnamed Simorangkir.
But illegitimacy is known by 3 people Datu (spiritual leaders), led by Datu Amantagor Manurung. They predict that Pongkinangolngolan will one day kill his uncle, Singamangaraja X. Therefore, Pongkinangolngolan be killed.
Appropriate law, Singamangaraja X had condemned his beloved niece. However, he decided, that Pongkinangolngolan not beheaded, but will be drowned in Lake Toba. He was tied to a tree and his body weighed down with stones that sink.
On the shores of Lake Toba, Singamangaraja X pretending to review the past, but using densely packed Elephants keris he loosened the rope that binds Pongkinangolngolan, slipping a leather pouch containing silver currency to dress Pongkinangolngola. This act was not known by the Datu, because in addition to covered her body, also covered body Gana Sinambela daughter hugging and crying over her beloved son.
Pongkonangolngolan body bound raft timber brought to the Lake and then to dispose of the water. After the successful release stones from his body, by holding on to the wood shavings Pongkinangolngolan reached the river, where the then near Narumonda, he was rescued by a fisherman, Lintong Marpaung.
After many years in the area and Sipirok Angkola, Pongkinangolngolan decided to go to the Minangkabau, as always worried that one day will be recognized as a person who has been sentenced to death by the King of Batak

Original info

“Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam dan taktik perang kepada Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau. “

Disebut sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan karena jumlah anggotanya delapan orang, yaitu :

(1) – Tuangku Nan Renceh,

(2) – Tuangku Kubu Sanang,

(3) – Tuangku Ladang Laweh,

(4) – Tuangku Padang Lua,

(5) – Tuangku Galuang,

(6) – Tuangku Koto Ambalau,

(7) – Tuangku Pamansingan

(8) – dan Tuangku Haji Miskin.

Menurut DP Asral, seorang pengamat sejarah Minangkabau asal Bukittinggi, gelar tuangku mereka sandang bukan semata karena mereka paham dan mengerti serta mengamalkan ajaran Islam dengan baik. Tetapi lebih disebabkan mereka berani berjuang memimpin pasukan menyerang kaum penjajah. Artinya merekalah orang-orang terkemuka, atau disebut saja sarjana masa itu.

Onggang Parlindungan berkata dalam buku Tuangku Rao, Harimau Nan Salapan, juga dikenal sebagai Presedium Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau pada masanya. Tuangku Nan Renceh mereka tunjuk sebagai Ketua Presedium. Cita-cita Nan Renceh sangat besar. Dia ingin membebaskan Tanah Jawi (Nusantara) ini dari kegelapan Islam dan cengkraman penjajah.

Sebagai langkah awal, Kelompok Delapan ini membuka selimut hitam yang mengatapi Minangkabau. Masyarakat Minang yang pada masa itu terlena dengan kebiasaan bersuka ria, menikmati hidup dengan keramaian judi dan sabung ayam, menjadi sasaran utama untuk dibersihkan.

Sejarah mencatat, usaha pembersihan ini tidak semudah membalik telapak tangan. Sebab, kaum adat yang suka menikmati hidup duniawi, merasa kesenangannya terusik. Karena itu mereka pun mengadakan perlawanan terhadap gerakan kaum putih yang dipimpin Nan Renceh. Berkat ketegasan dan kematangan rencana dari kaum putih ini pula, akhirnya Ranah Minang bisa juga dikuasai kaum ulama.

Selanjutnya, perjuangan Harimau Nan Salapan menghasilkan perdamaian antara kaum adat dan kaum agama di Minangkabau pada tahun 1834. Perdamaian ini pula yang dikenal sebagai Kesepakatan Bukit Marapalam yang membuahkan istilah ABS-SBK (Adat Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Nan Renceh sendiri tidak hadir dalam upaya perdamaian ini karena dia gugur dalam pertempuran melawan Belanda di Bukittinggi, 1826.

Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam dan taktik perang kepada Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau.

Jika dicermati, apa yang dilakukan Tuangku Nan Renceh selama perjuangannya, sebagaimana sejarah juga mencatat, tentulah tidak bisa dilepaskan dari keberadaan Trio Haji yang pulang dari Mekah di akhir abad ke 18. Mereka adalah Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Miskin. Ketiga orang ini memiliki keahlian masing-masing dalam menanamkan paham Wahabi di Ranah Minang.

Beberapa catatan menyebutkan, Piobang adalah seorang lulusan Universitas Al-Azhar yang sempat menjadi tentara Mesir kemudian bergabung dengan tentara Turki melawan Napoleon. Terakhir Piobang berpangkat kolonel. Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, dia kawan Piobang di Al-Azhar yang juga ikut melawan tentara Napoleon. Sedangkan Haji Miskin merupakan seorang berpengetahuan luas tentang Islam, lama mengambara di Jazirah Arab.

Trio Haji inilah yang sejak kepulangan mereka ke kampung halaman, mendampingi Nan Renceh dalam berjuang menegakkan syariat Islam di Ranah Minang. Mereka pula yang membina angkatan perang, serta meletakkan fondasi perjuangan melawan kaum penjajah.

Tentara paderi bentukan Haji Piobang, bukannya tentara kampungan. Tetapi sudah terstruktur rapi hingga ke desa (nagari-nagari). Kepala Nagari merupakan komandan tentara di pedesaan.

Beberapa litelatur mencatat, dalam menegakkan syariat Islam di Minangkabau masa itu, masing-masing Tuangku di daerah kekuasaannya menerapkan sistem lihat batu tapakan (batu yang menjadi injakan terakhir ketika naik ke atas rumah).

Bila dalam pemeriksaan di pagi hari batu ini tidak basah oleh air wuduk shalat subuh, maka orang yang ada di atas rumah itu dianggap tidak Islam. Eksekusi pun dijalankan di tempat. Hukumannya beragam, mulai dari cambukan sampai hukum pancung.

Untuk daerah Luhak Tanah Data, masa itu dikenal ketegasan Taungku Lintau (atau disebut juga Tuangku Alim Tahu). Beliau ini terkenal dengan parajuritnya yang sangat aktif memeriksa batu tapakan setiap pagi di setiap rumah-rumah penduduk. Derap langkah kaki kuda prajurit ini sangat di takuti oleh orang-orang pelanggar syariat agama.

Tapi, semua ini adalah cerita masa lalu. Kini hanya tinggal kenangan. Soal basah atau tidaknya batu tapakan di rumah-rumah penduduk menjelang sembahyang subuh, tidak ada lagi yang akan memeriksa dan mengingatkannya, keculai diri mereka masing-masing.

*A.S. Patimarajo

Sumber Lain: Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan Siregar, “Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela gelar Tuanku Rao, Terror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak”, Penerbit Tanjung Pengharapan, Jakarta, 1964.

Pongkinagolngolan lahir dari keluarga Dinasti SM Raja. Akibat konflik keluarga dan ganasnya kehidupan animisme saat itu, membuatnya menjadi korban, terdampar sebagai yatim piatu dan menjadi pengembara di berbagai daerah.

Ibu dari Pongkinangolngolan adalah Gana Sinambela, putri dari Singamangaraja IX sedangkan ayahnya adalah Pangeran Gindoporang Sinambela adik dari Singamangaraja IX. Gindoporang dan Singamangaraja IX adalah putra-putra Singamangaraja VIII. Dengan demikian, Pongkinangolngolan adalah anak hasil hubungan gelap antara Putri Gana Sinambela dengan Pamannya, Pangeran Gindoporang Sinambela.

Gana Sinambela sendiri adalah kakak dari Singamangaraja X. Walaupun terlahir sebagai anak di luar nikah, Singamangaraja X sangat mengasihi dan memanjakan keponakannya. Untuk memberikan nama marga, tidak mungkin diberikan marga Sinambela, karena ibunya bermarga Sinambela. Namun nama marga sangat penting bagi orang Batak, sehingga Singamangaraja X mencari jalan keluar untuk masalah ini. Singamangaraja X mempunyai adik perempuan lain, Putri Sere Sinambela, yang menikah dengan Jongga Simorangkir, seorang hulubalang. Dalam suatu upacara adat, secara pro forma Pongkinangolngolan “dijual” kepada Jongga Simorangkir, dan Pongkinangolngolan kini bermarga Simorangkir.

Namun kelahiran di luar nikah ini diketahui oleh 3 orang Datu (tokoh spiritual) yang dipimpin oleh Datu Amantagor Manurung. Mereka meramalkan, bahwa Pongkinangolngolan suatu hari akan membunuh pamannya, Singamangaraja X. Oleh karena itu, Pongkinangolngolan harus dibunuh.

Sesuai hukum adat, Singamangaraja X terpaksa menjatuhkan hukuman mati atas keponakan yang disayanginya. Namun dia memutuskan, bahwa Pongkinangolngolan tidak dipancung kepalanya, melainkan akan ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba. Dia diikat pada sebatang kayu dan badannya dibebani dengan batu-batu supaya tenggelam.

Di tepi Danau Toba, Singamangaraja X pura-pura melakukan pemeriksaan terakhir, namun dengan menggunakan keris pusaka Gajah Dompak ia melonggarkan tali yang mengikat Pongkinangolngolan, sambil menyelipkan satu kantong kulit berisi mata uang perak ke balik pakaian Pongkinangolngola. Perbuatan ini tidak diketahui oleh para Datu, karena selain tertutup tubuhnya, juga tertutup tubuh Putri Gana Sinambela yang memeluk dan menangisi putra kesayangannya.

Tubuh Pongkonangolngolan yang terikat kayu dibawa dengan rakit ke tengah Danau dan kemudian di buang ke air. Setelah berhasil melepaskan batu-batu dari tubuhnya, dengan berpegangan pada kayu Pongkinangolngolan berhasil mencapai sungai Asahan, di mana kemudian di dekat Narumonda, ia ditolong oleh seorang nelayan, Lintong Marpaung.

Setelah bertahun-tahun berada di daerah Angkola dan Sipirok, Pongkinangolngolan memutuskan untuk pergi ke Minangkabau, karena selalu kuatir suatu hari akan dikenali sebagai orang yang telah dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh Raja Batak.

Haji Miskin ( 1770 – 1830)

Haji Miskin (Poor) derived
Thickness of Stone, Ampek Angkek, has participated with Tuanku Nan Tuo improve security in rural Minangkabau traders.
 He set the pilgrimage in 1803 with Hajj and Hajj Sumanik Piobang.
 When in Mecca, he became acquainted with the flow Zahiriyah pioneered Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahab (1703-1792), as a continuation of the thought of Ibn Taymiyyah (1263-1308). This movement is known as the Wahhabi movement can use family influence Su’ud of Nejd.
The three pilgrimage that describes their experience while in Mecca to my master-my master and scholars in LUHAK Agam, Tanah Datar and Fifty. On each occasion, Haji Miskin explains Wahabi school in Mecca in implementing religious reform. He along Tuanku Nan Tuo advocating a return to the Shari’a by the Quran. They are opposed to the interests of jurisprudence interpreting the world. Oppose heresy and superstition are incorporated into Islam. Back to the pure doctrine, according to Wahabi doctrine, is to oppose the fatwas scholars who based it on the Qur an and the Hadith. In the jurisprudence, the Wahhabis oppose all kinds of qiyas. In everyday life, they are opposed to the sacred cult. The statute equated with idolatry. They opposed drink alcohol, wear clothes of silk and wearing gold jewelry.
After returning from Mecca, Hajj Poor complementary ideas for the renewal of Minangkabau society with the teachings of the Qur’an as a source of law. He moved to the area IV Koto bordering the southern Agam, a prosperous village on the slopes of Mount Singgalang. He applied the guiding principles based on religious life in every way of life.
Poor Haji Clever Sikek left and moved to Laweh Koto, a village of the net, on the slopes of Mount Singgalang (1805). In this village lived Fakih Saghir. Together Haji Poor, Fakih Saghir Sharia law applies traditional Minangkabau companion. Laweh Koto, a village located at the crossroads of trade to the coast via Malalak continue to Naras, the seat of lord nan Cadiak. Tuanku Nan Cadiak, a scholar protector cooking salt traders and trading in Naras.
From Koto Laweh, Haji went to Bukit Kamang poor. Then he lived with Tuanku Nan Renceh in Surau Bansa (1807-1811 Haji Poor and Tuanku Nan Renceh began to organize comprehensive reform plan to implement Islamic law in complementing trade Minangkabau customary law. Merchants can accept it, either living in or Kamang and the came there. they promised to help each other in transactions between merchants. During his Surau Bansa, Kamang, Datuk Bandaro and Malin Mudo of Alahan Long to hear updates from the idea originators, Haji Poor. Returning from Kamang, Malin Mudo Bonjol as a place to build the reformers. Soon Malin Mudo inducted into Tuanku Imam Bonjol * (1807). He has developed an update to get to Tapanuli Rao, Sosa and Tambusai. Eastward Mahek, Kuok Bangkingkinang, Salo, and Air Tiris.
Tuanku Nan Salapan area formed with Tuanku nan Renceh consists of Kamang, Candung, Ampek Angkek, Kubu Sanang, Banuhampu, Puar River, and Padang Laweh. In this area exudes welfare of the population. Violence and fights that occur due to the development of an update to restore the villages implementing Islamic law.
Then negotiate with the lord Haji Poor Nan Salapan. They agreed to appoint Tuanku Nan Renceh Renewal Movement leader, and look for an effect to protect the reform effort. The choice fell to their teachers, Tuanku Nan Tuo
Tuanku Nan Tuo approve their intentions, but do not approve of violence committed in the implementation. If the noble work done by force, would cause chaos. This method is considered to deviate from the spirit of Muhammad wise. This is the teaching contained in the ‘Taufah Mursala ila ruhun prophet.’
While Tuanku Nan Renceh want to implement reform ideas are different from the way he did before with Tuanku Nan Tuo.
Haji Poor continuing reform effort in LUHAK Fifty. In 1811, he left this realm to inspire young scholars, Malin White Water adieu, to perform the update.
 He did well. AiaTabit, a fertile region at the foot of Mount Sago. Saghir Fakih came to this area to help Malin White then Tuanku Nan Bitter.
They built a fort Mount Kawi. Hajj. Poor moved to the Mosque in nagari Aia Lundi River adieu. sermon managed to cause birth plan changes.
Updates launched Haji Poor in Aia hail echoed Halaban. A cleric who follow the teachings of Lord Badger was recently in Halaban ..
Poor Haji spreader ideals and ideas that terhunjam updates Minangkabau society strong in the hearts of every lord-lord or Younger scholars in the Land of Minangkabau. In a noisy environment Haji Miskin killed and buried on the Mount Kawi. (1830).
 Poor lord Haji considered a seed spreader updates Minangkabau society. Complement traditional Minangkabau Islamic law, such as the sale and purchase (an traddin), property search, inheritance law.
Sources: Drs. Sjafnir Aboe Nain, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Intellectual History of Islam in Minangkabau (1784-1832), publisher of the ESA, Padang 1988
——-, Manuscript Fagih Saghir, over write, tt
Stein Parve, HA, The Army Padri in Padang Sumatra, translation LIPI, the
Taufik Abdullah (ed.), Local History, Gajah Mada University Press, 1981
Sources Reading: Scribd.com
Inevitably, Padri forces in Minangkabau, West Sumatra (Sumatra) now, which contributed greatly to the spread of Islam in the Mandailing, North Sumatra (North Sumatra).

 The movement itself began to appear in 1803,

when the return of the three pilgrimage of Mecca, Hajj Miskin from Clever Sikek, Haji Sumanik of Eight Cities and Haji Piobang of Tanah Datar.

Third Haj embraced Wahhabism, a sect of Islam that is running fanatic Islamic law developed by Shaykh Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in Saudi Arabia. The movement is stuck in 1205 Hijri or AD 1790 war with Mecca Sharif.

The trigger ban pilgrimage for some reason that is applied Sharif of Mecca so invite wrath Shaykh Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab who bermazhab Hambali. Post-war, there is no ban on pilgrimage.

Upon arrival at Minangkabau, the three pilgrimage Minangkabau is astonished by the teachings of Islam, especially the Sea Port Tiku and surrounding areas, have been far off the mark. Most of the people of that time, though accepting Islam, but still well done disobedience.

 Starting from drinking wine, gambling and shirk. Pakemnya much different than the early days of the development of Islam in Minangkabau around the 16th century, mainly due to broadcast Sheik Burhanuddin, a disciple of Sheikh Abdurrauf a great scholar of Aceh.

Armed with the knowledge of religion during studied in Mecca, the three agreed to restore the community to run the moral values ​​of Islam in a pure and intact. But how likely anarchists.

Haji poor example by explicitly told that a hall in the Smart Brush, burned. Because according to the customs hall which is where the prince met, even be a place to gamble and risking sinner.

In the development of this movement became known actor by the name of Tiger nan Silapan (eight tigers). Respectively, in Kerbu Sinang lord, lord Ambalu City, lord in Field Lawas, in Padang Foreign lord, lord in Galung, in Lubuk Aur lord, my lord and my lord Haji Nan Renceh poor themselves.

They were all dressed in white and holding a change in the society by way of a radical and in many cases also using violent means. Tuanku Nan Renceh leading purification impatient so quickly to pure Islam in Minangkabau terujud.

The option to run it in a violent purification partly due consideration of the need for the task done quickly and thought that he was destined to live and die to keep God’s commandments.

Tuanku Nan Renceh opinion, fiqh law, those who do not pray and do not follow God’s commands, as appropriate, may be deprived of life and property.

Imam Bonjol

The movement was quickly known purification. A number of people feel the need to explore Islam through Padri, including Datuk Bendaharo, a traditional ruler of Alahan Panjang. He came with aides Peto Sharif, who later became known as Tuanku Imam Bonjol, learn to Tuanku Nan Tuo in Koto Ampat Lift.

After learning, Datuk Bendaharo and Peto Sharif returned to Alahan Panjang. Unfortunately they then opposite opinion with other indigenous princes. Finally driven with about 30 followers.

Along with the death of Datuk Bendaharo, Peto Sharif had Tuanku Young led this small group. Take them to open new settlements in the region Bonjol.

“The fort was established to defend Islam against all forms of ignorance and all actions and do enjoining unjust,” says Peto Sharif.

But the attacks still coming from the opponents. Tuanku Nan Renceh finally arrived with the help of the following forces commander Padri of Agam. During that Peto Tuanku Imam Sharif holds because it is considered more capable of leading the four lord, lord Kaluat, My Lord and my Lord Black pockmarked.

Around the year 1812, Bonjol achieve progress as a center of trade. Until the year 1821 the Dutch army led by Colonel Raaf track Minangkabau. Wars with the Dutch case. Until the end of the peace agreement reached in 1830 between the Netherlands and Padri.

But the Dutch acted fraudulently, the agreement is violated. The war continued until 1837. Bonjol Imam was arrested on October 28 after promising to meet with the Resident Padang to negotiate, but it turns out he was arrested and then taken to Padang.

Then he was exiled to Cianjur (West Java), then to Ambon (Maluku) up to Manado (North Sulawesi) and died there on November 6, 1864 at the age of 92 years.

Original info

Haji Miskin berasal

dari Batu Tebal, Ampek Angkek, telah ikut serta bersama Tuanku nan Tuo memperbaiki keamanan para pedagang di pedalaman Minangkabau.

Ia berangkat menunaikan ibadah haji pada tahun 1803 bersama Haji Sumanik dan Haji Piobang.

Pada saat berada di Mekah, ia berkenalan dengan aliran Zahiriyah yang dipelopori Muhammad Abdul Ibnu Wahab ( 1703-1792), sebagai lanjutan dari pemikiran Ibnu Taimiyah (1263- 1308). Gerakan ini dikenal dengan nama Gerakan Wahabi yang dapat mempergunakan pengaruh keluarga Su’ud dari Nejd.

Ketiga haji itu menerangkan pengalaman mereka masing-masing selama di Mekah kepada tuanku-tuanku dan alim ulama di Luhak Agam, Tanah Datar dan Lima Puluh. Pada setiap kesempatan, Haji Miskin menjelaskan aliran Wahabi di Mekah dalam melaksanakan pembaruan agama. Ia bersama Tuanku Nan Tuo menganjurkan kembali ke syariat berdasarkan al Quran. Mereka menentang menafsirkan fikih untuk kepentingan dunia. Menentang bid’ah dan khurafat yang dimasukkan ke dalam Islam. Kembali ke ajaran yang murni, menurut ajaran Wahabi, ialah menentang fatwa-fatwa ulama yang mendasarkannya pada Qur an dan Hadis. Di dalam fikih, kaum Wahabi menentang segala macam qiyas. Di dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, mereka menentang pemujaan orang keramat. Hukumnya disamakan dengan menyembah berhala. Mereka menentang minum khamar, memakai pakaian dari sutra dan memakai perhiasan emas.

Sekembali dari Mekah, Haji Miskin melengkapi gagasan-gagasan pembaruan untuk masyarakat Minangkabau dengan ajaran-ajaran Al Quran sebagai sumber hukumnya. Ia pindah ke daerah IV Koto yang berbatasan dengan Agam bagian selatan, suatu desa makmur di lereng Gunung Singgalang. Ia menerapkan tuntunan hidup berlandaskan kaidah agama dalam setiap sikap hidup.

Haji Miskin meninggalkan Pandai Sikek dan pindah ke Koto Laweh, suatu desa yang bersih, di lereng Gunung Singgalang( 1805). Di desa ini tinggal Fakih Saghir. Bersama Haji Miskin, Fakih Saghir menerapkan hukum syariat pendamping adat Minangkabau. Koto Laweh, sebuah desa yang terletak di persimpangan jalan dagang ke pantai melalui Malalak terus ke Naras, tempat kedudukan Tuanku nan Cadiak. Tuanku Nan Cadiak, seorang ulama pelindung pedagang yang menanak garam dan berdagang di Naras.

Dari Koto Laweh, Haji Miskin berangkat ke Bukit Kamang. Kemudian ia tinggal bersama Tuanku Nan Renceh di Surau Bansa (1807-1811 Haji Miskin dan Tuanku Nan Renceh mulai mengatur rencana pembaruan secara menyeluruh untuk menerapkan hukum perdagangan Islam dalam melengkapi hukum adat Minangkabau. Para pedagang dapat menerimanya, baik yang tinggal di Kamang atau maupun yang datang ke sana. Mereka berjanji saling membantu dalam transaksi antar pedagang. Selama berada di Surau Bansa, Kamang, Datuk Bandaro dan Malin Mudo dari Alahan Panjang mendengar langsung ide pembaruan dari pencetusnya, Haji Miskin. Sekembali dari Kamang, Malin Mudo membangun Bonjol sebagai tempat kaum pembaru. Tidak lama kemudian Malin Mudo dilantik menjadi Tuanku Imam Bonjol* (1807). Ia berhasil mengembangkan pembaruan ke Rao sampai ke Tapanuli Selatan, Sosa dan Tambusai. Ke timur Mahek, Kuok Bangkingkinang, Salo, dan Air Tiris.

Daerah Tuanku Nan Salapan dibentuk bersama Tuanku nan Renceh terdiri dari Kamang, Candung, Ampek Angkek, Kubu Sanang, Banuhampu, Sungai Puar, dan Padang Laweh. Di daerah ini memancarkan kesejahteraan penduduknya. Kekerasan dan perkelahian yang terjadi akibat pengembangan pembaruan untuk mengembalikan desa-desa melaksanakan syariat Islam.

Kemudian Haji Miskin berunding dengan Tuanku Nan Salapan. Mereka sepakat menunjuk Tuanku Nan Renceh sebagai pemimpin Gerakan Pembaruan, dan mencari seorang yang berpengaruh untuk melindungi usaha pembaruan. Pilihan jatuh kepada guru mereka, Tuanku Nan Tuo

Tuanku Nan Tuo menyetujui maksud mereka, tetapi tidak menyetujui kekerasan yang dilakukan dalam pelaksanaannya. Kalau pekerjaan mulia dilakukan dengan kekerasan, akan menimbulkan kekacauan. Cara ini dianggap menyimpang dari roh Muhammad yang bijaksana. Inilah ajaran yang tertera dalam ‘Taufah mursala ila ruhun nabi.’

Sedangkan Tuanku Nan Renceh ingin menerapkan gagasan-gagasan pembaruan yang berbeda dengan cara yang dilakukannya dahulu bersama Tuanku Nan Tuo.

Haji Miskin melanjutkan usaha pembaruan di Luhak Lima Puluh. Pada tahun 1811, ia berangkat ke ranah ini untuk menggugah ulama muda, Malin Putih di Air Tabik, untuk melakukan pembaruan.

Ia berhasil baik. AiaTabit, suatu daerah subur di kaki Gunung Sago. Fakih Saghir datang ke daerah ini membantu Malin Putih yang kemudian bergelar Tuanku Nan Pahit.

Mereka mendirikan sebuah benteng Bukit Kawi. Haji. Miskin pindah ke Mesjid Sungai Lundi di nagari Aia Tabik. khutbahnya berhasil menjadi sebab lahirnya rencana perubahan.

Pembaruan yang dilancarkan Haji Miskin di Aia Tabik bergema ke Halaban. Seorang ulama yang mengikuti ajaran baru ini ialah Tuanku Luak di Halaban..

Haji Miskin penyebar cita-cita dan ide pembaruan masyarakat Minangkabau yang terhunjam kuat dalam hati setiap tuanku-tuanku atau ulama Muda di Tanah Minangkabau. Dalam suasana ribut Haji Miskin mati terbunuh dan dikuburkan di atas Bukit Kawi. (1830).

Tuanku Haji Miskin dianggap seorang penebar benih pembaruan masyarakat Minangkabau. Hukum Islam melengkapi adat Minangkabau, seperti jual beli (an traddin), harta pencarian, hukum waris.

Sumber: Drs. Sjafnir Aboe Nain, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Sejarah Intelektual Islam di Minangkabau (1784-1832), Penerbit ESA, Padang 1988

——-, Naskah Fagih Saghir, alih tulis, tt

Stein Parve, H.A, Kaum Padri di Padang Darat Pulau Sumatra, terjemahan LIPI, dalam

Taufik Abdullah (ed.), Sejarah Lokal, Gajah mada University Press, 1981

Sumber Bacaan : Scribd.com

Tidak bisa dipungkiri, Pasukan Paderi di Minangkabau, Sumatera Barat (Sumbar) sekarang, memberi andil yang sangat besar dalam proses penyebaran Islam di Mandailing, Sumatera Utara (Sumut).

 

Gerakan ini sendiri mulai muncul pada tahun 1803,

 

ketika kembalinya tiga haji dari Mekkah, Haji Miskin dari Pandai Sikek, Haji Sumanik dari Delapan Kota dan Haji Piobang dari Tanah Datar.

 

Ketiga haji ini menganut paham Wahhabi, sebuah aliran Islam yang menjalankan syariat Islam secara kaffah yang dikembangkan Syaikh Muhammad bin Abdil Wahhab di Arab Saudi. Gerakan itu mencuat pada tahun 1205 Hijriah atau 1790 Masehi karena perang dengan Syarif Mekkah.

 

Pemicunya larangan menunaikan ibadah haji karena alasan tertentu yang diterapkan Syarif Mekkah sehingga mengundang amarah Syaikh Muhammad bin Abdil Wahhab yang bermazhab Hambali. Pasca perang itu, larangan berhaji tidak ada lagi.

 

Setibanya di Minangkabau, ketiga haji Minangkabau ini tercengang karena ajaran Islam, terutama kawasan Pelabuhan Laut Tiku dan sekitarnya, telah jauh melenceng. Sebagian besar umat masa itu, kendati memeluk Islam, tetapi tetap pula melakukan kemaksiatan.

 

Mulai dari minum arak, judi dan perbuatan syirik. Pakemnya jauh berbeda dibanding masa-masa awal berkembangnya Islam di Minangkabau sekitar abad 16, terutama berkat siar Syekh Burhanuddin, salah satu murid Syekh Abdurrauf seorang ulama besar dari Aceh.

 

Dengan bekal pengetahuan agama selama berguru di Mekkah, ketiganya sepakat mengembalikan masyarakat untuk menjalankan nilai-nilai ajaran Islam secara murni dan utuh. Namun caranya cenderung anarkhis.

 

Haji Miskin misalnya dengan tegas menyuruh agar sebuah balairung di Pandai Sikat, dibakar saja. Sebab balairung yang menurut adat merupakan tempat bertemu para penghulu, malah dijadikan tempat berbuat maksiat berjudi dan menyabung.

 

Dalam perkembangannya pelaku pergerakan ini kemudian dikenal dengan nama Harimau nan Silapan (delapan harimau). Masing-masing, Tuanku di Kerbu Sinang, Tuanku di Kota Ambalu, Tuanku di Ladang Lawas,  Tuanku di Padang Luar, Tuanku di Galung, Tuanku di Lubuk Aur, Tuanku Nan Renceh dan Tuanku Haji Miskin sendiri.

 

Mereka semua berpakaian serba putih dan mengadakan perubahan di masyarakat dengan cara yang radikal dan dalam banyak kasus juga menggunakan cara kekerasan. Tuanku Nan Renceh yang memimpin permurnian tidak sabar agar ajaran Islam murni secepatnya dapat terujud di Minangkabau.

 

Pilihan untuk menjalankan permurnian itu dengan cara kekerasan antara lain disebabkan pertimbangan perlunya tugas itu dilakukan dengan cepat dan beranggapan bahwa dirinya adalah orang yang ditakdirkan hidup dan mati untuk menjalankan perintah Allah.

 

Tuanku Nan Renceh berpendapat, berdasarkan hukum fiqh, mereka yang tidak melakukan sholat dan tidak mengikuti perintah Allah sebagaimana mestinya, boleh dirampas jiwa dan hartanya.

 

Imam Bonjol

 

Gerakan permurnian ini dengan cepat terkenal. Sejumlah kalangan merasa perlu mendalami Islam melalui Paderi, termasuk Datuk Bendaharo, seorang penghulu adat dari Alahan Panjang. Dia datang bersama pembantunya Peto Syarif, yang kemudian dikenal dengan sebutan Tuanku Imam Bonjol, belajar kepada Tuanku Nan Tuo di Koto Ampat Angkat.

 

Usai belajar, Datuk Bendaharo dan Peto Syarif kembali ke Alahan Panjang. Sayangnya mereka kemudian berseberangan pendapat dengan penghulu adat yang lain. Akhirnya terusir bersama sekitar 30 pengikutnya.

 

Bersamaan dengan meninggalnya Datuk Bendaharo, Peto Syarif yang sudah bergelar Tuanku Muda memimpin kelompok kecil ini. Membawa mereka membuka perkampungan baru di kawasan Bonjol.

 

“Benteng ini didirikan untuk mempertahankan Islam, melawan semua bentuk kejahilan dan semua perbuatan yang mungkar dan mengerjakan amar ma’ruf,” kata Peto Syarif.

 

Namun serangan tetap datang dari kelompok penentang. Akhirnya Tuanku Nan Renceh datang membawa bantuan pasukan berikut hulubalang Paderi dari Agam. Pada masa itulah Peto Syarif mendapat gelar Tuanku Imam karena dianggap lebih mampu memimpin di antara empat tuanku, Tuanku Kaluat, Tuanku Capuk dan Tuanku Hitam.

 

Sekitar tahun 1812, Bonjol mencapai kemajuannya sebagai pusat perdagangan. Hingga pada tahun 1821 tentara Belanda dipimpin Kolonel Raaf menjejak Minangkabau. Berbagai peperangan dengan Belanda terjadi. Hingga akhirnya pada tahun 1830 dicapai kesepakatan damai antara Belanda dan Paderi.

 

Namun Belanda bertindak curang, perjanjian dilanggar. Perang terus berlanjut hingga tahun 1837. Imam Bonjol ditangkap pada 28 Oktober setelah dijanjikan akan bertemu dengan Residen Padang untuk melakukan perundingan, namun ternyata dia ditangkap lantas dibawa ke Padang.

 

Lalu dia diasingkan ke Cianjur (Jawa Barat), lantas ke Ambon (Maluku) hingga ke Manado (Sulawesi Utara) dan meninggal di sana pada 6 Nopember 1864 dalam usia 92 tahun.

 

Hadji Piobang

Many heroic stories of the great scholars while spreading Islam in West Sumatra. Call it a tale of Sheikh Piyobang.
 The story of these scholars associated with the ‘geeks Cukua Sabalah’ (parents who have not completed shaved hair).

Search VIVAnews, stories circulated of all ages, and spread not in one place.
A middle-aged mother, claimed to have heard the story of ‘geeks Cukua Sabalah’ since I was in Grade 3 Teacher of Religious Education, Sawahlunto, West Sumatra.

“My teacher, Mr. Azhar, who told him,” said Zur, 54, a housewife who lives in the complex Belimbing Permai. The story is remembered Zur, Sheikh Piyobang is highly knowledgeable scholars, and has karama.

From a number of literature, with two friends, Haji and Haji Sumanik poor, known as cleric Sheikh Piyobang reformer. In the 18th century, Sheikh Piyobang juxtaposed against the implementation of Islamic teachings and culture.

How is the story of a legend geeks Cukua Sabalah Sheikh Piyobang?
Mentioned this story begins when the cleric was shaved in one place. When the hair is not finished cut, these scholars rushed to the back, and said she saw fire Makkah. “From the legendary story, he rushed off to Mecca (Kaaba) to extinguish the fire,” said Zur.

The same tale is told, Romi, Padang State University graduate student. “He said the old man Sheikh Piyobang currently tomb is in Piyobang, Payakumbuh District, District 50 City,” said Romi.
 
According to the story, Sheikh Piyobang while putting out a fire in Mecca met a number of people who are Payakumbuh pilgrimage. “They told me to meet new parents whose hair is shaved door, and he took to extinguish the fire in Makkah,” said Romi.

The story of ‘geeks Cukua Sabalah’ which is believed to be Sheikh Piyobang fire fighting in Makkah is not recorded in the literature. This story is only passed down through generations by parents to their children.

According to historian Andalas University, Prof Gusti Asnan, this story is developing in the Minang. The extent to which the truth? “I can assure the parents are said to have karama (sacred) Allah wali par, this could possibly happen,” he said.
 
He also admitted it is difficult to prove whether these parents Haji Piyobang. “But many who relate to him (Sheikh Piyobang),” Gusti said

Original info

Banyak cerita heroik para ulama besar saat menyebarkan Islam di Sumatera Barat. Sebut saja kisah Syekh Piyobang.

Cerita tentang ulama ini terkait dengan ‘Gaek Cukua Sabalah’ (orang tua yang belum selesai bercukur rambut).

Penelusuran VIVAnews, kisah ini  beredar pada semua umur, dan menyebar tak di satu tempat.

Seorang ibu separuh baya, mengaku telah mendengar cerita ‘Gaek Cukua Sabalah’ sejak masih duduk di kelas 3 Pendidikan Guru Agama, Sawahlunto, Sumatera Barat.

“Guru saya, Pak Azhar, yang menceritakannya,” ujar Zur, 54 tahun, seorang ibu rumah tangga yang tinggal di Kompleks Belimbing Permai. Kisah yang dikenang Zur, Syekh Piyobang adalah ulama berilmu tinggi, dan memiliki karomah.

Dari sejumlah literatur, bersama dua temannya, Haji Miskin dan Haji Sumanik, Syekh Piyobang dikenal sebagai ulama pembaru. Di abad 18, Syekh Piyobang menentang pelaksanaan ajaran Islam disandingkan dengan budaya.

Bagaimana kisah Gaek Cukua Sabalah menjadi legenda Syekh Piyobang?

Disebutkan cerita ini dimulai saat sang ulama sedang bercukur di sebuah tempat. Saat rambutnya belum selesai dipotong, ulama ini bergegas ke belakang, dan mengaku melihat Makkah terbakar. “Dari cerita yang melegenda, beliau bergegas pergi ke Makkah (Ka’bah) untuk memadamkan api,” cerita Zur.

Kisah sama juga dituturkan, Romi, mahasiswa pascasarjana Universitas Negeri Padang. “Katanya orang tua itu Syekh Piyobang yang saat ini makamnya ada di Piyobang, Kecamatan Payakumbuh, Kabupaten 50 Kota,” ujar Romi.
 
Menurut cerita, Syekh Piyobang saat memadamkan api di Makkah bertemu sejumlah orang Payakumbuh yang sedang naik haji. “Mereka bilang bertemu orang tua yang rambutnya baru dicukur sebelah, dan dia ikut memadamkan api di Makkah,” kata Romi.

Kisah ‘Gaek Cukua Sabalah’ yang diyakini sebagai Syekh Piyobang memadamkan kebakaran di Makkah memang tak tercatat pada literatur. Kisah ini hanya diceritakan turun-temurun oleh orangtua pada anak-anaknya. 

Menurut sejarawan Universitas Andalas, Prof Gusti Asnan, cerita ini memang berkembang di masyarakat Minang. Sejauh mana kebenarannya? “Saya tak bisa memastikan ini, orang tua ini katanya memiliki karomah (keramat) setara wali Allah, mungkin saja bisa ini terjadi,” katanya.
 
Ia juga mengaku sulit membuktikan apakah orang tua ini Haji Piyobang. “Tapi banyak yang menghubungkannya dengannya (Syekh Piyobang),” kata Gusti.

Laporan Eri Naldi|Padang

Tanggapan tentang Tuanku Rao alias Pongki nangolngolan Sinambela.

Syi’ah vs Wahabi di Minangkabau
 

 

In 1803,

three prominent Wahhabi wing bermazhab Hambali, Haji Piobang, Sumanik Haji and Haji Poor, forming a religious cleansing.

 

 

Their movement sponsored by Abdullah ibn Saud in Riyadh. For the record, the three pilgrimage had been a soldier in Turkey. Tensions arose between the indigenous groups menganutaliran Shia and followers of the Wahhabi movement.

 

Eventually they managed to eradicate the Shiites in Minangkabau, almost nothing left. In Iraq, in 1801, the Wahhabi movement too busy combating the Shiites, and captured Karbala. Shiite mosques and tombs of descendants of Hasan Hussein, grandson of Prophet Muhammad, burned

 

. In 1802, the Wahhabi army under the command of Abdullah ibn Saud, son of Abdul Aziz Saud ib, captured the city of Mecca and Medina, as well as expel the Turks from Arabia. Since the liberation of the city of Mecca and Medina from the Turks that wing Hanafi, then the Wahhabi movement into international fame.


Third pilgrimage Minangkabau origin who participated in the Turkish army occupied Mecca and Medina, the Wahhabis arrested. Because they are foreigners, not the Turks, they were not killed. The three men immediately indoctrinated in the Wahhabi movement, and took off his Hanafi school. Upon his return from Mecca in 1803, they formed the Wahhabi movement in Minangkabau.

 


Tensions arose between the indigenous groups menganutaliran Shia and followers of the Wahhabi movement. Peak, Padri War erupted. Eventually they managed to eradicate the Shiites in Minangkabau, almost nothing left.


Spread Hambali School began in 1804 with the destruction of the royal family in Suroaso Pagarruyung, who rejected the new flow.

 

Almost the entire royal family Pagarruyung beheaded by forces led by Lord Lelo, whose original name was Idris Nasution. Only a few people can save themselves, among which are The lordship Arifin Muning Alamsyah Kuantan who fled to the Netherlands and then ask for help. His daughter,

Urungkan pengeditan

Alpha

 

Original info
Pada 1803, tiga tokoh beraliran Wahabi bermazhab Hambali, Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik, dan Haji Miskin, membentuk gerakan pembersihan agama. Gerakan mereka disponsori oleh Abdullah ibn Saud di Riyadh. Sebagai catatan, ketiga haji tersebut pernah menjadi tentara di Turki. Timbullah ketegangan antara golongan kaum adat yang menganut aliran Syi’ah dan para pengikut gerakan Wahabi. Akhirnya mereka berhasil membasmi kaum Syi’ah di Minangkabau, nyaris tak tersisa. Di Irak, pada 1801, gerakan Wahabi juga sibuk memberantas kaum Syi’ah, dan berhasil merebut Karbala. Masjid masjid Syi’ah dan makam-makam keturunan Hasan Husein, cucu Nabi Muhammad, dibumihanguskan. Pada 1802, tentara Wahabi di bawah pimpinan Abdullah ibn Saud, putra Abdul Aziz ib Saud, berhasil merebut kota Makah dan Madinah, serta mengusir tentara Turki dari jazirah Arab. Karena pembebasan kota Makah dan Madinah dari kekuasaan Turki yang beraliran Hanafi itu, maka gerakan Wahabi menjadi terkenal di dunia internasional.
Ketiga haji asal Minangkabau yang ikut dalam pasukan Turki yang menduduki Makah dan Madinah, ditangkap kelompok Wahabi. Karena mereka adalah orang asing, bukan orang Turki, mereka tidak dibunuh. Ketiga orang tersebut segera diindoktrinasi dalam gerakan Wahabi, lalu melepas aliran Hanafi-nya. Sekembalinya dari Makah pada 1803, mereka membentuk gerakan Wahabi di Minangkabau.
Timbullah ketegangan antara golongan kaum adat yang menganut aliran Syi’ah dan para pengikut gerakan Wahabi. Puncaknya, meletuslah Perang Padri. Akhirnya mereka berhasil membasmi kaum Syi’ah di Minangkabau, nyaris tak tersisa.
Penyebaran Mazhab Hambali dimulai tahun 1804 dengan pemusnahan keluarga Kerajaan Pagarruyung di Suroaso, yang menolak aliran baru tersebut. Hampir seluruh keluarga Raja Pagarruyung dipenggal kepalanya oleh pasukan yang dipimpin oleh Tuanku Lelo, yang nama asalnya adalah Idris Nasution. Hanya beberapa orang saja yang dapat menyelamatkan diri, di antaranya adalah Yang Dipertuan Arifin Muning Alamsyah yang melarikan diri ke Kuantan dan kemudian meminta bantuan Belanda. Juga putrinya,

 

The cruelty of the Wahhabis bermazhab Hambali in Minangkabau
Since the late nineteenth century, the region has initiated efforts Agam return movement back to the shari’ah which was pioneered by Tuanku Nan Tuo seems to be a poor fit for the Hajj in channeling ideas renewal. Protective Haji poor here are fellow seperguruannya, the lord Nan Renceh. Both stores are student Padri Tuanku Nan Tuo and both also involved in the initial renewal gerkan pioneered by teachers at the end of the eighteenth century. For Tuanku Nan Renceh meeting with Haji Miskin triggered his desire to make a move back to the shari’ah After a long vacuum. Tuanku Nan Renceh disappointment over the attitude of the teacher in the soft launch a return to sharia a major factor in poor Haji easily get support and sympathy of the figure is known to be very fierce. Before meeting with Haji Miskin, Tuanku Nan Renceh reform movement does not have a clear purpose and form.
So when Haji Poor convey ideas renewal, Tuanku Nan Renceh immediately expressed support. Purpose of his struggle was clearer and seemed more radical. After receiving guidance and counsel of Haji Miskin, Tuanku Nan Renceh increasingly convinced that the business renewal will have the support of other religious elites in Agam. In fact, Tuanku Nan Renceh also eager to expand his movement throughout the entire region on the island of Sumatra. The second meeting of this character in turn becomes the renewal ideas Padri can run intensively. But in its development, the most prominent is the Tuanku Nan Renceh to begin the work of Agam district. Meanwhile, Haji poor, although it is not got a chance to play further he always tried to play the role available to him. In this respect it more as preachers who invite people to accept the teachings of Padri. Tuanku Nan Renceh start lobbying efforts by scholars who have great influence in support of its motion. In the not long, seven lord of Candung, Sungai Puar, and Banuhampu expressed support. To organize their movements, Tuanku Nan Renceh form an alliance with the lord-lord.
Fellowship is what is known in history as the Tigers Nan Minankabau Salapan, they are: My lord Lubuk Aur (Candung), lord Volcano on the Mount (Candung), lord Galong (Puar River), lord Padang Laweh (Banuhampu), lord Banesa (Agam) , lord Kapau (Agam), and Tuanku Nan Renceh own (Kamang). The presence of Tiger Salapan in turn ideas renewal Padri can run intensively. Before starting movements, Lord Nan Renceh and friends Tuanku Nan Tuo came to implore the blessing of this charismatic cleric. In front of teachers who have brought Islam to know more profound, Tuanku Nan Renceh outlining ideas renewal based on the Qur’an and Hadith and oppose all practices that are contrary to the teachings of Islam. The means to be used to achieve this goal, the act of violence against those who are described at length. Unexpectedly meeting turns religious elites would lead to heated debates. Tuanku Nan Tuo who was the teacher of several members of the Tigers Nan Salapan basically approve renewal ideas Tuanku Nan Renceh and friends but balked violent means in practice. For Tuanku Nan Tuo, preaching is done in ways other than violence unwise also contrary to Islamic teachings.

Tuanku Nan Tuo argued that “…
. Prophet spirited peaceable and forgiving, emphasizing that people deserve to die are those who consciously disavow Islam, and that the village has a Mu’min (believer) can not be attacked “.

Tuanku Nan Tuo therefore unwilling to join his former student’s.

 However, Tuanku Nan Renceh remain at its founding. For The Padri, killing people who do not obey the rules of religion is not a sin.

Recognizing that it is difficult to get the blessing of the great scholars Agam, the poor Haji Renceh invite Tuanku Nan and his friends went to Koto Mansiangan Laweh to meet my lord.

To these scholars the Tigers Nan Salapan asked as protectors and leaders of the movement. Cleric known for extensive knowledge and influence in this Laweh Koto expressed willingness.

 Willingness lord Mansiangan willing to join Padri seems more based on the consideration that he was well known and had been a poor Haji patron that he was not familiar with the ideas of Islamic renewal that carried The Padri.

Besides, my lord Mansiangan is a snobby, while not covering popularity Tuanku Nan Tuo who also was a disciple of his father.

 Its popularity was limited Koto Laweh, while Tuanku Nan Tuo not only throughout Agam but also to other areas outside of Agam. His decision to join and be a leader Padri Tribe is expected to boost the popularity and can raise its prestige in kapangan scholars especially in Agam.

As a token of gratitude for their willingness to join the Tribe Padri, Tuanku Nan Renceh him a priest.

Although leadership is in the hands of the lord Padri Mansiangan but the actor is actually Renceh Tuanku Nan. The person who called then this is more prominent in determining the direction of travel Tribe Padri movement.

In a meeting with the community in Kamang Tuanku Nan Renceh menagajak community to help support its renewal movement.

 To the public were ordered to run Islamic law and Sholah 5 times should be run. Chewing betel nut, smoking, drinking alcohol, and opium is forbidden.

To the men are encouraged to wear white clothes and beards.

Wearing clothes of silk and gold jewelry are only allowed to women.

 The mother is also required to wear a veil.

For those who were innocent of breaking the rules will be subject to the death penalty and their property confiscated.

Seriousness Tuanku Nan Renceh give the death penalty for those who break the rules are made exemplified by killing her aunt because her younger brother was caught chewing betel.

The murder was apparently invited many scholars from a variety of places to merge with Renceh Tuanku Nan.

Tuanku Nan Renceh violence is considered as a form of seriousness in implementing Islamic law.

 Whoever is guilty should be punished even his own family. Support for The Padri also increasingly widespread.

At this moment the Padari started trying to overhaul the Padang ground, while Tuanku Nan Renceh gain greater public support so that it appears a good time for him to continue the implementation of the point.

 His own village was placed under the authority of scholars. In a matter of days many villages-villages which recognize the Tribe Padri and follow his teachings.

The whole force area Agam be Padri territory. The Padri emerged as a new political force in Minangkabau hinterland.

The success of the Padri controlled areas are point history Agam start making the nagari government is patterned religion (nagari a-la Padri / rule a-la Padri) and focuses on the teachings of Islam as understood by the Padri.

 At every districts which had been occupied by the Padri, two scholars appointed as the head (head) to the lord calls Imam (Imam) and lord Qadhi (Qadi).

 When connected to a variety of political theory and sociological theory, it appears clearly that the religious authorities, in general they can not escape politics.

In the case of Padri movement, marginality influence in social reality led many theologians feel you can not improvise extensively in social reality.

 So the best way is to seize or create their own system of political authority. Case Wahabi movement in Hejaz soil can also be seen from this perspective.

Although, in the case of Padri, religious elites only want to restore their social position and role in the Minangkabau social entities that align with the traditional elite.

However, within the leadership, the leadership structure alignment is very difficult to be realized, there must be in a position of hegemony.

In the case of the Padri, the religious elite who have been marginalized, to restore its role as an authority in the field of religion, parallel to the prince of the power of government as the holder shoots villages.

However, if we look at the theoretical, in the history of intellectual thought Minangkabau, religious authority has existed since Islam in Minangkabau, never be separated from the religious elite, and was never taken over by the indigenous elites, for example, as an elite custom feel they have the authority and capability of science .

However, the reduction of the effect can occur. Every elite has its own domain of knowledge or authority, but the authority can influence other authorities across domains. For example, the traditional elite that has authority in the field of customs and religious elite in the field of religion. That their respective domains.
But it could happen, not only has the traditional elite influence in their respective domains, but their influence can be up to other elite domain, even sometimes their influence is far greater than in the domain of scientific authority concerned. This is what happened before the Padri movement emerged.

 Each elite has its own domain. However, in all aspects of life, even elite custom domains is much greater.

Even in the domain of religion that should influence the religious elite is much larger, can be reduced by the indigenous elite. The Padri aware of this. Mastering society is not control of the area, but the most important thing is to master the effect.

 Their role as a religious elite that had been reduced by the indigenous elites want them to return. And they also want to establish leadership system a-la their own. This shows that they want to reproduce the social conditions of time, to reduce the influence of indigenous elites.

By forming the values ​​manifested in the political order established a-la Padri then the Padri will have flexibility and discretion in carrying out the mission and motivation of their own movement.

In this sense of the word, the values ​​established or aspire will only work effectively if the political order established or captured. Political order correlated with the effect (at least legal-formal influence). Thus, the change will be effective and has an endorsement if the pressure and power (even more effective when a hegemonic power) is held. Furthermore, the values ​​will be established in accordance with the values ​​that became a fad the holders of power.

 In this context, it is assumed Padri movement construct or create their own pattern of leadership which is based on religion (Islam).
Formed values ​​are, theoretically, the maximum will be supported by the manufacturer and sympathy as well as individuals who have an interest in these values.

 However, it would be minimally acceptable to the fullest even opposed by groups who feel aggrieved by the presence of the new values. This thrust could have been caused by two things, namely because of the presence of the new values ​​to reduce the values ​​that they have so far and this is correlated with the existence as well as their self-esteem.

Then the presence of the new values ​​will be rejected if they can no longer make a run activities in accordance with the values ​​they hold or has been allowed by the value system in which they live and active.

Ordinary people who had the freedom of action and activities in accordance with the will of their own hearts, because the presence of a new value system that could potentially curb “safe and comfortable conditions” that have them feel, can not accept the rules that have been established (read: forced) by the Padri.

Reaction occurs, or in the language of sociological, social resistance. In these circumstances, the indigenous elites would be the most appropriate place for a shelter for the common people.

In theory it is said that the political leadership of a social group (feel) defeated will be affiliated to the social group which they believe was also defeated, although the pre-conditions before, social groups were initially opposed to the social group in which they were affiliated.

As a person who has the ultimate authority in the villages and tribal leaders in the course Indigenous elites do not want such a condition is.
 Coupled with the presence of system leadership (priest and Qadhi) introduced by the Padri course traditional elites feel their influence would be reduced during this dominant hegemonic even. As customs officers in charge of caring for the child as well as all members of his clan cousin would not let kids niece and all members of his clan are victims of violence the Padri.

 To that end, the prince agreed to maintain their hegemony, power preserve those who have been “captured” by the Padri.

Eventually they find the momentum to “blow” their anger against the Padri.

After successfully embed their influence in Agam district, and governance laid a-la Padri (optimally functioning and role of Imam Qadhi), then attempt the next Padri feudalism scrape out the influence of the Kingdom personified Pagaruyung they consider to have great potential in blocking Islamic reform they do.

 Attacks on several villages-were introduced. Anarchist-radical approach-destructive thought patterns, and effective best thing to do. So many people indigenous surrendered or fled to other areas. Even Tuanku Nan Tuo, “the ideological teacher” who has been a tendency persuasive, is not spared from attack “ideological disciples”.

 Mosque where he taught burned. The Hall-hall tradition that became too much debris. Burned by the Padri.

In each penalukkan, the automatic Padri laid a-la their leadership, in addition to the primordial Islamic approach to society.

Some leaders of the Padri, like Haji Sumanik also move radically in area, Tanah Datar.

However, in the central area of ​​this Minangkabau royal, Haji Sumanik not get the maximum results, it can even be said to fail. This is because (due), the customary (in this case the prince) converge to prevent the spread Haji Sumanik effect.

 In Minangkabau cultural area, the powers of the primus interpares, still has great influence in the community. The success of the Padri embed their influence in areas Agam, have been aware of the customs at Tanah Datar Padri in principle that the ambition to wrest power from the prince. Due to the social conditions that are different areas in Agam, then finally Haji Sumanik Lintau forced to move to the area.

 

Original info
Kekejaman kelompok Wahabi bermazhab Hambali di Minangkabau
Sejak akhir abad ke sembilan belas, daerah Agam telah memulai usaha gerakan kembali kembali ke syari’at yang dipelopori oleh Tuanku Nan Tuo agaknya menjadi tempat yang cocok bagi Haji Miskin dalam menyalurkan ide-ide pembaharuannya. Pelindung Haji Miskin di sini adalah rekan seperguruannya, yakni Tuanku Nan Renceh. Kedua toko Padri ini adalah murid Tuanku Nan Tuo dan keduanya juga ikut terlibat dalam gerkan pembaharuan awal yang dipelopori oleh gurunya pada akhir abad ke delapan belas. Bagi Tuanku Nan Renceh pertemuan dengan Haji Miskin menjadi pemicu keinginannya untuk kembali melakukan gerakan ke syari’at setalah vakum cukup lama. Kekecewaan Tuanku Nan Renceh atas sikap lunak gurunya dalam melancarkan gerakan kembali kepada syari’at menjadi faktor utama mudahnya Haji Miskin mendapat dukungan dan simpati dari tokoh yang dikenal sangat garang ini. Sebelum bertemu dengan Haji Miskin, gerakan pembaharuan Tuanku Nan Renceh masih belum mempunyai tujuan dan wujud yang jelas.
Maka ketika Haji Miskin menyampaikan ide-ide pembaharuannya, Tuanku Nan Renceh segera menyatakan dukungannya. Tujuan perjuangannya pun lebih jelas dan tampak lebih radikal. Setelah mendapat petunjuk dan nasehat dari Haji Miskin, Tuanku Nan Renceh semakin yakin bahwa usaha pembaharuannya akan mendapat dukungan dari elit-elit agama lainnya di Agam. Bahkan, Tuanku Nan Renceh juga berambisi untuk meluaskan gerakannya hingga ke seluruh wilayah di Pulau Sumatera. Pertemuan kedua tokoh ini pada gilirannya menjadi ide-ide pembaharuan kaum Padri dapat dijalankan secara intensif. Akan tetapi dalam perkembangannya, yang paling menonjol adalah Tuanku Nan Renceh yang memulai pekerjaan dari daerah Agam. Sementara ini, Haji Miskin, meskipun tidak mendapat kesempatan untuk berperan lebih jauh ia selalu berusaha untuk memainkan peranan yang tersedia baginya. Dalam hal ini ia lebih berperan sebagai juru dakwah yang mengajak orang-orang untuk menerima ajaran-ajaran Padri. Tuanku Nan Renceh memulai usahanya dengan melobi ulama-ulama yang mempunyai pengaruh besar untuk mendukung gerakannya. Dalam waktu yang tidak lama, tujuh Tuanku dari Candung, Sungai Puar, dan Banuhampu menyatakan dukungannya. Untuk mengorganisir gerakan mereka, Tuanku Nan Renceh membentuk persekutuan dengan Tuanku-Tuanku tersebut.
Persekutuan inilah yang dalam sejarah Minankabau dikenal sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan, mereka itu adalah: Tuanku Lubuk Aur (Candung), Tuanku Berapi di Bukit (Candung), Tuanku Galong (Sungai Puar), Tuanku Padang Laweh (Banuhampu), Tuanku Banesa (Agam), Tuanku Kapau (Agam), dan Tuanku Nan Renceh sendiri (Kamang). Keberadaan Harimau Salapan pada gilirannya menjadi ide-ide pembaharuan kaum Padri dapat dijalankan secara intensif. Sebelum memulai gerakannya, Tuanku Nan Renceh dan kawan-kawan mendatangi Tuanku Nan Tuo untuk memohon restu dari ulama kharismatik ini. Dihadapan guru yang telah membawanya untuk mengenal Islam lebih mendalam lagi, Tuanku Nan Renceh menjabarkan ide-ide pembaharuannya yang didasarkan pada Al-Qur’an dan Hadis dan menentang segala praktek-praktek yang bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam. Cara-cara yang akan dipakai untuk mencapai tujuan itu, yakni tindakan kekerasan bagi yang menentang, juga dipaparkan secara panjang lebar. Tanpa diduga ternyata pertemuan elit-elit agama itu justru menimbulkan perdebatan yang sengit. Tuanku Nan Tuo yang merupakan guru dari beberapa anggota Harimau Nan Salapan pada dasarnya menyetujui ide-ide pembaharuan Tuanku Nan Renceh dan kawan-kawan tetapi menolak keras cara-cara kekerasan dalam pelaksanaannya. Bagi Tuanku Nan Tuo, dakwah yang dilakukan dengan cara-cara kekerasan selain tidak bijaksana juga bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam.

 

Tuanku Nan Tuo mengajukan argumentasi bahwa ”…

.Nabi berjiwa suka damai dan suka mengampuni, yang menekankan bahwa orang patut dihukum mati adalah orang yang dengan sadar mengingkari Islam, dan bahwa desa yang mempunyai seorang mu’min (orang beriman) pun tidak boleh diserang”.

 

Oleh karenanya Tuanku Nan Tuo tidak bersedia untuk bergabung dengan mantan muridnya itu.

 

Akan tetapi Tuanku Nan Renceh tetap pada pendiriannya. Bagi Kaum Padri, membunuh orang yang tidak mematuhi aturan-aturan agama bukanlah perbuatan dosa.

 

Menyadari bahwa sulit untuk mendapat restu dari ulama besar Agam itu, Haji Miskin mengajak Tuanku Nan Renceh dan kawan-kawan pergi ke Koto Laweh untuk menemui Tuanku Mansiangan.

 

Kepada ulama ini kelompok Harimau Nan Salapan memintanya sebagai pelindung dan pemimpin gerakan. Ulama yang terkenal karena pengetahuannya yang luas dan cukup berpengaruh di Koto Laweh ini menyatakan kesediaannya.

 

Kesediaan Tuanku Mansiangan bersedia untuk bergabung dengan kaum Padri agaknya lebih didasarkan atas pertimbangan bahwa ia telah mengenal secara baik Haji Miskin dan pernah menjadi pelindungnya sehingga ia tidak merasa asing dengan ide-ide pembaharuan Islam yang diusung Kaum Paderi.

 

Kecuali itu, Tuanku Mansiangan adalah orang yang gila hormat, sementara popularitasnya tidak seluas Tuanku Nan Tuo yang juga adalah murid dari ayahnya.

 

Popularitasnya hanya sebatas Koto Laweh, sedangkan Tuanku Nan Tuo tidak hanya di seluruh Agam tetapi juga ke wilayah lain di luar Agam. Keputusannya untuk bergabung dan menjadi pemimpin Kaum Padri diharapkan dapat mendongkrak popularitas dan dapat menaikkan gengsinya di kapangan ulama khususnya di Agam.

 

Sebagai tanda terima kasih atas kesediaannya bergabung dengan Kaum Padri, Tuanku Nan Renceh memberinya gelar Imam Besar.

 

Meskipun pimpinan kaum Padri berada di tangan Tuanku Mansiangan namun aktor sesungguhnya adalah Tuanku Nan Renceh. Orang yang disebut kemudian inilah yang lebih menonjol dalam menentukan arah perjalanan gerakan Kaum Padri.

 

Dalam suatu pertemuan dengan masyarakat di Kamang Tuanku Nan Renceh menagajak masyarakat untuk ikut mendukung gerakan pembaharuannya.

 

Kepada masyarakat diperintahkan untuk menjalankan syari’at Islam dan sholah 5 waktu harus dijalankan. Makan sirih, merokok, minum minuman keras, dan madat diharamkan.

 

Kepada kaum laki-laki dianjurkan untuk memakai pakaian putih dan memelihara jenggot.

 

Memakai pakaian dari sutera dan perhiasan emas hanya dibolehkan kepada kaum perempuan.

 

Kaum ibu juga diharuskan memakai cadar.

 

Bagi yang bersalah atau melanggar sebuah dari aturan-aturan tersebut akan dikenakan hukuman mati dan harta bendanya dirampas.

 

 

 

Keseriusan Tuanku Nan Renceh memberikan hukuman mati bagi yang melanggar aturan-aturan yang dibuatnya dicontohkan dengan membunuh bibinya lantaran adik kandung ibunya itu kedapatan sedang mengunyah sirih.

 

Peristiwa pembunuhan tersebut ternyata mengundang banyak ulama dari berbagai tempat untuk menggabungkan diri dengan Tuanku Nan Renceh.

 

Tindakan kekerasan Tuanku Nan Renceh dianggap sebagai wujud dari keseriusan dalam menjalankan syari’at Islam.

 

Siapapun yang bersalah harus dihukum meski itu keluarga sendiri. Dukungan terhadap Kaum Padri juga semakin luas.

 

Pada saat inilah kaum Padari mulai berusaha merombak masyarakat Padang darat, sementara Tuanku Nan Renceh memperoleh dukungan masyarakat yang makin besar sehingga tampaklah saat yang baik bagi dia untuk melanjutkan pelaksanaan maksudnya.

 

Desanya sendiri sudah diletakkannya di bawah kekuasaan alim ulama. Dalam hitungan hari banyak nagari-nagari yang mengakui kekuasaan Kaum Padri dan mengikuti ajaran-ajarannya.

 

Seluruh kekuatan wilayah Agam menjadi daerah kekuasaan Padri. Kaum Paderi muncul sebagai kekuatan politik baru di pedalaman Minangkabau.

 

Keberhasilan kaum Paderi menguasai wilayah Agam merupakan point history dimulainya penyusunan pemerintahan nagari yang bercorak agama (nagari a-la Paderi/pemerintahan a-la Paderi) dan menitikberatkan pada ajaran Islam sebagaimana yang dipahami oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Pada setiap nagari yang telah dikuasai oleh kaum Paderi, diangkat dua orang ulama sebagai pimpinan (kepala) dengan panggilan Tuanku Imam (Imam) dan Tuanku Qadhi (Qadhi).

 

Bila dihubungkan dengan berbagai teori politik maupun teori sosiologi, terlihat secara gamblang bahwa pemegang otoritas agama, pada umumnya tidak bisa melepaskan diri mereka dengan politik.

 

Dalam kasus gerakan Paderi, keterpinggiran pengaruh dalam realitas sosial membuat kalangan agamawan merasa tidak bisa berimprovisasi secara luas dalam realitas sosial.

 

Maka jalan yang paling baik adalah merebut atau menciptakan sistem otoritas politik sendiri. Kasus Gerakan Wahabi di tanah Hejaz juga bisa dilihat dari perspektif ini.

 

Walaupun, untuk kasus Paderi, kalangan elit agama ini hanya ingin mengembalikan posisi dan peran sosial mereka dalam entitas sosial masyarakat Minangkabau yang sejajar dengan elit adat.

 

Namun dalam sistem kepemimpinan, kesejajaran dalam struktur kepemimpinan tersebut sangat sulit terwujud, pasti ada yang berada dalam posisi hegemoni.

 

Dalam kasus kaum Paderi ini, elit agama yang selama ini terpinggirkan, ingin mengembalikan peranannya sebagai pemegang kekuasaan dalam bidang agama, sejajar dengan kekuasaan penghulu sebagai pemegang pucuk pemerintahan nagari.

 

Namun bila kita lihat secara teoritik, dalam sejarah pemikiran intelektual Minangkabau, pemegang otoritas agama sejak Islam sudah eksis di Minangkabau, tidak pernah lepas dari elit agama, dan tidak pernah diambil alih oleh elit adat misalnya, karena elit adat merasa tidak memiliki otoritas dan kapabilitas keilmuan.

 

Akan tetapi reduksi pengaruh bisa terjadi. Setiap elit memiliki domain keilmuan atau otoritas sendiri, akan tetapi otoritas pengaruh bisa melintasi domain otoritas lain. Misalnya, elit adat yang memiliki otoritas dalam bidang adat dan elit agama dalam bidang agama. Itu domain mereka masing-masing.
Tapi bisa saja terjadi, elit adat tidak saja memiliki pengaruh dalam domain mereka masing-masing, namun pengaruh mereka bisa saja hingga ke domain elit lain, bahkan terkadang pengaruh mereka itu jauh lebih besar dibandingkan pemegang otoritas keilmuan dalam domain bersangkutan. Hal inilah yang terjadi sebelum gerakan Paderi muncul.

 

Masing-masing elit memiliki domain sendiri-sendiri. Akan tetapi, dalam seluruh aspek kehidupan, justru domain elit adat jauh lebih besar.

 

Bahkan dalam domain agama yang seharusnya pengaruh elit agama jauh lebih besar, bisa direduksi oleh elit adat. Kaum Paderi menyadari hal ini. Menguasai masyarakat bukanlah menguasai wilayah, akan tetapi yang paling penting adalah menguasai pengaruh.

 

Peran mereka sebagai elit agama yang selama ini tereduksi oleh elit adat ingin mereka kembalikan. Dan mereka juga ingin membentuk sistem kepemimpinan a-la mereka sendiri. Hal ini memperlihatkan bahwa mereka ingin mereproduksi kondisi sosial yang lama, ingin mereduksi pengaruh elit adat.

 

Dengan membentuk tata nilai yang termanifestasi dalam tata politik yang dibentuk a-la Paderi maka kaum Paderi akan memiliki fleksibelitas dan keleluasaan dalam menjalankan misi dan motivasi dari gerakan mereka sendiri.

 

Dalam arti kata, tata nilai yang dibentuk atau dicita-citakan hanya akan berjalan secara efektif bila tata politik dibentuk atau direbut. Tata politik berkorelasi dengan pengaruh (minimal pengaruh legal-formal). Jadi, merubah masyarakat akan efektif dan memiliki daya pressure and endorse apabila kekuasaan (bahkan lebih efektif bila kekuasaan yang hegemonik) dipegang. Selanjutnya nilai-nilai akan dibentuk sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang menjadi anutan si pemegang kekuasaan.

 

 

 

Dalam konteks inilah, diasumsikan gerakan Paderi menyusun atau membuat pola kepemimpinan sendiri yang berbasiskan agama (Islam).
Tata nilai yang terbentuk tersebut, secara teoritis, akan didukung secara maksimal oleh pembuat dan individu yang simpati serta memiliki kepentingan dengan tata nilai tersebut.

 

Namun, akan diterima secara minimal bahkan ditentang secara maksimal oleh kelompok yang merasa dirugikan akan kehadiran tata nilai baru tersebut. Daya tolak ini bisa saja disebabkan oleh dua hal, yaitu karena kehadiran tata nilai baru tersebut mereduksi tata nilai yang mereka miliki selama ini dan ini berkorelasi dengan eksistensi serta harga diri mereka.

 

Kemudian kehadiran tata nilai baru itu akan ditolak apabila membuat mereka tidak bisa lagi menjalankan aktifitas sesuai dengan nilai yang selama ini mereka anut atau diperbolehkan oleh tata nilai dimana mereka hidup dan beraktifitas.

 

Rakyat awam yang selama ini mendapat kebebasan dalam bertindak dan beraktifitas sesuai dengan kehendak hati mereka masing-masing, karena kehadiran tata nilai baru yang berpotensi mengekang ”kondisi aman dan nyaman” yang selama ini telah mereka rasakan, tidak dapat menerima aturan-aturan yang telah ditetapkan (baca: dipaksakan) oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Terjadi reaksi, atau dalam bahasa sosiologisnya, resistensi sosial. Dalam keadaan seperti ini, maka elit-elit adat akan menjadi tempat yang paling tepat untuk berlindung bagi rakyat awam.

 

Dalam teori kepemimpinan politik dikatakan bahwa suatu kelompok sosial yang (merasa) dikalahkan akan berafiliasi kepada kelompok sosial yang mereka yakini juga dikalahkan, walaupun pra-kondisi sebelumnya, kelompok sosial tersebut awalnya bertentangan dengan kelompok sosial tempat mereka berafiliasi itu.

 

Sebagai orang yang memiliki otoritas tertinggi dalam nagari dan pemimpin suku dalam kaum, tentu saja elit-elit adat tidak menginginkan kondisi yang demikian tersebut.

Ditambah lagi dengan kehadiran tata kepemimpinan (Imam dan Qadhi) yang diperkenalkan oleh kaum Paderi tentu elit-elit adat merasa akan tereduksi pengaruh mereka yang selama ini dominan bahkan hegemonik. Sebagai petinggi adat yang bertugas memelihara anak kemenakan serta seluruh warga sukunya tidak akan membiarkan anak kemenakan serta seluruh warga sukunya menjadi korban kekerasan kaum Paderi.

 

Untuk itu, para penghulu sepakat untuk mempertahankan hegemoni mereka, mempertahankan kekuasaan mereka yang telah ”direbut” oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Akhirnya mereka mencari momentum untuk ”meledakkan” kemarahan mereka terhadap kaum Paderi.

 

Setelah berhasil menanamkan pengaruh mereka di daerah Agam, dan meletakkan tata pemerintahan a-la Paderi (memfungsikan secara maksimal peran Imam dan Qadhi), maka usaha kaum Paderi berikutnya adalah mengikis habis feodalisme yang dipersonifikasikan pada pengaruh Kerajaan Pagaruyung yang mereka anggap memiliki potensi besar dalam menghalangi pembaharuan Islam yang mereka lakukan.

 

Penyerangan-penyerangan terhadap beberapa nagari-pun mulai dilakukan. Pendekatan anarkis-radikal-destruktif dianggap pola terbaik dan efektif yang harus dilakukan. Maka banyak kalangan adat yang menyerahkan diri atau melarikan diri ke daerah-daerah lain. Bahkan Tuanku Nan Tuo, ”sang guru ideologis” yang selama ini cenderung persuasif, tidak luput dari penyerangan ”murid-murid ideologisnya”.

 

Surau tempat ia mengajar dibakar. Balairung-balairung adat pun banyak yang menjadi puing-puing. Dibakar oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Dalam setiap penalukkan, kaum Paderi otomatis meletakkan dasar kepemimpinan a-la mereka, disamping tentunya pendekatan Islam yang primordial kepada masyarakat.

 

Beberapa pimpinan kaum Paderi, seperti Haji Sumanik juga bergerak radikal di wilayahnya, Tanah Datar.

 

Akan tetapi, di daerah pusat kerajaan Minangkabau ini, Haji Sumanik tidak mendapat hasil yang maksimal, bahkan bisa dikatakan gagal. Hal ini dikarenakan(disebabkan) , kalangan adat (dalam hal ini penghulu) bersatu menghambat pengaruh yang disebarkan Haji Sumanik.

 

Di daerah kultural Minangkabau ini, penghulu yang primus interpares tersebut, masih memiliki pengaruh besar di tengah-tengah masyarakat. Keberhasilan kaum Paderi menanamkan pengaruh mereka di daerah-daerah Agam, telah menyadarkan kaum adat di Tanah Datar bahwa kaum Paderi pada prinsipnya berambisi untuk merebut kekuasaan dari penghulu. Karena kondisi sosial yang berbeda dengan daerah-daerah di Agam, maka akhirnya Haji Sumanik terpaksa hijrah ke daerah Lintau.

 


Meanwhile, in other areas such as in Lintau, lord Pasaman Padri movement capable of disseminating mission to the community.

Community acceptance is quite good, because my lord Pasaman focus only on improvement of public morality and socialization patterns more persuasive, not radical-destructive as in Agam district.
 

On the initiative eventually he is also the
 in 1815,
 negotiations held between the Padri with family and Minangkabau royal princes.

In the negotiations, there was a difference of opinion in the end a fight between the Minangkabau royal family and princes with figures Padri.

The whole family and Minangkabau royal princes were killed, except the king and his grandson who can escape to Kuantan in Lubuk jambi. This event put an end to the king’s power of nature Minangkabau.

The central political-cultural Minangkabau undermined by the Padri. Nagari-other villages gradually surrendered much.

Some princes who do not submit to the Padri, many who fled to Batipuh, a village who do not submit to the Padri. Although the Padri got rid of Minangkabau power, they do not immediately take over the central cultural power. Looks here, the desire of the Padri in principle is to increase their political bargaining power in the middle of the community and not purely to power an-sich.

Minangkabau practical at this time, hegemonic authority in the hands of the religious elite (read: the Padri).

Traditional elites who had been felt that the social authority in their hands, was not happy with the condition.

Especially after the fall of the kingdom of nature Minangkabau, an institution that is culturally supra protect their existence. Finally, the “sun” other than the out-group they bring, the colonial Dutch.
 They asked for help from the Netherlands to restore their power usurped by Padri.

 The request was immediately accepted by the De Puy and then continue or recommend it to Batavia.

 The first request was rejected because given the number of Dutch military forces in Minangkabau is not so great. Then,

in 1821,

 agreement was made between the traditional and the Netherlands. Of the Netherlands signed by De Puy, while the indigenous signed by Sutan Bagagarsyah, King Tangsir Nature and Natural kingdom Sutan and many princes from different parts of Tanah Datar LUHAK.

Application for this relief seems to be done in total. This is evident from who those who join the group signing the agreement.

According to historical data, the group as a whole amounted to 20 103 people in the name of the prince in LUHAK Tanah Datar, outside of the royal family and relatives Alam Minangkabau.

Dutch East Indies government at that time had just received a small portion of the western coast of Sumatra while the British government immediately agreed to request such assistance.

Moreover, the group promises to return to the Netherlands. The agreement known as the Treaty February 10, 1821 was later confirmed.

Some key points of the agreement include:

(1). The heads of government (prince) of the Kingdom of Minangkabau, formally and absolutely handed Pagaruyung, Sungai Tarab and Saruaso so are the areas around the Minangkabau Kingdom of the Netherlands Indies government.

 (2). Powers of the prince promised to obey and not against any command of Dutch.

 (3). In order to bring the areas that have been submitted to the Netherlands, to protect people from the Padri, to destroy the Padri and create peace in Minangkabau, the Dutch Government provide an army of 100 people and two guns.

(4). The prince was required to provide the coolies in the amount of food needed and take care of the soldiers as well as possible.

(5). Customs and old habits and relationship with the prince will be retained and will not be violated as long as not contrary to the articles of the treaty.

Further

, The Padri face vis a vis against the Netherlands. Padri War began to be recorded in the history.

The movement is then
 
in 1838

defeated by the Dutch.

Meanwhile, the purpose of the prince asked for help to the Dutch that their position as the elite people and restore their influence back that has been taken by the religious elite, would be counterproductive due

Agreements they signed with the Netherlands. They became the “melting” in the Dutch colonial government power engines and are increasingly active in the successful exploitation of the Dutch economy.

Consequently, the defeat Padri not necessarily eliminate their influence. Precisely what happens is winning elite custom make them go down in history as “sycophants” and degrading the Minangkabau.

Political elite custom revenge against former follower of the Padri actually makes a lot of the Minangkabau people are disgusted with the doings of them, especially the Dutch government did not seek to distance themselves from the religious elite, even those trying to keep him.
+ Disari from multiple sources
Posted by TtuaPardede

 

original info
Sementara itu, di daerah-daerah lain seperti di Lintau, Tuanku Pasaman mampu mensosialisasikan misi gerakan Paderi kepada masyarakat.

 

Penerimaan masyarakat cukup baik, karena fokus Tuanku Pasaman hanya kepada perbaikan moralitas masyarakat dan pola sosialisasinya lebih persuasif, bukan radikal-destruktif sebagaimana yang terjadi di daerah Agam.

 

 

Atas inisiatif beliau pulalah akhirnya

pada tahun 1815,

diadakan perundingan antara kaum Paderi dengan keluarga dan pembesar-pembesar kerajaan Minangkabau.

 

Dalam perundingan tersebut, terjadi perbedaan pendapat yang pada akhirnya terjadi perkelahian antara keluarga dan pembesar kerajaan Minangkabau dengan tokoh-tokoh Paderi.

 

Seluruh keluarga dan pembesar kerajaan Minangkabau tewas, kecuali raja beserta cucunya yang dapat meloloskan diri ke Kuantan di Lubuk jambi. Peristiwa ini mengakhiri kekuasaan raja alam Minangkabau.

 

Sentral politik-kultural Minangkabau diruntuhkan oleh kaum Paderi. Nagari-nagari lain secara berangsur-angsur banyak yang menyerahkan diri.

 

Beberapa penghulu yang tidak mau tunduk dengan kaum Paderi, banyak yang lari ke Batipuh, sebuah nagari yang tidak mau tunduk dengan kaum Paderi. Meskipun kaum Paderi berhasil menyingkirkan kekuasaan Minangkabau, mereka tidak segera mengambil alih sentral kekuasaan kultural tersebut. Tampak disini, keinginan kaum Paderi pada prinsipnya adalah ingin menaikkan daya tawar politik mereka di tengah-tengah masyarakat dan tidak murni meraih kekuasaan an-sich.

 

Praktis di Minangkabau pada waktu ini, otoritas hegemonik berada di tangan elit agama (baca: kaum Paderi).

 

Elit adat yang selama ini merasa bahwa otoritas sosial berada di tangan mereka, merasa tidak senang dengan kondisi ini.

 

Apalagi setelah kejatuhan kerajaan alam Minangkabau, sebuah institusi supra yang secara kultural melindungi eksistensi mereka. Akhirnya, ”matahari” lain dari kalangan out-group mereka datangkan, kolonial Belanda.

Mereka meminta bantuan kepada Belanda untuk memulihkan kembali kekuasaan mereka yang dirampas oleh Paderi.

 

Permintaan tersebut langsung diterima oleh De Puy dan kemudian melanjutkan atau merekomendasikannya ke Batavia.

 

Permintaan pertama ditolak karena mengingat jumlah kekuatan militer Belanda di Minangkabau tidak begitu besar. Kemudian,

 

pada tahun 1821,

 

dibuatlah perjanjian antara kaum adat dengan Belanda. Dari pihak Belanda ditandatangani oleh De Puy, sementara di pihak adat ditandatangani oleh Sutan Bagagarsyah, Raja Tangsir Alam dan Sutan Kerajaan Alam serta berbagai penghulu dari berbagai daerah di Luhak Tanah Datar.


Permohonan bantuan ini nampaknya dilakukan secara total. Hal ini terlihat dari siapa-siapa saja yang ikut dalam rombongan penandatangan perjanjian tersebut.

 

Menurut data sejarah, rombongan secara keseluruhan berjumlah 20 orang yang mengatasnamakan 103 penghulu di Luhak Tanah Datar, diluar keluarga dan kerabat kerajaan Alam Minangkabau.

 

Pemerintah Hindia Belanda yang waktu itu baru saja menerima sebagian kecil wilayah pantai barat Sumatera dari pemerintah sementara Inggris dengan segera menyetujui permintaan bantuan tersebut.

 

Apalagi rombongan tersebut menjanjikan imbalan kepada Belanda. Perjanjian yang dikenal dengan Perjanjian 10 Februari 1821 tersebut kemudian dikukuhkan.

 

Beberapa point-point penting dari perjanjian tersebut antara lain :

 

(1). Kepala-kepala pemerintahan (penghulu) dari kerajaan Minangkabau, secara formal dan mutlak menyerahkan Pagaruyung, Sungai Tarab dan Saruaso begitu juga daerah-daerah sekeliling Kerajaan Minangkabau kepada pemerintah Hindia Belanda.

 

(2). Penghulu-penghulu tersebut berjanji untuk patuh dan tidak menentang perintah apapun dari Belanda.

 

(3). Dalam rangka menguasai daerah-daerah yang telah diserahkan kepada Belanda, untuk melindungi rakyat dari kaum Paderi, untuk menghancurkan kaum Paderi dan menciptakan perdamaian di Minangkabau, pemerintah Hindia Belanda menyediakan satuan tentara sebanyak 100 orang dan dua pucuk meriam.

 

(4). Para penghulu diharuskan menyediakan kuli-kuli dalam jumlah yang dibutuhkan dan mengurus makanan tentara sebaik-baiknya.

 

(5). Adat dan kebiasaan lama dan hubungan penghulu dengan penduduk akan dipertahankan dan tidak akan dilanggar selama tidak bertentangan dengan pasal-pasal dalam perjanjian.

 

Selanjutnya

 

, kaum Paderi berhadapan vis a vis melawan Belanda. Perang Paderi pun mulai dicatat dalam sejarah.

 

Gerakan ini kemudian

 

pada tahun 1838

 

dikalahkan oleh Belanda.

 

 

 

Sementara itu, tujuan penghulu meminta bantuan kepada Belanda agar posisi mereka sebagai elit adat dan mengembalikan pengaruh mereka kembali yang telah diambil oleh elit agama, justru kontraproduktif akibat

 

Perjanjian yang telah mereka tanda tangani dengan Belanda. Mereka menjadi ”lebur” dalam mesin kekuasaan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dan semakin aktif dalam menyukseskan eksploitasi ekonomi Belanda.

 

Akibatnya, kekalahan Paderi tidak serta merta menghilangkan pengaruh mereka. Justru yang terjadi adalah kemenangan elit adat membuat mereka tercatat dalam sejarah sebagai ”penjilat” dan merendahkan martabat orang Minangkabau.

 

Politik balas dendam elit adat terhadap bekas pengikut kaum Paderi justru membuat banyak kalangan masyarakat Minangkabau merasa muak dengan tingkah polah mereka, apalagi pemerintah Belanda tidak berupaya menjauhkan diri dari elit agama, bahkan mereka berusaha untuk selalu mendekatinya.
+disari dari beberapa sumber

Diposkan oleh TtuaPardede

 

 

in 1832
 Tuanku Imam fatwa ishlah Bonjol provide the basis for the development of Indigenous Teachings Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan, Syarak Mangato mamakai Indigenous (ABS SBK) – which is then fitted with a ‘Natural Takambang So the teacher – as a basic value in managing the Minangkabau society. Tuanku Imam Bonjol fatwa was later confirmed in Bukit Marapalam Oath Satie

 

 

1834
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

Awak-Sungai

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1835


Batavia

 

 

The city began to move further south, as epidemics in 1835 and 1870[clarification needed]

 

1835 1865

Sultan Alam Bidar III

 

1836

 

On February 3, 1836, the first government steamboat, Willem I, arrived at the Batavia shipyard of Island Onrust. (wiki)

 

 

in 1837

at the Bukit Pato, Lintau,near  Batusangkar.

Because then the whole Minangkabau colonized by the Dutch East Indies colonial government launched pitting politics and political cultivation, followed by two World Wars, two War of Independence, and a series of protracted conflicts in the country,

 

The Doctrine of Primary and Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan has not had time to put together in an integrated and assembled in a document that was passed along by the Minangkabau

 

The Dutch took the opportunity to occupy the Minangkabau
  after envoy Pagaruyung Kingdom asking for help to beat Padri.

 

War between the Netherlands and Padri lasted for 17 years. Although Padri been defeated, but the position of headman in each nagarinya decline.


At first the government structure nagari, position the prince is a leader in all aspects of life.

 

The position of the clergy, the legend called malin (propagator) just so the device of the prince.

 

Since the movement Padri clerical position no longer be the ruler tool. The sphere of influence beyond its borders scholars an entry into the villages or many villages. While the prince is limited to nagarinya respectively.

 

 

1838

Padri the face vis a vis against the Netherlands. Padri War began to be recorded in the history. The movement is then in 1838 defeated by the Dutch.

Meanwhile, the purpose of the prince asked for help to the Dutch that their position as the elite people and restore their influence back that has been taken by the religious elite, would be counterproductive due

Agreements they signed with the Netherlands.

They became the “melting” in the Dutch colonial government power engines and are increasingly active in the successful exploitation of the Dutch economy.

Consequently, the defeat Padri not necessarily eliminate their influence. Precisely what happens is winning elite custom make them go down in history as “sycophants” and degrading the Minangkabau.

 

 


1838

31/03/1838 – 10/03/1851 C.J. Smulders
C.J. Smulders, the Secretary of the Javasche Bank, succeeded de Haan as President by decision of the Commissioner General on March 31, 1838. 
In November 1846, Smulders bought 1/2 share in the sugar factory Langsee. On January 7, 1851, Smulders requested to be honorably discharged because of his weakening health. By decree of March 4, 1851, Smulders was honorably discharged. He decided to dedicate his time to his interest in the Langsee sugar factory. His successor E. Francis, took over presidency during the board meeting of March 10, 1851.

 

1841

Earliest Nederland and South Holland revenue handstamped (1841) on law magazine from nederland sent to Indonesia.

 

 

 

 

1841

 

 

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

PADA tahun 1841, Thaha Syaifuddin diangkat sebagai Perdana Menteri oleh Sultan Abdurachman.

Sejak itu pulalah dia selalu menunjukkan sikap menentang terhadap kekuasaan Belanda di Jambi.

Setelah diangkat menjadi Sultan, ia malah menolak menandatangani perjanjian yang menyatakan bahwa Jambi adalah milik Belanda dan Sultan Jambi hanya meminjam dari Belanda.

 

1843

 

Richard Jan Kellerman (18161890) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der artillerie, onder meer officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Kellerman volgde als cadet-sergeant de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, werd op 16 juni 1834 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het Leger in Oost-Indië, op 27 augustus aldaar bij de artillerie geplaatst en op 8 augustus 1838 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het personeel van eerder genoemd wapen, waar hij op 18 april 1843 benoemd werd tot kapitein. Tijdens de derde expeditie naar Bali werd hij aangewezen als commandant van de zesde compagnie.

 

1845

 

 

Straits Settlements. Copper ¼ cent, ½ cent, above; 1cent below.
Coins based on the dollar standard were finally struck by the EIC’s Calcutta mint in 1845.

The matrix dies were engraved by William Wyon at the Royal Mint and his initials appear on the truncation of the Queen’s bust on the ½ cent only.

 

1846

 

Willem Karel van Gennep (Den Haag, 1823 – aldaar, 10 juli 1900) was een Nederlands viceadmiraal, onder meer directeur en commandant der Marine te Willemsoord, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en commandeur in de Orde van de Eikenkroon. Van Gennep werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 20 augustus 1842 nummer 53 benoemd tot adelborst der eerste klasse bij de Nederlandse Marine; hij was toen elève op het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine te Medemblik. Hij werd op 7 december 1845 benoemd tot luitenant-ter-zee tweede klasse, werd in september 1846 geplaatst op de schoener Zephir en in oktober van dat jaar overgeplaatst van de Castor op Zr. Ms. schoener Aruba, bestemd voor Oost-Indië. Aldaar werd hij belast met opnemingen van onder meer de rede van Banda Nera, het Lonthoirs-gat, het zonnegat en het oostgat. Grote verrassingen werden niet gevonden.

1848

 

Petrus Joannes Eduardus Hartsteen

(1822Princenhage, 19 maart 1901)

was een Nederlands majoor van het Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en bezitter van de Eresabel. Hartsteen vertrok in de rang van sergeant-majoor op 17 november 1842 per Princes Sophia naar Oost Indië en werd op 28 oktober 1848 in de rang van tweede luitenant overgeplaatst van het eerste bataljon bij het garnizoensbataljon aan de Westkust van Sumatra

1845

Area “Overseas nan Tigo Jurai” of the kingdom of Minangkabau Batanghari Region, Hulu and Hulu Kampar Left Kuantan, there are some disinana king, as representative of the Minangkabau King promised not to allow the Dutch to enter.

Original info

Area “Rantau nan Tigo Jurai” of the kingdom of Minangkabau Batanghari Region, Hulu and Hulu Kampar Left Kuantan, there are some disinana king, as representative of the Minangkabau King promised not to allow the Dutch to enter.

 

1848

 

Petrus Joannes Eduardus Hartsteen (1822Princenhage, 19 maart 1901) was een Nederlands majoor van het Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en bezitter van de Eresabel. Hartsteen vertrok in de rang van sergeant-majoor op 17 november 1842 per Pri

nces Sophia naar Oost Indië en werd op 28 oktober 1848 in de rang van tweede luitenant overgeplaatst van het eerste bataljon bij het garnizoensbataljon aan de Westkust van Sumatra.

1849

 

Paku Buwono VI kemudian ditangkap dan diasingkan ke Ambon sehingga wafat pada tahun 1849.

 

1850

 

Guillaume Frederic Charlier (Namen, 1818

Nijmegen, 4 juli 1891) was een Nederlands dirigerend officier van gezondheid, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Charlier volgde een medische opleiding en woonde in maart 1848 de bestraffing bij van enige militairen, omschreven als volslagen schavuiten en ijverig volhardend in hun wangedrag, die rietslagen kregen ter bestraffing. Omdat deze bestraffing enige onrust verwekte verklaarde Charlier, die deze bestraffing als toeziend medicus bijwoonde, dat de slagen op een voor de gezondheid minst schadelijke manier waren toegepast. Charlier werd op 1 februari 1850 overgeplaatst (in de rang van officier der gezondheid derde klasse) van het Nederlandse leger bij het Nederlands-Indische leger en gelijktijdig bevorderd tot officier van gezondheid der tweede klasse.

 

1849

 

Jenis : Arca Batu
Nama : PROFIL DARI PEMIMPIN ADAT (MEJAN)
Asal : Barus, Sumatera, Indonesia
Budaya : Batak, Toba
Era : Abad Ke-19
Material : Batu
Dimensi : 87 cm (tinggi)

Keterangan :

Patung suci mejan adalah pengarcaan tokoh terkenal, seringkali dengan peran bersama kepala desa (raja) dan dukun adat (datu) yang terpahat hanya oleh Pakpak Selatan (yang mungkin diciptakan mereka), Toba barat (kelangkaan yang ‘pasangan’ – penunggang kuda dan wanita duduk – terlihat di Pulau Samosir baru-baru ini) dan Simalungun, dimana penampilan mereka sangat berbeda dengan yang satu ini.

Saya melakukan studi lapangan beberapa antara tahun 1974 dan 1998 untuk mengidentifikasi gaya tertentu khusus untuk arca dukun adat (datu panggana) dari Pakpak, Simsim, Pakpak Kalasan (sebelumnya tidak diketahui) dan sub kelompok Toba Barat. Arca batu yang disucikan (mejan) yang menggambarkan pemimpin adat biasanya disertai dengan arca istri-istri mereka, digambarkan duduk, telanjang atau yang sudah memakai sarung.

Pemimpin adat digambarkan menunggangi seekor Singa, sebuah rakasa mitologis mewakili dewa dunia bawah tanah, Raja Padoha (atau Naga Padoha), semacam ular bertanduk raksasa. Garis-garis yang mengalir pada arca ini (menggambarkan istri raja ini, yang peringkat dibuktikan dengan ban pada lengannya) khusus untuk wilayah pegunungan antara pantai dan Pusuk, di mana benzoin dan kamper yang pernah membuat keberuntungan bagi Barus telah diproduksi sejak jaman purbakala. Gaya Barus dataran tinggi yang tidak tersaingi berasal dari yang dari Kalasan Pakpak, yang dipisahkan dari Simsim Pakpak oleh pegunungan dan diselingi di wilayah Toba barat. Kaum mereka (kurang dari selusin) semuanya didirikan oleh seorang pemimpin adat dari marga Toba.

Namun demikian, mereka mengklaim (seperti Simsim Pakpak) telah menerima, sekitar lima puluh generasi (empat sampai lima ratus tahun) yang lalu, ajaran dari orang tua bijak dari India disebut Guru Kalasan, yang mengajarkan mereka untuk mengkremasi mereka yang mati. Jadi sarkofagus besar bukannya berisi tulang belulang dari leluhur Toba dan Simalungun, mereka memiliki guci kecil untuk abu jenazahnya, yang ditempatkan di depan patung berkuda, akan tetapi telah banyak yang menghilang. Kadang-kadang yang ditunggangi dalam arca pemimpin adat berupa kuda atau gajah. Dalam arca ini, itu adalah Singa, dikenali oleh lidah panjangnya yang melengkung, yang oleh beberapa wisatawan awal dikira batang.

 

The biography of Sisingamangaraja XII

 

Sisingamangaraja XII

(1849-17 June 1907)

is a Batak king who became an Indonesian folk hero for his fight against the Dutch, who killed him in their fight to gain control over the Batak lands

Sumatra Treaty in 1871

marked a new Babakan in the Dutch Colonial government’s ambition to dominate the region of Sumatra. After the Padri War in West sumatra complation. Tapanuli be the next target. Since the Aceh War, most of the area occupied by the army Tapanuli Colonial Occupation. The Dutch also began to put controller in Balige,Tarutung and Sipoholon.

Dutch soldiers lungs kick cuased a strong reaction from si singamaraja XII,King Tapanuli Bosat Patuan Ompu Pulo Batu when seated the throne get the name si Singamagaraja XII was born in Bakkara North Tapanuli 1849. In addition to domicile as a king, he also served as head of the customs as well as religious leader called Parmalin.It provides a high position among his people .this is evident when he took up arms against the Dutch. In that war ,si singamangaraja XII  led his ownself against Dutch resistance. The attack on the Dutch outpost in Tarutung,Balige and Bakkara in 1878.In that war,the king of Battaks was working with sseveral Commanders in Aceh and West sumatra, the most succeessful attack happened at the Stone Staies in 1884. Since many experienced defeat, the Netherlands increase the strenght and perform various acts of intimidation and violence. People suspected of helping Si Singamangaraja captured and killed but the opposition still runs. to influence the parties who do not like the position of The Netherlands,si singamagaraja then provide a cash prize of 2000 guilders burning villages and forcing people to pay high fines. Various effort sudden siege and assault were done by Netherlands but didnot show meaningful results. In 1894,King was with his army to face the Dutch army in the amouth of because imported from Medan and Aceh so that its strength of si Singamangaraja Raja Batak Bakkara is survive in the area and make the area as a center of resistance. Through the fierce fighting that eventually fortifications fell into the enemy hands, Then,the defense moved to Pakpak Dairi, a village in the southwest of Lake Toba. Dutch troops succeeded in entering through the North Tapanuli to a par-prisoner of fighters. The place was finally surrounded Dutch demand for surrender was refused and the king of fierce Fighting took place. The Si singamangaraja the slogan ” better dead than live berkalang colonized land” was dfinally killed in 1907 after long thirty years of formating popular resistance to drive out Dutch Tapanuli.

 

 

Jenis : Arca Batu
Nama : PROFIL ISTRI PEMIMPIN ADAT
Asal : Barus, Sumatera, Indonesia
Budaya : Batak, Toba
Era : Abad Ke-19
Material : Batu
Dimensi : 92 cm (tinggi)

Keterangan :

Para Batak Toba, Pakpak dan Simalungun memiliki dua jenis patung antropomorfik : mereka berpangkat tinggi yang menggambarkan pria dan wanita (terpahat selama hidup mereka atau setelah kematian), dan Pangulubalang, yang memiliki kekuatan sihir yang kuat defensif dan ofensif dan sering terpahat untuk membela diri dari orang-orang yang menjadi musuh desanya.

Batak Karo mungkin memiliki batu pangulubalang kecil namun tidak ada patung pemimpin adat yang pernah terlihat. Hal yang sama tampaknya benar dari dua kelompok Batak terakhir di selatan, Angkola dan Mandailing, Islamisasi selama hampir dua abad.

Sejarah ini potret wanita bangsawan mungkin sama dengan patung Ronggur ni Ari, istri Raja Ranjo Simanjuntak yang saya lihat dan difoto beberapa kali sebelum 1988 di Hutan Parik Sinombah, dekat Barus. Itu dijual oleh warga desa sekitar tahun 1990, muncul kembali di pasar seni internasional pada tahun 1993, ketika diakuisisi oleh kami, dan sekarang di Musée du Quai Branly di Paris.

Wanita asal Simsim Pakpak memang pasti luar biasa bagi suaminya, yang menugaskan pekerjaan, tidak memiliki bentuk landasan patungnya. Dan, seperti wanita ini tidak diketahui, dia memakai rambut di sanggul dengan lubang di dalamnya. Pertama kali saya melihat Ronggur ni Ari di bawah pohon beringin, dia harus buket daun suci di rambutnya, ditempatkan di lubang ini, yang dibuat untuk tujuan ini tepat.

Kedua patung perempuan yang tidak diragukan lagi diukir oleh dua orang yang sangat berbakat datu panggana lokal. Kita tahu patung lain dalam wilayah yang sama, identik dengan gaya, tanpa wajah dan rahang persegi berat dari penggambaran manusia dari Toba dan Pakpak (kemudian) di kawasan Danau Toba. Mereka memiliki kembali bersifat sangat melengkung, awalnya dicat dengan motif simbolis.

Selama dua puluh tahun terakhir banyak batu monumen Batak telah hancur karena kurangnya perlindungan. Mereka dianggap sebagai rintangan untuk Islamisasi desa yang masih menghormati nenek moyang mereka dan menjalankan kebiasaan tradisional.

 


     
In the Batak Malim religion Sisingamaraja XII is seen as the prophet of God on earth, his spirit still alive in his successors.

ingamangaraja XII

 

 

Si Singamangaraja XII

King Sisingamangaraja XII (Bangkara, Tapanuli, 1849 – Simsim, Tano Batak, June 17, 1907); title Ompu Pulo Batu was a ruler in Tapanuli, North Sumatra in the late 19th century. He died on June 17, 1907 while defending itself from attack Dutch troops. His tomb is in Soposurung, Balige after removed from Tarutung. Sisingamangaraja name derived from Sanskrit which means lion and mangaraja (overlord).

Table of contents
1 Origin
2 Royal King Sisingamangaraja XII
3rd Degree
4 Cap Sisingamangaraja XII
5 References

 

Origin
Sisingamangaraja, Sisingamangaraja XII dynasty, was a descendant of an officer appointed by the king Pagaruyung very powerful when it is, which comes around North Sumatra to place its officers. [1] In a letter to Marsden years 1820, Raffles wrote that the leaders explain Batak him about Sisingamangaraja which is a descendant of Minangkabau, in Silindung dah that there is a statue of human form is very ancient stone that allegedly brought from Pagaruyung. [2] Until the beginning of the 20th century, Sisingamangaraja still send regular tribute to the leader through the intermediary lord Barus Minangkabau who served Pagaruyung submit it to the leader.

Kingdom King Sisingamangaraja XII

Photo 1907. Dutch soldiers chasing Sisingamangaraja Tele XII in forest areas. Led by Hans Christoffel (holding stick), they posed for a moment in the region Sagala.
Sisingamangaraja is a big name in the history of Batak. He unifying figure. Sisingamangaraja dynasty began in the mid-1500s, when King Sisingamangaraja I who was born in 1515 began to reign. He’s not the first king in there. The government before it was known by the name of anesthetic. The anesthetic is a collection of about seven horja. While one horja consists of 20 huta or villages that have their own leadership. There anesthetic Toba, Patane Bolon, Silindung and so forth.

Of the 12 people who continue the dynasty Sisingamangaraja, Singamangaraja XII is the most popular king and was appointed as a national hero since 9 November 1961. The painting itself is made Augustin Sibarani who later printed in the old money of Rp 1,000, is the only “picture” themselves Sisingamangaraja. He ascended the throne in 1876 succeeded his father Singamangaraja XI named Ompu Sohahuaon.

The coronation of Maharaja Singamangaraja XII as in Toba city simultaneously with the start of open door policy (open-door policy). Netherlands felt the need to secure foreign capital operating in Indonesia are not willing to sign Korte Verkaring (short contract) in Sumatra, especially Aceh and Tapanuli. Both consultants are to open trade relations with other European countries. Holland himself tried to instill in the second monopilinya the sultanate. Different political situation encourages further to give birth to a prolonged battle to tens of years.

One that still continues to be a subject of discussion today, is a fad religion Sisingamangaraja XII. Some believe, he adopted the old beliefs most people Batak. Similar to the two major world religions Islam and Christianity, Batak religion knows only one Almighty, Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon or Ompu Mulajadi Nabolon. Now the old Batak religion is obsolete, though of course the traditional belief is still maintained.

Combat power very long time because in Tunjang by religious teachings of Islam. It is rare to rare in pointed by historians, because it was less relevant to the predicate of a National Hero. Or because of other reasons to feel less need membicarakanya. If you anyway want to talk about religion in embraced by Si Singamangaraja XII, they are more likely to recognize the religious Pelbagu Si Singamangaraja XII. Such Pelbagu animist religions worship the god who knows well. Debata Mulajadi as Mahadeva. Also mengaenal teachings Trine: Guru (god of glory), Ser Debata

One thing which is unacceptable when the Si XII Singamangaraja animistic religion, because we look at Cap Si kalu Singamangaraja XII reads Arabic letters that read: This is the Maharaja in the city of Cap Bakara village of Toba city. Hijrah of the Prophet 1304. On the stamp can be seen clearly the use of Hijra the Prophet. This gives an idea of ​​the influence of Islam that animates self-Si Singamangaraja XII. The letter hobo who was also in the capture, is similar to the actions of Prince Diponegoro who still uses the letters of Java to write letters.

Similarly, if we look at the flag of war. Seen the influence of Islam in the picture kelewang, sun and moon. Will be clearer if we follow the description a few magazines or a Dutch newspaper report on religion in embraced by Si Singamangaraja XII, among others; Volgens berichten van de bevolking Moet de togen, woordige titularis not jaren geleden een 5 tot den Islam jizn bekeerd, Doch hij werd en Islamiet fanatiek Geen Geen oefende jizn Druk op om zich uit te ongeving bekeeren. (Sukatulis, 1907, pp, 1)

According to news from the population, the current king (mean Titularis is Singamangaraja Si XII) since five years ago converted to Islam a fanatic, so he meneka so that people around him change his religion. News on this gives us data that Si Singamangaraja XII Muslim. In addition, the add also about the people who are not Muslim, and Si XII Singamangaraja not hold any other force or pressure. This also give an idea also about control Si Singamangaraja XII against religion itself.

Mohammad Said, in his book Sisingamangaraja XII states likely true that Sisingamangaraja a Muslim. Guidelines derived from information in writing Zendeling Dutch, JH Meerwaldt, who had been a teacher at nearby Narumonda Porsea. Meerwaldt hear Sisingamangaja already embraced Islam.

In the magazine Rheinische Missionsgessellschaft published in 1907 in Germany which states, that Sisingamangaraja, despite the super-natural power to say no to him, to fall, and that the same is true with the shift he became a Muslim and its relationship to the people of Aceh.

 

Relations with the Dutch attacked Aceh occurred in 1877 Tanah Batak. Because of weak tactically, Sisingamangaraja XII relationships with troops in Aceh and the Acehnese figures of Muslim fighters to boost forces combat capability. He went to the Gayo, Alas, Singkel, and Pidie in Aceh and also take part in war exercises Keumala.

Exchange officer conducted. Aceh trained officers participated in the XII Sisingamangaraja troops to help win the war strategy, while officers continue to be trained in Aceh Batak. One Teacher Mengambat, one warlord Sisingamangaraja XII. Teungku earned a Master Mengambat Aceh.

The information was based on resident LC Kort Verslag Welsink on August 16, 1906. In the note mentioned, a commander named Teacher Mengambat Sisingamangaraja XII of Salak (Kab. Pakpak Hasundutan now) had converted to Islam. This information was obtained by Welsink from Ompu Onggung and Defence Batu.

In a confidential letter to the Departement van Oorlog, the Netherlands, Lieutenant L. van Vuuren and Berenshot on 19 July 1907 states, Dat de Oude S vaststaatdat bet. S. M. Met zijn tot zonns Islamic den Waren over gegaan, al zullen zij wel niet Mohamedan in merg en been geworden zijn / That is definitely S. S. M. old with her sons had converted to Islam, although Islam is not just how pervasive they are in his soul.

Dutch Newspapers Algemcene Handeslsblad on July 3, 1907 edition, as stated Mohammad Said in his book, wrote, “According to the news of the occupation, stop right now the king (ie Sisingamangaraja) since five years ago had embraced Islam. But he is not an Islamic fanatic, so he does not push people around him change his religion. “

This information further strengthens allegations Sisingamangaraja XII had embraced Islam. Moreover, Islamic patterns seen in the pattern of government administration, such as flags and seals.

Sisingamangaraja XII flag red and white., Bearing the twin swords, moon and stars, similar to the flag of Saudi Arabia now. The difference in the flag Sisingamangaraja XII are located on the right seblah sword is a full moon or full moon, not a crescent. While the star is located on the left has eight serrations, not five as is commonly seen in mosques in other Islamic tradition symbol. However, eight jagged objects could also be interpreted as the sun.

The outside of the stamp which has 12 serrations Sisingamangaraja periphery also use the Hijri era and Arabic letters. But the Arabic alphabet to write the Batak language, “This is the stamp Maharaja in Negri Toba Bakara Village Name Adorned, Hijrat Prophet 1304″. While the script to write Ahu Sahap bataknya ni mian Tuwan Lion Mangaraja Bakara, which means I Cap Mr. Lion Mangaraja enthroned in Bakara.

“Actually, flags and seals that have characterized the mode of Islam in government Sisingamangaraja. Thus a strong possibility he had embraced Islam, but there is no authentic data so it can not be ascertained the truth, “said Chairman of the Council of North Sumatra Aziz Mahmud H Siregar.

For more in-depth conveyed, Dada Meuraxa in his book History of Culture The tribes in North Sumatra. “Sisingamangaraja XII had converted to Islam and circumcised in Aceh when he came to Banda Aceh to ask for help weapons,” said Meuraxa.

In the book mentions Meuraxa, description, according to a source statement, Tuanku Hashim, who quoted her aunt who is also Commander Polem wife who witnessed the ceremony in Aceh.

“Although it is not enough facts Sisingamangaraja a Muslim, but the movement was strongly influenced his life the story of Islam. Up to stamp his own kingdom Arabic script. Flag using the moon and stars two Arabian swords are also given the fact the light, “wrote Dada Meuraxa. After the pastor Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen open post zending in Silindung then worry about power Singamangaraja Netherlands will soon enter the land of Batak. He became leader of the Batak lands against Dutch colonialism. Feeling threatened by Singamangaraja XII then Nomensen ask for the Dutch to send troops to immediately conquer Silindung. On February 6, 1878 Dutch troops arrived in Pearaja, the residence of Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen evangelists, and together with evangelists Nommensen bahal Dutch troops left for Stone to prepare defenses. The Singamangaraja who felt provoked declares war (peacefully) on 16 February. In a war that became famous with Toba War (also called Batak War or War Singamangaraja), the Dutch troops who assisted by Christian Batak troops to combat resistance Singamangaraja, burned dozens of villages, including Bangkara, Singamangaraja XII own village. Singamangaraja forced to resign to the Dairi and from there she was repeatedly attacked the Dutch Singamangaraja named Ompu Pulobatu XII himself, born on February 18, 1845 and died June 7, 1907 in a battle with the Dutch in the Dairi. A bullet penetrated his chest. By the last breath, by gunfire Dutch troops headed by Captain Hans Christoffel, he still says, “Ahuu Sisingamangaraja”.

Speech is synonymous with persistence berjuang.Turut that time also shot his two sons Patuan Nagari and Patuan Anggi, and her daughter Lopian. While the rest of his family captive in Tarutung. That’s the end of the battle against Dutch colonialism in Batak land since 1877. Sisingamangaraja own later interred in a military Holland on June 22, 1907 at Silindung. His shrine is just moved to Soposurung, Balige like this now since June 17, 1953.

Title

Singamangaraja title is a title of hereditary groups who have the privilege authority (Sahala) king of the branch of the clan Sinambela faith, lived in Bangkara. Because of privileges, advantages, wisdom that goes down through the generations they respected most of the Batak, especially from large parts of the clans of Sumba. Indonesia is the national hero who is also called Pulo Batu Ompu is Singamangaraja the twelfth.

Cap Sisingamangaraja XII
Singamangaraja XII has three stamps that have been studied by Uli Kozok in the book “Letters Batak: Batak History of Writing, Script Writing Guidelines Here Batak and Cap Si Singamangaraja XII. New York: Scholastic. 2009

 

 

 

Foto tahun 1907. Tentara Belanda mengejar Sisingamangaraja XII di kawasan hutan Tele. Dipimpin Hans Christoffel (memegang tongkat), mereka berpose sejenak di daerah Sagala.

Sisingamangaraja merupakan nama besar dalam sejarah Batak. Dia tokoh pemersatu. Dinasti Sisingamangaraja dimulai sejak pertengahan tahun 1500-an, saat Raja Sisingamangaraja I yang lahir tahun 1515 mulai memerintah. Dia memang bukan raja pertama di sana. Pemerintahan masa sebelum itu dikenal dengan nama bius. Satu bius merupakan kumpulan sekitar tujuh horja. Sedangkan satu horja terdiri dari 20 huta atau desa yang punya pimpinan sendiri. Ada Bius Toba, Patane Bolon, Silindung dan sebagainya.

Dari 12 orang yang melanjutkan dinasti Sisingamangaraja, Singamangaraja XII merupakan raja paling populer dan diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional sejak 9 November 1961. Lukisan dirinya yang dibuat Augustin Sibarani yang kemudian tercetak di uang Rp 1.000 yang lama, merupakan satu-satunya “foto” diri Sisingamangaraja. Dia naik tahta pada tahun 1876 menggantikan ayahnya Singamangaraja XI yang bernama Ompu Sohahuaon.

Penobatan Si Singamangaraja XII sebagai Maharaja di negri Toba bersamaan dengan dimulainya open door policy (politik pintu terbuka). Belanda merasa perlu mengamankan modal asing yang beroperasi di Indonesia yang tidak mau menandatangani Korte Verkaring ( perjanjian pendek) di Sumatra terutama Aceh dan Tapanuli. Kedua konsultan ini membuka hubungan dagang dengan negara-negara Eropa lainya. Belanda sendiri berusaha menanamkan monopilinya di kedua kesultanan tersebut. Politik yang berbeda ini mendorong situasi selanjutnya untuk melahirkan peperangan yang berkepanjangan hingga puluhan tahun.

Satu yang masih terus jadi bahan diskusi hingga hari ini, adalah agama yang anutan Sisingamangaraja XII. Sebagian yakin, dia penganut kepercayaan lama yang dianut sebagian besar orang Batak. Mirip dengan dua agama besar dunia Islam dan Kristen, agama Batak hanya mengenal satu Yang Maha Kuasa, Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon atau Ompu Mulajadi Nabolon. Sekarang agama Batak lama sudah ditinggalkan, walau tentu saja kepercayaan tradisional masih dipertahankan.

Daya tempur yang sangat lama ini karena di tunjang oleh ajaran agama islam. Hal ini jarang jarang di kemukakan oleh para sejarawan, karena merasa kurang relevan dengan predikat Pahlawan Nasional. Atau karena alasan-alasan lain merasa kurang perlu membicarakanya. Kalau toh mau membicarakan tentang agama yang di anut oleh Si Singamangaraja XII, mereka lebih cenderung untuk mengakui Si Singamangaraja XII beragama Pelbagu. Pelbagu semacam agama animisme yang mengenal pula pemujaan dewa. Debata Mulajadi sebagai mahadewa. Juga mengaenal ajaran Trimurti: Batara Guru (dewa kejayaan), Debata Ser

Satu hal yang sukar diterima adalah bila Si Singamangaraja XII beragama animisme, karena kalu kita perhatikan Cap Si Singamangaraja XII yang bertuliskan huruf arab berbunyi; Inilah Cap Maharaja di negri Toba kampung Bakara kotanya. Hijrah Nabi 1304. Pada cap tersebut terlihat jelas penggunaan tahun hijriah Nabi. Hal ini memberikan gambaran tentang besarnya pengaruh ajaran Islam yang menjiwai diri Si Singamangaraja XII. Adapun huruf batak yang masih pula di abadikan, adalah sama dengan tindakan Pangeran Diponegoro yang masih mengguakan huruf jawa dalam menulis surat.

Begitu pula kalau kita perhatikan bendera perangnya. Terlihat pengaruh Islam dalam gambar kelewang, matahari dan bulan. Akan lebih jelas bila kita ikuti keterangan beberapa majalah atau koran Belanda yang memberitakan tentang agama yang di anut oleh Si Singamangaraja XII, antara lain; Volgens berichten van de bevolking moet de togen, woordige titularis een 5 tak jaren geleden tot den Islam jizn bekeerd, doch hij werd geen fanatiek Islamiet en oefende geen druk op jizn ongeving uit om zich te bekeeren. ( Sukatulis, 1907, hlm, 1)

Menurut kabar-kabar dari penduduk, raja yang sekarang (maksud Titularis adalah Si Singamangaraja XII) semenjak lima tahun yang lalu memeluk agama Islam yang fanatik, demikian pula dia meneka supaya orang-orang sekelilingnya menukar agamanya. Berita di atas ini memberikan data kepada kita bahwa Si Singamangaraja XII beragama Islam. Selain itu, di tambahkan pula tentang rakyat yang tidak beragama Islam, dan Si Singamangaraja XII tidak mengadakan paksaan atau penekanan lainnya. Hal ini sekaligus memberikan gambaran pula tentang penguasaan Si Singamangaraja XII terhadap ajaran agama itu sendiri.

Mohammad Said, dalam bukunya Sisingamangaraja XII menyatakan kemungkinan benar bahwa Sisingamangaraja seorang Muslim. Pedomannya berasal dari informasi dalam tulisan Zendeling berkebangsaan Belanda, J.H Meerwaldt, yang pernah menjadi guru di Narumonda dekat Porsea. Meerwaldt mendengar Sisingamangaja sudah memeluk Islam.

Di majalah Rheinische Missionsgessellschaft tahun 1907 yang diterbitkan di Jerman yang menyatakan, bahwa Sisingamangaraja, kendati kekuatan adi-alamiah yang dikatakan ada padanya, dapat jatuh, dan bahwa demikian juga halnya dengan beralihnya dia menjadi orang Islam dan hubungannya kepada orang Aceh.

Hubungan dengan Aceh ini terjadi Belanda menyerang Tanah Batak pada tahun 1877. Karena lemah secara taktis, Sisingamangaraja XII menjalin hubungan dengan pasukan Aceh dan dengan tokoh-tokoh pejuang Aceh beragama Islam untuk meningkatkan kemampuan tempur pasukannya. Dia berangkat ke wilayah Gayo, Alas, Singkel, dan Pidie di Aceh dan turut serta pula dalam latihan perang Keumala.

Pertukaran perwira dilakukan. Perwira terlatih Aceh ikut dalam pasukan Sisingamangaraja XII untuk membantu strategi pemenangan perang, sementara perwira Batak terus dilatih di Aceh. Salah satunya Guru Mengambat, salah seorang panglima perang Sisingamangaraja XII. Guru Mengambat mendapat gelar Teungku Aceh.

Informasi itu berdasarkan Kort Verslag Residen L.C Welsink pada 16 Agustus 1906. Dalam catatan itu disebutkan, seorang panglima Sisingamangaraja XII bernama Guru Mengambat dari Salak (Kab. Pakpak Hasundutan sekarang) telah masuk Islam. Informasi ini diperoleh oleh Welsink dari Ompu Onggung dan Pertahan Batu.

Dalam sebuah surat rahasia kepada Departement van Oorlog, Belanda, Letnan L. van Vuuren dan Berenshot pada tanggal 19 juli 1907 menyatakan, Dat bet vaststaatdat de oude S .S. M. Met zijn zonns tot den Islam waren over gegaan, al zullen zij wel niet Mohamedan in merg en been geworden zijn/ Bahwa sudah pasti S. S. M. yang tua dengan putra-putranya telah beralih memeluk agama Islam, walaupun keislaman mereka tidak seberapa meresap dalam sanubarinya.

Surat Kabar Belanda Algemcene Handeslsblad pada edisi 3 Juli 1907, sebagaimana dinyatakan Mohammad Said dalam bukunya, menuliskan, “Menurut kabar dari pendudukan, sudahlah benar raja yang sekarang (maksudnya Sisingamangaraja) semenjak lima tahun yang lalu telah memeluk Islam. Tetapi dia bukanlah seorang Islam yang fanatik, demikian pula dia tidak menekan orang-orang di sekelilingnya menukar agamanya”.

Informasi ini semakin menguatkan dugaan Sisingamangaraja XII telah memeluk Islam. Apalagi terlihat pola-pola Islam dalam pola administrasi pemerintahannya, misalnya bendera dan stempel.

Bendera Sisingamangaraja XII yang berwarna merah dan putih., berlambang pedang kembar, bulan dan bintang, mirip dengan bendera Arab Saudi sekarang. Bedanya bulan dalam bendera Sisingamangaraja XII yang terletak di seblah kanan pedang merupakan bulan penuh atau bulan purnama, bukan bulan sabit. Sedangkan bintang yang terletak di sebelah kiri memiliki delapan gerigi, bukan lima seperti yang biasa terlihat di mesjid dalam lambang tradisi Islam lainnya. Namun benda bergerigi delapan itu bisa juga diartikan sebagai matahari.

Bagian luar stempel Sisingamangaraja yang mempunyai 12 gerigi pinggiran juga menggunakan tarikh Hijriah dan huruf Arab. Namun huruf Arab itu untuk menuliskan bahasa Batak, “Inilah cap Maharaja di Negri Toba Kampung Bakara Nama Kotanya, Hijrat Nabi 1304”. Sedangkan aksara bataknya menuliskan Ahu Sahap ni Tuwan Singa Mangaraja mian Bakara, artinya Aku Cap Tuan Singa Mangaraja Bertakhta di Bakara.

“Sebenarnya bendera dan stempel itu sudah mencirikan corak Islam dalam pemerintahan Sisingamangaraja. Dengan demikian kuat kemungkinan dia sudah memeluk Islam, tetapi tidak ada data otentik jadi tidak bisa dipastikan kebenarannya,” kata Ketua Majelis Ulama Sumut H Mahmud Azis Siregar.

Keterangan lebih mendalam disampaikan, Dada Meuraxa dalam bukunya Sejarah Kebudayaan Suku-suku di Sumatera Utara. “Sisingamangaraja XII sudah masuk Islam dan disunatkan di Aceh waktu beliau datang ke Banda Aceh meminta bantuan senjata,” kata Meuraxa.

Dalam buku itu Meuraxa menyebutkan, keterangan itu berdasarkan pernyataan seorang sumber, Tuanku Hasyim, yang mengutip pernyataan bibi-nya yang juga istri Panglima Polem yang menyaksikan sendiri upacara tersebut di Aceh.

“Walaupun belum cukup fakta-fakta Sisingamangaraja seorang Islam, tetapi gerak hidupnya sangat terpengaruh cerita Islam. Sampai kepada cap kerajaannya sendiri tulisan Arab. Benderanya yang memakai bulan bintang dan dua pedang Arab ini pun memberikan fakta terang,” tulis Dada Meuraxa. Setelah pendeta Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen membuka pos zending di Silindung maka Singamangaraja khawatir kekuasaan Belanda akan segera masuk ke Tanah Batak. Beliau menjadi pemimpin negeri-negeri Batak yang menentang penjajahan Belanda. Karena merasa terancam oleh Singamangaraja XII maka Nomensen minta agar Belanda mengirim pasukan untuk segera menaklukkan Silindung. Pada 6 Februari 1878 pasukan Belanda tiba di Pearaja, kediaman penginjil Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen, dan bersama-sama dengan penginjil Nommensen pasukan Belanda berangkat ke Bahal Batu untuk menyusun benteng pertahanan. Si Singamangaraja yang merasa terprovokasi mengumumkan perang (pulas) pada tanggal 16 Februari. Dalam perang yang menjadi terkenal dengan Perang Toba (juga disebut Perang Batak atau Perang Singamangaraja), pasukan Belanda yang diperbantukan oleh pasukan Batak Kristen untuk memberantas perlawanan Singamangaraja, membakar puluhan kampung, termasuk Bangkara, kampungnya Singamangaraja XII sendiri. Singamangaraja terpaksa mengundurkan diri ke daerah Dairi dan dari situ ia berkali-kali menyerang Belanda Singamangaraja XII sendiri bernama Ompu Pulobatu, lahir pada 18 Februari 1845 dan meninggal 7 Juni 1907 dalam sebuah pertempuran dengan Belanda di Dairi. Sebuah peluru menembus dadanya. Menjelang napas terakhir, akibat tembakan pasukan Belanda yang dipimpin Kapten Hans Christoffel itu, dia tetap berucap, “Ahuu Sisingamangaraja”.

Ucapan itu identik dengan kegigihannya berjuang.Turut tertembak juga waktu itu dua putranya Patuan Nagari dan Patuan Anggi, serta putrinya Lopian. Sedangkan sisa keluarganya ditawan di Tarutung. Itulah akhir pertempuran melawan penjajahan Belanda di tanah Batak sejak tahun 1877.

Sisingamangaraja sendiri kemudian dikebumikan Belanda secara militer pada 22 Juni 1907 di Silindung. Makamnya baru dipindahkan ke Soposurung, Balige seperti sekarang ini sejak 17 Juni 1953.

Gelar

Gelar Singamangaraja adalah gelar kelompok turun temurun yang memiliki keistimewaan wibawa (sahala) raja iman dari cabang marga Sinambela, tinggal di Bangkara. Karena keistimewaan, keunggulan, kearifan yang berlangsung turun-temurun mereka dihormati sebagian besar orang Batak, khususnya dari belahan marga besar Sumba. Pahlawan nasional Indonesia ini yang disebut juga Ompu Pulo Batu adalah Singamangaraja yang keduabelas.

Cap Sisingamangaraja XII

Singamangaraja XII memiliki tiga cap yang telah diteliti oleh Uli Kozok dalam buku “Surat Batak: Sejarah Perkembangan Tulisan Batak, Berikut Pedoman Menulis Aksara Batak dan Cap Si Singamangaraja XII. Jakarta : Gramedia. 2009.

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  • Jenis : Arca Batu
    Nama : PROFIL DARI PEMIMPIN ADAT (MEJAN)
    Asal : Barus, Sumatera, Indonesia
    Budaya : Batak, Toba
    Era : Abad Ke-19
    Material : Batu
    Dimensi : 87 cm (tinggi)
  • Keterangan :
  • Patung suci mejan adalah pengarcaan tokoh terkenal, seringkali dengan peran bersama kepala desa (raja) dan dukun adat (datu) yang terpahat hanya oleh Pakpak Selatan (yang mungkin diciptakan mereka), Toba barat (kelangkaan yang ‘pasangan’ – penunggang kuda dan wanita duduk – terlihat di Pulau Samosir baru-baru ini) dan Simalungun, dimana penampilan mereka sangat berbeda dengan yang satu ini.
  • Saya melakukan studi lapangan beberapa antara tahun 1974 dan 1998 untuk mengidentifikasi gaya tertentu khusus untuk arca dukun adat (datu panggana) dari Pakpak, Simsim, Pakpak Kalasan (sebelumnya tidak diketahui) dan sub kelompok Toba Barat. Arca batu yang disucikan (mejan) yang menggambarkan pemimpin adat biasanya disertai dengan arca istri-istri mereka, digambarkan duduk, telanjang atau yang sudah memakai sarung.
  • Pemimpin adat digambarkan menunggangi seekor Singa, sebuah rakasa mitologis mewakili dewa dunia bawah tanah, Raja Padoha (atau Naga Padoha), semacam ular bertanduk raksasa. Garis-garis yang mengalir pada arca ini (menggambarkan istri raja ini, yang peringkat dibuktikan dengan ban pada lengannya) khusus untuk wilayah pegunungan antara pantai dan Pusuk, di mana benzoin dan kamper yang pernah membuat keberuntungan bagi Barus telah diproduksi sejak jaman purbakala. Gaya Barus dataran tinggi yang tidak tersaingi berasal dari yang dari Kalasan Pakpak, yang dipisahkan dari Simsim Pakpak oleh pegunungan dan diselingi di wilayah Toba barat. Kaum mereka (kurang dari selusin) semuanya didirikan oleh seorang pemimpin adat dari marga Toba.
  • Namun demikian, mereka mengklaim (seperti Simsim Pakpak) telah menerima, sekitar lima puluh generasi (empat sampai lima ratus tahun) yang lalu, ajaran dari orang tua bijak dari India disebut Guru Kalasan, yang mengajarkan mereka untuk mengkremasi mereka yang mati. Jadi sarkofagus besar bukannya berisi tulang belulang dari leluhur Toba dan Simalungun, mereka memiliki guci kecil untuk abu jenazahnya, yang ditempatkan di depan patung berkuda, akan tetapi telah banyak yang menghilang. Kadang-kadang yang ditunggangi dalam arca pemimpin adat berupa kuda atau gajah. Dalam arca ini, itu adalah Singa, dikenali oleh lidah panjangnya yang melengkung, yang oleh beberapa wisatawan awal dikira batang.
  • Koleksi :
    BARBIER-MUELLER MUSEUM OF GENEVA
    Rue Jean-Calvin, 10, 1204 Genève
  • Object ID: INV. 3137
  • Acquired from Emile Deletaille in 1979
  • Jean Paul Barbier-Mueller
    Arts of Africa and Oceania. Highlights from the Musée Barbier-Mueller, musée Barbier-Mueller & Hazan (eds.), 2007: p. 258.

 

  • Jenis : Arca Batu
    Nama : PROFIL ISTRI PEMIMPIN ADAT
    Asal : Barus, Sumatera, Indonesia
    Budaya : Batak, Toba
    Era : Abad Ke-19
    Material : Batu
    Dimensi : 92 cm (tinggi)
  • Keterangan :
  • Para Batak Toba, Pakpak dan Simalungun memiliki dua jenis patung antropomorfik : mereka berpangkat tinggi yang menggambarkan pria dan wanita (terpahat selama hidup mereka atau setelah kematian), dan Pangulubalang, yang memiliki kekuatan sihir yang kuat defensif dan ofensif dan sering terpahat untuk membela diri dari orang-orang yang menjadi musuh desanya.
  • Batak Karo mungkin memiliki batu pangulubalang kecil namun tidak ada patung pemimpin adat yang pernah terlihat. Hal yang sama tampaknya benar dari dua kelompok Batak terakhir di selatan, Angkola dan Mandailing, Islamisasi selama hampir dua abad.
  • Sejarah ini potret wanita bangsawan mungkin sama dengan patung Ronggur ni Ari, istri Raja Ranjo Simanjuntak yang saya lihat dan difoto beberapa kali sebelum 1988 di Hutan Parik Sinombah, dekat Barus. Itu dijual oleh warga desa sekitar tahun 1990, muncul kembali di pasar seni internasional pada tahun 1993, ketika diakuisisi oleh kami, dan sekarang di Musée du Quai Branly di Paris.
  • Wanita asal Simsim Pakpak memang pasti luar biasa bagi suaminya, yang menugaskan pekerjaan, tidak memiliki bentuk landasan patungnya. Dan, seperti wanita ini tidak diketahui, dia memakai rambut di sanggul dengan lubang di dalamnya. Pertama kali saya melihat Ronggur ni Ari di bawah pohon beringin, dia harus buket daun suci di rambutnya, ditempatkan di lubang ini, yang dibuat untuk tujuan ini tepat.
  • Kedua patung perempuan yang tidak diragukan lagi diukir oleh dua orang yang sangat berbakat datu panggana lokal. Kita tahu patung lain dalam wilayah yang sama, identik dengan gaya, tanpa wajah dan rahang persegi berat dari penggambaran manusia dari Toba dan Pakpak (kemudian) di kawasan Danau Toba. Mereka memiliki kembali bersifat sangat melengkung, awalnya dicat dengan motif simbolis.
  • Selama dua puluh tahun terakhir banyak batu monumen Batak telah hancur karena kurangnya perlindungan. Mereka dianggap sebagai rintangan untuk Islamisasi desa yang masih menghormati nenek moyang mereka dan menjalankan kebiasaan tradisional.
  • Collection:
    BARBIER-MUELLER MUSEUM OF GENEVA
    Rue Jean-Calvin, 10, 1204 Genève
  • Object ID: INV. 3138
  • Jean Paul Barbier-Mueller
    Arts of Africa and Oceania. Highlights from the Musée Barbier-Mueller, musée Barbier-Mueller & Hazan (eds.), 2007: p. 261.

 

 

Reference

  1. 1.      ^ Brenner, J.F. von. Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras: erste Durchquerung der unabhangigen Batak-Lande. Wurzburg: Wurl.
  2. 2.     ^ Raffles, Stamford. Memoir of the life and public services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles. London: John Murray. the end @ copyright Dr Iwan suwandy 2011

 

 

 

1851

President of Javasche bank

1851

10/03/1851 – 01/07/1863 E. Francis
Emanuel Francis started his career in the Netherlands Indies as a clerk in 1815 and worked his way up in the government service to eventually become the top civil servant available to the Commissioner General. From 1848 to 1850 Francis was Inspector of Finance and in 1851 he was honorably discharged from the governement service. Next, Francis was appointed to President of the Javasche Bank by decree of March 4, 1851. On his own request Francis was honorably discharged  per Juli 1, 1863 per decree of  April 20, 1863. In 1864 Francis published a book “De regerings-beginselen van Nederlandsch Indië: getoetst aan de behoefte van moederland en kolonie”, expressing his dissatisfaction with the implementation of a new economic system in the Netherlands Indies and proposing an investigation by an independent committee. In 1969 Francis published a request to the Dutch parliament about his reputed right for payment of pension being a retired civil servant of the Netherlands Indies government.

 

1859

Legendary story of Banjar War
Many legendary stories in Banjar War period that lasted from 1859 until 1865. one of which there are death squads called the Army War Beratib Ba-mall. Until now, the name of the force is still very legendary ….

Beginning of the conflict in the palace of Sultan Tahmudiah Banjar is when I died. He has a son who still small. Therefore, for while the power is held by Prince Tamjidillah I, brother, Sultan Tahmidillah I. But in fact, Prince Tamjidillah I not only became the guardian of his nephew was a kid, but took control with a smooth and would not return

the son of Sultan Tahmidillah I. Even to strengthen its position as the Sultan of his descendants in the future, Banjar land handed over to the Netherlands. Then by the Dutch were given to the Sultan hakPemerintahan Tamjid I and his descendants.

Therefore there was an armed uprising of Prince Amir (Prince Antasari a hero’s grandfather), a descendant of Sultan Tahmidillah I. However, resistance can be broken by the Dutch. He was later exiled to Ceylon or Sri Lanka.

To reconcile these two offspring, then, Adam Sultan Al Wasique Billah who is a descendant of Sultan Tamjidillah I married his daughter to Prince Antasari. But alas, the Queen died before giving Antasari trigger descent.

In addition, Prince Sultan Muda Abdurrahrnan also had a concubine of the Chinese nation. In 1817 the mistress gave birth to a son. Young Prince Sultan Abdurrahman wanting sons became crown prince. Therefore then freed and married her legally and was named the Big Nyai Aminah. While his son was named Prince Tamjidilllah,

Young Prince Sultan Abdurrahman desire is opposed by the grandfather and father of Sultan Sulaiman and Adam Sultan Al Wasiqu `Billah. They forced the young Prince Sultan Abdurrahman himself married to a cousin of Queen Siti, Miss Mangkubumi Nata.

Nata Mangkubumi besedia Young married his daughter to Prince Sultan Abdurrahman condition, later-born son will be king when the Sultan Muda died. This provision was approved, and the Sultan Muda had made a will on anyone who is entitled to the throne of the Sultanate of Banjar.

In  1822

borned Prince  Hidayatutlah. A few years later died so jabatan’tersebut Mangkubumi Nata. is empty. This opportunity was used by Prince Tamjid best, namely the Netherlands requested that appointed him in the Sultanate Mangkubumi Banjar. `With pleasure, of course, the Dutch agreed to because it will benefit the ‘they.’

In 1852 the Young Prince Sultan Abdurrahman died suddenly. A day later with Pengeran Tamjid secretly sent a letter to the Resident of the Dutch in Yogyakarta to appoint him as the heir apparent to the promised delivery of the Sultanate of Banjar areas that prompted the Dutch origin of the request is approved. Once again the Dutch Prince’s request Tamjid, because this is an opportunity for the Dutch reap the fish in troubled waters, as well as running the political divide et empera: glassware and colonize.

On June 10, 1852

the Dutch crown prince Tamjid become crown prince. Of course this appointment caused angry reactions to the nobility, clergy and community on Prince Tamjid and its allies, especially the Dutch.

In April 1853, Sultan Adam, Son of the Young Prince Sultan Abdurrahman sent envoys to Batavia to meet with Governor General of Dutch East Indies in order to request the cancellation of the appointment of justice PangeranTamjid become crown prince and Prince Setting Hidayatullah become crown prince in accordance with the testament of Sultan Adam. But this request was rejected by the Dutch East Indies governor. This adds to the heat of the political climate in the Kingdom of Banjar Prince Tamjid so do not dare to live in the palace which is located diIbukota Banjar Jewels Temple (City of Gems) that the person called Banjar City Martapura now Martapura Banjar regency’s capital.

Tamjid Prince Sultan fled to Banjarmasin. To cool the political atmosphere is getting warmer, finally. HidayatuIlah into Dutch raised Pengeran Mangkubumi previously held by PangeranTamjid and set PangeranTamjid as crown prince. Besides capturing the Dutch Prince and banished him to the King Anom Banjarmasin because it is considered as a provocateur who oppose the decisions of the Netherlands.

To avoid unwanted things to his son, then, the Sultan had come to accompany Prince Adam King moved to Banjarmasin Anom. When gering, or severe illness, he was taken to the palace in Martapura Banjar. On November 01, 1857 he died and was buried in Martapura

On 3 November 1857 the Dutch crown prince as the king’s successor Sultan Tamjid Adam, and the Prince immediately ordered the arrest of Prince Tamjid Anom King then threw to Bogor, West Java.

In 1858, there is a continual movement of people who want to restore the kingdom of culture and the concessions that have been damaged due to the inclusion of power penjajajah Netherlands.

EMERGENCE bead cherished daughter of froth

Mentioned, magical princess who emerged from the foaming whirlpools, then by Gastric Mangkurat crowned as queen in the Kingdom of Dipa Nagara, and then married to the Majapahit royal palace, Raden Putra

After marriage with Princess Bubble cherished, Raden Putra became king in the Kingdom under the name Prince Dipa Nagara Ananta Surya (son of the sun). According to legend Banjar society, they both, in the end mokswa or disappear into the invisible realm and became a ruler in the palace of Magical Mountain Pamaton

According to public confidence, they could both dripping or possessed bodies of people they want.

Thus, when the political temperature in the Kingdom of Banjar is getting hot because the Dutch intervened at the coronation of Prince Tamjid as king in the Kingdom of Banjar to replace Adam Sultan because Sultan Muda Prince Abdurrahman had died first. In fact, the nobility, clergy and the people willed Banjar Hidayatullah became Prince Sultan, according to the testament or the testament of Sultan previous

One of the pious scholars in Kumbayau Tambarangan, Overseas (Regency But right now), named Datu Aling are concerned about the crisis in the palace Banjar. Accordingly, it is because he salampah or penance with his own solitude, fasting, prayer, and remembrance wird, and other practice-practice to draw closer to God, accompanied by a request that the instructions given and the solution to the crisis that is happening in the palace Banjar . Datu Aling_dilaksanakan penance for nine months nine days, beginning in April 1858 until. by February 1859.

On February 2, 1859 to coincide with the 10th Rajab 1275 H; Datu Aling visited by kings and magical kingdom of Banjar Datu Aling asked to bring Prince Muning Antasari to the area. He will start the New Kingdom until the rightful king was elected.

On 13 Rajab 1275 AH, Princess Datu named Aling Saranti, cherished daughter was possessed by Bubble. He is married with a young man asked village named Dulasa because in her magical spirit benemayam Prince Surya Ananta.

Hearing all that, then, was Aling Datu daughter Implementing all these desires. Once married to Dulasa, then, Saranti be named espouse Bubble Princess and her husband Prince Surya Dulasa named Ananta. Datu Aling then announced to the public about Saranti coronation, the king cherished Princess Bubble Bead. Kumbayau area was renamed the Kingdom of Tambay Mecca. As a king in the Kingdom Tambay Mecca, Saranti Bead Princess Bubble lift ayahya cherished, Datu Aling, as Panembahan, brother Sambang given the title of the Yellow Emperor, his sister was given the title Queen of the Sacred Nuramin, while the husband was given the title as Mangkubumi Nuramin Kusuma Nagara, Bayan Sampit, Garuntung waluh, Garumung manau, Kindaui Aji, Kindui Mu `l, splitting Batung, Panimba Sagara, there is also the Commander Juntai In Sky and others.

Tambay Mecca kingdom separate from the Sultanate of Banjar and not subject to the Dutch colonizers. Bubble bead Saranti cherished became queen in Mecca KerajaanTambay only as a symbol of the head of state, while the affairs of government are held, by Penembahan Muda Datu Aling. As a Panembahan, the pious, just and wise he is working with Immediate Banua Ampat, namely: Banua Halat, Banua Gadung, Banua Padang and Banua Parigi. They are subject to the Datu Aling. Then follow the same Banua Top, Trunk Hulu, Guava, Amandit and Pangabau

To his followers, Datu Aling always instill the spirit of jihad for the sake of fighting injustice and occupation. The call for jihad Aling Datu who received tremendous response from the community, was made Prince of the Netherlands felt teracam Tamjid its position. For the Dutch Resident in Banjarmasin send a team consisting of the Chief Prosecutor. Suryadinata prince and the prince of the Head of Prince Muhammad Seman accompanied by 120 followers

Knowing the Will of their arrival, then, was Aling Datu Yellow Emperor ordered his troops to prepare his jihad as many as 700 people complete with weapons drawn

to keep all possibilities that bakal_terjadi.Tentu Dutch Resident is just the messenger gasped to see so many forces in Datu Aling the STAP jihad fighters if they do sort-rnacam. Because they just want to see the actual situation in the Kingdom of Mecca, they were welcome to meet at the Palace of Datu Aling Tambay Mecca.

After hearing reports messenger, once again ordered the Dutch Resident Mangkubumi Prince Hidayatullah to deal with the Kingdom of Tambay Mecca. Then sent Prince Prince Hidayatullah Antasari. Kesuma Jantera Prince and Prince Omar Sharif to meet Datu Aling, Datu Aling During the meeting explaining the intent and purpose of establishment of the Kingdom of Tambay Mecca. It turned out that what is conveyed by Datu Aling dengart hand in hand what is desired by Prince Antasari. Until finally terjadilahn matchmaking agreement between the child named Antasari Prince Prince Mohammed Said with Saranti Bead Princess Bubble who have been widowed cherished.

Thus grew stronger the position of Datu Aling due 30 days after the wedding with Prince Muhammad Said Saranti, the incarnation of Princess Bubble cherish, then, Prince Antasari began to actively lead the popular movement in Banua Ampat and Banua five are directed to the Dutch.

28 April 1859 Puncaknyapada jihadists from Datu Aling Banua Banua Ampat and five under the leadership of Prince Antasari, attacked the Dutch fortress in Pengaron Orange Nassau. The attack was very successful. That was the beginning of the outbreak of the War Banjar. Finally, the battle also extends to various areas in South Kalimantan

As retaliation for the collapse of bastion of Orange Nassau in Pengaron, then, on 16 November 1859, suddenly attacked the Dutch defense forces Yellow Emperor. This attack was greeted with cries of Allahu Akbar by jihadi forces under the command of Sultan Datu Aling Yellow. In battle, the leader of the Dutch army captain killed by a spear Benschop. That day came again a platoon of the larger Dutch troops, but all were driven back.

In the evening, come back bigger Dutch troops to storm the bastion of Datu Aling Muning ie in the mosque. The battle occurred overnight. Datu Aling, Saranti Along with a few people remained loyal followers in the mosque. Aling Datu did not want to surrender to the Dutch even though the fire had licked all the mosques are made of wood. Finally, Datu Aling and Saranti was killed as a martyr.

Listen to the death of Datu Aling and Saranti, then, Prince Antasari issued a slogan which reads “Heram manyareh, waja until ka nipple: (haram surrendered to the Dutch until the last drop of blood)”

WAR FORCES MUNCULNNYA BERATIB BA-CHARITY

Attacks on the forts, coal mines, warships and other Dutch possessions to make the colonists could not do anything about it. Until June 25, 1859 forced the Dutch Prince Tamjid turunt ahta and throw it to Bogor. Prince is being run from the palace Martapura Hidayatullah joined Prince Antasari.

The battle occurred not only in South Kalimantan region, but extends to Central Kalimantan. Central Kalimantan is the field of battle Barito, Kapuas and Katingan led by Prince Antasari, accompanied by the original Surapati Tumenggung Dayak tribe. Martapura and Tang Sea region led by Lehman Demat, Region Five Banua led by Jalil degree Kiyai Wall Duke Anom king.

After the Netherlands asked for help to Batavia, then, berdatanganlah warships and complete with soldiers and cannon-cannon. Onrust Warships sailing to Barito to capture Prince Antasari metalui Tumenggung Surapati. However Tumenggung Surapati not want to sell out despite promises prizes of several thousand Dutch Guilders if Tumenggung Surapati could give Prince Antasari.

On December 26, 1859, suddenly Tumenggung Surapati with his men attacked the ship Onrust In this incident commander Onrust warships and 93 of his men were killed. The guns and cannon cannon transported ashore while his ship was sunk. Meanwhile, the warship sailed Tjipanas Martapura River came under fire from Demat Lehman and his men so hastily returned to Banjarmasin.

On June 11, 1860, proclaimed the abolition of the Kingdom of the Netherlands makes the Banjar and the region as a Dutch colony. Thus the war against the Dutch because the Dutch are no longer intervene in the area of ​​Banjar palace, but the war against Dutch colonialism who want to destroy the Muslims. Therefore, in 1861 came the death squads to defend the religion of Islam. The force is called Ba-Baratib War Forces charity. The cornerstone of their struggle is the sentence of God, Hadith Prophet Muhammad, ask syafa’at 40 prophets, sacred science of the Datu and Heroes. Before progressing to the battlefield, first, they purify the body of hadast with shower and ablution, then dressed in white like clothing Rasullullah war era. They also fasted then beratib ba charity (practice / mewiridkan one practice: Pen) until I forget myself. Then advanced into battle to face the enemy. They believe, if they fall in battle against the infidels Dutch and their allies, they die a martyr.

Leaders of the movement of Ba `War Beratib this mall is the religious teachers and the prince. Among the leaders of the Army War Baratib Perhaps this is the charity of Banua Lawas Badr Haji, the prince of Rashid, and Abdul Gani Buyasin headman of the village Amuntai Basil.

Sementera it Pula, Prince Hidayatullah who has been crowned as the Sultan of the Kingdom of Banjar in Amuntai repeatedly received offers of peace from the Netherlands, but the offer was always declined. With the ruse. Dutch Prince Hidayatullah tricked to come to-Martapura on orders Siti’s mother Queen Dowager. Queen Mother Queen Siti who can not read Latin letters to the Dutch believe it enough to sign a letter written by the Kingdom of the Netherlands as well as stamped Banjar. As a pious man, of Prince Hidatullah afraid of his mother. Hidayatullah Prince came to Martapura on March 3, 1862. Rock aat the same way, he was arrested and exiled to Cianjur.

Prince Antasari continue the struggle against the Dutch. But unfortunately he was a sickly start to Rahmatullah finally passed away on October 11, 1862.

Nevertheless, the war continues. Commander of the Army War Beratib Ba-Hajj Amal Buyasin fall in battle, following the then Chairman of the prince Rashid, Commander of Bukhari, Tumenggung State Tigers, Tumenggung Naro, and others,

Demat Lehman, leader of the guerrilla war untukwilayah Martapura Land Sea and was caught by fraud Dutch in Slippery Rock area and then transported to Martapura and hanged to death in the plaza III (now the Great Mosque of Al-page KaromahPen) Martapura. After that head cut off and sent to Holland. And there is a necklace around her neck ajimat. When ajimat is opened in it there is a white paper that read Arabic letters that people which means free or die.

1863

01/07/1863 – 30/06/1868 C.F.W. Wiggers van Kerchem
Wiggers van Kerchem was appointed President per July 1, 1863. Wiggers van Kerchem was a member of the firm Tiedeman & van Kerchem in Batavia prior to his appointment. Per decree of June 30, 1868, it was decided to discharge Wiggers van Kerchem in the most honorable way. After finishing the concept of the fifth Exclusive Right that should be implemented per April 1, 1870, Wiggers van Kerchem decided to return to Europe for retirement.

 


The Town Hall in the old city center built in 1710 (3rd building)


www.geheugenvannederland.nl


Military parade in front of the statue of Jan Pietersz. Coen at Waterloo-square during the coronation celebrations of Queen Wilhelmina, 1898.


The Artesian well at Salemba, 1885.


The Artesian well at the Koningsplein square, 1885.


The City Theatre, 1865


www.geheugenvannederland.nl


The ‘Landsarchief’ – the colonial archives, housed in a former country house built around 1760

 


A typical Chinese house.


The shop of ‘Eigen Hulp’ at the Molenvliet-West canal, 1890.


Building in the botanical gardens and zoo.


Bathing kids in the Molenvliet canal next to ‘De Harmonie’ society builing. (Architect: J.C. Schultze, 1815)


www.geheugenvannederland.nl – ‘De Harmonie’ society building, 1875.


The Aceh monument at the Koningsplein square


The protestant Willemskerk, 1875.


Museum of the Society for Arts and History. (Built in 1862)


Military Society on the east side of the Waterlooplein square, corner Sipajersweg-road.


www.geheugenvannederland.nl – Military Society Concordia.


www.geheugenvannederland.nl – Weltevreden Palace at the Koningsplein square, 1880.


www.geheugenvannederland.nl – Soldiers in front of a ‘watch-house’ of Weltevreden Palace, 1880.


Audience-hall in the Palace


The Palace (back), 1875.


palace interior


Volksraad or Council of the Indies Building or Raad van Indië (founded in 1918).

 


www.geheugenvannederland.nl – Private estate in Rijswijk in Batavia, 1875.


www.geheugenvannederland.nl – Private estate, 1856-1878.

1843

 

Anyer in 1843 by CWM van de Velde 

1845

Banten

 

 Anyer in 1845 by CWM van de Velde

 

 

1858

ORDONASI REVENUE ON INSURANCE POLISH  1858

 

In 1869,

the Batavia Tramway Company started the horse-tram line, ‘nr 1: Old Batavia’ (now Jakarta Kota). The route started at the Amsterdam Gate in the northern end of Prinsenstraat (now Jalan Cengkeh) and then reached Molenvliet (Jalan Gajah Madah) and Harmonie.

1870

The abolition of the Cultuurstelsel in 1870 led to the rapid development of private enterprise in the Dutch Indies. Numerous trading companies and financial institutions established themselves in Java, with most settling in Batavia. Jakarta Old Town’s deteriorating structures were replaced with offices, typically along the Kali Besar. These private companies owned or managed plantations, oil fields, or mines. Railway stations were also designed during this period, in a style that was characteristic of the period.[16]

 

 

1870

 

 

 

(Susuhunan Pakubuwono X of Surakarta poses with a Dutch administrator.

Relations between the Dutch and natives frequently led to tragic conflicts however)

 

Rhetoric and Conquest

Though a great deal of acrimonious debate took place in Holland after 1860, and a few significant reforms were gradually insituted under the Liberal Policy of 1870, there was more rhetoric in the colonies that progress. True, peasants were paid wages for their labour and given legal titles wages to their land, but wages were miniscule, taxes were high, and the land belonged to a few. Privately managed plantations largely replaced government ones after 1870, but in fact some government coffee plantations continued to employ forced labour well into the 20th Century.

 

 

 

Hallo all collectors from all over the world especially from Indonesia. I have just found at Solo middle java the vintage special import ceramic from euro with illustration of the javaSultanate  Queen  and javanese kawi script cally graphy who know who was the princess, may be Princess Pakubuwono Xor Princess of Mangkuneraan ?

 

Look the picture below carrefully from right side

 

left side

 

closeup the princess profile

 

compare with princess PB X profile in 1900

compare with Gusti raden ayu Nurul below same or not ?

 

Tempo Doeloe #44 – Princess Gusti Nurul

scan of old postcard,

Sorry for the poor quality, this card is probably used for making a bigger portrait. My guess is that this card is from the Yogyakarta area but I’m not sure.

The date is unknown and the written text at the back side is hard to read but could be: R.A. Siti Suhardijah…

Update: thanks to Widy or Dee the mystery is solved, it’s princess Gusti Nurul… :-)”The beautiful Princess Nurul (1921-present) was unique for her days.

She kept our traditional values but yet she was also very modern and rebellious.

She rode horses, played tennis and swam. Yet she was also the best dancer in the palace.

So much so that in 1936 Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands requested the young Princess to dance at the wedding of Princess Juliana and Prince Bernard.

Of everything that she was known of, she was famously known as the princess who turned down marriage proposals from the country’s most powerful men.

A princess who stayed single in her 30s… well, in her days that was unheard of. Romantic? I think more than anything else, she was strong willed. Very.”

 

closed up the janaves e czalligraphy

Thanks very much for help me

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA Collections

Para kolektor Indonesia khususnya yang memahami sejarah kerataon di solo, harap berkenan membantu saya,

 

siapah permaisuri yang profilenya tertera diatas kermaik antik pesnan khusus kerajaan dari eropa diatas? dan

 

apakah artinya kaligrafi dalam bahasa kawi tersebut diatas,mungkin susatu peingatan kghusus, sebelum ini saya juag menemukan piring besar dengan kaligrafi bahasa kawi yaitu peringatan 100 hari meninggalnya permaisuri Sultan Pakubuwono X

Terima kasih atas bantuanya untuk mengungkap misteri keramik perinagtan ini.

Harap waspada saat ini banyak tiruan palsu yang dibuat,dan keramik ini orisinil asli lihat ilustrasinya sangat halus begitu juga dengan warna keemasannya yang sangat indah,kaligrafinya sangat halus,bukan tehnik sablon tetapi transger sistem yang cangih

seluruh keramik ini koleksi Dr Iwan suwnady,MHA

Semoga informasi ini berhguna untuk mengungkap sejarah keraton Jawa(Mataram khususnya)

Copyrigy @ 2012

 

 

Comment

From Hanny sukarsa

I think this picture of Solo Sultanate Prinvess , and   twas not the picture of Gusti Nurul of Mangkunegaraan sultanate

Original info

saya rasa itu adalah pic.nya putri dari keraton Solo bukan Gusti Nurul yg notabene adalah putri dari Mangkunegaran.

The latest info from Pandji Java Salatiga about this Javanese script cover whicjhfound  at Solo, same with the bigger plate which found before at Jakarta and same with the cup in Central Museum Jakarta

This made by Petrous Regout(Dutch) w9th Kencana Queen ,the Queen of Sultan Hemangku Buwono VII and the mother of Ratu Mas(Gold Queen) the Queen Of  Sultan PakoeBoewono X.

This the part of Dinner set special for commemorated 1000  days Ratu Kencana Passwd Away which presented to all sultanate family during the ceremony

Original info

Itu buatan Petrus Regout Mastrich bergambar Ratu Kencana,permaisuri HB VII dan ibunda dari Ratu Mas permaisuri PB X,set piring dipesan utk peringatan 1000 hari meninggalnya Ratu Kencana.terdiri dari dinner set komplit dibagikan pada seluruh kerabat dan undangan.

(nuwun ,panji java salatiga Central Java)

Ratu Kencana,

 

permaisuri HB VII

 

HB VII

 

Ratu Mas permaisuri PB X,

 

Sultan Mangkunegaraan VII

 

 

 

 

Rumah Tradisional KRT Kusumabudaya Rumah ini berupa sebuah joglo yang berumur  150 tahun, dibangun oleh KRT Kusumabudaya, abdi dalem silir (pengelola penerangan kraton). Pada masa Sultan HB VIII, tata ruang dan material bangunan masih dipertahankan keasliannya, kecuali bagian lantai sudah berganti ubin keramik.

Gaya tradisional terlihat jelas dengan keberadaan pendopo pada bagian depan rumah dan sumur pada sudut halaman.

Selain itu arsitektur tradisional ditunjukan pula dari bentuk atapnya berupa joglo pada pendopo dan limasan pada rumah utama (Dalem Ageng), dan dilengkapi tiga senthong (tengah, kiri dan kanan). Disamping itu, dihalaman rumah ditata dengan berbagai koleksi tanaman langka.
PERBESAR

 

 

 

Dalem Brantakusuman (Pugeran) Dalem Brantakusuman didirikan pada pemerintahan Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono VII (1895) pertama kali digunakan oleh GBRAY Brantakusuma (Putri ke 8 Sultan HB VII dari permaisuri GKR Kencana).

Setelah GBRAY Brantakusuma meninggal, kemudian pihak kraton meminjamkan Dalem tersebut ke Angkatan Darat dan tempat tinggal prajurit Angkatan Darat.

 

Pada pertengahan tahun 1960 Museum Angkatan Darat di pindah ke Panglima Besar Jendral Sudirman di Jl. Bintaran Wetan, kemudian pada tahun 1968 Sri Sultan HB IX memerintahkan KGPH Poeger (Putra Sri Sultan HB VIII) untuk menempati dalem tersebut.

Dengan demikian Dalem Brantakusuman ini juga dikenal sebagai Dalem Pugeran. Bangunan Dalem Brantakusuman mempunyai ciri-ciri sebagai bangunan Dalem yang mempunyai struktur tata ruang yang lengkap, yaitu dari : gledegan, regol, pendopo, pringgitan, dalem ageng yang dilengkapi dengan gandok kiwo dan tengen, seketheng,gadri dan pawon. bangunan tersebut berada dalam sebuah benteng, segala atribut pada dalem tersebut mengacu pada bangunan inti kraton.

 

 

 

 

Dalem Yudanegaran, yang beralamat di Jl. Ibu Ruswo No. 35 Yogyakarta, dibangun pada masa pemerintahan Hamengku Buwana VII, tahun 1877 1921.

Sebelumnya, bangunan tersebut ditempati oleh GKR. Dewi, puteri Sri Sultan HB.VII dengan GKR Kencana.

Pada saat ini Dalem Yudanegaran ditempati oleh GBPH. H. Yudaningrat, putera Sri Sultan HB IX dengan KRAy. Hastungkara. Luas bangunan secara keseluruhan 2000 m2 sedangkan tanahnya seluas 8000 m2.

Sejak didirikan, bangunan ini dipergunakan sebagai tempat tinggal.

Dalam perkembangannya, bangunan gandok belakang dipergunakan sebagai tempat indekos,

bangunan depan sisi timur dipergunakan sebagai sekolah Asisten Apoteker, dan bagian depan dipergunakan untuk sekretariat PORDASI (Perkumpulan Olah Raga Berkuda Seluruh Indonesia).

Dalem Yudanegaran menghadap ke arah selatan, terdiri atas bangunan kuncungan, pendopo dan pringgitan yang menjadi satu kesatuan.

 

Dari pringgitan ke bagian dalem utama terdapat ruangan terbuka yang dibatasi dinding dengan tiga pintu dimana salah satu pintunya dibuka dengan cara diangkat ke atas.

Bagian dalem mempunyai tiga ruang yang disebut senthong, yang di dalamnya berisi pendaringan (tempat tidur bersprei kain cinde), song-song, tombak, dan patung loro blonyo.

Di depan senthong tengah terdapat seperangkat gamelan lengkap. Senthong kanan dan kiri berfungsi sebagai kamar tidur, yang dipergunakan hanya pada saat upacara adat.

Dalem berbentuk joglo, langit langit joglo berhiaskan lambang Kraton Yogyakarta. Saat ini, lantai dalem telah diganti dengan lantai keramik.

Bagian belakang dalem berupa kamar kamar dengan atap limasan.

Pada bagian barat dalem terdapat rumah berbentuk limasan dengan empat ruangan. Pada bangunan tersebut terdapat doorlop yang menghubungkan dengan gandok barat.

 

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dalem Pakuningratan,

 

Dalem Pakuningratan

Jl. Sompilan Ngasem No.12, Yogyakarta

Dalem Pakuningratan dibangun secara bertahap, atas perintah

 

Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwana VII.

Pertama kali didiami oleh

 

Pangeran Purboyo (Putra Mahkota) yang  naik tahta sebagai

 

Hamengku Buwana VIII.

 

Pada tahun 1912

 

GRM. Darajatun (Hamengku Buwono IX) juga dilahirkan di dalem ini.

Saat ini Dalem Pakuningratan ditempati oleh dua keluarga ahli waris Kanjeng Ratu Pembayun (Istri BPH. Pakuningrat IV).

Dalem Pakuningratan terdiri dari beberapa bagian bangunan baik yang ada di luar tembok maupun di dalam tembok. Bangunan yang ada di luar tembok yaitu montoran yang terletak disebelah tenggara pintu gerbang (regol). Sedangkan yang di dalam tembok adalah kuncungan, pendopo, pringgitan, ndalem ageng yang terdiri dari sentong kiwo, tengah dan tengen.

Di kanan kiri ndalem ageng terdapat bangunan gandok kiwo dan tengen.

Serta terdapat bangunan paviliun, gadri, cekokan dan keputren.

Pada saat ini bagian gandok dan pendopo dimanfaatkan sebagai fasilitas pendidikan.

Dalem ini secara keseluruhan masih mempertahankan bentuk arsitektur aslinya. Bangunan ini telah masuk dalam inventaris benda tak bergerak Balai Pelestarian Peninggalan Purbakala Yogyakarta.

 

 

 

 

Dalem Kaneman

beralamat di RT/RW 9/3 Kalurahan Kadipaten, Kec. Kraton Yogyakarta, dengan luas bangunan keseluruhan 5595 m dan luas tanah 10.885 m.

Bangunan ini ditempati oleh KRT. Wiraguna (Putra P. Mangkubumi/HB VI) pada tahun 1904 sewaktu menjabat sebagai Patih Kadipaten Anom.

Setelah wafat, Dalem Kaneman ditempati oleh putranya yaitu RM. Kaswarjo (KRT. Purwadiningrat) suami dari Siti Swandari (Putri ke-19 HB VIII) sampai tahun 1988.

Di samping itu Dalem Kaneman dipergunakan oleh paguyuban Siswa Among Beksa untuk pengembangan tari klasik gaya Yogyakarta.

Saat ini bangunan Dalem Kaneman dipergunakan oleh keluarga GKR. Anom Adibrata, putri I Sri Sultan HB IX dari ibu KRAy. Pintakapurnama.

Selain sebagai tempat tinggal, bangunan ini juga dipergunakan untuk kegiatan yang berhubungan dengan pariwisata.

Dalem Kaneman menghadap ke selatan yang secara garis besar terdiri dari tiga bangunan yaitu pendapa, pringgitan, dan rumah induk.

Di kanan-kiri bangunan induk terdapat tembok sebagai penyekat/seketheng.

Dalem Kaneman dikelilingi oleh pagar dengan dua pintu masuk berbentuk kori atau regol gapura paduraksa.

Pada tahun 1904, bangunan ini pernah dilakukan pemugaran oleh KRT. Wiraguna (putra HB VI) dengan bantuan A.J. Ressink seorang pejabat di Java Instituut. Pada tahun 1989 dilakukan pemugaran pada bagian atap seng dan plafon.

 

 

 

 

The complete Info reed at

Dr Iwan CD-ROM

The Matra Islam Java Kingdom Hisyory Collections

1870

original info:

Maar natuurlijk hebben we ook een schets van iemand anders met een van de beroemde Javaanse Waringinbomen, een mistieke boom die nooit gekapt mocht worden, want in de boom wonen boomgeesten.

 

Plotseling zwenkt de koetsier rechts af, voert ons een met hoge, schaduwrijke waringinbomen beplant plein op en doet het rijtuig voor

de marmeren vestibule van het kolossale Hotel des Indes

stilstaan.

1870

Cresonnier overleed in 1870, zijn familie verkocht het hotel aan Theodoor Gallas die het op zijn beurt weer verkocht in 1886 aan Jacob Lugt voor dfl 177.000,=. Lugt breidde het hotel fors uit met allerlei grondaankopen van de buren. In 1897 werd zelfs de N.V. Hotel Des Indes door Lugt opgericht, want in de jaren negentig ontstond er in de kolonie een economische depressie. Door die N.V. was Lugt niet meer persoonlijk aansprakelijk.

1873


Outside of Java, military campaigns were undertaken, throughout the 19th Century, to extend Dutch control over areas still ruled by native kings. The most bitter battles were fought against the powerful Islamic kingdom of Aceh, during a war which began in 1873 and lasted more than 30 years. Both sides sustained horrendous losses.

 

In the east, Flores and Sulawesi were repeatedly raided and finally subdued and occupied by about 1905-6. And the success of a renegade Englishman, James Brooke, in establishing a private empire in northwestern Borneo the 1840s caused the Dutch to pay more attention to the southern and eastern coast of that island thereafter. But the most shocking incidents occurred on Lombok and Bali, where on three occasions (1894, 1906 and 1908),

 

Balinese rulers and their courtiers stormed headlong into Dutch gunfire armed only with ceremonial weapons-after ritualistically purifying themselves for a puputan (royal suicide) and avoiding the humiliation of defeat. In some ways, these tragic puputans symbolize tha abrupt changes wrought by the Dutch at this time, for the end of the first decade of this century they had achieved the unification of the entire Indonesian archipelago, at the expense of her indigenous kingdoms and rulers.

1873.

Since the establishment of the VOC in the seventeenth century, the expansion of Dutch territory had been founded on business. However from the mid-nineteenth century it was Dutch national expansionism, in line with the prevailing empire-building outlook of Europe during the era of New Imperialism, that saw them wage a series of wars to enlarge and consolidate their possessions.[8] The most prolonged of these was the Aceh War in which a Dutch invasion in 1873 was met with indigenous guerrilla resistance and ended with an Acehnese surrender in 1912.[7] Disturbances continued to break out on both Java and Sumatra during the remainder of the 19th century,[3] however, the island of Lombok came under Dutch control in 1894,[9] and Batak resistance in northern Sumatra was quashed in 1895.[7].

Perang Aceh

1873

Perang Aceh dimulai sejak Belanda menyatakan perang terhadap Aceh pada 26 Maret 1873 setelah melakukan beberapa ancaman diplomatik, namun tidak berhasil merebut wilayah yang besar. Perang kembali berkobar pada tahun 1883, namun lagi-lagi gagal, dan pada 1892 dan 1893, pihak Belanda menganggap bahwa mereka telah gagal merebut Aceh.

Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, seorang ahli Islam dari Universitas Leiden yang telah berhasil mendapatkan kepercayaan dari banyak pemimpin Aceh, kemudian memberikan saran kepada Belanda agar serangan mereka diarahkan kepada para ulama, bukan kepada sultan. Saran ini ternyata berhasil. Pada tahun 1898, J.B. van Heutsz dinyatakan sebagai gubernur Aceh, dan bersama letnannya, Hendricus Colijn, merebut sebagian besar Aceh.

 

1874

1874
Akhir abad ke-19. Belanda menata ulang pemerintahan Priangan dan membaginya menjadi 9 afdeeling (Jerman: Abteilung).

 

 

Salah satunya adalah Sukapura di bawah Raden Tumenggung Wiratanubaya IV. Wirahadiningrat (1874-1906)

memperoleh penghargaan bintang Oranye Nassau dari Belanda

 

 

 

The Indonesian Battaks King Sisingamangaraja Picture,art and document Historic collections

Frame One :

The Chronologic Historic of Sisingamangaraja.

 

Raja Si Singamangaraja I : Raja Manghuntal

 

King Si Singamangaraja I: King ManghuntalKing Si Singamangaraja I was the son of King Bonanionan Sinambela, namely the third or youngest son. King Boru Pasaribu Bonanionan married. Although they had long been married, but they do not have derivatives. Therefore Boru Pasaribu go to the “Spear-Sulu Sulu” to “marpangir” (wash with lime). Each time you finish marpangir, Boru Pasaribu pray to “Ompunta” above, beg mercy for gifted offspring. On one day, came flying into the light-Sulu Sulu Spear and alighted at altitude is respected in the place. Who came were introducing ourselves, like a flash-light glow that came and it was Ompunta Guru Doli. Ompunta Tuan Guru Boru Pasaribu Doli said that would give birth to a child. He said: “Believe that you will give birth to a child and give his name Singamangaraja”. If your son has grown up, tell him to take the signs of the kingdom of Raja Uti, comprising:1. Piso Gaja densely packed
2. Pungga Haomasan
3. Lage Haomasan
4. Hujur Siringis
5. Podang Halasan
6. Taboos SitarapullangNot long after starting Pasaribupun Boru contain. Once pregnant for 19 months Boru Pasaribu birth to a son. The Son is born with teeth that have grown and hairy tongue. During adolescence Singamangaraja much to do or act strange, especially in people who are not forgiving, who broke his promise, forgetting his compatriot a weak, relieve those who tarbeang losing gamble. The Singamangarajapun never showed amazement of people who partied in which gondangnya be silent and paddy and maize roots turned upward following the Si Singamangaraja when dihariara parjuragatan somersaults. This happened because they were forgotten.After the mother’s adult Singamangaraja Boru Pasaribu convey the message of Guru Ompunta Doli that Singamangaraja should take the signs of the kingdom of King Uti. He did not know where the sacred village of King Uti likewise his mother. He went armed with the show and lead prayer walking into the shrine.In the course of many obstacles as well as arrival at the sacred village of King Uti which turned out to exist in the area of
​​Barus. There also he tried but all can be overcome with good. Sisingamangaraja met with King Uti and they eat together and she said: “It is true this is the King of the Batak people.” When finished eating they ask pedigree (martarombo) and Si Singamangarajapun her point, and besides that Sisingamangaraja ask a few elephants. The purpose Over Singamangaraja, King UTI said it would give such a message was conveyed on condition Si Ompunta Singamangaraja need to submit a banana leaf width of leaf thatch, quail tail and rope made of sand. Conditions that prompted the King Uti to get harajaon signs that can be met all the Singamangaraja. Being on the demand for elephant, Raja Uti gave origin Si Singamangaraja can catch yourself. The Singamangarajapun call the elephant saw the astonished King Uti. And after that he brought the signs were returned to the Bakara harajaon including the elephant. With harajaon signs it, be he a king Singamangaraja, mangalompoi lion, Lion naso halompoan.King Sisingamangaraja I to IX, King Si Singamangaraja not known when the death and where his tomb. The kings of this after having offspring and felt it was his successor go there and wander densely packed Piso Gaja not carried. They certainly have died is through the natural signs that there is a branch of a broken hariara Namarmutiha. If there is a broken branch hariara means any family member who died and if the main branch which means broken Si Singamangaraja King was dead. Namarmutiha hariara is also known as hariara mark and is still growing in Bakara.Usually this condition is followed by the dry weather season, so that the community expects rain through tonggo-tonggo King Sisingamangaraja. The Onom Ompu (Bakara, Sinambela, Sihite, Simanullang, Marbun and Simamora) from Bakara prepare margondang ceremony and asked the son of King Si Singamangaraja willingness for them gondangi.
 
By wearing clothing Batak ulos Jogia Sopipot and lift the dish contains rice bowl magic repose ulos Sande Huliman as conditions martonggo, son of the king even this is welcome to start the show. He also asked gondang and convey tonggo-tonggo (pray) to Ompunta the above to ask for rain, then manortorlah son of this king. At manortor that heaven was overcast and finally heavy rains and society Si Onom Ompupun greeted him with words Horas Horas Horas. Then piso Gaja densely packed even referred to it and removed / drew perfectly from the nest and lifted upward while manortor. Who among the king’s son who can do things on top of it was he who became King Si Singamangaraja the next, so do not have the oldest son.
 
Respectively be the King The next Singamangaraja and approximate year reign is as follows:
Ø Singamangaraja II, King Tinaruan Ompu
Ø Singamangaraja III, King Itubungna
Ø Singamangaraja IV, Sir Sorimangaraja
Ø Singamangaraja V, King Pallongos
Ø Singamangaraja VI, King Pangolbuk
Ø Singamangaraja VII, sir Ompu Lumbut
Ø Singamangaraja VIII, Ompu Sotaronggal
Ø Singamangaraja IX, Ompu Sohalompoan
Ø Singamangaraja X, Ompu Mr. Na Bolon
Ø Singamangaraja XI, Ompu Sohahuaon
Ø Singamangaraja XII, Patuan Bosar, title Ompu Pulo Batu


King Si Singamangaraja X: Ompu Tuan Nabolon

King Si Singamangaraja X Ompu Mr. Nabolon died because beheaded by Si Pokki Nangolngolan or Tuanku Rao, who with a sly sense to invite the King Si Singamangaraja X to come to Butar. At a meeting in Butar that the Pokki decapitate King Sisingamangaraja X. Chief King is flying away, flying into the lap of his mother Boru Situmorang. By his mother, secretly buried in a large stone in Lumban King, because earlier he had sensed the events that would befall his son.

The body of King Si Singamangaraja X parhorboan lying on the hill, buried in the earth because of the hill suddenly collapsed. King of the Onom Ompu with the followers who accompanied King Si Singamangaraja X and some friends were against the Pokki it dies. But because the Pokki troops who had been hiding came to help the Pokki and the Pokki become stronger, they fled to Mount Immune am left. The Pokki continued to attack and many ditewaskannya Bakara both adults and young children.

According to the Pokki Nangolngolan (Tuanku Rao), he was the son of the King’s sister Sisingamangaraja X who goes to Bonjol. Pokki Nangolngolan said that he had missed the bone and he’ll feed him (manulangi) and will give the piso-piso (money) as an offering. Because the sweet words of the then King Sisingamangaraja this Pokki X went to butar. Although initially he say why the Pokki not come into Bakara.
Because do not get the corpse of King The Singamangaraja X, Tuanku Rao continued to attack the Bakara. Many residents who were killed. His troops burned the entire area in its path from Butar into Bakara including Pande Lumban palace in Bakara.

Wife of the King The first X Singamangaraja namely Boru Situmorang with 2 small children fled to the village of Boho Daily Lintong parents Situmorang. Being the second wife surnamed Nainggolan Boru and his son King Mangalambung kidnapped the Pokki with other children who had expected a son of King Si Singamangaraja X. They were taken to the southeast on the way back to Bonjol. In his travels in South Tapanuli was an outbreak of infectious disease (begu antuk) are also on / attacking forces so Tuanku Rao mess. Prisoners scattered in the South Tapanuli. Some of these scattered settlements in the area make South Tapanuli this.

King Si Singamangaraja XI: Ompu Sohahuaon

Not to mention over the suffering caused by the attack happened also Pokki prolonged dry season. The Society agreed Onom Ompu convey this to the Boru Situmorang and asked him to return to the Bakara. After Boru Situmorang brought her two children back, masyarakatpun requested that they Sohahuaon Ompu gondangi to rain.

Events margondangpun well prepared and Ompu Sohahuaon little dress comes with Batak ulos. Boru Situmorang and the community was shocked and amazed Onom Ompu, because Ompu Sohahuaon young gondang was able to ask and say tonggo-downs tonggo to rain. They chanted with manortor. Haripun darkened by clouds and fell with a heavy hujanpun. Ompu manortor Sohahuaon continue until the end gondang who asked him to. Then handed over to him and Piso Gaja densely packed manortor back while wielding Piso Gaja densely packed perfectly and sheathed again. Ompu Sohahuaon Singamangaraja crowned king of Si XI at the age of 10 years.

In the reign of King Si Singamangaraja XI drafted “Pustaha Harajaon (royal library),” written with ink / Chinese ink on legal-sized paper-made Italian Watermark in writing and Batak language. This library is made of guidance from Ompu Sohahuaon own. Pustaha harajaon consists of 24 volumes, each about 5 cm thick jilidnya whose contents can be briefly described as follows:
Volume 1 to 3: Government Mr Sorimangaraja for 90 derived from the Princess But Donda Nauasan.
Volumes 4 to 7: Government royal Singamangaraja I s / d IX.
Volume 8: About Sword Padri Tuanku Rao against Mr. Nabolon Sisingamangaraja X.
Volume 9: About Pongkinangolngolan and Datu Safe Tagor Simanullang.
Volumes 11 to 12: About Pastor Pilgram, killing of the Reverend Lyman and Munson by King Panggalamei.
Volumes 13-16: The period of rebuilding the capital of the kingdom of Bakara, and regions in 1835-1845 Toba on pembumi hangusan knurl war.
Volume 17: Subject Dr. Junghun, van der Tuuk who come see Sisingamangaraja XI and about photonya.
Vol 18 s / d 24: Coronation of Ompu Sohahuaon be Sisingamangaraja XI, his government until the year 1886 and about a devastating infectious disease in the land of Batak.

In 1884

 

Pustaha Harajaon is found from the pile being burned by the royal house of the Dutch Military. Brought to Holland by Reverend Pilgrams and now in the Museum Library of the Netherlands in Leiden Holland. Pustaha Harajaon not forwarded by Sisingamangaraja XII writing because there is no chance, because since the beginning of his reign, the Dutch colony has launched its aggression in Batak and surrounding soil, so Ompu Pulobatu fought for 30 years until death at the age of 59 years on 17 June 1907.King Si Singamangaraja XI Ompu Boru Arita Sohahuaon married as first wife who gave birth to King Parlopuk. The second wife gave birth Situmorang Boru Patuan Bosar Pulo Batu Ompu title. Different age of King Parlopuk with Patuan Bosar very far, there are about 15 years.
When Ompu Sohahuaon fell ill, the way the government carried out by King Parlopuk. King Parlopuk long enough to hold the job and properly implemented.

 

1866

Ompu Sohahuaoan died in Bakara and built his tomb by King Parlopuk with Si Onom Ompu in Lumban King. This is the first tomb in the Bakara because Sisingamangaraja I to IX are not known to have died where. The King Left Singamangaraja XI died, Patuan Bosar being migrated to the Acehnese.The tomb was demolished by King Si Singamangaraja XII because Bakara attacked the Netherlands. King Si Singamangaraja bones XI brought join fight to the forest, because they do not want the skull of her parents were taken by the Dutch. During the struggle of these bones on Leave in huta Promise Dolok Sanggul then moved again to the Huta Paung. After the time of independence, again on the move at home Soposurung.Approximately 105 years later, the tomb was rebuilt by the family of King Sisingamangaraja and in 1975 the bones of King Sisingamangaraja istrerinya XI and returned to the tomb originally buried in Bakara. King Parlopuk continue to implement Singamangaraja government until the year 1871, ie after dinobatkannya Patuan Bosar as King Sisingamangaraja XII.King Si Singamangaraja XII: Patuan Bosar Ompu title Pulo BatuAlthough the king had died The Singamangaraja XI, Si Onom Ompu not feel something is missing in the government, because the King Parlopuk works pretty well. But when the dry season comes and brings suffering, start the Onom Ompu margondang think to the event. King Parlopukpun they invite to their gondangi martonggo begged him to rain. But the rain did not fall down too.Initially Ompu Pulo Batu gondangi because they would not feel that his brother had been substitute father as king. Finally Ompu Pulo Batu willing to see the pain suffered by society Si Onom Ompu. After the ceremony as it is commonly done, Ompu Pulobatu successfully bring rain. Pulo Ompu Batupun crowned king of The Singamangaraja XII in 1871.1848

Pulo Ompu Stone was born in 1848 from his mother Boru Situmorang. At the time of youth, Ompu Pulo Batu traveled to Aceh, there mingle with merchants from Persia and learn many things. Therefore, when the war against the Dutch, King Si Singamangaraja XII aided by fighters from Aceh, and the stamp / stempelnya use of Arabic and Batak.In 1877

King Si Singamangaraja XII declared war on the Netherlands. Then he runs the war against the Netherlands for 3 decades.

 

 

 

FRAME TWO :

THE HISTORY AND BIOGRAFI  OF KING  SISINGAMANGARAJA XII

 

 

 

 

 

Frame Two : The biography of Sisingamangaraja XII

 

 

Sisingamangaraja XII (1849-17 June 1907) is a Batak king who became an Indonesian folk hero for his fight against the Dutch, who killed him in their fight to gain control over the Batak lands

Sumatra Treaty in 1871 marked a new Babakan in the Dutch Colonial government’s ambition to dominate the region of Sumatra. After the Padri War in West sumatra complation. Tapanuli be the next target. Since the Aceh War, most of the area occupied by the army Tapanuli Colonial Occupation. The Dutch also began to put controller in Balige,Tarutung and Sipoholon.

Dutch soldiers lungs kick cuased a strong reaction from si singamaraja XII,King Tapanuli Bosat Patuan Ompu Pulo Batu when seated the throne get the name si Singamagaraja XII was born in Bakkara North Tapanuli 1849. In addition to domicile as a king, he also served as head of the customs as well as religious leader called Parmalin.It provides a high position among his people .this is evident when he took up arms against the Dutch. In that war ,si singamangaraja XII  led his ownself against Dutch resistance. The attack on the Dutch outpost in Tarutung,Balige and Bakkara in 1878.In that war,the king of Battaks was working with sseveral Commanders in Aceh and West sumatra, the most succeessful attack happened at the Stone Staies in 1884. Since many experienced defeat, the Netherlands increase the strenght and perform various acts of intimidation and violence. People suspected of helping Si Singamangaraja captured and killed but the opposition still runs. to influence the parties who do not like the position of The Netherlands,si singamagaraja then provide a cash prize of 2000 guilders burning villages and forcing people to pay high fines. Various effort sudden siege and assault were done by Netherlands but didnot show meaningful results. In 1894,King was with his army to face the Dutch army in the amouth of because imported from Medan and Aceh so that its strength of si Singamangaraja Raja Batak Bakkara is survive in the area and make the area as a center of resistance. Through the fierce fighting that eventually fortifications fell into the enemy hands, Then,the defense moved to Pakpak Dairi, a village in the southwest of Lake Toba. Dutch troops succeeded in entering through the North Tapanuli to a par-prisoner of fighters. The place was finally surrounded Dutch demand for surrender was refused and the king of fierce Fighting took place. The Si singamangaraja the slogan ” better dead than live berkalang colonized land” was dfinally killed in 1907 after long thirty years of formating popular resistance to drive out Dutch Tapanuli.


     
In the Batak Malim religion Sisingamaraja XII is seen as the prophet of God on earth, his spirit still alive in his successors.

ingamangaraja XII

 

 

Si Singamangaraja XII

King Sisingamangaraja XII (Bangkara, Tapanuli, 1849 – Simsim, Tano Batak, June 17, 1907); title Ompu Pulo Batu was a ruler in Tapanuli, North Sumatra in the late 19th century. He died on June 17, 1907 while defending itself from attack Dutch troops. His tomb is in Soposurung, Balige after removed from Tarutung. Sisingamangaraja name derived from Sanskrit which means lion and mangaraja (overlord).

Table of contents
1 Origin
2 Royal King Sisingamangaraja XII
3rd Degree
4 Cap Sisingamangaraja XII
5 References

 

Origin
Sisingamangaraja, Sisingamangaraja XII dynasty, was a descendant of an officer appointed by the king Pagaruyung very powerful when it is, which comes around North Sumatra to place its officers. [1] In a letter to Marsden years 1820, Raffles wrote that the leaders explain Batak him about Sisingamangaraja which is a descendant of Minangkabau, in Silindung dah that there is a statue of human form is very ancient stone that allegedly brought from Pagaruyung. [2] Until the beginning of the 20th century, Sisingamangaraja still send regular tribute to the leader through the intermediary lord Barus Minangkabau who served Pagaruyung submit it to the leader.

Kingdom King Sisingamangaraja XII

Photo 1907. Dutch soldiers chasing Sisingamangaraja Tele XII in forest areas. Led by Hans Christoffel (holding stick), they posed for a moment in the region Sagala.
Sisingamangaraja is a big name in the history of Batak. He unifying figure. Sisingamangaraja dynasty began in the mid-1500s, when King Sisingamangaraja I who was born in 1515 began to reign. He’s not the first king in there. The government before it was known by the name of anesthetic. The anesthetic is a collection of about seven horja. While one horja consists of 20 huta or villages that have their own leadership. There anesthetic Toba, Patane Bolon, Silindung and so forth.

Of the 12 people who continue the dynasty Sisingamangaraja, Singamangaraja XII is the most popular king and was appointed as a national hero since 9 November 1961. The painting itself is made Augustin Sibarani who later printed in the old money of Rp 1,000, is the only “picture” themselves Sisingamangaraja. He ascended the throne in 1876 succeeded his father Singamangaraja XI named Ompu Sohahuaon.

The coronation of Maharaja Singamangaraja XII as in Toba city simultaneously with the start of open door policy (open-door policy). Netherlands felt the need to secure foreign capital operating in Indonesia are not willing to sign Korte Verkaring (short contract) in Sumatra, especially Aceh and Tapanuli. Both consultants are to open trade relations with other European countries. Holland himself tried to instill in the second monopilinya the sultanate. Different political situation encourages further to give birth to a prolonged battle to tens of years.

One that still continues to be a subject of discussion today, is a fad religion Sisingamangaraja XII. Some believe, he adopted the old beliefs most people Batak. Similar to the two major world religions Islam and Christianity, Batak religion knows only one Almighty, Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon or Ompu Mulajadi Nabolon. Now the old Batak religion is obsolete, though of course the traditional belief is still maintained.

Combat power very long time because in Tunjang by religious teachings of Islam. It is rare to rare in pointed by historians, because it was less relevant to the predicate of a National Hero. Or because of other reasons to feel less need membicarakanya. If you anyway want to talk about religion in embraced by Si Singamangaraja XII, they are more likely to recognize the religious Pelbagu Si Singamangaraja XII. Such Pelbagu animist religions worship the god who knows well. Debata Mulajadi as Mahadeva. Also mengaenal teachings Trine: Guru (god of glory), Ser Debata

One thing which is unacceptable when the Si XII Singamangaraja animistic religion, because we look at Cap Si kalu Singamangaraja XII reads Arabic letters that read: This is the Maharaja in the city of Cap Bakara village of Toba city. Hijrah of the Prophet 1304. On the stamp can be seen clearly the use of Hijra the Prophet. This gives an idea of ​​the influence of Islam that animates self-Si Singamangaraja XII. The letter hobo who was also in the capture, is similar to the actions of Prince Diponegoro who still uses the letters of Java to write letters.

Similarly, if we look at the flag of war. Seen the influence of Islam in the picture kelewang, sun and moon. Will be clearer if we follow the description a few magazines or a Dutch newspaper report on religion in embraced by Si Singamangaraja XII, among others; Volgens berichten van de bevolking Moet de togen, woordige titularis not jaren geleden een 5 tot den Islam jizn bekeerd, Doch hij werd en Islamiet fanatiek Geen Geen oefende jizn Druk op om zich uit te ongeving bekeeren. (Sukatulis, 1907, pp, 1)

According to news from the population, the current king (mean Titularis is Singamangaraja Si XII) since five years ago converted to Islam a fanatic, so he meneka so that people around him change his religion. News on this gives us data that Si Singamangaraja XII Muslim. In addition, the add also about the people who are not Muslim, and Si XII Singamangaraja not hold any other force or pressure. This also give an idea also about control Si Singamangaraja XII against religion itself.

Mohammad Said, in his book Sisingamangaraja XII states likely true that Sisingamangaraja a Muslim. Guidelines derived from information in writing Zendeling Dutch, JH Meerwaldt, who had been a teacher at nearby Narumonda Porsea. Meerwaldt hear Sisingamangaja already embraced Islam.

In the magazine Rheinische Missionsgessellschaft published in 1907 in Germany which states, that Sisingamangaraja, despite the super-natural power to say no to him, to fall, and that the same is true with the shift he became a Muslim and its relationship to the people of Aceh.

 

Relations with the Dutch attacked Aceh occurred in 1877 Tanah Batak. Because of weak tactically, Sisingamangaraja XII relationships with troops in Aceh and the Acehnese figures of Muslim fighters to boost forces combat capability. He went to the Gayo, Alas, Singkel, and Pidie in Aceh and also take part in war exercises Keumala.

Exchange officer conducted. Aceh trained officers participated in the XII Sisingamangaraja troops to help win the war strategy, while officers continue to be trained in Aceh Batak. One Teacher Mengambat, one warlord Sisingamangaraja XII. Teungku earned a Master Mengambat Aceh.

The information was based on resident LC Kort Verslag Welsink on August 16, 1906. In the note mentioned, a commander named Teacher Mengambat Sisingamangaraja XII of Salak (Kab. Pakpak Hasundutan now) had converted to Islam. This information was obtained by Welsink from Ompu Onggung and Defence Batu.

In a confidential letter to the Departement van Oorlog, the Netherlands, Lieutenant L. van Vuuren and Berenshot on 19 July 1907 states, Dat de Oude S vaststaatdat bet. S. M. Met zijn tot zonns Islamic den Waren over gegaan, al zullen zij wel niet Mohamedan in merg en been geworden zijn / That is definitely S. S. M. old with her sons had converted to Islam, although Islam is not just how pervasive they are in his soul.

Dutch Newspapers Algemcene Handeslsblad on July 3, 1907 edition, as stated Mohammad Said in his book, wrote, “According to the news of the occupation, stop right now the king (ie Sisingamangaraja) since five years ago had embraced Islam. But he is not an Islamic fanatic, so he does not push people around him change his religion. “

This information further strengthens allegations Sisingamangaraja XII had embraced Islam. Moreover, Islamic patterns seen in the pattern of government administration, such as flags and seals.

Sisingamangaraja XII flag red and white., Bearing the twin swords, moon and stars, similar to the flag of Saudi Arabia now. The difference in the flag Sisingamangaraja XII are located on the right seblah sword is a full moon or full moon, not a crescent. While the star is located on the left has eight serrations, not five as is commonly seen in mosques in other Islamic tradition symbol. However, eight jagged objects could also be interpreted as the sun.

The outside of the stamp which has 12 serrations Sisingamangaraja periphery also use the Hijri era and Arabic letters. But the Arabic alphabet to write the Batak language, “This is the stamp Maharaja in Negri Toba Bakara Village Name Adorned, Hijrat Prophet 1304″. While the script to write Ahu Sahap bataknya ni mian Tuwan Lion Mangaraja Bakara, which means I Cap Mr. Lion Mangaraja enthroned in Bakara.

“Actually, flags and seals that have characterized the mode of Islam in government Sisingamangaraja. Thus a strong possibility he had embraced Islam, but there is no authentic data so it can not be ascertained the truth, “said Chairman of the Council of North Sumatra Aziz Mahmud H Siregar.

For more in-depth conveyed, Dada Meuraxa in his book History of Culture The tribes in North Sumatra. “Sisingamangaraja XII had converted to Islam and circumcised in Aceh when he came to Banda Aceh to ask for help weapons,” said Meuraxa.

In the book mentions Meuraxa, description, according to a source statement, Tuanku Hashim, who quoted her aunt who is also Commander Polem wife who witnessed the ceremony in Aceh.

“Although it is not enough facts Sisingamangaraja a Muslim, but the movement was strongly influenced his life the story of Islam. Up to stamp his own kingdom Arabic script. Flag using the moon and stars two Arabian swords are also given the fact the light, “wrote Dada Meuraxa. After the pastor Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen open post zending in Silindung then worry about power Singamangaraja Netherlands will soon enter the land of Batak. He became leader of the Batak lands against Dutch colonialism. Feeling threatened by Singamangaraja XII then Nomensen ask for the Dutch to send troops to immediately conquer Silindung. On February 6, 1878 Dutch troops arrived in Pearaja, the residence of Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen evangelists, and together with evangelists Nommensen bahal Dutch troops left for Stone to prepare defenses. The Singamangaraja who felt provoked declares war (peacefully) on 16 February. In a war that became famous with Toba War (also called Batak War or War Singamangaraja), the Dutch troops who assisted by Christian Batak troops to combat resistance Singamangaraja, burned dozens of villages, including Bangkara, Singamangaraja XII own village. Singamangaraja forced to resign to the Dairi and from there she was repeatedly attacked the Dutch Singamangaraja named Ompu Pulobatu XII himself, born on February 18, 1845 and died June 7, 1907 in a battle with the Dutch in the Dairi. A bullet penetrated his chest. By the last breath, by gunfire Dutch troops headed by Captain Hans Christoffel, he still says, “Ahuu Sisingamangaraja”.

Speech is synonymous with persistence berjuang.Turut that time also shot his two sons Patuan Nagari and Patuan Anggi, and her daughter Lopian. While the rest of his family captive in Tarutung. That’s the end of the battle against Dutch colonialism in Batak land since 1877. Sisingamangaraja own later interred in a military Holland on June 22, 1907 at Silindung. His shrine is just moved to Soposurung, Balige like this now since June 17, 1953.

Title

Singamangaraja title is a title of hereditary groups who have the privilege authority (Sahala) king of the branch of the clan Sinambela faith, lived in Bangkara. Because of privileges, advantages, wisdom that goes down through the generations they respected most of the Batak, especially from large parts of the clans of Sumba. Indonesia is the national hero who is also called Pulo Batu Ompu is Singamangaraja the twelfth.

Cap Sisingamangaraja XII
Singamangaraja XII has three stamps that have been studied by Uli Kozok in the book “Letters Batak: Batak History of Writing, Script Writing Guidelines Here Batak and Cap Si Singamangaraja XII. New York: Scholastic. 2009

 

 

 

Foto tahun 1907. Tentara Belanda mengejar Sisingamangaraja XII di kawasan hutan Tele. Dipimpin Hans Christoffel (memegang tongkat), mereka berpose sejenak di daerah Sagala.

Sisingamangaraja merupakan nama besar dalam sejarah Batak. Dia tokoh pemersatu. Dinasti Sisingamangaraja dimulai sejak pertengahan tahun 1500-an, saat Raja Sisingamangaraja I yang lahir tahun 1515 mulai memerintah. Dia memang bukan raja pertama di sana. Pemerintahan masa sebelum itu dikenal dengan nama bius. Satu bius merupakan kumpulan sekitar tujuh horja. Sedangkan satu horja terdiri dari 20 huta atau desa yang punya pimpinan sendiri. Ada Bius Toba, Patane Bolon, Silindung dan sebagainya.

Dari 12 orang yang melanjutkan dinasti Sisingamangaraja, Singamangaraja XII merupakan raja paling populer dan diangkat sebagai pahlawan nasional sejak 9 November 1961. Lukisan dirinya yang dibuat Augustin Sibarani yang kemudian tercetak di uang Rp 1.000 yang lama, merupakan satu-satunya “foto” diri Sisingamangaraja. Dia naik tahta pada tahun 1876 menggantikan ayahnya Singamangaraja XI yang bernama Ompu Sohahuaon.

Penobatan Si Singamangaraja XII sebagai Maharaja di negri Toba bersamaan dengan dimulainya open door policy (politik pintu terbuka). Belanda merasa perlu mengamankan modal asing yang beroperasi di Indonesia yang tidak mau menandatangani Korte Verkaring ( perjanjian pendek) di Sumatra terutama Aceh dan Tapanuli. Kedua konsultan ini membuka hubungan dagang dengan negara-negara Eropa lainya. Belanda sendiri berusaha menanamkan monopilinya di kedua kesultanan tersebut. Politik yang berbeda ini mendorong situasi selanjutnya untuk melahirkan peperangan yang berkepanjangan hingga puluhan tahun.

Satu yang masih terus jadi bahan diskusi hingga hari ini, adalah agama yang anutan Sisingamangaraja XII. Sebagian yakin, dia penganut kepercayaan lama yang dianut sebagian besar orang Batak. Mirip dengan dua agama besar dunia Islam dan Kristen, agama Batak hanya mengenal satu Yang Maha Kuasa, Debata Mulajadi Na Bolon atau Ompu Mulajadi Nabolon. Sekarang agama Batak lama sudah ditinggalkan, walau tentu saja kepercayaan tradisional masih dipertahankan.

Daya tempur yang sangat lama ini karena di tunjang oleh ajaran agama islam. Hal ini jarang jarang di kemukakan oleh para sejarawan, karena merasa kurang relevan dengan predikat Pahlawan Nasional. Atau karena alasan-alasan lain merasa kurang perlu membicarakanya. Kalau toh mau membicarakan tentang agama yang di anut oleh Si Singamangaraja XII, mereka lebih cenderung untuk mengakui Si Singamangaraja XII beragama Pelbagu. Pelbagu semacam agama animisme yang mengenal pula pemujaan dewa. Debata Mulajadi sebagai mahadewa. Juga mengaenal ajaran Trimurti: Batara Guru (dewa kejayaan), Debata Ser

Satu hal yang sukar diterima adalah bila Si Singamangaraja XII beragama animisme, karena kalu kita perhatikan Cap Si Singamangaraja XII yang bertuliskan huruf arab berbunyi; Inilah Cap Maharaja di negri Toba kampung Bakara kotanya. Hijrah Nabi 1304. Pada cap tersebut terlihat jelas penggunaan tahun hijriah Nabi. Hal ini memberikan gambaran tentang besarnya pengaruh ajaran Islam yang menjiwai diri Si Singamangaraja XII. Adapun huruf batak yang masih pula di abadikan, adalah sama dengan tindakan Pangeran Diponegoro yang masih mengguakan huruf jawa dalam menulis surat.

Begitu pula kalau kita perhatikan bendera perangnya. Terlihat pengaruh Islam dalam gambar kelewang, matahari dan bulan. Akan lebih jelas bila kita ikuti keterangan beberapa majalah atau koran Belanda yang memberitakan tentang agama yang di anut oleh Si Singamangaraja XII, antara lain; Volgens berichten van de bevolking moet de togen, woordige titularis een 5 tak jaren geleden tot den Islam jizn bekeerd, doch hij werd geen fanatiek Islamiet en oefende geen druk op jizn ongeving uit om zich te bekeeren. ( Sukatulis, 1907, hlm, 1)

Menurut kabar-kabar dari penduduk, raja yang sekarang (maksud Titularis adalah Si Singamangaraja XII) semenjak lima tahun yang lalu memeluk agama Islam yang fanatik, demikian pula dia meneka supaya orang-orang sekelilingnya menukar agamanya. Berita di atas ini memberikan data kepada kita bahwa Si Singamangaraja XII beragama Islam. Selain itu, di tambahkan pula tentang rakyat yang tidak beragama Islam, dan Si Singamangaraja XII tidak mengadakan paksaan atau penekanan lainnya. Hal ini sekaligus memberikan gambaran pula tentang penguasaan Si Singamangaraja XII terhadap ajaran agama itu sendiri.

Mohammad Said, dalam bukunya Sisingamangaraja XII menyatakan kemungkinan benar bahwa Sisingamangaraja seorang Muslim. Pedomannya berasal dari informasi dalam tulisan Zendeling berkebangsaan Belanda, J.H Meerwaldt, yang pernah menjadi guru di Narumonda dekat Porsea. Meerwaldt mendengar Sisingamangaja sudah memeluk Islam.

Di majalah Rheinische Missionsgessellschaft tahun 1907 yang diterbitkan di Jerman yang menyatakan, bahwa Sisingamangaraja, kendati kekuatan adi-alamiah yang dikatakan ada padanya, dapat jatuh, dan bahwa demikian juga halnya dengan beralihnya dia menjadi orang Islam dan hubungannya kepada orang Aceh.

Hubungan dengan Aceh ini terjadi Belanda menyerang Tanah Batak pada tahun 1877. Karena lemah secara taktis, Sisingamangaraja XII menjalin hubungan dengan pasukan Aceh dan dengan tokoh-tokoh pejuang Aceh beragama Islam untuk meningkatkan kemampuan tempur pasukannya. Dia berangkat ke wilayah Gayo, Alas, Singkel, dan Pidie di Aceh dan turut serta pula dalam latihan perang Keumala.

Pertukaran perwira dilakukan. Perwira terlatih Aceh ikut dalam pasukan Sisingamangaraja XII untuk membantu strategi pemenangan perang, sementara perwira Batak terus dilatih di Aceh. Salah satunya Guru Mengambat, salah seorang panglima perang Sisingamangaraja XII. Guru Mengambat mendapat gelar Teungku Aceh.

Informasi itu berdasarkan Kort Verslag Residen L.C Welsink pada 16 Agustus 1906. Dalam catatan itu disebutkan, seorang panglima Sisingamangaraja XII bernama Guru Mengambat dari Salak (Kab. Pakpak Hasundutan sekarang) telah masuk Islam. Informasi ini diperoleh oleh Welsink dari Ompu Onggung dan Pertahan Batu.

Dalam sebuah surat rahasia kepada Departement van Oorlog, Belanda, Letnan L. van Vuuren dan Berenshot pada tanggal 19 juli 1907 menyatakan, Dat bet vaststaatdat de oude S .S. M. Met zijn zonns tot den Islam waren over gegaan, al zullen zij wel niet Mohamedan in merg en been geworden zijn/ Bahwa sudah pasti S. S. M. yang tua dengan putra-putranya telah beralih memeluk agama Islam, walaupun keislaman mereka tidak seberapa meresap dalam sanubarinya.

Surat Kabar Belanda Algemcene Handeslsblad pada edisi 3 Juli 1907, sebagaimana dinyatakan Mohammad Said dalam bukunya, menuliskan, “Menurut kabar dari pendudukan, sudahlah benar raja yang sekarang (maksudnya Sisingamangaraja) semenjak lima tahun yang lalu telah memeluk Islam. Tetapi dia bukanlah seorang Islam yang fanatik, demikian pula dia tidak menekan orang-orang di sekelilingnya menukar agamanya”.

Informasi ini semakin menguatkan dugaan Sisingamangaraja XII telah memeluk Islam. Apalagi terlihat pola-pola Islam dalam pola administrasi pemerintahannya, misalnya bendera dan stempel.

Bendera Sisingamangaraja XII yang berwarna merah dan putih., berlambang pedang kembar, bulan dan bintang, mirip dengan bendera Arab Saudi sekarang. Bedanya bulan dalam bendera Sisingamangaraja XII yang terletak di seblah kanan pedang merupakan bulan penuh atau bulan purnama, bukan bulan sabit. Sedangkan bintang yang terletak di sebelah kiri memiliki delapan gerigi, bukan lima seperti yang biasa terlihat di mesjid dalam lambang tradisi Islam lainnya. Namun benda bergerigi delapan itu bisa juga diartikan sebagai matahari.

Bagian luar stempel Sisingamangaraja yang mempunyai 12 gerigi pinggiran juga menggunakan tarikh Hijriah dan huruf Arab. Namun huruf Arab itu untuk menuliskan bahasa Batak, “Inilah cap Maharaja di Negri Toba Kampung Bakara Nama Kotanya, Hijrat Nabi 1304”. Sedangkan aksara bataknya menuliskan Ahu Sahap ni Tuwan Singa Mangaraja mian Bakara, artinya Aku Cap Tuan Singa Mangaraja Bertakhta di Bakara.

“Sebenarnya bendera dan stempel itu sudah mencirikan corak Islam dalam pemerintahan Sisingamangaraja. Dengan demikian kuat kemungkinan dia sudah memeluk Islam, tetapi tidak ada data otentik jadi tidak bisa dipastikan kebenarannya,” kata Ketua Majelis Ulama Sumut H Mahmud Azis Siregar.

Keterangan lebih mendalam disampaikan, Dada Meuraxa dalam bukunya Sejarah Kebudayaan Suku-suku di Sumatera Utara. “Sisingamangaraja XII sudah masuk Islam dan disunatkan di Aceh waktu beliau datang ke Banda Aceh meminta bantuan senjata,” kata Meuraxa.

Dalam buku itu Meuraxa menyebutkan, keterangan itu berdasarkan pernyataan seorang sumber, Tuanku Hasyim, yang mengutip pernyataan bibi-nya yang juga istri Panglima Polem yang menyaksikan sendiri upacara tersebut di Aceh.

“Walaupun belum cukup fakta-fakta Sisingamangaraja seorang Islam, tetapi gerak hidupnya sangat terpengaruh cerita Islam.

Sampai kepada cap kerajaannya sendiri tulisan Arab. Benderanya yang memakai bulan bintang dan dua pedang Arab ini pun memberikan fakta terang,” tulis Dada Meuraxa.

Setelah pendeta

 

Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen

Membuka

Pos Zending di Silindung

 

maka Singamangaraja khawatir kekuasaan Belanda akan segera masuk ke Tanah Batak.

Beliau menjadi pemimpin negeri-negeri Batak yang menentang penjajahan Belanda. Karena merasa terancam oleh Singamangaraja XII maka Nomensen minta agar Belanda mengirim pasukan untuk segera menaklukkan Silindung. Pada 6 Februari 1878 pasukan Belanda tiba di Pearaja, kediaman penginjil Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen, dan bersama-sama dengan penginjil Nommensen pasukan Belanda berangkat ke Bahal Batu untuk menyusun benteng pertahanan. Si Singamangaraja yang merasa terprovokasi mengumumkan perang (pulas) pada tanggal 16 Februari. Dalam perang yang menjadi terkenal dengan Perang Toba (juga disebut Perang Batak atau Perang Singamangaraja), pasukan Belanda yang diperbantukan oleh pasukan Batak Kristen untuk memberantas perlawanan Singamangaraja, membakar puluhan kampung, termasuk Bangkara, kampungnya Singamangaraja XII sendiri. Singamangaraja terpaksa mengundurkan diri ke daerah Dairi dan dari situ ia berkali-kali menyerang Belanda Singamangaraja XII sendiri bernama Ompu Pulobatu, lahir pada 18 Februari 1845 dan meninggal 7 Juni 1907 dalam sebuah pertempuran dengan Belanda di Dairi. Sebuah peluru menembus dadanya. Menjelang napas terakhir, akibat tembakan pasukan Belanda yang dipimpin Kapten Hans Christoffel itu, dia tetap berucap, “Ahuu Sisingamangaraja”.

Ucapan itu identik dengan kegigihannya berjuang.Turut tertembak juga waktu itu dua putranya Patuan Nagari dan Patuan Anggi, serta putrinya Lopian. Sedangkan sisa keluarganya ditawan di Tarutung. Itulah akhir pertempuran melawan penjajahan Belanda di tanah Batak sejak tahun 1877. Sisingamangaraja sendiri kemudian dikebumikan Belanda secara militer pada 22 Juni 1907 di Silindung. Makamnya baru dipindahkan ke Soposurung, Balige seperti sekarang ini sejak 17 Juni 1953.

Gelar

Gelar Singamangaraja adalah gelar kelompok turun temurun yang memiliki keistimewaan wibawa (sahala) raja iman dari cabang marga Sinambela, tinggal di Bangkara. Karena keistimewaan, keunggulan, kearifan yang berlangsung turun-temurun mereka dihormati sebagian besar orang Batak, khususnya dari belahan marga besar Sumba. Pahlawan nasional Indonesia ini yang disebut juga Ompu Pulo Batu adalah Singamangaraja yang keduabelas.

Cap Sisingamangaraja XII

Singamangaraja XII memiliki tiga cap yang telah diteliti oleh Uli Kozok dalam buku “Surat Batak: Sejarah Perkembangan Tulisan Batak, Berikut Pedoman Menulis Aksara Batak dan Cap Si Singamangaraja XII. Jakarta : Gramedia. 2009.

Reference

  1. ^ Brenner, J.F. von. Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras: erste Durchquerung der unabhangigen Batak-Lande. Wurzburg: Wurl.
  1. 2.     ^ Raffles, Stamford. Memoir of the life and public services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles. London: John Murray. the end @ copyright Dr Iwan suwandy 2011

 

 

1877

Itulah akhir pertempuran melawan penjajahan Belanda di tanah Batak sejak tahun 1877.

1878

Note Uli Kozk-10
Zending role in the Battle of Toba
War in Toba
BRMG 1878 (7) p. 193-202


In connection with the ongoing war in the number of newspapers Toba Dutch East Indies hurl accusations at our evangelist.
The accusation that we chose the area of ​​evangelism is to enrich themselves do not need to utterly ignored.
 Yet another accusation that we need to respond in accordance with the actual situation. Instead, the parties in the Netherlands that is friendly to missionaries objected to the fact that our evangelist Dutch government aid.
However, our evangelist Silindung in the Netherlands with the permission of the government.
 So what if they are in total desperation asking for government protection?
Evangelist Resident Sibolga we are told that some of the people of Aceh and Singkil Barus came to Toba, and that they pay attention to his actions.
 If anyone comes to Silindung Singamangaraja envoy to incite the people – which in essence has been under Dutch rule – and called [p.194] so that they are subject to Aceh, and when we heard the evangelist Acehnese plan was to establish his control over the kingdom Singamangaraja , and tried again to overthrow the Dutch in Angkola, Mandailing, and Alternating Padang, if we are not obligated to evangelist immediately report the matter to the Resident?
Instead irresponsible if they did not do anything? If the Dutch government, according to a report evangelist us, sending troops into Silindung evangelist fault is it us?

In another newspaper reported that the evangelist’s support Bahal population Stone and attacks on the kingdom Singamangaraja.
 They endorse Dutch aid for our evangelists, but they do not agree that the troops advanced to Bahal Stone because it is a provocation that Singamangaraja indeed had reason to defend his kingdom by declaring war because Bahal Stone is part of the kingdom.
But the charge was groundless because Bahal Stone is in the area that had belonged to the Dutch government.
Definitely not a part of the kingdom Bahal Stone Singamangaraja because Singamangaraja only Bangkara ruling.
Outside, in Toba, Silindung, and Bahal Stone Singamangaraja only recognized as king priest.
 It is true that we are destroying the basis of the authority of evangelists to spread the gospel Singamangaraja that he was angry and hostile towards us.
In terms of our evangelists does it take responsibility for the war.
Additionally it was reported that the relief force [49] acting as ruthless and cruel to suggest that there was no Christian values ​​on people Silindung it.
In that case we need to answer that it is true that the Christian Silindung Dutch is a loyal friend, and that they support the troops fighting alongside the Dutch troops. It is true that they were ordered Holland to burn some villages. [P.195]
 
If the war was no bloodshed, it should be understood, in Europe was the case,
but the evangelists always try to avoid the shedding of blood there is excessive, and that people and property are protected as far as possible.
It is preferred by the missionary so that the enemy can see his good intentions. No one prisoner was killed, but all were released after his relatives came to pay tribute.
The Dutch are now so advanced and it seemed as though they were about to conquer all up on the shore of Lake Toba Toba.
 It is very important to establish their power in Sibolga and Deli.

According to recent news in addition Bahal Stone, Butar and now Sianjur Lobu Siregar, Door Bai [50] and Lintong ni Huta was to be conquered. One thing that is very beneficial for our missionaries is that both Resident Sibolga and the West Coast of Sumatra Governor is the one who knows zending us directly and always be friendly towards us.
Here is a letter from Bahal Stone evangelist Metzler, who a few months ago brought his young wife to a post missionaries. The letter sent in March reads as follows:
NOTE: Metzler-thick 15-page letter handwritten now in Archiv und Museumsstiftung Wuppertal, Rudolfstr. 137, 42285 Wuppertal, tel. 0202/89004-160; faxing 0202/89004-79
At the time I wrote my last letter the Bahal Stone still be good after my wife’s arrival. But his attitude changed when hope they will get the money and the clothes are not met. It makes us anxious and sad. Many who once attended Mass today do not come anymore. The king of the most severe because the clothes my wife’s gift was not good enough for them, and are always asking for money only. Instead Portaon Wind, head of the king, to forbid we get water and firewood, buy rice, milk, etc.. [Hal.196]
we are certainly very inconvenient. In addition I was also sick and could not leave the house after I had an accident while woodworking. At that time evangelist of Silindung comes to looking for evangelists post puse in Butar. Although the Butar asked that we come in they greeted us with friendly and even fired on us so the attempt failed. But those of Lobu Siregar has urged that missionaries puse placed there so it was immediately confirmed. Then the evangelist of Silindung call Portaon Wind asked why he showed such a bad attitude, and if his attitude does not change the heading zending withdrawn and placed just a school teacher in the village. Hearing this he was sorry and asked for forgiveness.
The following day we were to Silindung, and only puse Bahal living in the Stone. Our guide for the day was Genesis 45:5 “Do not be afraid or sorry for yourselves because you sold me. Actually God who brought me here precede you to save a lot of people. “In Silindung we were for about six weeks, and the state of my health is fully restored. We are very grateful for the love of our brothers there. Our departure turned out to be good at Portaon Wind and other kings. They often wrote letters and asked that we come back.
On 19 November last year that we went back to the Stone Bahal and was greeted warmly by his puse. Wind Portaon with his son and other kings greeted us and promised to be more friendly to us.
[Hal.197] Until now the old king had kept his promise, and every Sunday she attended Mass with his family.
The second day after our arrival we were surprised by the story below: A child king who asked that I give clothes were pants. Since I do not have pants that I can give him so he menyuluti our roof. We were having lunch when we heard the screams of a child and one of our men called us. Together with the help of our village up to the roof. Puse wife and I brought water washing clothes and other children carry water from the fields. With the help of God we managed to put out the fire even though the wind was blowing hard from the east. Actors who escaped were captured and the king would immediately cut him. At the request of us he was not killed but was fined a pig which they eat together in the evening. On that occasion they will swear to penalize any person who want to do evil to us. Without the help of God’s house we now live ash alone.
After we worked quietly for a few weeks our evil enemies moving again. We informed Mr. Resident presence ulubalang 40 (army) of Acehnese Singkel coming here, and so we were wary. A few weeks ago the king of Batak priest [51] come to the prohibiting Siregar Lobu accommodate the missionary and told them to cast us out of Bahal Stone and of Silindung because the heathen will expire if they are Christians. From then on the Lobu Siregar hostile.
At that Singamangaraja [Hal.198] has quietly established an agreement with the king who calls ulubalang Lobu Siregar, and now that he was the real ringleader of the riots.
Rumour has increasingly become. On 17 December we received a letter from the ulubalang Silindung that had arrived in Bangkara within just one day walk from here, and we were told to leave immediately.
So we set off after wrapping clothes and heading zending we leave to the old king.
‘re On our way to a letter from Silindung so for a while we were still living in the Stone Bahal. The old king was pleased that we came back and the next day we had to replace the turn of the guard at night. Were increasingly worried about the rumors we’ve heard.
Then came the evangelist Nommensen, puse, Simoneit, and Israel. Most Silindung pledged to defend the evangelists and fight if attacked.
The king Bahal Stone also has said it will defend us, and Portaon Wind [52] even said them first if you want to threaten to kill us. Simoneit and Israel lived in here to help us in case the enemy attacked the post.
In the weeks to come filled with anxiety and restlessness. But in this misery blessings we enjoy the warm atmosphere of mutual support to each other.
While this and specifically for Christians and the king in favor of the missionaries and their governments provide 50 rifle ammunition and to ensure the support troops because the government fears the disaster will occur, as happened in 1859 in Borneo. [53] Nommensen evangelist asked the king commanded the priests Singamangaraja why he is hostile to the evangelist, but he denies having hostile environment, as well as the king who called ulubalang it.
[Hal.199] Nevertheless there remains a letter and news from Lake Toba to Silindung and Bahal Stone told us to go while Singamangaraja inciting people to antagonize us.
Under a sense of anxiety but believe God will help us celebrate Christmas and into the New Year.
Eight days after New Year’s day evangelists left us. Rumors are concerned it is still not subsided. From Barus came the news that matters to Sibolga so resident in Sibolga told some king to investigate. Beginning February 80 Dutch army came to the Commissioner (Controller) to further investigate the matter. As long as the army is in a calm atmosphere Silindung. Then came a letter from Singamangaraja. He said if the army went he would come to cast us together with the king of Bahal Stone. Other kings of the mountains [54] generally tell in these markets will menyembilih us. Then send a letter to Singamangaraja Resident asks what her true purpose. He replied he did not object to the presence of missionaries, he just wanted the Dutch troops back, and after that he was willing to come and talk to us. Resident tore a reply letter carriers and want to eat it, but there was a king in the way.

On February 15 [1878]
 troops arrived in Bahal Stone along with evangelist of Silindung. For two days the state of calm. On the evening of February 16, the enemy opened fire on the army camp and left three letters from the reed that declared war on us and that they do not stay silent until the heads of the Dutch master was in their hands. In the letter they tied bamboo stabbed yams as a sign to stab soldiers and gentlemen and eat like sweet potatoes. [200]
On the morning of the 17th Master Controller explained that I need to start bringing my wife to Silindung because he can not stay here when the war had broken out. The old king was about to stop him but Controlleur lieutenant commanding an officer to escort us until mid-way into Silindung. At 10:00 we departed with his Johannsen and towards evening we arrived, in the rain, in Pansur na Pitu.
On Tuesday the 19th I was alone back to the Stone Bahal. The gentlemen are living in the camp and urged us to leave post zendingnya. On 20 Master Controller told us to leave the post zending. Another evangelist urged me to go from there so I went back to Silindung. The decision of the evangelists and the request of his good-natured Simoneit then I occupied the post until evangelist Simoneit Simorangkir back from Toba. [55] He willingly decided to assist evangelists puse until the war is over and I can go back to the Stone Bahal with my wife.
Meanwhile, fighting in Bahal Stone has begun. Every day the enemy came, sometimes thousands of people, but each time only a portion of ulubalang and always fought their attacks can be deflected by falling victim on their side. Most of the enemy from the area around Lake Toba, from Butar and Lobu Siregar, driven by Singamangaraja, a demagogue and damn incite people. A person who is caught in a state of immediate injury would be killed and eaten by the Bahal Stone, but they are hindered by Simoneit and puse and some soldiers. The man was brought to the missionaries and then to huta [village] Portaon winds and he bailed by families with about 300 Gulden. [56] After we left the post zending Bahal guarded by stone.
Several times the bullet entered the house at night, twice the enemy tried to burn it, but soon enough the perpetrators are known and expelled. Wind King offers 300 dollars Solobean Spain [57] which is roughly equal to 900 Gulden for anyone who managed to burn zending post. It was done out of revenge for his nephew who died in Bahal Stone. Thanks to the help of God missionaries heading survived until now, and in Bahal Stone no soldier had fallen, there has been no injury.
On March 14 Mr. Resident came alone from Sibolga with 250 troops and Colonel Engels who has proved his courage in Aceh. On 15 Silindung declared to be part of the Dutch East Indies, and on the 16th the hosts along with troops leaving Bahal Stone. Once again Mr. Resident trying to, along with the evangelists, convincing the enemy to surrender, but the effort was rejected. After that Bahal Stone was declared to be the Dutch East Indies and the king had to do the oath of allegiance. Then the soldiers went to Butar by the evangelists as a translator. People were told to give up when Butar to survive. After the offer they rejected the army stormed and burned five villages. Its people are not arrested but there were several people dead and wounded among them. At the party there was a non-commissioned soldiers who were seriously injured and died several days later at Bahal Stone. Other villages in Butar then gave up; 11 monarch Bahal was arrested and taken to the Rock, and each is required to pay war reparations 200-300 or 600-900 Gulden Spanish dollar. Now they’ve released. At the request of the Evangelists then Butar treated with soft and not too many villages were burned. Too bad kings who had once saved the lives evangelist arrested in Butar now the leader of the enemy.
At the request of the evangelist [202] is not burned their villages, where hopefully it will make him reflect on past events.
All negotiations with Lobu Siregar failed, and the troops in there attacked. Five villages were burned except the hometown of a king who was neutral. Kings others all had to pay war reparations. May God bestow His blessings to the people so they would not give up and do not follow leaders who only hurt them. How were they going to lose.
Perhaps the whole Toba now could be the Dutch East Indies. Resident has obtained permission for the annexation of Batavia. How else would it be, zending Toba is now in severe crisis, and how this tragic war for our missionaries are still unknown. May God help and bless us always for the successful development of the kingdom.
—–
[49] Christian Batak people who are armed with the Dutch government provides 50 modern rifles. The Christian army was then helped the Netherlands to paralyze enemy resistance. It is not clear how the role of missionaries in the formation of these reinforcements, but can be presumed that the missionaries participated in the preparation of the troops.
[50] It seems that what is meant here is the village Door Bosi.
[51] The meaning Singamangaraja XII.
[52] Now the more commonly used spelling is Partaon Wind.
[53] The meaning is the Banjar War (1859-1862).
[54] The meaning here Toba Humbang.
[55] Meaning on February 20, 1878 about the evangelists already know the government’s plan to combat Toba and are willing to accompany the troops.
[56] In 1878 a Dutch laborer earned 50 cents per day-is very rough-around € 4. Means ransom was around € 2,400.
[57] Dollar Spain, in Spanish real ocho, widely used in the East Indies from the 16th century until the 18th century, and in the Dutch East Indies has not entered any longer. In Indonesia, the Spanish dollar more commonly known as Real Stone or Pasmat which stands for the Dutch language Spaanse Mat.

ORIGINAL INFO

Sejarah Batak dalam catatan Uli Kozki (4)

Posted by pangutangans on December 20, 2012

Posted in: Uncategorized.

 

Catatan Uli Kozk-10

Peran Zending dalam Perang Toba

Perang di Toba

BRMG 1878 (7) hal. 193-202

Berkaitan dengan perang yang sedang berlangsung di Toba maka sejumlah surat kabar Hindia-Belanda melontarkan berbagai tuduhan kepada penginjil kita.

Tuduhan bahwa kita memilih wilayah penginjilan ini untuk memperkaya diri sendiri tidak perlu dihiraukan sama sekali.

Namun tuduhan yang lain perlu kita tanggapi sesuai dengan keadaan yang sebenarnya. Malahan pihak di Belanda yang bersahabat dengan zending keberatan dengan kenyataan bahwa penginjil kita meminta bantuan pemerintah Belanda.

Akan tetapi penginjil kita di Silindung berada di kawasan Belanda dengan izin dari pemerintah.

Jadi apa salahnya kalau mereka dalam keadaan terjepit meminta perlindungan pemerintah?

Penginjil kita diberi tahu Residen Sibolga bahwa sejumlah orang Aceh dari Barus dan Singkil datang ke Toba, dan supaya mereka memperhatikan tindak-tanduknya.

Kalau ada utusan Singamangaraja datang ke Silindung untuk menghasut rakyat – yang pada hakekatnya telah berada di bawah kekuasaan Belanda – dan menyerukan [Hal.194] agar mereka tunduk pada Aceh, dan kalau penginjil kita mendengar rencana orang Aceh itu untuk mendirikan kekuasaannya di atas kerajaan Singamangaraja, dan berusaha lagi untuk menjatuhkan kekuasaan Belanda di Angkola, Mandailing, dan Padang Bolak, apakah penginjil kita bukan berkewajiban untuk segera melaporkan hal itu kepada Residen?

Bukannya tidak bertanggung jawab kalau mereka tidak melakukan apa-apa? Kalau pemerintah Belanda, berdasarkan laporan penginjil kita, mengirim pasukannya ke Silindung apakah hal itu kesalahan penginjil kita?

 

Pada surat kabar yang lain diberitakan bahwa penginjil kita mendukung kependudukan Bahal Batu dan penyerangan terhadap kerajaan Singamangaraja.

Mereka mengabsahkan bantuan Belanda terhadap penginjil kita, tetapi mereka tidak setuju bahwa pasukan maju sampai ke Bahal Batu karena hal itu merupakan provokasi sehingga Singamangaraja memang punya alasan untuk membela kerajaannya dengan mengumumkan perang karena Bahal Batu merupakan bagian dari kerajaannya.

Namun tuduhan itu tidak beralasan karena Bahal Batu berada di dalam kawasan yang sudah menjadi milik pemerintahan Belanda.

Jelas Bahal Batu bukan bagian kerajaan Singamangaraja karena Singamangaraja hanya berkuasa di Bangkara.

Di luarnya, di Toba, Silindung, dan Bahal Batu Singamangaraja hanya diakui sebagai raja imam.

Memang benar bahwa penginjil kita menghancurkan dasar wibawa Singamangaraja dengan menyebarkan ajaran injil sehingga ia marah dan memusuhi kita.

Dari segi itu penginjil kita memang memikul tanggung jawab atas perang itu.

Selain itu diberitakan bahwa pasukan bantuan Kristen[49] bertindak secara bengis dan keji yang menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada pun nilai Kristen pada orang-orang Silindung itu.

Dalam hal itu perlu kita jawab bahwa memang benar bahwa orang Silindung yang Kristen adalah teman setia Belanda, dan bahwa pasukan bantuan mereka berperang bersama pasukan Belanda. Memang benar bahwa mereka diperintahkan Belanda untuk membakar beberapa kampung. [Hal.195]

 

Kalau dalam perang memang ada pertumpahan darah, hal itu perlu dimaklumi, di Eropa pun halnya demikian,

namun para penginjil selalu berusaha agar tidak ada pertumpahan darah yang berlebihan, dan supaya manusia maupun harta benda sedapat-dapatnya dilindungi.

Hal tersebut diutamakan oleh para zendeling supaya para musuh pun bisa melihat niat baiknya. Tidak ada seorang tahanan pun yang dibunuh, melainkan semua dilepaskan setelah sanak saudaranya datang membayar tebusannya.

Pihak Belanda sekarang sudah sangat maju dan tampaknya seolah-olah mereka hendak menaklukkan seluruh Toba sampai pada pantai Danau Toba.

Hal itu memang sangat penting demi mengukuhkan kekuasaan mereka di Sibolga dan Deli.

 

Menurut berita terakhir selain Bahal Batu, Butar dan Lobu Siregar kini Sianjur, Pintu Bai[50] dan Lintong ni Huta sudah dapat ditaklukkan. Suatu hal yang sangat menguntungkan bagi zending kita adalah bahwa baik Residen Sibolga maupun Gubernur Pantai Barat Sumatra adalah orang yang mengenal zending kita secara langsung dan selalu bersikap ramah terhadap kita.

Berikut ini surat penginjil Metzler dari Bahal Batu, yang beberapa bulan yang lalu membawa istrinya yang masih muda ke pos zending. Surat yang dikirim pada bulan Maret berbunyi sebagai berikut:

CATATAN: Surat Metzler setebal 15 halaman tulisan tangan kini berada di Archiv und Museumsstiftung Wuppertal, Rudolfstr. 137, 42285 Wuppertal, tel. 0202/89004-160; fax 0202/89004-79

Pada saat saya menulis surat terakhir saya orang Bahal Batu masih bersikap baik setelah kedatangan istri saya. Namun sikapnya berubah ketika harapan mereka akan mendapatkan uang dan busana tidak terpenuhi. Hal itu membuat kami cemas sekaligus sedih. Banyak yang dulu menghadiri misa kini tidak datang lagi. Para raja yang paling parah karena baju hadiah istri saya ternyata tidak cukup bagus bagi mereka, dan yang selalu minta uang saja. Malahan Portaon Angin, kepala raja, sampai melarang kami mengambil air dan kayu bakar, membeli beras, susu, dsb. [Hal.196]

yang tentu sangat merepotkan kami. Selain itu saya juga sakit dan tidak bisa keluar rumah setelah saya mengalami kecelakaan ketika sedang bertukang. Waktu itu penginjil dari Silindung datang untuk mencari pos buat penginjil Püse di Butar. Walaupun orang Butar minta supaya kami datang mereka menyambut kami dengan tidak ramah dan malahan menembaki kami sehingga upaya itu gagal. Tetapi orang dari Lobu Siregar sudah mendesak agar penginjil Püse ditempatkan di situ sehingga hal itu langsung dikonfirmasikan. Lalu para penginjil dari Silindung memanggil Portaon Angin bertanya mengapa ia menunjukkan sikap yang begitu buruk, dan bila sikapnya tidak berubah maka pos zending ditarik kembali dan hanya seorang guru sekolah ditempatkan di kampungnya. Mendengar ini ia menyesal dan meminta maaf.

Hari berikut kami ke Silindung, dan hanya Püse yang tinggal di Bahal Batu. Pedoman kami untuk hari ini adalah Kejadian 45:5 “Jangan takut atau menyesali dirimu karena kalian telah menjual saya. Sebenarnya Allah sendiri yang membawa saya ke sini mendahului kalian untuk menyelamatkan banyak orang.” Di Silindung kami berada selama sekitar enam minggu, dan keadaan kesehatan saya pulih sepenuhnya. Kami sangat berterima kasih atas kasih sayang saudara kami di sana. Kepergian kami ternyata berdampak baik pada Portaon Angin dan raja lainnya. Mereka sering menulis surat dan minta supaya kami kembali.

Tanggal 19 November tahun yang lalu kami kembali ke Bahal Batu dan disambut hangat oleh saudara Püse. Portaon Angin beserta anak laki-lakinya dan raja-raja lain menyalami kami dan berjanji akan bersikap lebih ramah terhadap kami.

[Hal.197] Sampai sekarang raja tua itu menepati janjinya dan setiap hari Minggu ia datang menghadiri misa bersama dengan keluarganya.

Hari kedua setelah kedatangan kami dikejutkan dengan kisah di bawah ini: Seorang anak raja yang saya berikan baju minta supaya diberi celana. Karena saya tidak punya celana yang bisa saya berikan padanya maka ia menyuluti atap rumah kami. Kami sedang makan siang ketika kami mendengar jeritan anak kecil dan salah satu di antara anak buah kami memanggil kami. Bersama dengan bantuan orang kampung kami naik ke atap. Püse dan istri saya membawa air cuci pakaian dan anak-anak lain membawa air dari sawah. Dengan bantuan Tuhan Allah kami berhasil memadamkan api walaupun angin bertiup kencang dari timur. Pelaku yang melarikan diri ditangkap dan para raja mau langsung memotong orang itu. Atas permohonan kami dia tidak dibunuh tetapi didenda seekor babi yang mereka makan bersama pada malam hari. Pada kesempatan itu mereka bersumpah akan mendenda barang siapa yang hendak berbuat jahat pada kami. Tanpa bantuan Tuhan rumah kami sekarang tinggal abu saja.

Setelah kami bekerja dengan tenang selama beberapa minggu musuh kita yang jahat bergerak lagi. Kami dikabari Tuan Residen adanya 40 ulubalang (laskar) asal Aceh dari Singkel menuju ke sini, dan supaya kami waspada. Beberapa minggu yang lalu raja imam Batak [51] datang ke Lobu Siregar melarang penduduk menampung para zendeling dan menyuruh mereka mengusir kami dari Bahal Batu dan dari Silindung karena masa kekafiran akan berakhir kalau mereka menjadi Kristen. Mulai saat itu orang Lobu Siregar menunjukkan sikap bermusuhan.

Kala itu Singamangaraja [Hal.198] telah diam-diam menjalin perjanjian dengan raja Lobu Siregar yang memanggil ulubalang, dan sekarang nyata bahwa dialah biang keladi kerusuhan.

Desas-desus makin menjadi. Tanggal 17 Desember kami menerima surat dari Silindung bahwa para ulubalang sudah tiba di Bangkara yang berjarak hanya satu hari jalan kaki dari sini, dan kami disuruh untuk segera berangkat.

Maka kami berangkat setelah membungkus pakaian dan pos zending kami serahkan kepada raja tua.

Sedang di perjalanan kami dapat surat dari Silindung supaya untuk sementara kami tetap tinggal di Bahal Batu. Raja tua itu senang bahwa kami kembali dan pada hari-hari mendatang terpaksa kami ganti-gantian jaga pada malam hari. Kian hari kian mencemaskan desas-desus yang kami dengar.

Lalu datanglah penginjil Nommensen, Püse, Simoneit, dan Israel. Sebagian besar Silindung berjanji untuk membela para penginjil dan melawan jika diserang.

Para raja Bahal Batu pun menyatakan akan membela kami, dan Portaon Angin[52] malahan mengatakan musuh terlebih dahulu harus membunuh kalau mau mengancam kami. Simoneit dan Israel tinggal di sini untuk membantu kami kalau-kalau pos diserang musuh.

Minggu-minggu yang akan datang penuh dengan kecemasan dan keresahan. Namun dalam kesengsaraan ini berkat Tuhan kami menikmati suasana hangat saling mendukung satu sama lain.

Sementara ini dan khusus untuk orang Kristen dan raja yang berpihak pada zending pemerintah menyediakan 50 bedil beserta amunisi serta menjamin adanya bantuan tentara karena pemerintah khawatir akan timbul musibah sebagaimana yang terjadi tahun 1859 di Kalimantan.[53] Penginjil Nommensen menyuruh orang bertanya pada raja imam Singamangaraja mengapa ia memusuhi para penginjil, namun ia menyangkal memiliki sikap bermusuhan, demikian juga raja yang memanggil ulubalang itu.

[Hal.199] Namun demikian tetap ada surat dan berita dari Danau Toba ke Silindung dan Bahal Batu menyuruh kami untuk pergi sementara Singamangaraja menghasut orang untuk memusuhi kami.

Di bawah rasa kecemasan tetapi percaya akan pertolongan Tuhan kami merayakan Natal dan memasuki Tahun Baru.

Delapan hari setelah hari Tahun Baru para penginjil meninggalkan kami. Desas-desus yang mencemaskan itu masih tetap tidak reda. Dari Barus pun datang berita perkara itu ke Sibolga sehingga Residen di Sibolga menyuruh beberapa raja untuk menyelidikinya. Awal Februari datang 80 tentara Belanda dengan seorang Komisaris (Kontrolir) untuk menyelidiki lebih lanjut perkara itu. Selama tentara berada di Silindung suasana menjadi tenang. Lalu datang surat dari Singamangaraja. Katanya kalau tentara pergi dia akan datang mengusir kami bersama dengan raja dari Bahal Batu. Raja-raja lain dari arah pegunungan[54] secara umum memberitahu di pasar-pasar akan menyembilih kami. Lalu Residen mengirim surat kepada Singamangaraja menanyakan apa tujuan dia yang sebenarnya. Dia membalas dia tidak keberatan dengan keberadaan zending, dia hanya ingin agar pasukan Belanda kembali, dan setelah itu ia bersedia untuk datang dan berbicara dengan kami. Surat balasan Residen dirobeknya dan mau memakan pengantar surat itu, namun ada seorang raja menghalanginya.

 

 

Tanggal 15 Februari [1878]

pasukan tiba di Bahal Batu bersama dengan penginjil dari Silindung. Selama dua hari keadaan tenang. Pada malam hari tanggal 16 Februari musuh menembaki kamp tentara dan meninggalkan tiga surat dari buluh yang mengumumkan perang terhadap kami dan bahwa mereka tidak tinggal diam sampai kepala-kepala Tuan Belanda itu ada di tangan mereka. Pada surat bambu itu mereka ikat ubi rambat yang ditusuk sebagai tanda akan menusuk serdadu dan tuan-tuan dan memakannya seperti ubi. [200]

Pada pagi hari tanggal 17 Tuan Kontrolir menjelaskan bahwa saya harus segera membawa istri saya ke Silindung karena dia tidak bisa tinggal di sini kalau perang sudah pecah. Raja tua hendak menghalanginya tetapi Kontrolir memerintah seorang perwira berpangkat letnan untuk mengawal kami sampai pertengahan jalan ke Silindung. Pada jam 10:00 kami berangkat dengan saudara Johannsen dan menjelang malam hari kami tiba, dalam hujan deras, di Pansur na Pitu.

Pada hari Selasa tanggal 19 saya sendirian kembali ke Bahal Batu. Tuan-tuan sudah tinggal di kamp dan mendesak kami agar meninggalkan pos zendingnya. Pada tanggal 20 Tuan Kontrolir menyuruh kami meninggalkan pos zending. Penginjil lain pun mendesak agar saya pergi dari sana sehingga saya kembali ke Silindung. Atas keputusan para penginjil dan atas permintaan saudara Simoneit yang baik hati maka saya menempati pos Simorangkir hingga penginjil Simoneit kembali dari Toba.[55] Dia secara rela memutuskan mendampingi penginjil Püse hingga perang selesai dan saya bisa kembali ke Bahal Batu bersama istri saya.

Sementara itu pertempuran di Bahal Batu telah dimulai. Setiap hari musuh datang, kadang-kadang ribuan orang, tetapi setiap kali hanya sebagian dari ulubalang ikut berperang dan selalu serangan mereka dapat ditangkis dengan berjatuhan korban di pihak mereka. Kebanyakan musuh berasal dari daerah di sekitar Danau Toba, dari Butar dan Lobu Siregar, digerakkan oleh Singamangaraja, seorang demagog yang menghasut dan mencelakakan rakyatnya. Seorang yang tertangkap dalam keadaan cedera langsung mau dibunuh dan dimakan oleh penduduk Bahal Batu, tetapi mereka dihalangi oleh Simoneit dan Püse dan beberapa orang serdadu. Orang itu dibawa ke pos zending dan kemudian ke huta [kampung] Portaon Angin lalu ia ditebus oleh keluarga dengan sekitar 300 Gulden.[56] Setelah kami tinggalkan pos zending dijaga oleh orang Bahal Batu.

Beberapa kali peluru masuk ke rumah pada malam hari, dua kali musuh berusaha untuk membakarnya, namun cukup cepat diketahui dan para pelaku diusir. Raja Angin Solobean menawarkan 300 dolar Spanyol[57] yang kira-kira sama dengan 900 Gulden bagi barang siapa yang berhasil membakar pos zending. Hal itu dilakukan karena balas dendam untuk keponakannya yang gugur di Bahal Batu. Berkat pertolongan Allah pos zending hingga kini selamat, dan di Bahal Batu belum ada seorang serdadu pun yang gugur, yang cedera pun belum ada.

Pada 14 Maret Bapak Residen datang sendiri dari Sibolga bersama 250 tentara dan Kolonel Engels yang telah membuktikan keberaniannya di Aceh. Tanggal 15 Silindung dinyatakan menjadi bagian dari wilayah Hindia-Belanda, dan pada tanggal 16 para Tuan beserta dengan pasukan berangkat ke Bahal Batu. Sekali lagi Tuan Residen berusaha untuk, bersama dengan para penginjil, meyakinkan musuh untuk menyerah, akan tetapi usaha tersebut ditolak. Setelah itu Bahal Batu pun dinyatakan menjadi wilayah Hindia-Belanda dan para raja harus melakukan sumpah setia. Lalu pasukan berangkat ke Butar dengan para penginjil sebagai penerjemah. Orang Butar pun disuruh menyerah bila mau selamat. Setelah penawaran itu mereka tolak maka tentara menyerbu kelima kampung dan membakarnya. Penduduknya tidak ditangkap tetapi ada beberapa orang yang mati dan cedera di antaranya. Di pihak tentara ada seorang bintara yang luka berat dan beberapa hari kemudian meninggal di Bahal Batu. Kampung-kampung lain di Butar lalu menyerah; 11 raja ditangkap dan dibawa ke Bahal Batu, dan masing-masing diwajibkan membayar pampasan perang sebanyak 200–300 dolar Spanyol atau 600–900 Gulden. Kini mereka sudah dilepaskan. Atas permintaan para penginjil maka Butar diperlakukan dengan lunak sehingga tidak terlalu banyak kampung yang dibakar. Sayang sekali raja yang dulu pernah menyelamatkan jiwa para penginjil yang ditahan di Butar kini menjadi pemimpin musuh.

Atas permintaan penginjil [202] kampungnya tidak dibakar, hal mana semoga akan membuat dia merenungkan peristiwa yang berlalu.

Semua perundingan dengan Lobu Siregar gagal, dan tentara yang masuk ke situ diserang. Lima kampung dibakar kecuali kampung seorang raja yang bersikap netral. Raja-raja yang lain semua harus membayar pampasan perang. Semoga Tuhan melimpahkan berkatNya kepada rakyat supaya mereka mau menyerah saja dan tidak menuruti pemimpinnya yang hanya mencelakakan mereka. Bagaimana pun mereka akan kalah.

Barangkali seluruh Toba sekarang bisa menjadi wilayah Hindia-Belanda. Residen telah memperoleh izin untuk aneksasi dari Batavia. Bagaimana pun jadinya, zending Toba kini berada dalam krisis berat, dan bagaimana akibat perang yang tragis ini untuk zending kita masih belum diketahui. Semoga Tuhan senantiasa menolong dan memberkati kita demi berhasilnya pembangunan kerajaannya.

————–

[49] Orang Batak yang beragama Kristen dipersenjatai pemerintah Belanda dengan menyediakan 50 bedil modern. Pasukan Kristen itu lalu membantu Belanda untuk melumpuhkan perlawanan musuhnya. Tidak jelas bagaimana peranan zending dalam pembentukan pasukan bantuan ini namun dapat diduga bahwa zending turut dalam penyusunan pasukan tersebut.

[50] Agaknya yang dimaksud di sini adalah kampung Pintu Bosi.

[51] Yang dimaksud Singamangaraja XII.

[52] Kini ejaan yang lebih lazim digunakan adalah Partaon Angin.

[53] Yang dimaksud adalah perang Banjar (1859-1862).

[54] Yang dimaksud di sini Toba Humbang.

[55] Berarti pada tanggal sekitar 20 Februari 1878 para penginjil sudah mengetahui rencana pemerintah untuk memerangi Toba dan sudah bersedia untuk mendampingi pasukan.

[56] Pada tahun 1878 seorang buruh tani di Belanda memperoleh upah 50 cent per hari yang –secara sangat kasar– sekitar €4. Berarti uang tebusan itu sekitar €2.400.

[57] Dolar Spanyol, dalam bahasa Spanyol real ocho, luas digunakan di Hindia Belanda dari abad ke-16 hingga abad ke-18, dan di tempat yang belum masuk Hindia-Belanda lebih lama lagi. Di Indonesia dolar Spanyol lebih umum dikenal sebagai Real Batu atau Pasmat yang merupakan singkatan dari bahasa Belanda Spaanse Mat.

 

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