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Dr Iwan Suwandy , MHA

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1730

Uang Real Batu, Kesultanan Sumenep (1730 M)

 

 

Symbol Keraton Sumenep

Kerajaan Sumenep di Madura mengedarkan mata uang yang berasal dari uang-uang asing yang kemudian diberi cap bertulisan Arab berbunyi “SUMANAP” sebagai tanda pengesahan.

Uang kerajaan Sumenep yang berasal dari uang Spanyol disebut juga “Real Batu” karena bentuknya yang tidak beraturan.

Pada masanya Kerajaan ini sebenarnya bernama Kadipaten Sumenep (atau sering dikenal sebagai Kadipaten Madura), adalah sebuah monarki yang pernah menguasai seluruh Pulau Madura dan sebagian daerah tapal kuda. Pusat pemerintahannya berada di Kota Sumenep sekarang.

Pada tahun 1269, dimasa pemerintahan Arya Wiraraja wilayah ini berada dibawah pengawasan langsung Kerajaan Singhasari dan Kerajaan Majapahit. Pada tahun 1559, dimasa pemerintahan Kanjeng Tumenggung Ario Kanduruwan, wilayah yang terletak di Madura Timur ini berada pada kekuasaan penuh Kesultanan Demak dan baru pada pemerintahan Pangeran Lor II yang berkuasa pada tahun 1574, wilayah Kadipaten Sumenep berada dibawah pengawasan langsung Kasultanan Mataram.

Pada tahun 1705, akibat perjanjian Pangeran Puger dengan VOC, wilayah ini berada dalam kekuasaan penuh Pemerintahan Kolonial. Selama Sumenep jatuh kedalam wilayah pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda, wilayah ini tidak pernah diperintah secara langsung, para penguasa Sumenep diberi kebebasan dalam memerintah wilayahnya namun tetap dalam ikatan-ikatan kontrak yang telah ditetapkan oleh Kolonial Kala itu.

Selanjutnya pada tahun 1883, Pemerintah Hindia Belanda mulai menghapus sistem sebelumnya (keswaprajaan), Kerajaan-kerajaan di Madura termasuk di Sumenep dikelola langsung oleh Nederland Indische Regening dengan diangkatnya seorang Bupati. Semenjak itulah, sistem pemerintahan Ke-adipatian di Sumenep berakhir. (wikipedia/ berbagai sumber)

 

 

 

 

Keraton Sumenep

dulunya adalah tempat kediaman resmi para Adipati/Raja-Raja selain sebagai tempat untuk menjalankan roda pemerintahan.

Kerajaan Sumenep sendiri bisa dibilang sifatnya sebagai kerajaan kecil (setingkat Kadipaten) kala itu, sebab sebelum wilayah Sumenep dikusai VOC wilayah Sumenep sendiri masih harus membayar upeti kepada kerajaan-kerajaan besar(Singhasari, Majapahit, dan Kasultanan Mataram).

Keraton Sumenep sejatinya banyak jumlahnya, selain sebagai kediaman resmi adipati/raja yang berkuasa saat itu, karaton juga difungsikan sebagai tempat untuk mengatur segala urusan pemerintahan kerajaan.

Saat ini Bangunan Karaton yang masih tersisa dan utuh adalah bangunan Karaton yang dibangun oleh Gusti Raden Ayu Tirtonegoro R. Rasmana dan Kanjeng Tumenggung Ario Tirtonegoro (Bindara Saod) beserta keturunannya yakni Panembahan Somala Asirudin Pakunataningrat dan Sri Sultan Abdurrahman Pakunataningrat I (Raden Ario Notonegoro).

Sedangkan untuk bangunan karaton-karaton milik Adipati/Raja yang lainnya, seperti Karaton Pangeran Siding Puri di Parsanga, Karaton Tumenggung Kanduruan, Karaton Pangeran Lor dan Pangeran Wetan di Karangduak hanya tinggal sisa puing bangunannya saja yakni hanya berupa pintu gerbang dan umpak pondasi bangunan Keraton.

Istilah penyebutan Karaton apabila dikaitkan dengan sistem pemerintahan di Jawa saat itu, merasa kurang tepat karena karaton Sumenep memeliki strata tingkatan yang lebih kecil dari bangunan keraton yang ada di Jogjakarta dan Surakarta.

 Karaton Sumenep sebenarnya adalah bangunan kediaman keadipatian yang pola penataan bangunannya lebih sederhana dari pada keraton-keraton besar seperti Jogjakarta dan Surakarta. Namun perlu dimaklumi bahwa penggunaan penyebutan istilah karaton sudah berlangsung sejak dulu kala oleh masyarakat Madura, karena kondisi geografis Sumenep yang berada di daerah mancanegara (wilayah pesisir wetan) yang jauh dari Kerajaan Mataram. Begitu juga penyebutan Penguasa Kadipaten yang lebih familiar dikalangan masyarakatnya dengan sebutan “Rato/Raja

Pendiri[sunting | sunting sumber]

Karaton Pajagalan atau lebih dikenal Karaton Songennep dibangun di atas tanah pribadi milik Panembahan Somala penguasa Sumenep XXXI. Dibangun Pada tahun 1781 dengan arsitek pembangunan Karaton oleh Lauw Piango salah seorang warga keturunan Tionghoa yang mengungsi akibat Huru Hara Tionghoa 1740 M di Semarang.

 

Karaton Panembahan Somala dibangun di sebelah timur karaton milik Gusti R. Ayu Rasmana Tirtonegoro dan Kanjeng Tumenggung Ario Tirtonegoro (Bindara Saod) yang tak lain adalah orang tua beliau. Bangunan Kompleks Karaton sendiri terdiri dari banyak massa, tidak dibangun secara bersamaan namun di bangun dan diperluas secara bertahap oleh para keturunannya.

Kompleks Bangunan Karaton[sunting | sunting sumber]

 

 

Lambang Kadipaten Sumenep Pada tahun 1811 – tahun 1965

Keraton Sumenep berdiri di atas tanah milik pribadi Pangeran Natakusuma I (Panembahan Somala) (sebelah timur keraton lama milik Ratu R. Ayu Rasmana Tirtanegara). Kompleks bangunan Karaton Sumenep lebih sederhana dari kompleks Karaton kerajaan Mataram, bangunannya hanya meliputi Gedong Negeri, Pengadilan Karaton, Paseban, dan beberapa bangunan Pribadi Keluarga Karaton.

Di depan keraton, ke arah selatan berdiri Pendapa Agung dan di depannya berdiri Gedong Negeri (sekarang Kantor Disbudparpora) yang didirikan oleh Pemerintahan Belanda. Konon, Pembangunan Gedong Negeri sendiri dimaksudkan untuk menyaingi kewibawaan keraton Sumenep dan juga untuk mengawasi segala gerak-gerik pemerintahan yang dijalankan oleh keluarga Keraton. Selain itu Gedong Negeri ini juga difungsikan sebagai kantor bendahara dan pembekalan Karaton yang dikelola oleh Patih yang dibantu oleh Wedana Keraton.

Disebelah timur Gedong Negeri tersebut berdiri pintu masuk keraton Sumenep yaitu Labang Mesem. Pintu gerbang ini sangat monumental, pada bangian atasnya terdapat sebuah loteng, digunakan untuk memantau segala aktifitas yang berlangsung dalam lingkungan keraton. Konon jalan masuk ke kompleks keraton ini ada lima pintu yang dulunya disebut ponconiti. Saat ini tinggal dua buah yang masih ada, kesemuanya berada pada bagian depan tapak menghadap ke selatan. Pintu yang sebelah barat merupakan jalan masuk yang amat sederhana. Di bagian pojok disebelah timur bagian selatan Labhang Mesem berdiri Taman Sare (tempat pemandian putera-puteri Adipati) dimana sekelilingnya dikelilingi tembok tembok yang cukup tinggi dan tertutup.

Sedangkan di halaman belakang keraton sebelah timur berdiri dapur, sebelah barat berdiri sisir (tempat tidur para pembantu keraton, emban, dayang-dayang Puteri Adipati), di sebelah barat terdapat sumur. Di depan sumur agak ke arah barat berdiri Keraton Ratu R. Ayu Rasmana Tirtanegara, dan di depannya berdiri pendapa. Namun pada jaman pemerintahan Sultan Abdurahman Pakunataningrat pendapa tersebut dipindahkan ke Asta Tenggi dan disana didirikan Kantor Koneng. Pembangunan Kantor Koneng (kantor kerajaan/adipati) semula mendapat tentangan keras oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda karena hal tersebut bertentangan dengan peraturan pemerintah saat itu. Namun, untuk menghindari tuduhan tersebut maka Sultan beninisiatif untuk mengubah seluruh cat bangunan tembok berwarna kuning selaras dengan namanya yaitu “kantor koneng” (bahasa belanda :konenglijk=kantor raja/adipati). Pada Masa Pemerintahan Sultan Abdurrahman, kantor Koneng difungsikan sebagai tempat rapat-rapat rahasia para pejabat-pejabat tinggi Karaton. Di sebelah selatan Kantor Koneng, di pojok sebelah barat pintu masuk berdiri pendapa (paseban).

Pada mulanya antara keraton dengan pendopo letaknya terpisah. Namun, pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Abdurrahman Pakunataningrat, kedua bangunan tersebut dijadikan satu deret. Dahulu, Paseban (pendopo ageng) difungsikan sebagai tempat sidang yang dipimpin langsung oleh sang Adipati dan dihadiri oleh seluruh pejabat tinggi karaton yang waktunya dilaksanakan pada hari-hari tertentu. Paseban sendiri diurus oleh mantri besar dan dibantu oleh kebayan.

Di sebelah selatan Taman Sare berdiri Pendapa atau Paseban dan sekarang dijadikan toko souvenir. Di sebelah selatan keraton terbentang jalan menuju Masjid Jamik Sumenep (ke arah barat), sedangkan ke arah timur menuju jalan Kalianget. Di sebelah timur keraton adalah perkampungan,dan di arah timur jalan adalah Kampong Patemon. Artinya tempat pertemuan aliran air taman keraton dan aliran-aliran air taman milik rakyat dan Taman Lake’ (tempat pemandian prajurit keraton). Dari jalan Dr. Sutomo ke arah timur terdapat jalan menurun, sebelum tikungan jalan berdiri pintu gerbang keluar atau Labang Galidigan. Di sebelah barat pintu keluar terdapat jalan menurun, bekas undakan tujuh.

Di sebelah selatan jalan undakan terdapat Sagaran atau laut kecil merupakan tempat bertamasya putera-puteri Adipati. Sekarang Sagaran tersebut ditempati perumahan rakyat dan lapangan tennis. Di sebelah barat lapangan tennis, berdiri kamarrata merupakan tempat kereta kencana, dan dibelakangnya berdiri kandang kuda lengkap dengan dua taman.

Komplek keraton Sumenep justru tidak menghadap ke barat tetapi ke selatan. Hal ini berhubungan dengan legenda laut selatan ( selat Madura ) tempat bersemayamnya Raden Segoro dan analog dengan legenda di Mataram tentang Nyai Roro Kidul yang konon istri dari Sultan Agung yang bersemayam/bertahta di Segoro Kidul ( Lautan Indonesia ). Dari legenda tersebut menimbulkan dogma turun temurun bahwa rumah tinggal yang baik harus menghadap ke selatan. Ditinjau dari tapak ( site planning ) terlihat bahwa kompleks bangunan keraton pada prinsipnya menganut keseimbangan simetri dengan menggunakan as/sumbu yang cukup kuat. Hal ini merupakan usaha perencanaannya untuk memberikan kesan agung dan berwibawa dari kompleks ini.

 

 

Mandiyoso, salah satu ruang didalam kompleks Karaton Sumenep yang menghubungkan Karaton Dhalem dan Pendopo Agung

Struktur Penataan Kota[sunting | sunting sumber]

Konsep dasar perencanaan tata kota Sumenep ditentukan berdasarkan ajaran Islam : hablum minallah wa hablum minannas artinya berhubungan dengan Allah dan berhubungan dengan manusia. Maksudnya alun-alun sebagai pusatnya. Bila menghadap lurus ke barat dimaksudkan kita berhubungan dengan Tuhan ( kiblat di Masjidil haram ) dan kita temukan Masjid jamik. Sebaliknya bila kita menghadap ke timur dimaksudkan berhubungan dengan manusia dan kita dapatkan keraton Sumenep. Hal ini juga dapat dikaitkan dengan ajaran agama Hindu yang mengatakan bahwa timur, arah tempat matahari terbit adalah lambang kehidupan, jadi tempat manusia di alam dunia. Sebaliknya barat tempat matahari terbenam adalah lambang kematian, lambang akherat, dan lambang ketuhanan.

Prasasti Karaton Sumenep[sunting | sunting sumber]

Prasasti keraton Sumenep berisi wasiat Panembahan Somala tentang kompleks bangunan Karaton dan sekitarnya. Prasasti tersebut ditulis pada tahun 1200 H atau tahun ba’ Bulan Muharram dengan huruf arab dan sekarang masih tersimpat di Museum Karaton Sumenep.

Tahun Hijriah Nabi SAW. 1200 (tahun ba’) dibulan Muharram, inilah bangunan-bangunan (tempat tinggal) serta tanah-tanah wakaf Pangeran Natakusuma Adipati Sumenep. Semoga Allah SWT memberi ampun baginya dan kedua orang tuanya. Inilah bangunan serta tanah yang tidak dapat dirusak dan tidak dapat diwaris sebabb bangunan (termasuk tanah tersebut) adalah wakaf yang diperuntukkan untuk kebutuhan orang fair dan orang miskin. Saya memberi perintah kepada sekalian keturunan, atau kalau tidak ada sanggup, kepada lainnya guna memperbaiki mengawasi dan memlihara bangunan-bangunan dan tanah tersebut, bagi keturunan lainnya yang telah memlihara dan mengawasi wakaf itu semoga Allah SWT, mengaruniai keselamatan dunia maupun akherat.

Warisan Budaya[sunting | sunting sumber]

Selain memiliki kemegahan bangunan, Karaton Sumenep juga memiliki suatu warisan budaya yang tak ternilai. antara lain :

         Tari Gambuh,

 

 

Tari Gambu Keraton Sumenep

Pada awalnya tari Gambu lebih dikenal dengan Tari keris, dalam catatan Serat Pararaton tari Gambu disebut dengan Tari Silat Sudukan Dhuwung, yang diciptakan oleh Arya Wiraraja dan diajarkan pada para pengikut Raden Wijaya kala mengungsi di keraton Sumenep. Tarian tersebut pernah ditampilkan di keraton Daha oleh para pengikut Raden Wijaya pada perayaan Wuku Galungan yang dilaksanakan oleh Raja Jayakatong dalam suatu acara pasasraman di Manguntur Keraton Daha yang selalu dilaksanakan setiap akhir tahun pada Wuku Galungan. Para pengikut Raden Wijaya antara lain Lembusora, Ranggalawe dan Nambi diadu dengan para Senopati Daha yakni Kebo Mundarang, Mahesa Rubuh dan Pangelet, dan kemenangan berada pada pengikut Rade Wijaya.

Tari Keris ciptaan Arya Wiraraja ini lama sekali tidak diatraksikan. Pada masa kerajaan Mataram Islam di Jawa yakni pada pemerintahan Raden Mas Rangsang Panembahan AGUNG Prabu Pandita Cakrakusuma Senapati ing Alaga Khalifatullah (Sultan Mataram 1613-1645), seorang Raja yang sangat peduli dengan seni dan budaya. Maka kala itu Sumenep diperintah oleh seorang Adipati kerabat Sultan Agung yang bernama Pangeran Anggadipa tarian tersebut dihidupkan kembali sekiotar tahun 1630, diberi nama “Kambuh” dalam bahasa Jawa berarti “terulang kembali” dan sampai detik ini terus diberi nama Kambuh dan lama kelamaan berubah istilah menjadi tari Gambu (dalam logat Sumenep).

       Tari Moang Sangkal,

Mowang berarti membuang, Sangkal berarti sukerta, dan sukerta artinya gelap (sesuatu yg menjadi santapan sebangsa setan, dedemit, jin rayangan, iblis, menurut ajaran Hindu). Sedangkan sangkal adalah mengadopsi dari bahasa Jawi Kuno yang maksudnya Sengkala (sengkolo). Jadi sangkal yang dimaksudkan pada umumnya di Songennep adalah : bila ada orang tua mempunyai anak gadis lalu dilamar oleh laki-laki, tidak boleh ditolak karena membuat si gadis tersebut akan “sangkal” (tidak laku selamanya).Pada awalnya tari Mowang Sangkal agak keras geraknya yang diiringi dengan gamelan dengan gending ”sampak” lalu mengalir pada gending ”oramba’-orambe’” yang mengisyaratkan para putri keraton menuju ke ”taman sare”. Dan kemudian gerakannya tambah halus, gerakan yg lebih halus inilah mengisyaratkan para putri sedang berjalan di Mandiyoso (korridor keraton keraton menuju Pendopo Agung Keraton). Pada umumnya kostum yang dipakai adalah warna ciri khas Songennep, merah dan kuning, karena perpaduan warna tersebut mengandung filosofi ”kapodhang nyocco’ sare” yang maksudnya ”Rato prapa’na bunga” (raja sedang bahagia). sedangkan paduan warna kostum merah dan hijau atau kuning dan hijau folosofinya ”kapodang nyocco’ daun” maksudnya ”Rato prapa’na bendhu” (Raja sedang marah).

       Odeng rek-kerek, salah satu kostum penutup kepala seorang laki-laki yang diciptakan oleh Sultan Abdurrahman Pakunataningrat yang tak lain dimaksudkan untuk merendahkan martabat pemerintahan Kolonial Belanda ketika menjajah Sumenep kala itu, “rek-kerek” dalam bahasa Madura mempunyai arti anak anjing (patek).

Referensi

       Zulkarnaen, Iskandar. 2003. Sejarah Sumenep. Sumenep: Dinas Pariwisata dan kebudayaan kabupaten Sumenep.

       Adurrahchman, Drs.1971.Sejarah Madura Selajang Pandang. Sumenep

sumber wiki

Buitenzorg Palace (1744)

Buitenzorg/Bogor – Indonesia

The original palace was built in 1744 as a country retreat for the Dutch Governors. This building was substantially damaged by an earthquake in 1834, triggered by the volcanic eruption of Mount Salak. The palace was rebuilt into its present form in 1856 – this time with only one story instead of the original three, as a precaution against further earthquakes. Till 1942, Buitenzorg Palace served as the official residence of the Dutch Governors-General. After the Indonesian independence, the palace was used by President Sukarno, but then largely neglected by Suharto when he came to office. The grounds of the estate contain several buildings – the largest of which is the main palace and its two wings.

The Palace is surrounded by the largest and most famous botanical gardens of South-East Asia. An area of 284,000 square metres (28.4 hectares). The garden was built by Governor-General Gustaaf Willem, Baron van Imhoff. The extensive grounds of the presidential palace were later converted into a botanical garden by the German-born Dutch botanist, Professor Casper George Carl Reinwardt. The gardens officially opened in 1817 as ‘s Lands Plantentuin (‘National Botanical Garden’) and were used to research and develop plants and seeds from other parts of the Indonesian archipelago for cultivation during the 19th century. This is a tradition that continues today and contributes to the garden’s reputation as a major center for botanical research.Today the garden contains more than 15,000 species of trees and plants located among streams and lotus ponds. There are 400 types of exceptional palms to be found along the extensive lawns and avenues, helping the gardens create a refuge for more than 50 different varieties of birds and for groups of bats roosting high in the trees.

 

 

….

in 1897

is de loop van de Tjiliwoeng nog min of meer ongewijzigd

Om er voor te zorgen dat Weltevreden een aantrekkelijk gebied zou worden voor de nog in de Benedenstad wonende Europeanen, liet Daendels de later beroemde Societeit De Harmonie bouwen, nummer 29 op onze kaart.
Inderdaad wat moeilijk te vinden :

In het noorden van de kaart, bij de Kleine Boom, loopt de rivier de Tjiliwoeng. Daar waar de Tjiliwoeng naar het Oosten afbuigt, begint een kanaal met Tramway ernaast, het kanaal werd Molenvliet genoemd.
Trambaan en Molenvliet buigen op een gegeven moment naar het Oosten en daar op die hoek lag Societeit De Harmonie. Een klein stukje naar het Noorden aan de Westkant van Molenvliet, links van het woord (wijk) Noordwijk ligt ons nummer 10, Hotel Des Indes. Ten Zuiden van Noordwijk, aan de andere kant van het Molenvliet, lag de wijk Rijswijk met het beroemde Koningsplein en het Waterlooplein, over deze twee pleinen en Societeit De Harmonie zal Aad het ooit ook nog eens gaan hebben…

We ontvingen, samengevat, deze vragen, allemaal verband houdend met de naam Rijswijk, een chique wijk in Batavia, vooral in de 19e eeuw:

  1. 1.      De wijk Rijswijk was oorspronkelijk een gebiedsdeel van het landgoed Rijswijk en is vernoemd naar het fort Rijswijk.
  2. 2.     Wanneer en waarom kreeg dit gebied bij Batavia de naam Rijswijk, heeft het iets te maken met Rijswijk bij Den Haag?
  3. 3.     Was de stichting van de wijk Rijswijk voor of na de afbraak van Fort Rijswijk.
  4. 4.     Hoe dicht was de bewoning toen Daendels er de Harmonie liet bouwen?
  5. 5.     Is bekend hoeveel oppervlak het grondgebied, c.q. de bebouwde wijk Rijswijk besloeg en hoeveel mensen er woonden, in verhouding tot de rest van de bovenstad?
  6. 6.     Wat is het verschil tussen Paleis Rijswijk en Paleis Koningsplein, die met elkaar verbonden waren ??
  7. 7.      Waren beide paleizen, Paleis Rijswijk en Paleis Koningsplein vroeger de residentie van de Gouverneur-Generaal en waarom werden ze zo genoemd: Paleis Rijswijk en Paleis Koningsplein?

We kunnen hierover het volgende vertellen, het is inderdaad een beetje ingewikkeld en soms heel verwarrend……:

 

Fort Rijswijk ten zuiden van Batavia

Ten zuiden van Batavia, een maand na de bouw van het Fort Jacatra, werd in augustus 1656 het vierhoekige redoute

Fort Rijswijk

gebouwd. Fort Rijswijk werd aan de oostzijde van de rivier de Krokot gebouwd te midden van de

Rijs

velden, waarbij Rijs een Oud-Hollands woord is voor Rijs

t

Fort Rijswijk werd in 1697 weer ontruimd en in 1729 afgebroken.

Ten oosten van Fort Rijswijk en Fort

Noord

wijk

(gebouwd een jaar na Fort Rijswijk en pas afgebroken in 1809)

verrezen half 18e eeuw de eerste grote, we zouden nu zeggen, Herenhuizen in Weltevreden, een zeer toepasselijke naam !!

Ongeveer op de oude lokatie van Fort Rijswijk zou Daendels Sociëteit de Harmonie laten bouwen, daarbij werden stenen gebruikt van de oude stadswallen van de Benedenstad van Batavia.

Weltevreden lag op een behoorlijke afstand van de steeds onhygiënisch wordende Benedenstad en ook het Gouvernement besloot in Weltevreden een buitenverblijf te bouwen. De eerste die dit deed, was Gouverneur-Generaal Jacob Mossel. Ook zijn opvolgers trokken zich geregeld terug in dit fraaie buitenverblijf.

Gouverneur-Generaal Petrus Albertus van der Parra zou het geheel uiteindelijk zodanig verbouwen dat het paste bij de status van een Gouverneur-Generaal van Nederlands-Indië….

(al werd het toen nog Oost-Indië genoemd)

 

1744

 

1750

Weltevreden

Het buitenverblijf van Gouverneur-Generaal Mossel en zijn opvolgers

1741 – Escaping Chinese from Batavia attack Semarang and Rembang; the VOC leaves Demak. Pakubuwono II changes sides, sends a force to attack VOC at Semarang, and destroys the VOC garrison at Kartasura. Cakraningrat IV of Madura declares allegiance with the VOC, and rejects his ties with Mataram and Pakubuwono II.

 

Forces of Mataram and rebellious Chinese attack many north coast cities of the VOC. Siege of Semarang is unsuccessful. Rival Governor-Generals of the VOC struggle in Batavia: Valckenier arrests Van Imhoff and sends him back to Europe. The Heeren XVII in the Netherlands names Van Imhoff as Governor-General. Valckenier is himself eventually arrested and jailed.

 

1742 – Negotiations begin between the VOC and Pakubuwono II of Mataram as the VOC and Cakraningrat IV of Madura spread their power. An agreement is reached between the VOC and Pakubuwono II. A popular rebellion under Sunan Kuning, a grandson of Amangkurat III, against the VOC and Mataram takes hold in the countryside. Cakraningrat IV retakes Kartasura from the rebels. The VOC is suspicious, and orders Pakubuwono II to be put back on throne. VOC troops defeat the last of the Chinese forces; a general amnesty is declared.

 

1743 – November 11 Pakubuwono II gives VOC Surabaya, Rembang, Jepara and claims to easternmost Java and West Madura. VOC receives a say in court appointments. Mixed-Portuguese locals attack VOC post at Kupang on Timor; VOC solidifies control of western part of Timor. VOC takes Bawean island.

 

1745 –

Cakraningrat IV wages war with the VOC, attacks Surabaya, and retakes much of Madura and East Java. He is defeated by VOC forces and escapes to Banjarmasin, but the Sultan of Banjar captures him and sends him to Batavia. The VOC exiles him to South Africa. Gov-Gen Van Imhoff founds Buitenzorg (today’s Bogor). Malaria epidemic in Batavia.

 

Sentot Alibasyah (Prawiradirja)

in 1745

they went to war against the VOC. The fighting ravaged Madura and much of the north coast, but by the end of the year the Madurese were defeated and West Madura’s status as a VOC vassal was confirmed.

Pakubuwana II’s concessions to the Dutch in 1743 included the right for the VOC to take a narrow strip of land along the entire north coast, as well as along rivers feeding into the Java Sea. The VOC did not take up this option but instead in 1746 pressed the king to lease to the VOC the entire north coastal region. Despite opposition from within the court, the king acquiesced, prompting a further rebellion, led by the capable Pangeran Mangkubumi.

territory of Mataram and the fact that some territories were still held jointly. There was almost constant conflict over land between the three authorities until a more detailed settlement was reached in 1774.

the Dutch in Yogyakarta City of Fort Tatas built in 1709. [30]
 1710: Prince Aji ing chances, Anum Bannerman Martapura Kukar XIII became King until the year 1735

1745:

Hussin Kamaluddin became Sultan of Brunei until the year 1762 for the second time.
 1746:

Ship Dragon and pepper in Banjarmasin Onflow load. [32] [33]
 1747: Dutch Company founded the fort on the island of Tatas (Banjarmasin Central) is the first European settlement in Borneo until 1810 and then abandoned by Marshall Daendels accordance with the agreement with the Sultan of Banjar. [17]
 1747 – VOC decrees that native law (“adat”) will be in force in areas under its control outside of Batavia. VOC establishes a presence at Banjarmasin.

 

1748 –

VOC sends Sultan of Banten into exile, makes his wife Ratu Sarifa regent but take direct control.

 

1749 –

December 11 Pakubuwono II, in very ill health, signs a treaty giving full sovereignty in all Mataram to the VOC. (The treaty is widely ignored.) VOC declares Pakubuwono III as heir to throne of Mataram. Mangkubumi claims the title for himself, and rules from Yogya.

 

By 1749,

the king’s new court at Surakarta

was under threat from the rebels and in desperation he signed over his entire domain to the VOC.

Upon Pakubuwana’s death a few days later,

the VOC installed his son as Pakubuwana III, but Mangkubumi also declared himself king, likewise with the name Pakubuwana.

 

1750 –

Rebellion in Banten against Ratu Sarifa and the VOC.

 

 

1750 – 1761

Gouverneur-Generaal Jacob Mossel

 

DEI Gouvenor’s Old  Batavia palace

 

 

 

Aan het eind van de 18e eeuw was het buitenverblijf van de Gouverneur-Generaal in Weltevreden weer verouderd.

Gouverneur-Generaal Van Imhoff was de eerste die al mocht gaan bouwen in een gebied wat Van Imhoff noemde

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1752

Nama Bogor dapat ditemui pada sebuah dokumen tertanggal 7 April 1752.

Dalam dokumen tersebut tercantum nama Ngabei Raksacandra sebagai “hoofd van de negorij Bogor” (kepala kampung Bogor).

 

Dalam tahun tersebut ibukota Kabupaten Bogor masih berkedudukan di Tanah Baru. Dua tahun kemudian, Bupati Demang Wirnata mengajukan permohonan kepada Gubernur Jacob Mossel agar diizinkan mendirikan rumah tempat tinggal di Sukahati di dekat “Buitenzorg”. Kelak karena di depan rumah Bupati Bogor tersebut terdapat sebuah kolam besar (empang), maka nama “Sukahati” diganti menjadi “Empang”.

Pada tahun 1752 tersebut, di Kota Bogor belum ada orang asing, kecuali Belanda. Kebun Raya sendiri baru didirikan tahun 1817 sehingga teori “arca sapi” tidak dapat diterima sebagai asal-usul nama Bogor. Letak Kampung Bogor yang awal itu di dalam Kebun Raya ada pada lokasi tanaman kaktus. Pasar yang didirikan pada lokasi kampung tersebut oleh penduduk disebut Pasar Bogor (papan nama “Pasar Baru Bogor” sebenarnya agak mengganggu rangkaian historis ini)

 

 

Buitenzorg

, een naam die we in de geschiedenis van Nederlands-Indië nog vaker tegen zullen komen…..

 

 

 

 

1740

 

GG Van Imhoff was de man betrokken bij de beruchte moord
op de Chinese bevolking in en rondom Batavia in 1740:

 

1718

Sumatra, second half of 18th century

The assassination of Sultan Mahmud of Johor led to the disintegration of what remained of Johor’s empire. The Thai state of Ayutthaya invaded Trengganu, most of the east Sumatra coast as well as the Minangkabau settlements west of Melaka threw off Johor’s domination, and in 1718 Johor’s former vassal Siak attacked and occupied its territory. The sultan fled to Trengganu, which enjoyed a brief heyday as the centre of Malay power on the peninsula, though its power never extended beyond the east coast. Johor, meanwhile, came under the control of Bugis adventurers from Sulawesi, who also established the new state of Selangor between Melaka and Perak.

1735

 

 

 

Silver and coins to be used in the East India Trade:

Spanish Eight Reals coins ‘Pieces of Eight’.

To the left a ‘Pillar Dollar’ type and to the right a ‘Cob’ type, and a bar of silver from the VOC, indented to be made into coins

.

 

 

Two sides of a duit, a coin minted in 1735 by the VOC.

 

 

 

1740

The first domino that would eventually precipitate the sheering off of half the kingdom, however, fell in Batavia in 1740, when the inhabitants went on the rampage and slaughtered the entire Chinese population of the VOC capital.

The rebel Chinese band whose arrival had prompted the slaughter, bolstered by the handful of angry survivors, rattled off along the Pasisir, their black pigtails swinging, their sharp knives flashing in the scorching sunlight.

For much of the coming year it looked as though they would overwhelm the Dutch in the VOC outposts all along the coast.  New rebellions blossomed spontaneously in their wake, and they began to bear down on the Mataram capital, drawing in local malcontents along the way.

The ruler of the day was the aging Susuhunan Pakubuwono II (the title of ‘sultan’ had been dropped several generations earlier).

He was one of the more useless scions of the Mataram dynasty, and the Queen of the Southern Ocean was evidently not advising him well, for he now decided to throw his lot in with the rebels.  There had been slowly simmering hostility to the Dutch for decades in Mataram despite the fact that the foreigners had become a near-essential part of the scene.

By the 1740s the VOC was bankrupt and its armies were exhausted from an endless round of mercenary work in Central Java, and for a while it really did look as though the Chinese-led rebellion might be the end of their adventure.

 

Pakubuwono II enthusiastically ordered the annihilation of the little Dutch garrison in the Mataram capital.  When its occupants were captured they were offered the unenviable choice of either conversion to Islam by immediate circumcision, or death by beheading.  Most went for the lesser chop.

The coercive claiming of a few dozen new Muslims was probably Pakubuwono II’s greatest victory however, for the Dutch soon unleashed their secret weapon – another unruly Madurese prince who had stuck with the VOC, and who was soon rampaging with impunity through the outer reaches of Mataram.

Pakubuwono now realised that he had made a horrible mistake: he begged forgiveness of the Dutch.

The Europeans were still not in a position to turn down such an opportunity; they accepted the apology, and as a consequence the rebellion – which by now was more Javanese than Chinese – turned abruptly against the king.  He ended up a wretched vagabond, and his vacant court was sacked twice in five months – first by the rebels, and then by the Madurese warlord.

Eventually the uprising fizzled out; the warlord went back to Madura, and though clearly a broken man, Pakubuwono II regained his throne – having granted control of Mataram’s Pasisir ports to the VOC by way of payment for their assistance.  But, it seems, the very idea of Mataram had been mortally wounded by the whole sorry business.  The Queen of the Southern Ocean had had enough.

 

 

1740

A Fickle Nation

In the middle years of the 18th century a frustrated Dutch administrator declared that the Javanese nation ‘is in itself fickle, and by the multitude of princess very inclined to rebellion; for it cannot in truth be said that since the Company’s first move Java has even for ten years been peaceful and quiet, or cleared of rebels.’  It was not an entirely unreasonable assessment.

The bruised, battered and reconstituted court over which Pakubuwono II ruled in the wake of the Chinese rebellion had lost much of its authority.  A Javanese king would never have real legitimacy – and never achieve real success – without the advice and approval of his courtiers.

In fact, it was often said that the most perfect Javanese king was one who acted as nothing more than a passive receptacle for the sacred energy of the realm, a figurehead who handed the practical matters to his patih – his prime minister – and his circle of advisors.  It was hardly democracy, but it did
rely on a kind of assent.  And in the 1740s Pakubuwono II had clearly lost it

1745

Bugis power drove Siak from the peninsula and the Riau archipelago, re-establishing ‘Johor’ with its capital on Bintan. Siak meanwhile extended its power northward along the Sumatra coast as far as Tamiang. Although Siak was still nominally a vassal of Johor until 1745, when the sultan ceded it to the VOC, in practice it was independent of all outside powers.

The greatest power on the island, however, was Palembang, which grew wealthy from the tin mines on the island of Bangka. Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin (r. 1724–57) kept tight control of the tin trade and delivered reliably to the VOC. Because Bangka and Belitung had been seriously depopulated by the slave-raiding of the previous century, however, the sultan encouraged Chinese miners to settle and work the deposits. By the middle of the century they dominated production

 

 

It was a great war in Java (1740-55),

however, which dealt the death blow to delicate Dutch finances. And once again, through a complex chain of events, it was the Dutch themselves who inadvertently precipitated the conflict. The details of the struggles are too convoluted to follow here, but it began in 1740 with the massacre of the Chinese residents of Batavia, and ended 15 years later, only after many bloody battles broken alliances and kaleidoscopic shifts of fortune had exhausted (or killed) almost everyone on the island. Indeed Java was never the same again, for by the 1755 Treaty of Giyanty, Mataram had been cleft in two, with rival rulers occupying neighboring capitals in Yogyakarta and Surakarta. Nor did the VOC ever recover from this drain on its resources, even though it emerged at this time as the pre-eminent power on Java.

 

.

1746

In the rainy February of 1746, trying to start afresh, he had abandoned the old, oft-sacked capital at Kartasura and had the whole court shunted seven miles east to the village of Solo where a grand kraton with a reversed name was built.

The sacred banyan trees that pinned the Alun-Alun, the Royal Square, were uprooted and transplanted to this new town of Surakarta.

The move apparently was an auspicious one, for this new kraton city would survive into the modern era, but it did little for the fortunes of the man who had organised it.

There were still rebel princes rattling around the borderlands, the most notable of whom was a nephew of the king called Mas Said.  He was, it was said, a very small man, but like Colonel Rollo Gillespie he more than made up for it.

A colonial official reported that ‘fire and vivacity radiate from his eyes’.  He hated the Dutch, despised the decayed corruption of the court, and clothed himself in all the righteousness he could find in both Islamic and Javanese lore.  The Queen of the Southern Ocean, Mas Said claimed, had begun consorting with him…

The hapless Pakubuwono II made an offer to the men of his court: if any man could drive the little rebel out of his stronghold on the northern fringes of Mataram, then he would grant him a little kingdom within the kingdom: the direct rule – and the direct income – of 3000 households.

From the king’s legion of half-brothers a man stepped forward.  His name was Mangkubumi, and he was destined for great things.

Mangkubumi was indeed able to drive Mas Said from his stronghold; Pakubuwono II, however, was not able to keep his promise.  This alone would have been enough to send many other courtiers off into rebellion at once, but though the Dutch later spoke of his ‘well-known hot-tempered constitution’, Mangkubumi was apparently a patient man.  He deferred; he bided his time – but not for much longer.

In 1746 the first Dutch Governor-General to visit Mataram arrived in Surakarta.  He was there to hammer out more beneficial terms for the lease of the Pasisir, and he did not follow courtly etiquette.  He was abrupt in his manner.

He demanded that the Javanese cede these coastal territories entirely in return for the fairly paltry sum of 20,000 Spanish dollars a year.

A stronger king would have said no, but Pakubuwono II was no strongman; he said yes.  Mangkubumi, still smarting from the broken promise, was furious.

For one thing, he felt, the Dutch had set the rent far too low.  But more importantly, the king had violated that Javanese ideal of courtly assent: he had made a unilateral decision.

In the account of the final break between the half-brothers recorded in the courtly chronicles, the exchange is full of soft, restrained, refined rage.

As they stand amongst the columns of the royal pendopo the air in the scented space between the two half-brothers seems almost to crackle; anger makes the words quieter rather than louder, to the point where Mangkubumi’s final, devastating declaration is scarcely audible at all:

His Highness [Pakubuwono II]said softly,
‘Know, Mangkubumi,
That Grandfather General has arrived,
Asking for the lease of the Pasisir.
I, younger brother, have already agreed
To the company’s request,
Because I was intimidated by the discussion.’
The honoured Pangeran [Mangkubumi] spoke softly,
‘My lord, but this is not fitting.’

But this is not fitting…

With those devastatingly understated words Mangkubumi launched a civil war that would last for a decade, and that would not end until Mataram was split down the middle.

A Kingdom Halved

Mangkubumi went into rebellion at once, and joined forces with none other than the little zealot Mas Said.  They thundered through the green heartlands of Java, and within a year had gathered a righteous army of 13,000 men.  All the rebels, all the malcontents and rabble-rousers who had been spawned by the generations of unrest now had a man they could flock to with conviction.  Seeking long forgotten wellsprings Mangkubumi had gone back to the source and set himself up close to the site of Sultan Agung’s original capital on the line between Merapi and the sea – they called this new rebel capital Yogyakarta.  The Queen of the Southern Ocean, whose temper had long been tested by her unruly protégés, seems to have been impressed.

 

Rebel Kingdom: Early Yogyakarta

Back in Surakarta, meanwhile, the hapless Pakubuwono II was almost certainly clinically depressed.

Though he had somehow held on to his throne and founded a fine new capital, his entire reign could only really be judged a disaster.  It is unsurprising therefore that he seems to have decided that it was time to die.

He no longer cared about the kingdom, and when the Dutch Governor of the Pasisir arrived to visit him on his deathbed he made him an offer that his half-brother would most certainly have considered unfitting, that left even the Dutch taken aback: he offered to hand over Mataram to the Governor.

The VOC could have his kingdom if only it would earn him a final moment of peace.The flabbergasted colonial officials hurriedly battered out a treaty to that effect – though they realised that with 13,000 men and a pair of rebel princes just 40 miles down the road it was hardly worth the fine parchment on which it was so lavishly inscribed.

They also realised that with his mind now at ease the old king might relax a little and take his time over dying.  There was no sense in waiting; they needed to get the pliant Crown Prince onto the throne as quickly as possible while the treaty still held.

There was a little initial difficulty over this, for it transpired that the old man had recently attempted to stab his heir with a kris and had banned him from the inner sanctum of the Surakarta Kraton.  It was perhaps forgivable: between interminable rebellion and impending death, he had been under a lot of stress.

The issue was eventually resolved, and on 15 December 1749 Susuhunan Pakubuwono III, the last king of united Mataram, was placed on the Surakarta throne with Dutch patrons in attendance.

The old king died peacefully five days later.  There was only one small problem in all this: at about the same time – quite possibly on the very same day – a wildcat coronation had taken place a day’s ride to the southwest.  Mangkubumi, in a makeshift tented court, had also been declared Susuhunan Pakubuwono Senopati Ingalaga Ngabdurahman Sajidin Panatagama, King of all Mataram.  The civil war was going to get much worse before it ever got better.

As a new decade rumbled on, so did the fighting.  For the best part of a century the Dutch VOC had been entangled in the affairs of Mataram, and though they had always looked to earn cash or the territory for their involvement, their fundamental goal had remained the same – to stabilise the kingdom, to steady the throne when it tottered, and to make sure that the man upon it was someone they could work with.  But by the 1750s they were exhausted – financially, physically, and imaginatively.  This rebellion was worse than any of the others, worse even than the Chinese upheavals of the previous decade.

They could keep Pakubuwono III (who seemed to be every bit as lonely and miserable as his deceased father) safe in his Surakarta Kraton, but even the thought of taking on the ascendant rebels was beyond their capabilities.

Their own empire was dying; they could hardly save someone else’s, so when word leached out of the heartlands that Mangkubumi had split with his half-sized sidekick Mas Said, they snatched at the opportunity with all the joyless enthusiasm of a man who will take anything he can get.

 

1750:

Bugis Sultan Banjar land to borrow to establish settlements in Tanjung Aru (the border area with Paser Land of Spices).

 

After another six years of war, the VOC and Mangkubumi finally reached an agreement,

Older posts

The low country of Central Java, cradle of the Mataram realm, and of the great temple-building Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms before it, opened under a fine, bluish haze to the west.

Here and there trails of wood-smoke rose into the still, damp air, and away to the south, beyond a few low ridges, the land faded towards the angry Southern Ocean.

 

In the distance to the west Gunung Merapi loomed, dark and unassailable against a pearly sky.

It was the height of the wet season in 1755.

The two Javanese royals, sitting a few feet apart at a heavyset table carried into place for the meeting, could hardly look at each other.  They could hardly speak.

A temporary pavilion had been built here at the little village of Jatisari, on the outer ramparts of Mount Lawu, above the court city of Surakarta.

At a respectful distance grooms were minding fine Bima horses with richly inlaid bridles.

Courtiers in full regalia were watching from the side-lines, and a gamelan orchestra was in full flow beneath an awning.  Every effort had been made to make the setting softly suitable, to make the meeting as easy as possible.

But the royals – uncle and nephew, with the older man in the role of young pretender – were overcome with emotion.  This was not the conclusion either had wanted; in fact no one at Jatisari on 15 February 1755 really imagined that it was a conclusion, at least not one that would still be holding good centuries later.

It was left to the host, a Dutchman, to ease things along.  Nicolaas Hartingh, Governor of the VOC’s north coast territories, and point of contact with the Mataram court, spoke in flowing Javanese.

This, he declared, was a special moment; after decades of turmoil there was finally peace in Java.

When he had finished he took the hands of the two men – Susuhunan Pakubuwono III, and his uncle, officially recognised just a few days earlier at a spot higher up the mountain as the first sultan of what was to become Yogyakarta.

Hartingh raised the pair of limp, clammy palms above the table, and called for three glasses of beer.

Finally, falteringly, the Susuhunan and the new Sultan regained their words, and nudged gently onwards by the Dutchman they swore to fight each other no more, and to join forces against a certain rebel prince, somewhere at large in the swathe of green territory below them.  All three men raised their glasses and drank.

As a token of friendship the Susuhunan offered his uncle a sacred kris, an heirloom dagger loaded with energy and power – the very kind of relic that the Sultan of a new court needed.  The kris had a black handle and a slender blade marked with strange whorls.  It had belonged, it was said, to one of the nine semi-mythical holy men who had brought Islam to Java several centuries earlier.

And with that the meeting was over.  There was a moment of embarrassed confusion – such an encounter had never before taken place; there was no protocol over who should leave first.  But at a whispered suggestion the royals turned to European fashion for an exit: they each drank another glass of beer, and then, in the words of Hartingh, they ‘clasped their hands and said farewell by repeatedly putting their hands on one another’s shoulders, thus as it were giving the kiss of unity and brotherly love, which met with the admiration of everyone, for such is something uncommon between such potentates and has never been seen in Java; indeed, the dignitaries on either side stood up staring in amazement and prophesied to them that something good would come of his event.’

The Susuhunan rode away towards Surakarta with Hartingh by his side.  The new Sultan rode back up the slopes to his temporary camp.  Though their courts were barely a day’s journey apart, the two rival royals would never meet face to face again.  After almost 200 turbulent years the mighty realm of Mataram had been cleaved in two.

By the time the Hartingh presided over the signing of the Treaty of Giyanti, the mighty kingdom of Mataram had fallen far from glory.

1754

The VOC’s man on the scene was now Nicolaas Hartingh.  He spoke Javanese; he was well-versed in the lore, the law and the lie of the land, and he opened a creeping correspondence with the rebel king.

Mangkubumi himself was looking for a way out.  Over the hot months of 1754 he and Hartingh – their messages borne by a mysterious Turk who had materialised in Central Java – edged towards a possible solution: they would split the kingdom.

 

 

1755

On 13 February 1755 at Giyanti, a misty, murky spot perched high on the slopes of Mount Lawu, Mangkubumi met with Hartingh to sign a contract.

It gave the rebel half the Mataram realm, and half of the 20,000 dollar rent for the Pasisir too.

Mangkubumi’s party did not yet have the full accoutrements of a court; they were lacking pusaka and life in the field meant the full formalities could not be respected.

But still, they had a certain grandeur, an aura, a charisma.  With the contract signed Hartingh led Mangkubumi to a makeshift throne, and as he climbed up onto it he became the officially recognised Sultan Hamengkubuwono I.

Those amongst the watching Javanese who were well steeped in the ancient texts and the rhythms of the wayang kulit noticed something at once: sitting there on the slopes of Mount Lawu with all Java beneath him,

Mangkubumi, a Muslim prince who had just taken the Islamic title of Sultan, looked for all the world like the Wishnu, the Hindu god who, in the Javanese telling of the tale, is the saviour of mankind in troubled times.

Two day later the whole party rode down the lower slopes to that spot at Jatisari where a gamelan was playing and Pakubuwono III was waiting with tears in his eyes.  From now on what had once been Mataram would have both a Susuhunan and a Sultan.

 

 

The Return of the King

Ask any modern Indonesian high school student who has managed to stay awake during history class about the Treaty of Giyanti, and they will tell you without blinking that it was a classic case of imperialist divide and rule, the horrible Hollanders at their very worst.

Those with a more fertile imagination and a firm grip on Indonesia’s favourite literary clichés will tell you that Nicolaas Hartingh, with his slick language skills and his glib turns of phrase, was the dalang, the puppet-master, in whose hands the Javanese royals had been rendered into the perforated leather shadows of the wayang kulit, held up against the screen of history with a volcano for a back-light.  It’s a nice idea, especially for a nationalist, but it’s not really true.

The idea of splitting the kingdom was as much Javanese as Dutch, and not without precedent.  Other rumpled realms had been divided between warring sons (the mighty11th century ruler Airlangga actually pre-emptively split his realm between his children, for example).

It was always a last resort, but it was never meant to be final.  It would allow breathing space, perhaps for a generation or more, but eventually some all-conquering king would reassert himself.  That was how it had always been, and there is nothing to suggest that, as they rode away from Jatisari in the cool mists of February 1755, either the Javanese kings or the accompanying Dutchman ever supposed that this time things would prove different.

And in any case, even if Nicolaas Hartingh had been planning to create a permanently hobbled native realm in 1755, even if he had been planning to replace one all-powerful state with two petty principalities, the policy would have been a notable failure.  For decades, for whole generations, Mataram had been hopelessly unstable; by the end it had become a joke.  But the partition had an unexpected consequence: after flickering, fading, guttering and all but vanishing, the light, the lustre, the sacred sparkle, was back on in Central Java, and the great courtly realm of Yogyakarta had come into being…

 

 

the 1755 Treaty of Giyanti,

which partitioned Mataram between the two royal contenders. Mangkubumi took the title of Sultan and the regnal name Hamengkubuwana, and established his capital in the town of Yogyakarta, while Pakubuwana III remained as Susuhunan in the older city of Surakarta. Both rulers confirmed the VOC’s lease over the north coast and its ownership of the eastern peninsula.

 

1755

Akhirnya pada tanggal 13 Februari 1755 dilakukan penandatanganan naskah Perjanjian Giyanti yang mengakui Mangkubumi sebagai Sultan Hamengkubuwana I.

Wilayah kerajaan yang dipimpin Pakubuwana III dibelah menjadi dua. Hamengkubuwana I mendapat setengah bagian.

Perjanjian Giyanti ini juga merupakan perjanjian persekutuan baru antara pemberontak kelompok Mangkubumi bergabung dengan Pakubuwono III dan VOC menjadi persekutuan untuk melenyapkan pemberontak kelompok Raden Mas Said.

Bergabungnya Mangkubumi dengan VOC dan Paku Buwono III adalah permulaan menuju kesepakatan pembagian Mataram menjadi Surakarta dan Yogyakarta.

 

Dari persekutuan ini dapat dipertanyakan; Mengapa Mangkubumi bersedia membagi Kerajaan Mataram sedangkan persellisihan dengan menantunya Raden Mas Said berpangkal pada supremasi kedaulatan Mataram yang tunggal dan tidak terbagi?

 

Dari pihak VOC langsung dapat dibaca bahwa dengan pembagian Mataram menjadikan VOC keberadaannya di wilayah Mataram tetap dapat dipertahankan. VOC mendapat keuntungan dengan pembagian Mataram.

Sejak Perjanjian Giyanti wilayah kerajaan Mataram dibagi menjadi dua. Pakubuwana III tetap menjadi raja di Surakarta, Mangkubumi dengan gelar Sultan Hamengkubuwana I menjadi raja di Yogyakarta.Mangkubumi sekarang sudah memiliki kekuasaan dan menjadi Raja maka tinggal kerajaan tempat untuk memerintah belum dimilikinya.Untuk mendirikan Keraton/Istana Mangkubumi kepada VOC mengajukan uang persekot sewa pantai utara Jawa tetapi VOC saat itu belum memiliki yang diminta oleh Mangkubumi.

Pada bulan April 1755

Hamengkubuwana I memutuskan untuk membuka Hutan Pabringan sebagai ibu kota Kerajaan yang menjadi bagian kekuasaannya .

Sebelumnya, di hutan tersebut pernah terdapat pesanggrahan bernama Ngayogya sebagai tempat peristirahatan saat mengantar jenazah dari Surakarta menuju Imogiri. Oleh karena itu, ibu kota baru dari Kerajaan yang menjadi bagiannya tersebut pun diberi nama Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, atau disingkat Yogyakarta.

 

1755.

Panglima Muda Seti, being considered as the head of the league, came down with twenty thousand followers, and, upon the king’s refusing to admit into the castle his complimentary present (considering it only as the prelude to humiliating negotiation), another war commenced that lasted for two years, and was at length terminated by Muda Seti’s withdrawing from the contest and returning to his province. About five years after this event Juhan shah died, and his son, Pochat-bangta, succeeded him, but not (says this writer, who here concludes his abstract) with the general concurrence of the chiefs, and the country long continued in a disturbed state.

1756

Sejak tanggal 7 Oktober 1756 Hamengkubuwana I pindah dari Kebanaran menuju Yogyakarta.

 

Seiring berjalannya waktu nama Yogyakarta sebagai ibu kota kerajaannya menjadi lebih populer.

Kerajaan yang dipimpin oleh Hamengkubuwana I kemudian lebih terkenal dengan nama Kesultanan Yogyakarta.

 

 

.

Year 1756

VOC trying to get Lawai, Sintang and Sanggau from Banjarmasin. Initial area in Kalimantan, which claimed to belong to VOCs are areas along the coast from Sukadana until Mempawah given by the Sultanate of Banten on March 26, 1778. VOC had established a factory in Sukadana and Mempawah but 14 years later abandoned due to non-productive (Sir Stamford Rafless, The History of Java). Pontianak Sultanate supported establishment of the VOC in the estuary of the river Hedgehogs Hedgehogs originally protested because it is a territory but eventually loosens the pressure of the VOC. On August 13,

1756:

On October 20, 1756 Sultan Banjar Tamjidullah I made a pact with the VOC containing pepper trade ban by the Chinese, English and French will help further VOC reconquer the breakaway region such as: Berau, Kutai, Paser, Sanggau, Sintang and Lawai. Tatas fort was built on the island of Tatas, New York.
1756

Rijder and Buis, 1756

The Rijder, commanded by Captain Jean Gonzal, and the Buis, skippered by Captain Lavienne Lodewijk van Asschens, explored the Gulf of Carpentaria.

 

1759:

Sultan Muhammad Aliuddin Aminullah be Banjar XIII until the year 1761.
 1761: His Majesty Sultan Nata Nature is the Banjar XIV until the year 1801, previously as regent Crown Prince who was a child.

 

 

 

1660

PERNJANJIAN BONGAYA 1660-1667 PEMBUKTIAN SEJARAH DUNIA YANG HILANG

Muhammad Yusuf Tonggi

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1660

SEPERTI APA MEREKA MENGENAL SEJARAH SULTAN HASANUDDIN DAN LATENRI TATTA DAN BENARKAH SEPERTI YANG SEKARANG SEJARAHNYA SULTAN HASANUDDIN

Saya begitu yakin bahwa Potret Sultan Hasanuddin yang ada sekerang merupakan bukan Wajah Sultan Hasanuddin Pelaku Perjanian Bongaya tahun 1660-1667.

Namun untuk Wajah Latenri Tatta Daeng Serang Arung Palakka sudah benar krena memang mirip dengan Lukisan Aslinya, Potrer dibawa ini dapat menjadi kajian.

 

BILA MEREKA TAHU TENTANG PERJANJIAN BONGAYA TAHUN 1660-1667 APAKAH MEREKA TAHU SIAPA NAMA SAH BANDAR POTERE’ YANG TERLIBAT DALAM PERJANJINA BONGAYA

Dalam Sejarah Perjanjian Bongaya yang kita tahu selama ini, kita mengenal salah satu nama pada Riwayat Sulawesi yang kita sebut sebagai Kolonel Poleman yang menjmput Lantenri Tatta Daeng Serang pada tahun 1641, namun kita tidak peranh tahu kalau Kolonel Poleman adalah Sang Bandar Potete’.

Dalam Riwayat Arung Mampu, Sah Bandar Potere’ bernama Laparuisi’ yang namanya kemudian menjadi asal usul nama Tanjung Periuk di Jakarta

Source . Muhammad Yusuf Tonggi (2013)

 

 

 

1714

 

A montage of extremely rare E.I.C. coins struck in 1714 for use in St. Helena is made from black and white illustrations. The heart –shaped bale mark began use when the New or English East India Company was formed in 1698. The London E.I.C. bought a large number of the former’s shares and the two amalgamated in 1708/9 as “The United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies.” This is shortened to the letters V.E.I.C. on the balemark, for United East India Company.

 

1760.

The death of Juhan shah is stated in the Annals to have taken place in August 1760, and the accession of the son, who took the name of Ala-eddin Muhammed shah, not until November of the same year. Other authorities place these events in 1761.

1760

In the final years of the century, the rulers of Pontianak claimed Sanggau, Landak, Matan and Tayan as vassals, but they never ruled those areas directly. North of Pontianak, the states of Sambas and Mempawah were transformed from about 1760 by the arrival of Chinese miners to work the gold fields of the region.

The miners came at first at the invitation of the local rulers, but their commercial organizations, or kongsi, soon developed into small republics virtually independent of the rulers. States of a different kind also emerged in this era in the interior of western Kalimantan, along the Kapuas River and its tributaries. For the most part, the elites of these states were Malays, often with trading interests, who established varying degrees of hegemony over the indigenous Dayaks.

The largest of these states, Sintang, was moderately significant, but the states further upstream were small, sometimes claiming only a few hundred subjects.

1761

 

The great palace of weltevreden(demobilized 1820)

Now RSPAD(Indonesian National Army Hospital)


 1762:

Omar Akamuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until 1793.

In Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin I to the Sultan of Brunei until 1795.

 

 


 1765:

King Amiril Pengiran Maharajadinda Tidung served until 1782.

1763.

Before he had completed the third year of his reign an insurrection of his subjects obliged him to save himself by flight on board a ship in the road. This happened in 1763 or 1764. The throne was seized by the maharaja (first officer of state) named Sinara, who assumed the title of Beder-eddin Juhan shah, and about the end of 1765 was put to death by the adherents of the fugitive monarch, Muhammed shah, who thereupon returned to the throne.*

(*Footnote. Captain Forrest acquaints us that he visited the court of Mahomed Selim (the latter name is not given to this prince by any other writer) in the year 1764, at which time he appeared to be about forty years of age. It is difficult to reconcile this date with the recorded events of this unfortunate reign, and I have doubts whether it was not the usurper whom the Captain saw.)

He was exposed however to further revolutions. About six years after his restoration the palace was attacked in the night by a desperate band of two hundred men, headed by a man called Raja Udah, and he was once more obliged to make a precipitate retreat. This usurper took the title of sultan Suliman shah, but after a short reign of three months was driven out in his turn and forced to fly for refuge to one of the islands in the eastern sea. The nature of his pretensions, if he had any, have not been stated, but he never gave any further trouble. From this period Muhammed maintained possession of his capital, although it was generally in a state of confusion.

 

1765

 

 

Mohr Obsevatory  (demobilized)

 

 


 1766: Ibrahim Sultan Alam Shah became Sultan of Sand III until 1786.
 October 23, 1771: City of Pontianak was founded by Abdurrahman Sharif Alkadrie who in 1778 sanctioned the Dutch VOC-I as Sultan of Pontianak in power until 1808. Establishment of a new kingdom at the mouth of the river was originally protested by Hedgehogs Hedgehog Kingdom.
 1772: Sayyid Idrus Alaydrus, son of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin I of the Sultanate of Palembang was appointed VOC-Dutch became the first camp Pertuan kingdom, ruled until 1795.
 1773: British occupy Balambangan. [34]
 1775: La Pangewa, was sworn in as lieutenant of the Bugis Pagatan Kapitan title by Sultan of Pulo Sea Tahmidullah II, after pounding the Prince Amir (King Kusan I) are out of the way up to Kuala Biaju.
 1777: Republic of Hakka Lanfang a country in West Kalimantan, founded by Mr. Fang Low until finally destroyed by the VOC, the Dutch in 1884.
 1778: According to the deed dated March 26, 1778 Hedgehog and Sukadana submitted to the Dutch Company by the Sultan of Banten. This is the territory that originally belonged to the VOC.
 1778: Sultan Aji Muhammad Aliyeddin be Kukar XIV until the year 1780.
 1780: Sultan Aji Muhammad Muslihuddin be Kukar XV until the year 1816.
 1780: Sultanate Banjarmasin population approaching 9000 people. [35]
 1782: Amiril Pengiran Maharajalila III became King Tidung until 1817.
 28 September 1782: Pemindahkan Kutai Sultanate’s capital of Pemarangan to the Edge of Pandan.
 1785: Prince Amir assisted Whitewater Tarawe Tabaneo attacked by troops Paser 3000 the Bugis-powered boats 60 to demand the throne of the Sultanate of Banjar of Tahmidullah II. [36]
 1786: Queen of the Great became the Sultan of Sand II until 1788.
 May 14, 1787: Prince Amir Dutch Company were arrested, then exiled to Sri Lanka.
 August 13, 1787: Tahmidullah II Sultan of the Sultanate Banjar cede sovereignty to the VOC became the protectorate of the deed of submission in front of the Resident Walbeck, after the VOC, the Dutch managed to get rid of Prince Amir, his rival in the struggle for the throne. Most of Borneo submitted become property of the company VOCs.
 1788: Sultan Anom Dipati Alamsyah became Sultan of Sand III until 1799. Sultan is married to the Queen is the Queen of Diamonds I Tjangtoeng and Batoe Litjin.
 1789: Sultan of Pontianak with Dutch support attacks against Panembahan Mempawah with the objective of winning the region Panembahan Mempawah. Lan Fong partnership then also sent troops to help force the Sultan of Pontianak. Panembahan Mempawah Panembahan Mempawah defeated then King resigned himself to the Authorship and later settled there.
 1790: Abubakar Tajuddin I became Sultan of Sambas until 1814.
 1795: Mohammed Tajuddin became Sultan of Brunei IX until 1807. Ordered Khatib Haji Abdul Latif writes Genealogy of the Kings of Brunei and ordered him to make a home waqf for Brunei pilgrims in Mecca.
 1795: Kingdom of Panembahan Simpang Matan built on the remnants of the Kingdom Sukadana [37]
 1797: Sovereignty of the Sea Island area Paser and VOC handed back to the Sultan of Banjar, Tahmidullah II.
 1799: Sultan Sulaiman Alam II became Sultan of Sand IV until 1811.
Age of British Colonialism

1746 – Pangeran Mangkubumi, disgusted with capitulations to the VOC (and being the target of court intrigues to take away his lands), announces full-scale rebellion. He is joined by Pangeran Mas Said. August 26: First VOC Post Office opened in Jakarta. VOC reestablishes presence in Perak. VOC receives Siak (across the straits from Melaka) from the Sultan of Johore. Bank van Leening founded by VOC to support trade.

 

1767


SULTAN MAHMUD BADARUDDIN II
Lahir : Palembang, 1767
Wafat : Ternate, 26 November 1852

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SEMENJAK ditunjuk menjadi Sultan Kerajaan Palembang menggantikan ayahnya Sultan Muhammad Baha’uddin, Mahmud Badaruddin melakukan perlawanan terhadap Inggris dan Belanda.

 

1772

Towards the end of the century, however, Sukadana’s power was increasingly challenged by the new state of Pontianak, founded by an Arab adventurer in 1772.

 

1772.

“In the year 1772,” says Captain Forrest, “Mr. Giles Holloway, resident of Tappanooly, was sent to Achin by the Bencoolen government, with a letter and present, to ask leave from the king to make a settlement there. I carried him from his residency. Not being very well on my arrival, I did not accompany Mr. Holloway (a very sensible and discreet gentleman, and who spoke the Malay tongue very fluently) on shore at his first audience; and finding his commission likely to prove abortive I did not go to the palace at all. There was great anarchy and confusion at this time; and the malcontents came often, as I was informed, near the king’s palace at night.”

 

1775.

The Captain further remarks that when again there in 1775 he could not obtain an audience.

 

 

1778

In 1778, Banten ceded its defunct rights over Sukadana to the VOC,

1786

Banten joined Pontianak in 1786 in an attack which utterly destroyed the city.

The royal family of Sukadana continued to rule the minor state of Matan (Kayung), but Sukadana was abandoned and Pontianak became the main centre of trade on the west coast.

1787,

the Sultanate of Banjar a protectorate, VOCs and vazal vazal Banjarmasin submitted to VOCs include East Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, part of South Kalimantan, West Kalimantan and the interior, which reaffirmed the 1826 agreement. Then formed the Dutch East Indies Residency Residency Sambas and Pontianak with the appointment of kings as a regent of the Netherlands Indies colonial administration. Later merged into the Residency Residency Sambas and Pontianak Kalimantan hinterland into Residency West Borneo. Dutch East Indies in 1860 abolished the Sultanate of Banjar, then the last territory to be part of the Residency Afdeeling South and East Borneo.

1753

Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, first half of 18th century

During the second half of the 18th century, VOC power became increasingly decisive in the international politics of the Melaka Strait region. In 1753, the Company gained sovereignty over Banten, giving it a legal claim to Lampung. It was also engaged in a protracted struggle with the Bugis on the peninsula and in the Riau archipelago during which the Bugis occupied Kedah and the Dutch briefly took Selangor and sacked Bintan yet again. Johor, which still had little presence in the Malay Peninsula, came under Dutch influence and was under effective Dutch rule until 1795.

 

The west coast of Sumatra, meanwhile, became the scene of sporadic competition between the colonial powers. The vague understanding which gave the north to the VOC and the south to the British broke down when the British established forts at Poncang Kecil and Natal on the Tapanuli coast in 1752, though these posts never grew into a significant colonial presence. In the south, Bencoolen was briefly occupied by French forces in 1760.

In 1759

the fortifications were improved by the addition of a dry dich which can still be seen. The earth  from the ditch was dug out to a depth of six feet and width of twelve feet. The eaeth from this ditch was placed between the original outer wall of the fort and a new wall which had been contructed thus making the fort virtually impregnable from gun fire.This work gave the fort the resemblance that is seen today, with the enlarged gun platforms and ramparts.Shortly after this improvement, a french napal squadron, under the command of comte Charles-henri ‘Estaing’, arrived Bencoolen.Owing toa lack of ammunition and supplies but to surrender to the French Commander.The town  and fort were handed over the intruders withour conflict. The french used the fort as aprison for the East India company garrison, but affer some decimation of his force by a variety of fevers, the french commander abandoned Bencoolen and handed the town and fort back to the Ease town and fort back to the Ease India company representative althoug they too had been severely reduced in number owing to sickness and fevers.

In 1760  the Ease  india company settlement on the west coast of the sumatra were declared a presidency with Bencoolen becoming a presidential town, The garrison had, unfortunately, capitulated to the french before the new of the raise in  status was received. Following the departure of the french maritime force the senior appointtmen was up-granded to that of Governor and the firs to be  appointed was roger carter.

second half of 18th century

Java

The second major geo-political zone to develop in western Indonesia was in Java. In the interior of the island, a combination of rich volcanic soil and abundant rain made the Kedu plain the richest agricultural region of maritime Southeast Asia. Somewhat isolated from the north coast by mountains, the region was less vulnerable than most to sea-borne attack, and its rulers were able to keep the merchant world of the trading cities at bay, with the result that royal authority became more deeply established than elsewhere.

The early history of Kedu is as shadowy as that of the rest of the archipelago. The region may at first have been under the domination of Ho-ling, but in about 732 a king called Sanjaya, a follower of the Hindu god Siva, established a kingdom there which we generally call Mataram. Sanjaya was probably not an absolute ruler in any sense; he is probably best thought of as a local warlord who managed by a combination of careful alliance and calculated warfare with other warlords to establish himself as the most important power-holder in the plain. Within a few decades, moreover, and for reasons still not at all clear, his lineage was eclipsed by other rulers who were followers of Mahayana Buddhism and who acknowledged the suzerainty of the Sailendra dynasty. The Sailendras apparently sponsored the construction of the Borobudur, a massive Buddhist stupa, on the Kedu plain, as well as a number of other major monuments. This era of temple construction, which is paralleled nowhere else in maritime Southeast Asia, is a powerful measure of the ability of rulers in Central Java to mobilize the labour of their people on a massive scale.

The coastal polity of Ho-ling evidently survived the rise to power of Mataram on the other side of the mountains, for its ruler sent an embassy to China as late as 820, announcing that it had resumed the old name Jawa (‘Shepo’), but there are signs that it sent this embassy from eastern Java, having been displaced there by Mataram.

The disappearance of Ho-ling soon after 820 coincides with the overthrow of the Sailendras by a Hindu descendant of Sanjaya named Pikatan who restored Sivaitic Hinduism as the dominant religion. Pikatan or his successors were responsible for the construction of the Hindu temple complex of Prambanan and the century or so which followed is generally recognized as a time of cultural florescence, in which Java absorbed and re-worked new elements of Indian culture to create a distinctive indigenous variant of Indian civilization.

In the middle of the 10th century, for reasons which are still not clear, the centre of Javanese power moved from the Kedu plain to the valley of the Brantas River in eastern Java. There, with easier access to the sea, Javanese rulers may have become more closely involved in trade. They were also more vulnerable, and in 1016 were badly defeated in battle, probably during an attack from Srivijaya.

Java in turmoil, 1676-1681: the Trunajaya rebellion

.

1792

VOC civil administration in Indonesia, 1792

VOC civil administration in central and east Java, 1792

VOC civil administration in Ambon, 1792

.

1751 – VOC forces des

Private estates close to Batavia, about 1750

The city of Batavia, on the other hand, gradually developed into a significant urban settlement. Built at first in Dutch style, with tall buildings facing on to a grid of narrow canals, the city soon spread beyond its old walls. In the newer southern suburbs of the city, called Weltevreden, Dutch architecture was modified to take more account of the needs of life in the tropics.

As far as possible, the VOC preferred not to take a direct hand in the day-to-day administration of the territories they dominated. Rather, they sought to work with established indigenous elites, believing that these elites possessed a political legitimacy as rulers which the Dutch would never have and that Dutch domination thus could be maintained without unduly offending indigenous sensibilities. On Java, they turned for the most part to the bupati who had been regional lords under Mataram and whom they referred to as regenten (regents).

The Dutch maintained the bupati as symbols of traditional authority and each bupati had responsibility for law and order in his district. In most regions, however, the bupati were also deeply involved in Dutch economic programmes. The most important of these programmes was the Priangan System (Preanger-Stelsel), applied in the so-called Priangan Regencies (Preanger Regentschappen). The people of the region farmed coffee estates for the bupati, who received 10% of the produce for their role. The producers were obliged to deliver the remainder of the crop to the Company, which paid them at half the market rate, in exchange for exempting them from land tax and further feudal services to the bupati. In practice, however, the bupati retained wide powers to tax their subjects on top of the official provisions. This lucrative arrangement remained in force from the early 18th century until 1870.

In the early days of the Company’s settlement at Batavia, Banten (which the Dutch called Bantam) had been a major regional power. Because it possessed only a small agricultural hinterland, it was much more vulnerable than Mataram and its military power was decisively broken in 1677. Thereafter, although the Dutch repeatedly nibbled at the boundary with Banten in order to increase the territory around Batavia, and although they forced the sultan to recognize their suzerainty in 1752, the sultanate was left intact. Only in 1808 did the Dutch annex the coastal regions, a prelude to the incorporation of the rest of the territory in 1813.

troy the Banten rebellion; guerilla attacks continue against VOC plantations around Batavia. VOC extends control over Lampung.

 

1754

– Mangkubumi considers negotiating with VOC, worries about possible disloyalty from Mas Said.

 

1755

– February 13 Treaty of Gijanti: Sultan Hamengkubuwono gets VOC recognition of title and lands. Treaty requires Sultan Hamengkubuwono to ally himself with the VOC against Mas Said. Mas Said, now without allies, attacks VOC forces.

 

Java after the Treaty of Giyanti, 1755

The Javanese territories continued to be divided into mancanegara and negara agung, as in the time of Sultan Agung, but areas such as Banyumas and Pacitan were now included in the negara agung. These boundaries remained intact until the end of the century.

By the second half of the 18th century, the VOC controlled more than half of Java. Only Banten and a severely truncated Mataram remained outside their control, and in fact the rulers of both territories had formally acknowledged Dutch suzerainty, Mataram in 1749 and Banten in 1752.

Because Dutch dominion had grown gradually under widely differing political and economic conditions, the character of Dutch rule varied from region to region. The oldest region of Dutch rule – Batavia and its surrounding territories, known as the Ommelanden – had been purged of its indigenous inhabitants soon after the first Dutch settlement and was inhabited in the 18th century by the descendants of immigrants, some free-born, some slaves, drawn from many parts of the archipelago and beyond. Balinese and Chinese were an especially significant component of the ethnic mix on the outskirts of the city

Until 1755,

VOC policy had been to support whichever ruler of Mataram they believed could be bent to their interests. From 1755, their policy was one of divide and rule. The partition of Mataram was repeated in Surakarta in 1757 with the installation of another former rebel as prince Mangkunegara I with a domain which was beneath Surakarta in status but not quite subordinate in practice. The arrangement was made all the more complex by the fact that Surakarta and Yogyakarta territories were scattered across the whole of the remaining former

1756 – VOC signs treaties with chiefs on Savu and Sumba. October: Bugis begin a siege of VOC at Melaka. VOC sends a special ambassador to Banjarmasin. A trade agreement is reached. VOC makes agreements with local chieftains on Timor.

1757 – February: Reinforcements from Batavia force Bugis to end siege of Melaka. Mas Said agrees to negotiations with the VOC.

 

1758 – January 1: VOC signs treaty with the Bugis. Hostilities between the VOC, Yogya, Surakarta and Pangeran Mas Said end; Mas Said becomes Pangeran Mangkunegara I with his court also at Surakarta. VOC has control of all the north coast provinces.

 

1759 – VOC abandons fort at Linggi, near Melaka.

 

1760

August 1760
The France assault from the sea and captured Fort Marlborough under the command of Admiral Comte Charles d’Estaing.

March 1761
The France left the Bencoolen.

July 1761
The British expedition under the command of Captain Vincent was conflicted by native authority. They refused the British arrival in Bencoolen.

 

 

 

1761

 

1761 – 1775

Gouverneur-Generaal Petrus Albertus van der Parra

1781The British in turn occupied Padang from 1781 to 1784, while the French took the settlement briefly in 1793. In 1795, under an agreement between William of Orange and the British during the Napoleonic occupation of the Netherlands, British forces occupied Padang again, along with Melaka, to exclude the French.

nel

February 1762
The British retake the Fort Marlborough. When the British returned to slip back it to Bengal’s jurisdiction, Bencoolen functioned as separated presidency until 1773

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1775

 

1775 – 1777

Gouverneur-Generaal Jeremias van Riemsdijk

 

1765 – VOC abandons fort at Siak.

 

1768 – VOC expedition to Malang against descendants of Surapati captures Pangeran Singasari, who dies in custody.

 

1769 – French expedition steals clove and nutmeg plants from Ambon, breaking the VOC monopoly. Portuguese build post at Dili, East Timor.

 

1770 – English Captain James Cook visits Batavia.

 

1771 – Last of Surapati’s line is captured by VOC forces in Malang. Malang now falls under VOC control. VOC forces work to push Balinese out of Balambangan. Syarif Abdurrahman from Arabia founds Pontianak, becomes its first Sultan.

 

1778 – Sultan of Pontianak accepts VOC protectorate in exchange for recognition by the VOC as a Sultan. The Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen is founded. (Its collections would later form the basis of the National Museum and National Library.)

.

1780

Kuta Besak is the center court Palembang Darussalam Sultanate, as traditional power centers that experienced the change from middle age into a new era in the 19th century. Understanding Kuto here comes from the Sanskrit word, which means: The city, castle, fort, stronghold (see ‘Dictionary of Ancient Java – Indonesia’, L Mardiwarsito, Nusa Indah Flores, 1986).

Melayu Language (Palembang) seems to put more emphasis on the meaning of the castle, fortress, stronghold kuto meaning even more defined in terms of the shape of the high fence wall. While understanding more of the country translated.

The fort was founded in 1780 by Sultan Muhammad Bahauddin (father Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin II). This idea comes from the fortress of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin I (1724-1758), or known by Jayo Wikramo, who founded the Old Palace Kuta in 1737. This castle development process is fully supported by all the people in South Sumatra. They also donated building materials and labor executive.

Who was the architect, is not known with certainty. There is the suggestion that the architect was the Europeans. For monitoring the implementation of the work entrusted to a Chinese, who are experts in their fields.

As a material for the adhesive cement brick limestone is used in rural areas Ogan River. Limestone material landfills are located in the back of the Land of the Kingdom which is now called the Kapuran Village, and creeks are used as a means of transport is Kapuran River.

1781 – British take the Dutch outpost at Perak.

 

1783 – The VOC, short of cash, asks the Netherlands States-General for financial assistance.

 

1784 – VOC attacks Riau to prevent the British from taking over. October 29: VOC defeats Bugis forces in Riau. Sultan of Riau dies without a successor; VOC takes complete control of Johore and Riau by treaty. VOC builds fort on Bintan. Treaty of Paris ends the war with Britain, and opens the VOC controlled Indies to free trade.

 

1785

February 1785
Presidency of Fort Marlborough was set back to Residency administration, and responsible to Calcutta Presidency in India. It ruled until the end of the colony in 1825 on the subject of Anglo-Dutch Treaty 1824.


Fort Marlborough seen from the South
Engraved by Joseph Stadler 1799


Fort Marlborough seen from the South-East
Engraved by Joseph Stadler 1799

1780 – War breaks out between the Netherlands and Britain. Extra troops are sent to Java. Plague in Batavia. Smallpox epidemic on Sumatra. Islamic reform movement grows in Minangkabau.

 

1786 – British found Penang in Malaya. Sultan of Banjar cedes sovereignty to VOC

1790 – Rumours spread that Pakubuwono IV is planning a massacre of Dutch in Java, and takeovers of the Yogya and Mangkunegara courts. Forces from Yogya and VOC surround Surakarta. Pakubuwono IV orders his advisors to leave court; VOC sends them into exile. Gold rush begins in West Kalimantan.

 

1791 – VOC withdraws from Pontianak.

 

1791

An extrack from the East India company record showing the military establishment of Fort Marlborough for 1791

1792 – VOC declares that Mangkunegara title and possessions are hereditary.

 

VOC civil administration in Banda, 1792

This administrative burden contributed to growing financial difficulties for the VOC during the 18th century. The Company’s monopoly policies, moreover, had contributed to serious impoverishment in the archipelago, diminishing the possibility of large profits. In response, the Dutch sought to drive down the purchase price of produce by various systems of forced delivery which often caused enormous hardship to their Indonesian subjects. A further problem was high levels of corruption amongst Company officials, despite draconian penalties for those who were caught. Another blow were French raids on Ambon in 1769–1772 which obtained clove plants and allowed the French to begin cultivation of cloves in Mauritius. The consequence was that the Company began to borrow money to pay its still-impressive dividends to investors, thereby digging itself into deeper financial problems. Many attempts at reform were begun during the 18th century; some of them tightening systems of control, others proposing some liberalization, but entrenched interests in Batavia were able for the most part to prevent reforms from having long-term effect.

By the end of the century, the VOC could no longer pay its way, and on 31 December 1799 it was formally wound up, its property, debts and interests in the Indies being taken over by the Dutch state. At that moment, however, not just the system of Dutch rule in the archipelago was in the balance. Dutch power itself appeared likely to disappear in the Napoleonic world war between England and France.

The English East India Company (EIC), founded in 1600, was a joint stock company like the VOC formed to exploit the trading opportunities of Asia. Unlike the VOC, it was reconstituted initially after each voyage and then at intervals of four years, so that it did not immediately develop a lasting bureaucratic stucture like that of the Dutch company. The two companies almost immediately came into conflict over trade in the archipelago, with Governor-General Coen unilaterally declaring Maluku closed to the English in 1616. The English established posts on Lontor and Run in the Banda Islands, but were generally outmanoeuvred by the Dutch. The conflict came to a head in 1623, in the so-called Amboyna massacre, when ten English company agents on Ambon were tortured and executed on charges of conspiring against the VOC.

The English briefly established a headquarters at Legundi off the southern tip of Sumatra, but were forced by disease to move first to Batavia and then to Banten. Their interest, however, was moving towards India and they did not attempt to maintain more than a scattering of small posts in Indonesia from this time.

By 1684 the English had lost all their former posts and forts in Indonesia, but in the following year they began to develop interests on the western coast of Sumatra, beginning with Pariaman. These interests grew into control of the southern part of that coast, with a headquarters at Bengkulu (Bencoolen), which became a base, according to Dutch complaints, for private English traders to infringe Dutch monopolies throughout the western archipelago

1795 – January Dutch revolutionaries and French troops declare the Batavian Republic in the Netherlands. The Stadhouder of the Netherlands flees to London. The new Republic finds itself in a state of war with Britain. February 7: The Prince of Orange, stadhouder-in-exile of the Netherlands, issues a letter to all colonial governors telling them to surrender to the British. (The VOC in Batavia do not comply.) August: VOC surrenders Melaka to the British East India Company.

 

1796

– March 1 Heeren XVII transfer administration of the VOC to a government Committee for East Indian Affairs. Mangkunegara II inherits court, but much of the treasury is stolen by the VOC resident at Surakarta. British occupy Padang. British occupy Ambon. Riots break out in Maluku between villages. VOC fortress at Ternate refuses to surrender.

Opium In Indonesia

The opium trade was of immense importance.
Asia was not very interested in European products, but the VOC stimulated the usage of opium.
Opium sap was mainly gathered . in Bengal India and processed on Java.

 

The opium was bartered for tea and other Chinese products and was very profitable.
In Batavia, in 1744, already 243.000 pounds of raw opium was auctioned.
The buyers were mainly Chinese.

 

 

 

1755
Also a very lucrative smuggling trade existed, controlled by the VOC employees themselves.
Therefore, Governor-General Van Imhoff established, in 1745, the” Societeit van den Amfioen Handel”.This Institute got the monopoly of the trade on Java
and bought each year a fixed quantity of Amfioen ( opium).
Of course, this Institute stimulated the usage of opium on Java.

 

1756

When the British conquered Calcutta in 1756,

 

the VOC sent a squadron to protect the Dutch Factorijen ( Trade Houses ) in Bengal.
The British attacked this squadron without warning and annihilated the VOC ships .
From that moment on, the British East India Company commanded that monopoly of the opium trade.

 

Thus, the VOC was allowed to buy that same opium from the British, for a considerable price,
but could not realize big profits again, of course.
The loss of the opium trade meant the beginning of the downfall of the VOC and the rise of Britain as a colonial superpower in Asia.

 

 

1765

La Maddukkelleng (1700-l765)

 


La Maddukkelleng (lahir: Wajo, Sulawesi Selatan, 1700 – wafat: Wajo, Sulawesi Selatan, 1765)

adalah seorang ksatria dari Wajo, Sulawesi Selatan.

Pada masa kecilnya hidup di lingkungan istana (Arung Matowa Wajo) Wajo. Menginjak masa remaja ia diajak oleh pamannya mengikuti acara adu (sambung) ayam di kerajaan tetangganya Bone. Namun pada waktu itu terjadi ketidak adilan penyelenggaraan acara tersebut dimana orang Wajo merasa dipihak yang teraniaya, La Maddukkelleng tidak menerima hal tersebut dan terjadilah perkelahian.

Ia lalu kembali ke Wajo dalam pengejaran orang Bone, lalu lewat Dewan Ade Pitue, ia memohon izin untuk merantau mencari ilmu. Dengan berbekal Tiga Ujung, (ujung mulut, ujung tombak, dan ujung kemaluan) ia berhasil di negeri Pasir (Kalimantan) sampai ke Malaysia, dan merajai Selat Makassar, hingga Belanda menjulukinya dengan Bajak Laut.

Dia berhasil menikah dengan puteri Raja Pasir, dan salah seorang puterinya kimpoi dengan Raja Kutai.

Dia bersama pengikutnya terus menerus melawan Belanda.

Setelah sepuluh tahun La Maddukkelleng memerintah Pasir sebagai Sultan Pasir, datanglah utusan dari Arung Matowa Wajo La Salewangeng yang bernama La Dalle Arung Taa

menghadap Sultan Pasir dengan membawa surat yang isinya mengajak kembali, karena Wajo dalam ancaman Bone. La Maddukkelleng akhirnya kembali lagi ke Tanah Wajo dan melalui suatu mufakat Arung Ennengnge (Dewan Adat), beliau diangkat sebagai Arung Matowa Wajo XXXIV. Dalam pemerintahannya, tercatat berhasil menciptakan strategi pemerintahan yang cemerlang yang terus menerus melawan dominasi Belanda dan membebaskan Wajo dari penjajahan diktean Kerajaan Bone, juga keberhasilan memperluas wilayah kekuasaan Kerajaan Wajo.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1777

 

 


RAJA HAJI FISABILILLAH
Lahir : Ulu Sungai, Riau 1725
Wafat : Teluk Ketapang, 18 Juni 1784

RAJA HAJI FISABILILLAH diangkat menjadi Yang Dipertuan Muda (YDM) Kerajaan Melayu Riau pada tahun 1777. Sebagai Yang Dipertuan Muda, Raja Haji bertanggung jawab terhadap jalannya pemerintahan di Kerajaan Melayu Riau. Dalam masa pemerintahannya, Kerajaan Melayu Riau berkembang cukup baik.

Akan tetapi, Belanda yang saat itu masih menguasai Malaka, tetap merupakan ancaman bagi kerajaan-kerajaan di sekitarnya.

 

 

 

1779

Nuku Muhammad Amiruddin

(1738-l805)

Spoiler for siapa dia ??


Muhammad Amiruddin atau lebih dikenal dengan nama Sultan Nuku (Soasiu, Tidore, 1738 – Tidore, 14 November 1805)

adalah seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia. Dia merupakan

sultan dari Kesultanan Tidore yang dinobatkan pada tanggal 13 April 1779,

dengan gelar “Sri Paduka Maha Tuan Sultan Saidul Jehad el Ma’bus Amiruddin Syah Kaicil Paparangan”

Muhamad Amiruddin alias Nuku adalah putra Sultan Jamaluddin (1757–1779) dari kerajaan Tidore.

Nuku juga dijuluki sebagai Jou Barakati artinya Panglima Perang. Pada zaman pemerintahan Nuku (1797 – 1805), Kesultanan Tidore mempunyai wilayah kerajaan yang luas yang meliputi Pulau Tidore, Halmahera Tengah, pantai Barat dan bagian Utara Irian Barat serta Seram Timur. Sejarah mencatat bahwa hampir 25 tahun, Nuku bergumul dengan peperangan untuk mempertahankan tanah airnya dan membela kebenaran.

Dari satu daerah, Nuku berpindah ke daerah lain, dari perairan yang satu menerobos ke perairan yang lain, berdiplomasi dengan Belanda maupun dengan Inggris, mengatur strategi dan taktik serta terjun ke medan perang. Semuanya dilakukan hanya dengan tekad dan tujuan yaitu membebaskan rakyat dari cengkeraman penjajah dan hidup damai dalam alam yang bebas merdeka. Cita-citanya membebaskan seluruh kepulauan Maluku terutama Maluku Utara (Maloko Kie Raha) dari penjajah bangsa asing.

Perang dengan Belanda
Pemerintah Kolonial Belanda yang berpusat di Batavia (kini Jakarta) dengan gubernur-gubernurnya yang ada di Ambon, Banda dan Ternate selalu berhadapan dengan raja pemberontak ini yang terus mengganjal kekuasaan Kompeni (Belanda) tanpa kompromi. Mereka semua tidak mampu menghadapi konfrontasi Nuku. Nuku merupakan musuh bebuyutan yang tidak bisa ditaklukan, bahkan tidak pernah mundur selangkahpun saat bertempur melawan Belanda di darat maupun di laut.

Ia adalah seorang pejuang yang tidak dapat diajak kompromi. Semangat dan perjuangannya tidak pernah padam, walaupun kondisi fisiknya mulai dimakan usia. Kodrat rohaninya tetap kuat dan semangat tetap berkobar sampai ia meninggal dalam usia 67 tahun pada tahun 1805. Sebagai penghargaan terhadap jasa-jasa dan pengorbanannya, Pemerintah Republik Indonesia mengukuhkan Sultan Nuku sebagai “Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia”

 

1780

Sebetulnya pada tahun 1780, Kerajaan Melayu Riau telah mengadakan perjanjian tersebut, peperangan pun tidak dapat dihindari.

Walaupun angkatan laut Belanda mencoba untuk memblokade Riau, terutama Pulau Pen1yengat sebagai tempat kediaman YDM Raja Haji, armada Melayu Riau dapat dengan mudah menerobos blokade tersebut.

 

Akhirnya, karena selalu gagal menguasai Pulau Penyengat, Belanda menggunakan taktik mengulur-ulur waktu sambil menunggu bantuan yang lebih besar didatangkan ke Perairan Riau.

 

Raja haji kemudian bekerja sama dengan Sultan Selangor

untuk memerangi Belanda di Malaka. Untuk menghadapi

pasukan gabungan itu, Belanda mendatangkan pasukannya

dari Jawa dalam jumlah besar.

1784

Pada tahun 1784, terjadilah pertempuran hebat. Raja Haji yang memimpin sendiri pasukannya di Teluk Ketapang akhirnya tewas terkena tembakan.

Semula jenazahnya dimakamkan di Malaka, kemudian dipindahkan ke pemakaman raja-raja Melayu Riau di Pulau Penyengat.

1784

Raja Haji Fisabilillah (1725-l784)

Spoiler for sedikit tentang dirinya


Raja Haji Fisabilillah (lahir di Kota Lama, Ulusungai, Riau, 1725 – meninggal di Ketapang, 18 Juni 1784)

adalah salah satu pahlawan nasional Indonesia.

Ia dimakamkan di Pulau Penyengat, Indera Sakti, Tanjung Pinang, Provinsi Kepulauan Riau. Namanya diabadikan dalam nama bandar udara di Tanjung Pinang, Bandar Udara Internasional Raja Haji Fisabilillah.

Riwayat perjuangan
Raja Haji Fisabililah atau dikenal juga sebagai Raja Haji marhum Teluk Ketapang adalah (Raja) Yang Dipertuan Muda Riau-Lingga-Johor-Pahang IV.

Ia terkenal dalam melawan pemerintahan Belanda dan berhasil membangun pulau Biram Dewa di sungai Riau Lama.

Karena keberaniannya, Raja Haji Fisabililah juga dijuluki (dipanggil) sebagai Pangeran Sutawijaya (Panembahan Senopati) di Jambi. Ia gugur pada saat melakukan penyerangan pangkalan maritim Belanda di Teluk Ketapang (Melaka) pada tahun 1784.

 

Jenazahnya dipindahkan dari makam di Melaka (Malaysia) ke Pulau Penyengat oleh Raja Ja’afar (putra mahkotanya pada saat memerintah sebagai Yang Dipertuan Muda).

 

 

 

 

 

1794


The “Societeit van den Amfioen Handel “ was liquidated in 1794.
The lucrative opium trade was taken over by the Nederlandsch Handels Maatschappij and later by the Opium Regime, a Public Company, that distributed  the opium even via Post Offices.

   

 

Weltevreden Palace (1796)

Batavia/Jakarta – Indonesia

Istana Merdeka is a palace complex in Central Jakarta, Indonesia. At first there was only one building in this complex, the Istana Negara. The Istana Negara was originally built as the residence for a Dutch businessman, J. A. van Braam. Rijswijk and Molenvliet (presently known as Harmonie), the location chosen as the time was the most exclusive neighborhood in Weltevreden area, the New Batavia. During its early years, only the State Palace stood in this complex. The State Palace was built in 1796 facing north toward Ciliwung river bank, during the era of Pieter Gerardus van Overstraten as Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, and completed in 1804.

The government used this building as the center of all administration and as the official residence of the Governor-General during a stay in Batavia, in occasion of events such as the Indies Council Meeting held every Wednesday. The Governor-Generals preferred to live in Bogor Palace in Bogor, due to the cooler and more adaptable temperatures in the hillsides of Bogor. The mansion of van Braam was bought due because of a need for the Dutch government to centralize power. However, Daendels Palace (currently Ministry of Finance) in Lapangan Banteng (formerly known as Waterloo Square) was not completed yet.

Upon the completion of Daendels Palace, plans to centralize power changed, and the mansion of van Braam officially became the residency of the governor-general, and Daendels Palace housed administrative buildings. Hotel van den Gouverneur-Generaal (Hotel of the Governor-General) became the official name of the van Braam mansion. During the Colonial era, important events took place in this building. Some of which include the declaration of the cultuur stensel system by the Governor Graaf van den Bosch, and the ratification ceremony of the Lingarjati Treaty on March 25, 1947.

During mid-19th century, the palace does not suffice the accommodation of its administrative purposes, and under orders from J.W. van Lansberge, a new building that today become the Merdeka Palace was built within the complex in 1873 during the Governor General Loudon administration, and finished in 1879 during Governor General Johan Willem van Landsberge administration. This neoclasical building, designed by Drossares, was built in southern part of the complex directly facing Koningsplein (now Merdeka Square). The new Governor General palace at Koningsplein was also known as Istana Gambir (Gambir Palace).

1796

Daendels kocht, na de stichting van Buitenzorg, de vroegere woning van Gouverneur-Generaal Van Riemsdijk aan het Molenvliet, Rijswijk zijde. Dit huis, vanaf 1796 gemoderniseerd, ging dienen als residentie voor de Gouverneurs-Generaal als deze in Batavia waren en werd al s

1797 – Nederlands Zendelinggenootschap or Dutch Missionary Society is founded. This was the beginning of heavy activity by Dutch Protestant missionaries in Indonesia, not only to Java and Sumatra but also to very remote areas, eventually even to Irian Jaya.

 

In 1797,

the Palembang Darusalam castle was finished, and began formally occupied by the Sultan Muhammad Bahauddin on Monday, 23 Sha’ban 1211 Hijri in the morning or in conjunction with the February 21, 1797 AD. Meanwhile, the oldest son, who became Prince Queen (Crown Prince) occupies the Old Palace Kuta.

 

 

1798 – Napoleonic Dutch government revokes charter of VOC, assumes its debts and assets.

 

1799 –

April 27 Committee for East Indian Affairs sends a letter of instructions to Batavia, stating that the revolutionary ideas of the Republic (liberty and equality) could not be applied to the Indies. Dutch officers under siege at Ternate mutiny and surrender to the British.

 

1799

 

 

The first papermoney of the Netherlands Indies

At the end of the 18th century, the first kind of papermoney appeared in the Netherlands Indies. The notes were issued by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) that represented the Dutch interests in the East.

Many money transports from the Netherlands got lost and the wars with England twarted these transports regularly. Also the political uncertainty in Europe due to the French revolution and the war between France and England, resulting in the occupation by the English of the Dutch possessions in the East and West, bothered the VOC substantially.

As a consequence, the decay of the VOC started in the second half of the 18th century. The subsequent scarcity of money and the shortage of precious metals for coinage, led to the issuing of papermoney in 1782. The notes were issued in a period during which France also re-introduced papermoney and a number of other European countries also started using papermoney, like Sweden, Denmark and England.

Initially interest bearing bonds were issued (6%) in denomiations of 25, 50, 100, 200, 300, 400, 500 en 1000 rijksdaalders. In 1873 the interest was not applied anymore. The notes were issued in multiples of rijksdaalders, starting from 1 up to 1000 rijksdaalders.

The exchange rate of these credit notes and the exchange against cash was problematic due to the impoverished situation of the VOC and resulted in substantial depreciation and the notes being sold at exchange rates lower than 15%.

Just before the VOC got bankrupt in 1799, the Netherlands Indies government issued new emissions, even during the French occupation (in the name of King Lodewijk Napoleon) and the English occupation (in the name of the English East India Company EEIC)) until approximately 1810.

 

Example of this first papermoney, a rijksdaalder from 1799, good for 48 zwaare stuyvers Indish money, issued in t’ Casteel (the Castle) in Batavia. The notes carry authenticity marks with VOC stamps on obverse and reverse, on handmade paper and has signatures by Brongers, Brinkman and Kleijnst

 

1800 – VOC formally dissolved on January 1; properties revert to Dutch government. Sultan of the Kraton Kanoman in Cirebon is banished to Ambon by the Dutch. A low-level rebellion breaks out under Bagus Rangen.

 

The VOC was losing money to corruption and political intrigues. By the end of the 1700s, it was fully bankrupt. On January 1st, 1800, it ceased to exist. The British had taken all the former VOC possessions and protectorates in the area, except for Java, Banjarmasin, Palembang, western Timor and Makassar. Most of these were returned to the Dutch in 1802, only to be reconquered by the British a few years later.

 

And the Struggle continued…

 

Atche warriors

 

.

 

 

 


REFERENCES

Commanders of Dutch East India Ships

in the Eighteenth Century


Commanders of Dutch East India Ships in the Eighteenth Century
By Jaap R. Bruijn
Boydell Press, 2011, ISBN 978-1-84383-622-3, $130.00

Written by a leading maritime historian in the Netherlands, Bruijn focuses on one segment of the VOC (the Dutch East India Company) – the commanders who captained the company’s vessels during the 1700s. Divided into two parts, the first segment of the book focuses on these men at home. Each of the six Chambers of the VOC – located in Enkhuizen, Hoorn, Middelburg, Delft, Rotterdam, and Amsterdam – are covered. He also discusses those commanders who came from other places and the naval officers who sometimes sought employment with the Company. The second half of the book concentrates on the commanders at sea.

Individual chapters

cover their appointments as commander, their training and education, their income, the ships and their lives aboard them, the different personalities present among the commanders, and navigation and other advancements. The final chapter compares the VOC with the English East India Company, France’s Compagnie des Indes, Denmark’s Dansk-Asiatisk Compagnie, and the Swedish Svenska Ostindiska Kompani. The book includes a number of black-and-white illustrations, an extensive bibliography, and two indices (one of Names, one of Ship Names).
 
Although there is a bit of repetition from one chapter to another, the reiteration helps to keep the reader aware of the subject matter so he/she doesn’t forget a vital piece of information. For the most part the English translation of this Dutch book (
Schippers van de VOC in de achttiende eeuw aan de wal en op zee, De Bataafsche Leeuw, 2008) is well done, although there are a few spots where the reader may have to read a brief passage more than once to fully understand what’s said. The text is easily read by layman and historian alike, and Bruijn skillfully shows the importance and evolution of the VOC on its commanders and the cities from which they sailed during this time period.
 
The book includes a few references to pirates,

particularly those of the Indian Ocean. The author, as if knowing the gems historical novelists search for when researching a topic, provides a wealth of information that will add realism to their stories.

The price may be steep for some, but this is an important work that is an essential read for anyone interested in the history of the VOC at its zenith. Those who venture to do so will find a fascinating account of what it was like to be a commander in the Dutch East India Company.

 

 

 

 

   

 

BATAVIA ALS HANDELS-, INDUSTRIE- EN WOONSTAD samengesteld in opdracht van de stadsgemeente Batavia. Batavia as a commercial, industrial and residential center written for the municipality of Batavia. Batavia, Amsterdam, G. Kolff & Co., (1937). 8vo. Cloth. With many plates and photographic illustrations. 303 pp.

 

 

BATAVIA, GELEGEN OP HET EILAND JAVA, EEN BEROEMDE VOLKPLANTING DER BATAVIEREN. – BATAVIA NOVA, KALAPPA & JACATRA PRIUS DICTA, IN INSULA JAVA, BATAVORUM NOBILIS COLONIA. (Amsterdam, 1702).Engraving. Ca. 21 x 25,5 cm. From: P. Schenk. Hecatompolis sive totius orbis terrarum oppida nobiliora centrum. – Fine bird’s-eye view of Batavia with ships in the foreground.Feith 13; Cat. Batavia Tentoonstelling Amsterdam 1919, 19.

 

 

BATAVIA. Die innere Aussicht des Castells in Batavia nebst der Schloss Kirche. – Vuë interieure du pallais de Batavie avec l’eglise du chateau. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild), with descriptive text in German and French. ca 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, inside the castle depicting the parade-ground with on the left side the houses of the Raad van Indië and on the right side the castle-chucrh, the house of the governor-general and the buildings of the government, in the background the sea with ships. – Fine.Feith 78c; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,3.

 

 

BATAVIA. Die innere Aussicht des Castells in Batavia nebst der Schloss Kirche. – Vuë interieure du pallais de Batavie avec l’eglise du chateau. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild). ca 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, inside the castle depicting the parade-ground with on the left side the houses of the Raad van Indië and on the right side the castle-chucrh, the house of the governor-general and the buildings of the government, in the background the sea with ships. – (Without printed text at lower side, just printed title on top).Feith 78c; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,3.

 

 

   

 

BATAVIA. BATAVIA. (Hildburghausen, ca. 1850).Steel-engraving after C. Reiss by W. Wallis. Ca. 10 x 15,5 cm. From: J. Meyer. Universum. – Romantic view from the sea with some people in the foreground.Feith 108; Haks & Maris, Lexicon, B 34.

 

 

BATAVIA. BATAVIA. (London, 1704). Engraving. Ca. 12,5 x 16 cm. From: Nieuhof. The voyages and travels. – Panoramic view with on the left the Old Dutch Church and the old townhall and on the right the castle. With title on scroll and coat of arms of Batavia.

 

 

BATAVIA. CARTE DES ENVIRONS DE BATAVIA avec la vuë de cette ville. Pour servir a l’histoire generale des voyages. 1750. Tirée des Hollandois. (Amst., 1750).Engraved plan by Dheulland, with cartouche and fine view of Batavia from the sea. Ca. 21 x 28 cm. From: A.F. Prévost. Histoire generale des voyages. – Fine plan and profile of Batavia.Cf. Brommer BAT K35; Feith 30; Cf. Cat. 300-jarig bestaan Batavia 36.

 

 

BATAVIA. GESIGHT VAN’T SUYKER PAKHUYS, GESIEN OP DE BRUGH VAN’T CASTEEL BATAVIA. (Amst., 1726).Engraving. Ca. 29 x 37 cm. From: François Valentijn. Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën. – Fine view of the sugar warehouse seen from the castle-moat, with on the right bastion Diamant. The popular name of Kota Inten (Diamond City), still carries the memory of the Diamond Bastion of the old castle. – (Some wormholes restored).Feith 67e; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 154,5.

 

 

BATAVIA. THE GOVERNOR OF BATAVIA’S PALACE, IN THE EAST INDIES. (London, 1780). Engraving by J. Lodge. Ca. 15,5 x 27 cm. – Fine view of the palace with people in the foreground. – Feith 101.

 

 

BATAVIA. DE NEDERLANDERS VOOR JACATRA. 1618. (Leyden, 1855).Tinted lithographed plate. Ca. 26 x 36 cm. From: J.H. Eichman & H. Altmann. Vaderlandsche historieplaten. – Historical print depicting the taking by the Dutch of Jacatra in 1602.Catalogus 300-jarig bestaan Batavia, 215. [Boeknr.: 30841 ]


€ 65,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN DE BATAVIA. (Leiden, Pieter van der Aa, 1729).Engraved plan of Batavia. Ca. 21 x 28 cm. From: Pieter van der Aa. Galérie agréable du monde. – Plan of the town with legend in the lower right corner, numbered 1 – 41, referring to all important buildings. Bastin, Batavia, BAT K40; Feith 24.


€ 125,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN DE LA VILLE ET DU CHATEAU DE BATAVIA EN L’ISLE DE JAVA. Ware afbeeldinge wegens het casteel ende stadt Batavia gelegen opt groot eylant Java. Leide, Pierre van der Aa, (1729).Engraved plan of Batavia with ships lying in the road, with coat of arms, legend and scroll, in the righthand corner a panoramic view of the city. Ca. 26,5 x 35,5 cm. From: Pieter van der Aa. Galérie agréable du monde. – Fine decorative plan of Batavia after Clemendt de Jonghe.Brommer, Batavia, BAT K25; Feith 14; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan Batavia 20. [Boeknr.: 14110 ]


€ 450,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN ODER GRUND-RISS, DER STADT BATAVIA, samt der eine Stund Weges umher liegenden Gegend. (Wilhermsdorff, 1744).Engraving after J.W. Heijdt by A. Hoffer. Ca. 24 x 28 cm. From: J.W. Heydt. Allerneuester .. Schau-Platz. – Charming plan of the town with surroundings. Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 37; Brommer BAT K34. [Boeknr.: 1296 ]


€ 180,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN ODER GRUNDRISS DER STADT UND DERER VORSTÄTTE, wie auch des Castels Batavia. (Wilhermsdorff, 1744).Engraving after J.W. Heijdt by A. Hoffer. Ca. 22,5 x 26,5 cm. From: J.W. Heydt. Allerneuester .. Schau-Platz. – Fine plan of Batavia and surroundings. With street-index on scroll.Feith 70a XXII; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 55; Brommer BAT K44. [Boeknr.: 14537 ]


€ 180,00

 

BATAVIA. Prospect von der Bastion Gelderland ausserhalb der Stadt Batavia, wie solche nach der Natur gege die aussern portugiesischen Kirche und dem blauen Berg zu gezeichnet worden von Johan Wolffgang Heyd. – Vuë de la Bastion de Gelderland .. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild), with descriptive text in German and French. ca. 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, depicting the Portuguese Church outside the city walls, the present Gereja Sion on Jl. Jaykarta, with the old belltower and the Jassenbridge. It is the oldest remaining VOC-church in Jakarta. – Fine.Feith 78f; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,6. [Boeknr.: 32265 ]


€ 350,00

 

BATAVIA. Prospect von der Bastion Perl längst der Courtine des Castells Batavia gezeichnet. – Vuë de la Bastion Perl, desine pres de Courtine du Chateau de Batavia. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild), with descriptive text in German and French. ca. 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, depicting the north-west bastion of the castle of Batavia called Parel or Pearl. – Fine.Feith 78e; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,5. [Boeknr.: 32264 ]


€ 350,00

1781.

The Annals report his death to have happened on the 2nd of June 1781, and observe that from the commencement to the close of his reign the country never enjoyed repose. His brother, named Ala-eddin (or Uleddin, as commonly pronounced, and which seems to have been a favourite title with the Achinese princes), was in exile at Madras during a considerable period, and resided also for some time at Bencoolen.

The eldest son of the deceased king, then about eighteen years of age, succeeded him on the 16th of the same month, by the title of Ala-eddin Mahmud shah Juhan, in spite of an opposition attempted to be raised by the partisans of another son by a favourite wife. Weapons had been drawn in the court before the palace, when the tuanku agung or high priest, a person of great respectability and influence, by whom the former had been educated, came amidst the crowd, bareheaded and without attendance, leading his pupil by the hand. Having placed himself between the contending factions, he addressed them to the following effect: that the prince who stood before them had a natural right and legal claim to the throne of his father; that he had been educated with a view to it, and was qualified to adorn it by his disposition and talents; that he wished however to found his pretensions neither upon his birthright nor the strength of the party attached to him, but upon the general voice of his subjects calling him to the sovereignty; that if such was their sentiment he was ready to undertake the arduous duties of the station, in which he himself would assist him with the fruits of his experience; that if on the contrary they felt a predilection for his rival, no blood should be shed on his account, the prince and his tutor being resolved in that case to yield the point without a struggle, and retire to some distant island. This impressive appeal had the desired effect, and the young prince was invited by unanimous acclamation to assume the reins of government.*

(*Footnote. Mr. Philip Braham, late chief of the East India Company’s settlement of Fort Marlborough, by whom the circumstances of this event were related to me, arrived at Achin in July 1781, about a fortnight after the transaction. He thus described his audience. The king was seated in a gallery (to which there were no visible steps), at the extremity of a spacious hall or court, and a curtain which hung before him was drawn aside when it was his pleasure to appear. In this court were great numbers of female attendants, but not armed, as they have been described. Mr. Braham was introduced through a long file of guards armed with blunderbusses, and then seated on a carpet in front of the gallery. When a conversation had been carried on for some time through the Shabandar, who communicated his answers to an interpreter, by whom they were reported to the king, the latter perceiving that he spoke the Malayan language addressed him directly, and asked several questions respecting England; what number of wives and children our sovereign had; how many ships of war the English kept in India; what was the French force, and others of that nature. He expressed himself in friendly terms with regard to our nation, and said he should always be happy to countenance our traders in his ports. Even at this early period of his reign he had abolished some vexatious imposts. Mr. Braham had an opportunity of learning the great degree of power and control possessed by certain of the orang kayas, who held their respective districts in actual sovereignty, and kept the city in awe by stopping, when it suited their purpose, the supplies of provisions. Captain Forrest, who once more visited Achin in 1784 and was treated with much distinction (see his Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago page 51), says he appeared to be twenty-five years of age; but this was a misconception. Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie, who saw him in 1782, judged him to have been at that time no more than nineteen or twenty, which corresponds with Mr. Braham’s statement.)

Little is known of the transactions of his reign, but that little is in favour of his personal character. The Annals (not always unexceptionable evidence when speaking of the living monarch) describe him as being endowed with every princely virtue, exercising the functions of government with vigour and rectitude, of undaunted courage, attentive to the protection of the ministers of religion, munificent to the descendants of the prophet (seiyid, but commonly pronounced sidi) and to men of learning, prompt at all times to administer justice, and consequently revered and beloved by his people. I have not been enabled to ascertain the year in which he died.

1783

 

Before the British invasion of Java the East Indies were almost entirely unknown in the English-speaking world.

In British popular imagination Java would have had no profile whatsoever, were it not for one tall traveller’s tale – a piece of lurid tropical fantasy full of the kind of exotic threat that still typifies western media images of Indonesia today.  Java, the armchair travellers of Georgian England knew, was the home of ‘The Celebrated Poison Tree’.

The Ends of the Earth

The stories of the upas, ‘the Hydra Tree of Death’, that titillated and terrified the readers of popular magazines at the turn of the 19th century, by rights belonged to the long-past era of Sir John Mandeville, when the nether regions of the earth were populated with unicorns, giants, men without heads and women with horns for feet.

In fact, what is probably the earliest European reference to the Poison Tree myth actually comes from one of Mandeville’s 14th century contemporaries, the French Catholic traveller Friar Jordanus.

In his Mirabilia Descrpita he wrote of Java (which he had never visited) that there were ‘trees producing cloves, which when they are in flower emit an odour so pungent that they kill every man who cometh among them, unless he shut his mouth and nostrils.’

The good friar also noted that Java was home to a race of pygmies, and that ‘In a certain part of that island they delight to eat white and fat men when they can get them…’

Such stories had, for the most part, vanished by the 19th century.  But so mysteriously remote and unknown was Java that the tale of the Poison Tree was able to put down deep roots in the European imagination.

That poisonous plants existed in the fetid forests of the Torrid Zone was beyond dispute; the native huntsmen of Borneo, Java and the Spice Islands were known to dip their arrows in some kind of powerful toxin – as were their counterparts in Africa and the Amazon.

But the myth of the Poison Tree of Java towered tall over the general jungle of tropical ephemera.

Shameless Doctor

The story was popularised in an article by an entirely shameless German doctor named J.N. Foersch, whose account first appeared in the December 1783 edition of The London Magazine, also known as the Gentlemen’s Monthly Intelligencer.  Foersch’s intelligent and gentlemanly readers were treated to what he claimed was an eye-witness account, ‘accompanied by all those minute and circumstantial details,’ which, one of his cynical critics noted, ‘are generally the seal of truth, and which prevent a man being accused of falsehood, unless he is held in the most profound contempt.’  The doctor was indeed the object of just such contempt amongst botanists and explorers, but the general public lapped up his poison with relish.

Foersch – who was loitering on the fringes of the London scientific scene when he published his story – had several years earlier been employed as a surgeon in the Dutch East Indies.  It was there, he claimed, that he first ‘received several different accounts of the bohon-upas, and the violent effects of its poison’.

Upas was a Javanese word used for the species in question; it simply implied ‘poison’.  ‘Bohon’, meanwhile, was presumably an 18th century mishearing of the Malay word pohon, which means tree.

It is only one nasalised consonant away from the word bohong, of course.  Bohong means ‘lie’.  It is probably rather farfetched – and rather too charitable to the fantasist himself – but it’s nice to think that perhaps Foersch was offering a wry hint to any Malay-speaking readers that his ‘poison tree’ was in fact a ‘poisonous lie’…

According to the story that he later concocted Foersch decided to investigate the rumours of the upas for himself, girded his loins and headed for the misty green mountains of Java.  He told his readers that the Poison Tree – there was only one of them – was situated ‘about twenty seven leagues from Batavia [modern Jakarta], fourteen from Soura-charta [Surakarta], the seat of the emperor, and between eighteen and twenty leagues from Tinkoe [Yogyakarta]’.  This set of directions alone ought to have been enough to set alarm bells ringing: Batavia was fully 80 leagues from Yogyakarta; Foersch’s trio of distances came nowhere close to an intersection anywhere on the island of Java, and even the patchy maps available at the time ought to have made that clear.  But thanks to the gripping details that he provided next, no one seemed to care.

The dread tree, Foersch claimed, was so terrifically toxic that it had poisoned a vast swathe of ground, ‘and the country round it, to the distance of ten or twelve miles from the tree, is entirely barren.  Not a tree nor a shrub, nor even the least plant or grass is to be seen’.  No man or beast could enter the desert without succumbing at once to the choking effluvium that issued from the branches ‘like the putrid steam of a marshy cavern’.  Birds that strayed into the tainted airspace dropped from the sky like feathered meteorites.

Foersch wrote that he had circumnavigated this noxious wasteland, which was ‘surrounded, on all sides, by a circle of high hills and mountains’, and had met with an ‘old ecclesiastic’ who dwelt on the fringes, a Cerberus-like gatekeeper to this grim underworld.

The task of this aged imam, who Foersch claimed to have spent several days with, was to issue equipment and instructions and to administer pre-emptive last rites to the convicted criminals who were despatched into the realm of the Poison Tree to collect its toxic resin in lieu of accepting a more direct death sentence.

When the breeze was blowing away from the old ecclesiastic’s hut, carrying the fumes in the opposite direction, he dressed the convicts in ‘a long leather cap, with two glasses before their eyes, which comes down as far as their breast’.

He also gave them a pair of thick gloves, said a prayer, patted them on the back and shoved them off into almost certain oblivion.  Only one in ten returned alive.

Foersch also claimed to have seen the effects of the poison in action: he gave a graphic account of the execution, by means of upas resin, of 13 concubines of the court of Surakarta who had been caught in beds other than the king’s.

The mention of harems and titillating sexual shenanigans made Foersch’s tale the ultimate Orientalist artefact, and sealed the deal for many of his credulous readers, not least when the ‘fair criminals’ expired ‘in the greatest agonies, crying out to God and Mahomet for mercy’.

Foersch, keen to add a scientific undertone to his fabulous mythmaking, stated that he had carried out his own experiments with the poison, slipping it to a pair of unfortunate puppies.

Howling piteously, the puppies went exactly the same way as the concubines.  He even theorised that the presence of the Poison Tree, breathing its terrible effluent in the highlands of Java, ‘greatly contributes to the unhealthiness of that island’.

The Tree of Knowledge

In all of Foersch’s fabulous fantasies, it is just possible to detect the outlines of the overheard truths from which he must have cobbled together the tale.

The upas tree, or antiaris toxicaria to give it its scientific name, did in fact exist in the forests of Java, and was indeed used as a source of poison for assassination, warfare and hunting – and its finely layered wood was also used in lacquer-work.  There were other poisonous roots and trees too, many of which would indeed have a dramatically deleterious effect if injected into a playful puppy or a fragrant concubine.

And as for the strange story of a dreary land of lifeless rock and dust where nothing would grow, ringed by a wall of sheer hills and ridges, it sounds suspiciously like a garbled report of one of the post-apocalyptic volcanic craters, some of them very large indeed, which lie in the hollow bellies of many of Java’s mountains, and in which it is true that not ‘even the least plant or grass is to be seen’.  Even the story of the condemned men sent forth on the perilous task of harvesting some valuable issue of this hostile environment has a possible inspiration in reality.  Many of Java’s volcanoes produce a bountiful supply of sulphur, and for centuries the business of harvesting it from the mouths of steaming vents and carrying it back up sheer cliffs has been the preserve of some of Indonesia’s toughest men.  So gruelling is the work that it is quite possible that criminals were sometimes condemned to carry it out, and in a world of toxic smoke, changes of wind direction could prove fatal, and many did indeed succumb.

Even Foersch’s set of doubtful directions make some sense in this respect: 27 leagues from Batavia would have taken you deep amongst the sulphurous peaks around Bandung, and bearings of 20 leagues from Yogyakarta and 14 leagues from Solo intersect within striking distance of the top of the Lawu volcano.

But the fact remained that Foersch had made most of it up.  He had joined a long list of fibbing fantasists about the Far East.  His motivations remain unclear, but by choosing Java as his backdrop and England for his audience, he was able to get away with it.

 

1791.

It appears by a Malayan letter from Achin that in 1791 the peace of the capital was much disturbed, and the state of the government as well as of private property (which induced the writer to reship his goods) precarious.

 


The [6]Dutch East India Company

(Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC in Dutch, literally “United East IndianCompany”) was a chartered company established in 1602,

 

Background

 

During the 16th century, the spice trade was dominated by the Portuguese who used Lisbon as a staple port. Before the Dutch Revolt, Antwerp had played an important role as a distribution center in northern Europe, but after 1591 the Portuguese used an international syndicate of the German Fuggers and Welsers, and Spanish and Italian firms that used Hamburg as its northern staple, to distribute their goods, thereby cutting out Dutch merchants. At the same time, the Portuguese trade system was so inefficient that it was unable to supply growing demand, in particular the demand for pepper. The demand for spices was relatively inelastic, and the lagging supply of pepper therefore caused a sharp rise in pepper prices at the time.

Likewise, as Portugal had been “united” with the Spanish crown, with which the Dutch Republicwas at war, in 1580, the Portuguese Empire became an appropriate target for military incursions. These three factors formed motive for Dutch merchants to enter the intercontinental spice trade themselves at this time. Finally, a number of Dutchmen like Jan Huyghen van Linschoten and Cornelis de Houtman obtained first hand knowledge of the “secret” Portuguese trade routes and practices, thereby providing opportunity. The stage was thus set for Houtman’s four-ship exploratory expedition to Banten, the main pepper port of West Java, where they clashed with both the Portuguese and indigenous Indonesians.

Formation

Investment in these expeditions was a very high-risk venture, not only because of the usual dangers of piracy, disease and shipwreck, but also because the interplay of inelastic demand and relatively elastic supply of spices could make prices tumble at just the wrong moment, thereby ruining prospects of profitability. To manage such risk the forming of a cartel to control supply would seem logical. This first occurred to the English, who bundled their forces into a monopoly enterprise, the East India Company in 1600, thereby threatening their Dutch competitors with ruin. In 1602, the Dutch government followed suit, sponsoring the creation of a single “United East Indies Company” that was also granted a monopoly over the Asian trade.

To manage such risk the forming of a cartel to control supply would seem logical. This first occurred to the English, who bundled their forces into a monopoly enterprise, the East India Company in 1600, thereby threatening their Dutch competitors with ruin. In 1602, the Dutch government followed suit, sponsoring the creation of a single “United East Indies Company” that was also granted a monopoly over the Asian trade.

Diplomatic agreements in Europe in 1620 ushered in a period of cooperation between the Dutch and the English over the spice trade. This ended with a notorious, but disputed incident, known as the ‘Amboyna massacre‘, where ten Englishmen were arrested, tried and beheaded for conspiracy against the Dutch government. Although this caused outrage in Europe and a diplomatic crisis, the English quietly withdrew from most of their Indonesian activities (except trading in Bantam) and focused on other Asian interests.

The VOC traded throughout Asia. Ships coming into Batavia from the Netherlands carried supplies for VOC settlements in Asia. Silver and copper from Japan were used to trade with India and China for silk, cotton, porcelain, and textiles. These products were either traded within Asia for the coveted spices or brought back to Europe. The VOC was also instrumental in introducing European ideas and technology to Asia. The Company supported Christian missionaries and traded modern technology with China and Japan. A more peaceful VOC trade post on Dejima, an artificial island off the coast of Nagasaki, was for more than two hundred years the only place where Europeans were permitted to trade with Japan.

 

Dutch East India Company l

 

Former type

Public company

Industry

Trade

Fate

Bankruptcy

Founded

20 March 1602

Defunct

17 March 1798

Headquarters

East India House, Amsterdam,Holland, Dutch Republic

.




The shipyard of the Dutch East India Company in Amsterdam, circa 1750.

VOC headquarters in Amsterdam (theOost-Indisch Huis)

A modern reconstruction of the 18th centuryVOC Amsterdam is permanently anchored in the harbor at the Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum(the National Maritime Museum) in Amsterdam.

 

 









Dutch Batavia in the 17th Century, built in what is now North Jakarta

The Dutch East Indies Company sent its first ships to the Orient to trade. It soon became an important factor in trading in Asia.

 

Colombo[CEYLON -SRI LANKA], gravure uit circa 1680

 

 

Decline

The 1741 Battle of Colachel by Nairs of Travancore under Raja Marthanda Varma was therefore a rearguard action. The Dutch commander Captain Eustachius De Lannoy was captured. Marthanda Varma agreed to spare the Dutch captain’s life on condition that he joined his army and trained his soldiers on modern lines. This defeat in the Travancore-Dutch War is considered the earliest example of an organized Asian power overcoming European military technology and tactics; and it signaled the decline of Dutch power in India.

 

 

[7]Portuguese East India Company

 

 

Departure of fleet for the Indies from Lisbon harbor, by Theodor de Bry, 1592

 

 

 

Carracks of the India Armada of 1507, from theLivro de Lisuarte de Abreu

 

 

The Jerónimos Monastery, built on the profits of the India armadas

 

 

The large carrack, thought to be the Santa Catarina do Monte Sinai, and other Portuguese carracks of various sizes. From painting, attributed to either Gregório Lopes or Cornelis Antoniszoon, showing voyage of the marriage party of Portuguese Infanta Beatriz to Savoy,

 

 

Portuguese carrack

It was around this time (1614) that the idea for a chartered private Portuguese East Indies company, organized along the lines of Dutch and English companies, was first broached.King Philip IV of Spain (III of Portugal) put the idea in motion in 1624 and appointed D. Jorge Mascarenhas, mayor of Lisbon and member of the Council of State, to head a committee to implement Solis proposal. Despite being supported by Olivares, the proposal faced much skepticism and opposition, particularly by the Duke of Villahermosa (head of the Council of State for Portugal), and Mascarenhas had considerable trouble securing investment commitments.The Companhia do commércio da Índia (or Companhia da India Oriental) finally came into existence in August 1628, when it was granted a charter by King Philip IV. The Companhia was to be governed by a Cámara de Géral Administração.

The company was launched with only around half the capital it originally sought to raise.

 

 

The route of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage (1497–1499), what became the typical Carreira da Índia

The End

The Companhia proved unsuccessful. Investors remained skeptical, overseas Portuguese merchants rejected the new Companhia’s authority, and the Anglo-Dutch breach of the old Portuguese empire in Asia had become irreperrable, squeezing margins on the spice trade. The Companhia proved unprofitable, and soon ceased operating and was liquidated in April, 1633.


The Portuguese East India Company was founded in 1628 by Philip III of Portugal[ It was granted a monopoly on the spice trade with India.

The intention was to attract private capital into this trade, but was unsuccessful in this regard and ceased operating in 1633.]




Jenis : Perhiasan Emas
Nama : GESPER SABUK EMAS BERHIAS BATU MULIA
Material : Emas dan Batu Mulia
Era : Abad Ke 18 – 19
Asal : INDONESIA

Koleksi :
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART
1000 5th Avenue, New York, NY – USA

Data Museum :

Two-Part Buckle with Inlaid Stones

Date: 18th–19th century
Culture: Indonesia
Medium: Gold and inlaid stones
Classification: Jewelry

Credit Line: The Samuel Eilenberg-Jonathan P. Rosen Collection of Indonesian Gold, Bequest of Samuel Eilenberg and Gift of Jonathan P. Rosen, 1998
Accession Number: 1998.544.8a, b
This artwork is not on display

 

1787

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1783

 

It was 88 years after coins were for struck for Sumatra by the Madras Mint that the next ones were struck for them.

 

This was in 1783 by a private mint in Bengal owned and set up by John Prinsep. The copper pieces of 2 kepings have on the obverse the balemark commonly used in the 19th Century. It has a device like a figure “4” sometimes claimed to be an altered Cross, changed so as not to offend non Christians. However, Madras, for example, was still using the Cross style into the 19th Century, but no other explanation for the “4” seems to exist. The 2 kepings reverse has date and value in Arabic.

 

 

1787

 

 

The Sumatra silver 2 Sookoos were struck by the Calcutta mint dated 1793 and 1794. Fort Marlborough was built in1714, 3 miles south of Fort York. It had a convict settlement attached; whose prisoners worked on the E.I.C. plantations. The reverse inscription in Malay script says “money of the Company”; the designs were approved by Warren Hastings.

 

 

The next Sumatra copper coinage of one, two, and three kepings was struck by Mathew Boulton, but not at his Soho mint. This was the historic first order for Boulton, who would supply the coining machinery to a makeshift London mint, as Soho had a water-powered rolling mill, but as yet no mint. The first issue was dated 1786 and there were repeat orders in1787 and 1798, the latter struck by Boulton’s steam machinery.

 

A uniface undated copper cent was struck at Calcutta and taken with the founding EIC expedition to Pulu Penang in 1786. The Island had been given to Francis Light by the Rajah of Kedah, whose daughter he had married. Light thought it would make a suitable Naval Station for the EIC and as part of the agreement, the Sultan was offered protection. However Kedah was annexed by Siam in 1821 and the Sultan deposed.

 

The following year, 1787 Calcutta struck copper 1, ½ and ¼ cents for Pulu Penang. The common obverse is a balemark, no value is stated and the reverse inscription translates as “Prince of Wales Island.”

 

Silver followed in 1788 also struck by Calcutta. Again no values stated, the obverse and reverse of the 1/10 dollar is shown. It was overweight being close to 1/8 dollar; the ¼ and ½ dollars were also overweight and it is probable that most of the issue was melted for bullion as the issue is now scarce.

 

A pen and ink drawing, made in the late 20th century is of wooden warehouses on Malacca’s waterfront. Probably it was little different in the time of the East India Company when, during the Napoleonic Wars, the EIC occupied the Dutch settlements, including Malacca, to deny their use to the French.

 

Despite the large orders for Sumatra struck by Boulton, a shortage of coin in 1787 was met by overstriking an emergency half dollar on copper 3 kepings coins. They were struck it is said for the Governor at Fort Marlborough, to pay his troops or possibly the convict workers.

 

 

KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 19(BERSAMBUNG)

KOLEKSI SEJARAH INDONESIA

ABAD KE 19

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1864

De Javasche Bank note issues 1864

 

 

De Javasche Bank note issues, January 1864 – April 1895, printed by Joh. Enschede en Zn.

info source:Rob Huisman

In 1863, De Javasche Bank, was the circulation bank of the Netherlands Indies. One would expect it to be a well-established colonial institution, however the opposite is true. Research at the archives of the printer Joh. Enschede en Zonen at the Museum Enschedé in Haarlem, the Netherlands, shows a completely different picture. The board and especially the President of De Javasche Bank were directly involved in detail in all operational matters related to the design and ordering of their banknotes

1868

01/07/1868 – 31/03/1870 J.W.C. Diepenheim
Wiggers van Kerchem was succeeded by Diepenheim by decree of June 30, 1868. Diepenheim who proviously was Secretary for two years, was President for a short period. He resigned shortly after the fifth Exclusive Right was made public. On March 18, 1870, his resignation was accepted. Diepenheim died in The Hague on May 21, 1875 in the age of 75.
                             
1870

01/04/1870 – 31/03/1873 F. Alting Mees (LL.M.)
By decree of March 19, 1870, Alting Mees was appointed to the position of President of the Javasche Bank. Alting Mees, previously lawyer and attorney, already served the bank as director for several years. Due to his appointment to President of the two high courts of the Netherlands Indies, he left the Javasche Bank per March 31, 1873.

1872

Banten

 

 Anyer in 1872 by Abraham Salm

 

1873

01/04/1873 – 01/09/1889 N.P. van den Berg (LL.M.)                               
Norbertus Petrus van den Berg was chosen as the next President of the Javasche bank from two nominees and was appointed per decree of March 20, 1873. After more than 16 years of service, Van den Berg left the Netherlands Indies in 1889 to become Director of the Nederlandsche Bank and two years later President for a period of 21 years until the age of 81. He passed away in Amsterdam on January 8, 1917.

De Javasche Bank 1864-1895

 

 

January 1864 – April 1895, printed by Joh. Enschede en Zn.
Info Sources: Rob Huisman

In 1863, De Javasche Bank, founded in 1828, is a circulation bank in the Netherlands Indies. One would expect to become an established colonial institutions, but the opposite is true. Research in archives John printer. Enschede en Zonen in Haarlem Museum in Enschede, the Netherlands, showed a completely different picture. Council President De Javasche and in particular the Bank is directly involved in operational detail in everything related to design and order their paper money

Section 4, January 1864 – April 1895, printed by Joh. Enschede en Zn.

In 1863,

De Javasche Bank, founded in 1828, is a circulation bank in the Netherlands Indies.
One would expect to become an established colonial institutions, but the opposite is true.
Research in archives John printer. Enschede en Zonen in Haarlem Museum in Enschede,
The Netherlands, showed a completely different picture. Council and in particular President De
Javasche Bank directly involved in operational detail in all matters related to the design and
to order their paper money.

Reading through all the correspondence carefully stored and arranged between Javasche Bank
and printing companies in the homeland, one can feel the atmosphere of modern
entrepreneurial start-up companies. President (CEO) of E. Francis De Javasche Bank (DJB) and
Wiggers van Kerchem successor, wrote a letter to John. Enschede en Zn. (Later called the “Heeren
Enschedee te Haarlem “) on a regular basis to order the new banknotes, commenting on the quality and implementation
command, complained about delays in delivery, and often underscores the urgent need for new supplies to
those remote regions.

Most striking is that they often mention that the cost is to limit the maximum
important. The letters are written with beautiful calligraphy and using ways of polite and politically correct
complaining, urging, comment and criticize. Words such as “worry”, “disappointed”, “propose” and
“Like” is used regularly and frequently suggestions and proposals submitted by completing the statement
such as:

“But we rely on your expertise in this regard and believe you will make the right decision”.
E. Francis (he signed his letters with M. Francis), third President of Javasche Bank, started as a
employees in 1815 and worked his way in the service of civil government to finally be over
available to the Commissioner General of the servant. From 1848 to 1850 Francis is the Superintendent of Financial
and in 1851 he was honorably discharged from government service. Furthermore, Francis was appointed
Javasche to the President of the Bank under the decision dated March 4, 1851. In the early sixties of the 19th century,
De Javasche Bank started to prepare a complete new emission of paper money the Dutch East Indies. In
cooperation with the Nederlandsche Bank, De Javasche Bank is pointing towards the Netherlands
printer “De Heeren Enschedee” (now known as John. Enschede en Zn. (Enschede Security)) to have
The new banknotes are designed and manufactured. Francis was personally involved in the process and
communicate with the printer on a regular basis. Unfortunately, Francis did not stay in the office to see
the results of his efforts. At the request of Francis himself honorably discharged per July 1, 1863
The decision by 20 April 1863. In 1864 Francis published the book “De-beginselen regerings van
Nederlandsch Indie: getoetst aan de behoefte van moederland en kolonie “, expressed his
dissatisfaction with the implementation of a new economic system in the Netherlands Indies and
proposed inquiry by an independent committee. In 1869 Francis issued a request to
Dutch Parliament about his famous right to payment of pensions to retired civil servants
Government of the Netherlands Indies. This response proposal and the request is not found, leading to
believe that Francis ignored by the establishment and must fight for that trust and pension
pay the old days.
In a letter from Francis dated January 31, 1863, with the management of the Nederlandsche Bank, which
evidence has confirmed receipt of the record and the evidence has been approved. In the same letter Francis
raised some comments that he wanted to address:
– Size note: DJB prefer to be the difference in size between the records of 100 and 50
guilders. This means that the records of 1000, 500, 300, 200 and 100 will be great, and notes
of 50, 25 and 10 will be small size. DJB stated that if the De Nederlandsche Bank (DNB) think
the divide should be between 25 and 10 guilders, DJB will also agree.
– Character value in the corner records should be larger.
– Lions at 10 guilders note has an expression, surprised almost frightened. DJB would like
lion to have a more relaxed expression symbolizes strength.

__________________________________________________________________________
– DJB would prefer that the signature is placed under the words “Secretary” and “President” and demand
words to be printed under the date as high as possible.
– DJB prefer that the date is printed on a printer that was not applied in (Joh. Enschede en Zn.)
DJB after arrival. In the case of a printer to print the date, Francis suggests choosing a date is not be
Christian holiday or Sunday and about 6 months after the date of expected departure from the
paper money.
– DJB stated that they calculated six months for the duration of the trip and apply numbers and
signatures for the amount of paper money needed for the exchange of banknotes in circulation today.
In early 1870 the delivery of DJB’s request to be sent through the Suez Canal opened, reducing the
travel time by more than 50%.

De Javasche fourth President of the Bank,

C.F.W. Wiggers van Kerchem, took office on July 1
1863 and continue the process of ordering new issues of paper money.
During the period January 1864 – April 1895, serial number and signature on the front and
cons in the opposite sign printed locally by the Bank in the Netherlands Indies Javasche on
complete records are sent from the printers in the Netherlands. The Bank also Javasche
ordering equipment numbering stamps and signatures of the printer and some blank signature stamps
in the case of signatories will change, allowing them to carve out a new signature stamps
own local. Together with the first order of 1864 new banknotes, the Bank Javasche
ordered the mechanic to accompany numbering machine and take care of the machine becomes
production. Willem Hooij contracted by Joh. Enschede en Zonen for traveling to Batavia in
Dutch East Indies and install the machine. In a letter from Hooij to John. Enschede en Zonen date
August 12, 1864, he wrote about President patient from Javasche Bank makes
difficulties because Hooij not get the machine installed in one day. Wiggers van Kerchem
invite a local printer to meet and together they underestimate Hooij.
161a – from private collections, with the Contra Mark printed in the lower right corner opposite.
All banknotes issued by the De Javasche Bank in the Dutch East Indies during the period 1864 to 1931
and printed by Johan Enschede en Zonen, bringing counter-sign, printed in the lower right corner or
lower center of the opposite. A code that is printed in black on the cap ellipse with a triangular shape
pointing outwards and have up to 5 numbers. Countries lower denomination notes issued during this
period does not have this mark.

Collectors who are familiar with the Dutch East Indies paper money from
This period may be aware that there is a relationship between the date of issuance and cons
the sign. Although it looks like a date then the higher the score, in reality this is not always
the case.
In order to determine the proper application of the mark cons, I gather more information about
than 150 records starting from 1864 to 1931. When setting up and organizing all relevant information
such as date, serial number and the cons, I observed the following:
– One of the unique sign of a counter is always connected to only one specific date of issue
– One of the specified date there are problems with different security code, but the security code that is close
together
– When a record is more of the same problem occurs with the same date and security code, the record has
combinations of the same character in the serial number
– When the date occurs with more than one mark each sign cons cons unique place with different
combinations of characters in the serial number of a specific problem or a sign of a counter connected to the
other denominations issued
– Many have missed the date, there are many days or weeks gap between one and the subsequent counter-sign
– Note the different denominations issued on the same date with different sign cons
– It seems that a range of sequence numbers is used to sign a counter that includes all the notes issued
from the entire period
– There are some exceptions in which the later date has a number of counter low marks
– No combination of different character serial number of a particular denomination with
same counter-sign.
– Changes from 4 to 5 digits occur in the course of 1918
– Note EXAMPLE frequently have signs that are not suitable to deviate counter the usual sequential increase
counter-sign and date.
Clearly, the Bank managed the Netherlands will keep detailed records of the security code and
dates and serial numbers of all paper money issued. It is unknown whether this note De Javasche
Banks still exist in archives somewhere today, although there are rumors that this record is still
present in the archives of Bank Indonesia in Jakarta.
Based on the “Note by PJ Soetens, former conservator DNB (De Nederlandsche Bank), the archive
Geldmuseum, Utrecht, The Netherlands “, I conclude that the Bank used the sign of De Javasche cons
number to identify a separate batch of unfinished bills are transported between
various departments, where they were printed with the serial number and signature, and finally
stored in a vault teller before circulation
Archives of Enschede Museum contains many original orders, production records,
delivery of information and also letters from Batavia where Javasche Bank confirms receipt
shipments. The author makes an overview of all this data and be able to specify the exact amount of
issued notes for each date of issuance. The number of issued notes mentioned in the summary below
should be regarded as a minimum. There is strong evidence that these figures actually incurred.
Although it is possible that more records were published, the opportunity – while there is no distinct
detailed records mention them – very small.
Here is an overview of the different banknotes and their varieties are printed in Johan
Enschede en Zonen in Haarlem, the Netherlands which will be issued by the De Javasche Bank in Batavia,
Dutch East Indies. Although there are rumors about another date of issue and signature combinations,
Overview below lists only those banknotes and varieties that writers have sufficient evidence that
they actually exist.
Java Auction Catalog (7), Cookies (15) and Mevius (16) mentions Van Duyn as a signatory, but
no one by that name is part of the board of DJB during the period. It seems that the signature
of H.P.J. van den Berg (Secretary of 19/10/1893 – 17/01/1899) has been mistaken as it looks like
Van Duyn. H.P.J. van den Berg, brother of the past president of the Bank Javasche NP van den Berg,
appointed as successor to President Groeneveld is on January 17, 1899, but died on February 9, 1899
in Nice, before actually starting his new position.

 

__________________________________________________________________

5 Gulden

 

 

1 Oktober 1866
issued : 100,000

10 Gulden

 

 

1 Februari 1864
issued : 350.000

25 Gulden

 

1 Agustus 1864
issued : 120.000

__________________________________________________________________________

50 Gulden

 

 

174 – 1 September 1864
withdrawed l 1872 becaus e too many counterfiet circulated
issued : 40.000
__________________________________________________________________________

100 Gulden

 

 

1 Maret 1864
issued : 60.000

__________________________________________________________________________
200 Gulden

 

 

 

1 Januari 1864
issued : 16,010
Watermark: “JAV BANK.” and two  “200”  __________________________________________________________________________

300 Gulden

 

 

193 – 2 Mei 1864
issued : 6.000

500 Gulden


197 – 1 Juni 1864
197c – koleksi Museum Enschede (BB2140 28/13)

198 – 1 Juni 1872

 

issued : 2.000

1000 Gulden

 

 

 

1 Juli 1864
issued : 14,998

1871

Sumatra Treaty in 1871

marked a new Babakan in the Dutch Colonial government’s ambition to dominate the region of Sumatra. After the Padri War in West sumatra complation. Tapanuli be the next target. Since the Aceh War, most of the area occupied by the army Tapanuli Colonial Occupation. The Dutch also began to put controller in Balige,Tarutung and Sipoholon

1877

A boom occurred in the international trade activity with Europe and the increase of shipping led to the construction of a new harbor at Tanjung Priok between 1877 and 1883. In 1886, the Tanjung Priok Station connected the harbor with the city of Batavia.[19]

 

 

 

 

 

 

1880

Banten

 

Anyer in 1880 

 

1881

Gradually, the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connected to Cicurug in 1881,

 

 

 

 

 

1882

 

, the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connected to Sukabumi in 1882,

1882

Following 1882, the horse-tram lines were reconstructed into steamtram lines.[21][dead link] The electric train that commenced operating in 1899 was the first ever electric train in the Kingdom of Netherlands.

 

1882


Di bawah ini beberapa nama bupati di daerah(the regent Of)  Priangan,yakni:

1. Bupati Sumedang XV (1882-1918), sewaktu kecil dipanggil Aom Sadeli, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Pangeran Aria Suriaatmaja, dan setelah wafat dijuluki Pangeran Mekah karena ia wafat di Mekah sewaktu menunaikan obadah haji.

2. Bupati Bandung X (1893-1918), sewaktu muda diberi nama Kusumaningrat, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Raden Adipati Aria Martanegara, dan setelah pensiun hingga wafat digelari Kangjeng Burujul karena setelah pensiun ia tinggal di desa Burujul, Sumedang.

3. Bupati Cianjur IX (1834-1862), sewaktu kecil dipanggil Aom Hasan, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Dalem Pancaniti karena selama menjadi bupati ia lebih senang tinggal di paviliyun kabupaten yang biasa disebut pancaniti dari pada tinggal dibangunan utama kabupaten.

4. Bupati Limbangan yang memerintah antara tahun 1836-1871, sewaktu kecil dipanggil Aom Jenon, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal dengan nama Tumenggung Jayaningrat, dan setelah naik pangkat menjadi Raden Adipati Wiratanuningrat VII. Setelah pensiun dan wafat dikenal sebagai Dalem Sepuh (Bupati Tua).

5. Bupati Sukapura yang memerintah antara tahun 1855-1975, sewaktu kecil dipanggil Raden Tanuwangsa, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Tumenggung Wiratanubaya, setelah naik pangkat menjadi Raden Adipati Wiradadaha. Setelah wafat dikenal sebagai Dalem Bogor karena ia dibuang ke Bogor oleh Pemerintah Hindia Belanda akibat dianggap kurang loyal.

Ada beberapa yang mendapat julukan Dalem Bintang karena mereka mendapat tanda jasa berupa gouden ster Nederlandsche-Leeuw (bintang mas singa Belanda), misalnya RAA. Wiranatakusumah IV  Bupati Bandung (1846-1874), R. Adipati Wirahadiningrat Bupati Sukapura (1874-1904).

1883

In 1883,

the Dutch Indies Telephone Company was established in Batavia.[19]

1883

the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connected  to Cianjur in 1883,

 

1884

then the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connectedto Bandung in 1884—Batavia had become connected to Bandung. With the opening of the railway section, Tasikmalaya-Maos, on November 1, 1894, Batavia was also connected with Surabaya by railway.[19][20]

 

1884

 

 

The development occurred after the Bandung railway transport operations to and from the city since 1884.

Because the city of Bandung serves as a center of railroad transportation “West Lin”, it has encouraged the development of life in the city of Bandung with the increase in population from year to year.

At the end of the 19th century, the population of the European group number has reached thousands of people and demands an autonomous institution that can take care of their interests. Meanwhile the central government realized the failure of centralized government system following the implementation of its impact. Therefore, the government arrive at a policy to replace the system of government with a system of decentralization, decentralization not only in finance, but also decentralization in the field of government granting autonomy (zelfbestuur)

 

In this case, the government of Bandung regency under the leadership of Regent RAA Martanagara (1893-1918) welcomed the idea of ​​the colonial government. Ongoing autonomous government in Bandung, means the district gets a special budget fund from the previous colonial government did not exist.

 

1888

 

Sultan Siak beserta Dewan Menteri serta Kadi Siak tahun 1888

Kota Pekanbaru adalah ibu kota dan kota terbesar di provinsi Riau, Indonesia. Kota ini merupakan kota perdagangan dan jasa,[2] termasuk sebagai kota dengan tingkat pertumbuhan, migrasi dan urbanisasi yang tinggi.[3]

Pekanbaru mempunyai satu bandar udara internasional, yaitu Bandar Udara Sultan Syarif Kasim II,dan terminal bus terminal antar kota dan antar provinsi Bandar Raya Payung Sekaki, serta dua pelabuhan di Sungai Siak, yaitu Pelita Pantai dan Sungai Duku.

Saat ini Kota Pekanbaru sedang berkembang pesat menjadi kota dagang yang multi-etnik, keberagaman ini telah menjadi modal sosial dalam mencapai kepentingan bersama untuk dimanfaatkan bagi kesejahteraan masyarakatnya.[4]

Perkembangan kota ini pada awalnya tidak terlepas dari fungsi Sungai Siak sebagai sarana transportasi dalam mendistribusikan hasil bumi dari pedalaman dan dataran tinggi Minangkabau ke wilayah pesisir Selat Malaka. Pada abad ke-18, wilayah Senapelan di tepi Sungai Siak, menjadi pasar (pekan) bagi para pedagang dari dataran tinggi Minangkabau.[5] Seiring dengan berjalannya waktu, daerah ini berkembang menjadi tempat pemukiman yang ramai. Pada tanggal 23 Juni 1784, berdasarkan musyawarah “Dewan Menteri” dari Kesultanan Siak, yang terdiri dari datuk empat suku Minangkabau (Pesisir, Limapuluh, Tanah Datar, dan Kampar), kawasan ini dinamai dengan Pekanbaru, dan dikemudian hari diperingati sebagai hari jadi kota ini.[6][7]

Berdasarkan Besluit van Het Inlandsch Zelfbestuur van Siak No.1 tanggal 19 Oktober 1919, Pekanbaru menjadi bagian distrik dari Kesultanan Siak. Namun pada tahun 1931, Pekanbaru dimasukkan ke dalam wilayah Kampar Kiri yang dikepalai oleh seorang controleur yang berkedudukan di Pekanbaru dan berstatus landschap sampai tahun 1940. Kemudian menjadi ibukota Onderafdeling Kampar Kiri sampai tahun 1942.[8] Setelah pendudukan Jepang pada tanggal 8 Maret 1942, Pekanbaru dikepalai oleh seorang gubernur militer yang disebut gokung.

Selepas kemerdekaan Indonesia, berdasarkan Ketetapan Gubernur Sumatera di Medan tanggal 17 Mei 1946 Nomor 103, Pekanbaru dijadikan daerah otonom yang disebut Haminte atau Kotapraja.[7] Kemudian pada tanggal 19 Maret 1956, berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 8 Tahun 1956 Republik Indonesia, Pekanbaru (Pakanbaru) menjadi daerah otonom kota kecil dalam lingkungan Provinsi Sumatera Tengah.[9] Selanjutnya sejak tanggal 9 Agustus 1957 berdasarkan Undang-undang Darurat Nomor 19 Tahun 1957 Republik Indonesia, Pekanbaru masuk ke dalam wilayah Provinsi Riau yang baru terbentuk.[10] Kota Pekanbaru resmi menjadi ibu kota Provinsi Riau pada tanggal 20 Januari 1959 berdasarkan Kepmendagri nomor Desember 52/I/44-25[7] sebelumnya yang menjadi ibu kota adalah Tanjungpinang[11] (kini menjadi ibu kota Provinsi Kepulauan Riau).

1889

 

Sultan Assyaidisyarif Hasyim Abdul Jalil Syaifuddin

Raja Kesultanan Siak Sri Inderapura

Kesultanan ini adalah sebuah Kerajaan Melayu Islam

 

 

Istana Siak berdiri megah, sebagai pusat kerajaan

 

Balai Kerapatan Tinggi, kweajjan Siak Sri Indrapura


” Istana Matahari Timur ” atau disebut juga Asserayah Hasyimiah atau ini dibangun oleh Sultan Syarif Hasyim Abdul Jalil Syaifuddin pada tahun 1889 oleh arsitek berkebangsaan Jerman.

Arsitektur bangunan merupakan gabungan antara arsitektur Melayu, Arab, Eropa.

Bangunan ini terdiri dari dua lantai. Lantai bawah dibagi menjadi enam ruangan sidang: Ruang tunggu para tamu, ruang tamu kehormatan, ruang tamu laki-laki, ruang tamu untuk perempuan, satu ruangan disamping kanan adalah ruang sidang kerajaan, juga digunakan untuk ruang pesta. Lantai atas terbagi menjadi sembilan ruangan, berfungsi untuk istirahat Sultan serta para tamu Istana.

1893

Banguna Istana Siak bersejarah tersebut selesai pada tahun 1893. Pada dinding istana dihiasi dengan keramik khusus didatangkan buatan Prancis.

 

Beberapa koleksi benda antik Istana, kini disimpan Museum Nasional Jakarta, Istananya sendiri menyimpan duplikat dari koleksi tersebut.

Diantara koleksi benda antik Istana Siak adalah: Keramik dari Cina, Eropa, Kursi-kursi kristal dibuat tahun 1896, Patung perunggu Ratu Wihemina merupakan hadiah Kerajaan Belanda, patung pualam Sultan Syarim Hasim I bermata berlian dibuat pada tahun 1889, perkakas seperti sendok, piring, gelas-cangkir berlambangkan Kerajaan Siak masih terdapat dalam Istana.

Dipuncak bangunan terdapat enam patung burung elang sebagai lambang keberanian Istana. Sekitar istana masih dapat dilihat delapan meriam menyebar ke berbagai sisi-sisi halaman istana, disebelah kiri belakang Istana terdapat bangunan kecil sebagai penjara sementara.

Beberapa bangunan sejarah lainnya tak hanya Istana Siak dapat juga dilihat sekitar bangunan:

Jembatan Siak
Jembatan Istana Siak berada sekitar 100 meter disebelah Tenggara kompleks Istana Siak Sri Indrapura. Jembatan tersebut berangka tahun 1899. Dibawah jembatan istana terdapat sungai (parit), diduga dulu sekaligus sebagai parit pertahanan kompleks istana.

 

 

Balai Kerapatan

Balai Kerapatan Tinggi Siak pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Assyaidisyarif Hasyim Abdul Jalil Syaifuddin pada tahun 1889. Bangunan istana menghadap kearah sungai (selatan). Tangga masuk bangunan terbuat dari beton. Balai Kerapatan tinggi Siak dahulu berfungsi sebagai tempat pertemuan (sidang) Sultan dengan Panglima-panglimanya.

Bangunan bertingkat 2, denah persegi 4, berukuran 30, 8 X 30, 2 m dengan tiang utama berupa pilar berbentuk silinder. Lantai bawah bangunan terdiri dari 7 ruang dan lantai atas 3 ruang.

Masjid Syahabuddin
Merupakan masjid Kerajaan Siak, dibangun pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Kasim I. Masjid berdenah 21, 6 X 18, 5 m. Bangunan masjid telah berkali-kali mengalami perbaikan tetapi masih mempertahankan bentuk aslinya.

Makam Sultan Kasim II
Terletak dibelakang masjid Syahabuddin, dimakamkan Sultan Kasim II (Sultan terakhir mangkat pada 23 April 1968. Jirat makam sultan berbentuk 4 undak dari tegel dan marmer berukuran panjang 305 cm. Lebar 153 cm. Dan tinggi 110 m. Nisannya dari kayu berukir motif suluran –suluran. Bentuknya bulat silinder bersudut 8 dengan diameter 26 cm dan kelopak bunga teratai.

Lokasi

Kabupaten Siak, memiliki beberapa bangunan megah bersejarah, sekarang difungsikan sebagai perkantoran, rumah tinggal, penginapan, toko oleh penduduk Siak. Salah satunya adalah peninggalan termasyur dengan bagunan bercirikan arsitektur gabungan antara Melayu, Arab, plus Eropa, yaitu Istana Siak Sri Indrapura.

Sepanjang perkembangan sejarah bangsa Indonesia, telah banyak meninggalkan sisa-sisa kehidupan pemberi corak khas pada kebudayaan bangsa di Siak, salah satunya adalah Istana Siak Sri Indrapura menjadi salah obyek wisata Riau.

Untuk dapat melihat Bangunan b rijn to that position by decree of August 21, 1889. Zeverijn was forced because of illness to leave for Europe on March 1, 1893 where he died on December 13, 1893.angunan Melayu zaman/tempo dulu dijuluki juga sebagai ‘Istana Matahari Timur’, jarak tempuh dari sebelah timur Pekanbaru mencapai empat jam perjalanan melalui sungai hingga menuju Kabupaten Siak Sri Indrapura.

 

 

 

Sumber http://www.pekanbaruriau.com

 

 

1889

1889

04/12/1889 – 19/09/1893 S.B. Zeverijn
Altough the board recommended Buijskes to become the next President, the Governor General appointed S. B .Zeve

 

 

1850

The second reform happen again when a Mujahid returned from Mecca. Haji Ismail Tuanku Simabur later, bringing the teachings Naksabandi. The traditional clergy clerics forbid adherents Syattari
Naksabandi be priests, even teaching at the existing mosque. Followers lord Simabur create a new mosque. Cleric Syattari kemampanannya annoyed.
The prince felt violated customary law. Because according to custom rules, there may only be one of the mosques in villages. Burning of mosques and a war ensued between the followers of the bersiteru stone.
Dutch government to intervene. Followers Naqsabandi mosque established himself justified. Customary provisions that set one of the villages may only have one mosque is no longer valid. Life in the villages is no longer entirely in the hands of the prince. Dutch government appoint someone to head villages with names Penghulu Head office. He was not elected at a meeting of the princes in the hall and also of one of the prince.
Religious affairs since from various wedding ceremonies come to a matter for scholars. Then the prince of the power stayed on socio-cultural issues. In the meantime, cities are built.
Economic resources in society anymore only communal agricultural sector under the authority of the prince, but also the service sector and individual trade. The schools were built to meet the needs of the labor office.
Since then, the three-pronged orientation. A few years later in the course of time, the prince began to feel lost much of its role.
Because rivaled by scholars and then by school groups, the prince of building new institutions in their respective villages, consisting of ninik mamak, scholars and intellectuals. This institution is called ‘Furnace tigo
sajarangan ‘. However, no clear division of labor.
Changes to be decided by the scholars of religious law. Changes in government regulations nagari decided by the government. So the prince task so as shadow government power

Original info

terjadi lagi reformasi kedua ketika seorang mujahid pulang dari Mekkah. Yaitu Haji Ismail yang kemudian bergelar Tuanku Simabur, membawa ajaran Naksabandi. Ulama tradisional penganut Syattari melarang ulama
Naksabandi jadi imam, bahkan mengajar di mesjid yang ada. Pengikut Tuanku Simabur membuat mesjid baru. Ulama Syattari merasa terganggu kemampanannya.

Para penghulu merasa hukum adat terlanggar. Karena menurut aturan adat, hanya boleh ada satu mesjid dalam satu nagari. Terjadilah pembakaran mesjid dan perang batu antara pengikut yang bersiteru.

Pemerintah Belanda turun tangan. Pengikut Naqsabandi dibenarkan mendirikan mesjid sendiri. Ketentuan adat yang menetapkan satu satu nagari hanya boleh punya satu mesjid tidak berlaku lagi. Kehidupan dalam nagari tidak lagi sepenuhnya berada di tangan penghulu. Pemerintahan Belanda mengangkat seseorang menjadi pimpinan nagari dengan nama jabatan Penghulu Kepala. Dia itu bukan dipilih dalam rapat para penghulu di balairung dan tidak pula dari salah seorang penghulu.

Urusan keagamaan sejak dari berbagai upacara ritual sampai pada pernikahan menjadi urusan ulama. Maka kekuasaan penghulu tinggal pada masalah sosial-budaya. Dalam pada itu kota-kota dibangun.

Sumber ekonomi masyarakat lagi hanya pada sektor agraris komunal di bawah kuasa penghulu, melainkan juga sektor jasa dan dagang yang individual. Sekolah-sekolah pun dibangun untuk memenuhi keperluan tenaga kerja kantoran.
Semenjak itu orientasi masyarakat bercabang tiga. Beberapa tahun kemudian dalam perjalanan waktu, para penghulu yang mulai merasa kehilangan banyak perannya.

Karena disaingi oleh ulama dan kemudian oleh golongan sekolahan, para penghulu membangun institusi baru pada masing-masing nagari, yang terdiri dari ninik mamak, alim ulama dan cerdik pandai. Institusi ini dinamakan ‘Tungku tigo
sajarangan’. Namun pembagian kerja tidak jelas.

Perubahan terhadap hukum agama diputuskan oleh ulama. Perubahan aturan pemerintahan nagari diputuskan oleh pemerintah. Sehingga tugas penghulu seolah jadi bayang-bayang kekuasaan pemerintah.

.

Sultan bagagaryah Official stamped

 

 

 

1851

RADIN INTEN II
Lahir : Lampung, 1834
Wafat : Lampung, 5 Oktober 1858

 

SEJAK Radin Inten II dinobatkan sebagai raja di Negara Ratu (Lampung) ia selalu menentang pemerintahan Belanda yang waktu itu telah menguasai sebagian lampung.

Tahun 1851, Belanda melakukan serangan ke Negara Ratu, tetapi dapat digagalkan.

Kemudian Belanda dan Radin Inten membuat perjanjian damai yang isinya antara lain Belanda mengakui kedaulatan Negara Ratu, sedangkan Radin Inten mengakui pula daerah-daerah kekuasaan Belanda. Ternyata upaya ini hanya merupakan taktik Belanda belaka untuk menyusun kekuatan.

 

1851

Batavia

By the end of 1853, the first exhibition of agricultural products and native arts and crafts was held in Batavia.(wiki)

1852

 

Johan Willem Binkes (Bolsward, 13 mei 1828Den Haag, 29 maart 1891)

was een Nederlands vice-admiraal, commandant der Zeemacht in Oost-Indië en ridder en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Binkes werd opgeleid aan het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine te Medemblik. Hij werd in oktober 1847 geplaatst aan boord van Z.M. fregat Prins van Oranje, dat een kruistocht naar het noordelijk deel van de Atlantische Oceaan maakte en twee reizen naar West-Indië, waarna Binkes, inmiddels bevorderd tot luitenant ter zee 2e klasse in oktober 1852 met Z.M. schoenerbrik Lancier naar Oost-Indië vertrok. Gedurende de daarop volgende expeditie tegen Timor en tijdens de kruistochten tegen zeerovers bij de eilanden ten oosten van Java onderscheidde Binkes zich op zodanige wijze dat hij eervol vermeld werd

1852

 

Hendrik Brinkgreve (Deventer, 1827Zaltbommel, 20 januari 1870)

was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Brinkgreve werd op 30 april 1852 vanuit de rang van sergeant-majoor bij het regiment grenadiers en jagers benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij de infanterie van het leger in Oost-Indië. Hij vertrok op 28 augustus 1852 met een detachement suppletietroepen, onder begeleiding van eerste luitenant G. Fretzen, en met als medebegeleiders de tweede luitenants der infanterie Brinkgreve, Meijer en tweede luitenant der artillerie A. Heijligers, met het fregatschip Delft naar Indië.

1853

 

Charles Pierre Schimpf (Sint-Omaars, 13 februari 1813‘s-Gravenhage, 31 december 1886) was een Nederlands generaal, van 1855 tot 1859 gouverneur van Suriname en van 1862 tot 1865 commandant van het Nederlands Indisch leger. Schimpf begon zijn loopbaan in 1827 als soldaat bij de infanterie van het Nederlandse leger en werd in 1830 bevorderd tot tweede luitenant. In 1831 wist hij als krijgsgevangene te ontvluchten uit Bergen in Henegouwen en werd vervolgens bij de 14de afdeling infanterie geplaatst. In 1836 naar Nederlands-Indië vertrokken, werd hij in 1837 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, in 1840 tot kapitein, in 1845 toegevoegd aan de Balische expeditie, om daarbij dienst te verrichten als chef van de staf, in 1848 tot majoor, in 1850 tot sous-chef van den Generale Staf, in 1851 tot luitenant-kolonel, in 1853 tot Kolonel-chef van den Generale Staf.

 

1853

 

Hendrik Willem van Oijen (naam wordt ook wel gespeld als Van Oyen) (1819Den Haag, 10 april 1866) was een Nederlands majoor der infanterie van het Indische leger en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde, bezitter van de Eresabel. Van Oijen werd op 15 mei 1845 vanuit de rang van sergeant-majoor bij het dertiende bataljon benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het tweede bataljon. Hij verkreeg in december 1849 een tweejarig verlof naar Nederland; Van Oijen werd op 18 juni 1851 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en vertrok in mei 1852 per Elisabeth naar Europa, waar hij bij Koninklijk Besluit van 15 december 1852 nummer 42 werd benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde voor zijn verrichtingen tijdens de expedities naar de Palembangse Bovenlanden in 1851. Hij keerde begin 1854 in Indië terug, werd weer geplaatst bij de infanterie (april van dat jaar) en op 5 maart 1855 bevorderd tot kapitein.

1855

 

Johannes Cornelis Hamakers (Middelburg, 2 mei 1826Enkhuizen, 24 mei 1882) was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger, burgemeester van Venhuizen en Hem, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. Hamakers werd op 20 december 1850 vanuit de rang van sergeant-majoor benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het eerste bataljon. Op 2 augustus 1853 werd hij overgeplaatst van het garnizoensbataljon in de eerste militaire afdeling bij het achtste bataljon, en op 5 maart 1855 volgde zijn bevordering tot eerste luitenant.

 

1855

 

Leon Hendrik Mattheus Genet (Nijmegen, 19 mei 1840Den Haag, 7 februari 1902) was een Nederlandse kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Genet werd op 25 december 1862 vanuit de rang van sergeant bij het regiment grenadiers en jagers benoemd tot tweede luitenant. Hij ging in 1863 over tot het Indische leger en werd op 9 oktober 1864, na aankomst in Indië, geplaatst bij het veertiende bataljon. Genet werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 13 september 1867 nummer 94 eervol vermeld voor zijn verrichtingen tijdens de gevechten op het eiland Ceram in de maanden oktober en november 1865 en januari en februari 1866.

1856

Tahun 1856, Belanda kembali melancarkan serangan secara besar-besaran ke Negara Ratu dan Berhasil menguasai beberapa Benteng pertahanan Radin Inten.

Namun Radin Inten tidak berhasil ditangkap oleh Belanda. Secara licik kemudian Belanda berhasil mengajak kerjasama Radin Ngerapat untuk menjebak Radin Inten II.

 

 

1857

 

Abraham Faure Beeckman (Voorst, 20 maart 1831Nijmegen, 7 januari 1908) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse, bezitter van de eresabel. Beeckman, zoon van predikant Abraham Faure Beeckman, trad op 24 oktober 1846, op 15-jarige leeftijd, te Harderwijk in dienst, werd in 1851 benoemd tot tweede luitenant en op 2 maart 1857 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij de garnizoenscompagnie in de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling, waar hij de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo meemaakte. Pengaron door 45 infanteristen onder eerste luitenant Beeckman bezet, was door de vijand ingesloten; Marabahan, waar eerste luitenant Bangert het bevel voerde als commandant, werd bedreigd, Kalangan was uitgemoord (28 april); een zestal Europese mijnbeambten te Goening Djabok, en ook te Tabanio de posthouder (Mauritz) afgemaakt.

 

1857

 

Adriaan Jan Jacob Leonard Prinsen (1831Beek, 2 juli 1880) was een Nederlandse kapitein van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Prinsen werd bij besluit van 14 maart 1854 als cadet benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het achtste regiment, werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 30 september 1857 nummer 97 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, gedetacheerd bij het Indische leger en vertrok op 31 december 1857 aan boord van het fregatschip Graaf van Heiden Reinestein met een detachement suppletietroepen van 133 militairen naar Oost-Indië.

 

 

1857

 

Aegidius Luymes (Harderwijk, 27 september 1834Den Haag, 25 november 1918) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der infanterie van het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Luymes meldde zich aan bij het instructiebataljon in Kampen en vertrok op 19-jarige leeftijd in de rang van sergeant naar Nederlands-Indië, waar hij 2 jaar later (april 1855) werd bevorderd tot tweede luitenant bij het zevende bataljon en overgeplaatst bij het eerste. Hij nam deel aan verschillende krijgsverrichtingen, onder meer aan de expeditie naar Timor in 1857. Hij kwam daar aan per Barend Willem met een detachement van 29 Europeanen, als medecommandant van de tweede compagnie van het tiende bataljon; andere commandanten waren de tweede luitenants Haus en Mekern. Een detachement Afrikanen van het zevende bataljon infanterie stond onder bevel van luitenant Munters en verder namen 31 artilleristen deel onder tweede luitenant Coblijn.

 

1858

Pada 25 September 1858,

Belanda melakukan serangan ke Jambi.

Meskipun berhasil menenggelamkan kapal-kapal Belanda, tetapi Sultan Thaha tidak mampu mempertahankan istananya dan menyingkir ke pedalaman.

Sejak itu, Sultan melakukan perlawanan secara gerilya dan membeli senjata dari pedagang-pedagang Inggris

Tanggal 5 Oktober 1858

, Radin Ngerapat berpura-pura mengajak Radin Inten II ke suatu tempat.

Tanpa diketahui Radin Inten, tempat tersebut ternyata sudah dikepung pasukan Belanda yang telah bersiap untuk melakukan penyergapan.

 

Radin Inten tetap memberikan perlawanan, namun karena pertempuran tidak seimbang hingga akhirnya ia harus tewas saat itu juga.

Gugurnya Radin Inten II adalah akhir dari perjuangan rakyat Negara Ratu atau Lampung dalam memerangi Belanda.

 

1858

 

Karel Willem Hendrik de Coenens (Maastricht, 23 september 1832Semarang, augustus 1878) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. De Coenens volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 20 juli 1852 benoemd tot tweede luitenant, bestemd voor het Indische leger. Hij vertrok op 6 november van dat jaar met een detachement suppletietroepen van 150 onderofficieren en manschappen aan boord van het barkschip Nijverheid om naar Java te worden overgevoerd. Aldaar werd hij in oktober 1855 tijdelijk bij het korps sappeurs gedetacheerd en op 1 september 1856 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het zevende bataljon te Meester Cornelis. De Coenens werd in maart 1858 overgeplaatst bij het dertiende bataljon en nam hiermee deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

1859

 

Jonkheer Jan Marie Clifford Kocq van Breugel (26 november 1833Semarang, 10 augustus 1886) was een Nederlands luitenant ter zee eerste klasse, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Clifford Kocq van Breugel werd per 1 september 1854 benoemd tot adelborst eerste klasse aan de Koninklijke Academie voor de Zee- en Landmacht. In deze rang deed hij een West-Indische reis met Zr. Ms. fregat Prins Alexander der Nederlanden in 1856. Hij werd op 7 december van datzelfde jaar bevorderd tot luitenant ter zee 2de klasse en was in april 1859 commandant van Zr. Ms. kanonneerboot nummer 14, dienstdoende wachtschip te Semarang; hij nam in juni 1859 deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

 

1859

 

Geert Kromkamp (Smilde, 18 september 1834Amsterdam, 11 januari 1895) was een Nederlands sergeant, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Kromkamp vertrok op 25 april 1859 in de rang van korporaal bij het Indische leger op expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo; deze expeditie was uitgezonden om een onderzoek in te stellen naar directeur van Weinmalen van de steenkolenmijn te Kalangan, boven Martapoera, die daar met een aantal Europeanen (52 man) was vermoord. Bij een verkenning van de vijandelijke versterking bij Soengi Alang, die geschiedde door eerste luitenant van Schendel en Kromkamp, die zich daarvoor hadden aangeboden, redde Kromkamp op die dag twee keer het leven van de luitenant.

 

1859

 

Charles Jean Riesz (Delft, 19 november 1822Semarang, 3 januari 1873) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Riesz volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 15 juli 1843 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het vijfde regiment infanterie. Hij vertrok in november 1848 met de Hendrika en een detachement van 200 onderofficieren en manschappen naar Indië en werd op 20 december 1850 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het eerste bataljon. Hij werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 21 oktober 1854 nummer 103 eervol vermeld voor zijn verrichtingen tijdens de expeditie naar de westerafdeling van Borneo van maart tot juli 1853. Riesz werd op 5 maart 1855 bevorderd tot kapitein en verkreeg in december van dat jaar een verlof van twee jaar naar Nederland wegens ziekte, waarheen hij vertrok per Koning Willem II; in juni 1857 keerde hij per Europa terug naar Indië en werd het jaar daarop geplaatst bij het dertiende bataljon infanterie, waarmee hij deelnam aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo in 1859.

 

1859

 

Charles Louis Saint Aubin Martin (Charles) de Roy van Zuydewijn (Breda, 8 december 1825 – Aan boord van de SS Holland, 22 augustus 1876) was een Nederlandse generaal, ridder en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde. De Roy van Zuijdewijn volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd in augustus 1845 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het zevende regiment infanterie. Hij nam, in de rang van kapitein en chef van de staf, eerst onder kolonel Andresen en later onder luitenant-kolonel Verspyck, deel aan de expeditie naar Banjermasin, Borneo, in 1859

1859

 

Johan Philip Ermeling (Zelhem, 21 januari 1831Buitenzorg, 5 januari 1921) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der genie van het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Ermeling volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 19 juli 1850 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der genie bij het Indische leger; hij vertrok in november van dat jaar naar Indië, waar hij op 11 maart 1851 te Batavia voet aan wal zette. Als jong officier bouwde hij het noordelijke gedeelte van het militaire kampement te Meester Cornelis en de Beronlaan. Na met nog enige andere belangrijke bouwwerken belast geweest te zijn nam hij in 1859 deel aan de eerste expeditie naar Boni; hier zag hij bij het debarkement onder het vijandelijke vuur over welke ondoelmatige vlotten de artillerie beschikte. Hij ontwierp later de bekend geworden drijvervlotten, die bij de tweede expeditie naar Atjeh en later goede diensten bewezen. Kort voor het einde van eerst genoemde expeditie werd hij wegens ziekte geëvacueerd.

 

1859

 

Victor Lodewijk Reuter

(Bandung, 21 augustus 1834Den Haag, 9 oktober 1907)

was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Reuter werd op 8 augustus 1853 in Indië vanuit de rang van fourier benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het veertiende bataljon en in december 1854 overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon in de derde militaire afdeling. Hij werd op 17 februari 1858 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het garnizoensbataljon in de westerafdeling van Borneo en in december van dat jaar geplaatst bij het negende bataljon.

Hij nam vanaf het begin in 1859 deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

 

 

1860

 

Otto Heinrich Julius Muller von Czernicki (Ngawi (Java), 28 oktober 1834Wageningen, 16 april 1907) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Muller von Czernicki trad op nog geen 16-jarige leeftijd als volontair in dienst bij het zesde bataljon infanterie; hij doorliep achtereenvolgens de rangen van korporaal, fourier en sergeant-majoor en werd in oktober 1854 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het elfde bataljon. In deze rang nam hij deel aan de expeditie naar de Lampongse districten in 1856 en werd op 4 september 1858 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant. Hij werd op 17 oktober 1860 overgeplaatst bij het dertiende bataljon van het garnizoensbataljon in de Lampongse districten.

1860

Batavia

In 1860, the Willem III school was opened.

(wiki)

1861

 

Willem George August Lochmann van Bennekom (Doorn, 18 juni 1828 – St. Gilles (Brussel), 3 maart 1901) was een Nederlands kolonel der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. Van Bennekom werd op 28 augustus 1854 in de rang van tweede luitenant benoemd tot adjudant bij het garnizoensbataljon aan Sumatra’s Westkust; uit deze functie werd hij op 3 april 1857 weer ontslagen en overgeplaatst bij het zestiende bataljon. Hij werd op 14 juni 1858 in de rang van eerste luitenant overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon aan Sumatra’s Westkust en Onderhorigheden, teruggeplaatst bij het zestiende op 28 april 1860 en bevorderd tot kapitein op 14 april 1860, overgeplaatst bij het zesde bataljon op 18 september 1861 (en trouwde dat jaar met de dochter van kolonel Andresen). Van Bennekom nam in 1862 deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

 

1861

 

Willem Adriaan Coblijn (1836Voorburg, 5 december 1904) was een Nederlands kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Coblijn meldde zich aan bij het Instructiebataljon te Kampen en werd op 20 december 1858 vanuit de rang van sergeant bij het tweede regiment benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het zevende. Hij vertrok in juni 1860 met de Amsterdam naar Indië als medebegeleider van een detachement suppletietroepen van 125 man, alwaar hij bij het vijftiende bataljon werd geplaatst. Het jaar daarop werd hij overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon van Sumatra’s Westkust en Onderhorigheden en in november 1861 benoemd tot eerste luitenant bij het vijftiende bataljon.

 

1862

 

Martinus Johannes Cornelis Lucardie (Den Helder, 9 juni 1841Den Haag, 12 april 1912) was een Nederlands schout-bij-nacht der Marine en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Lucardie volgde de maritieme opleiding te Medemblik aan het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine en werd in 1861 als adelborst eerste klasse geplaatst op Zr. Ms. fregat met stoomvermogen Zeeland, dat op 23 juni 1861 naar West-Indië voer. De bodem stevende eerst naar de Mesapeate-baai, van waar via Washington naar Curaçao werd gevaren en aldaar verenigde het schip zich met het eskader, bestaande uit de Zeeland, Djambi en Vesuvius. In 1862 voer hij op de het stoomschip Djambi naar Curaçao en terug en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 6 oktober 1862 nummer 55 met ingang van 11 oktober van dat jaar bevorderd tot luitenant-ter-zee tweede klasse

1863

 

Cornelis Johannes Marinkelle (Den Helder, 26 april 1839Onrust, 2 mei 1885) was een Nederlands kapitein luitenant-ter-zee, onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Marinkelle werd als adelborst geplaatst op het Marine-Instituut te Medemblik en werd op 1 september 1859 benoemd tot luitenant-ter-zee tweede klasse. Hij nam vervolgens deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo en werd daarna op diverse schepen als commandant geplaatst, onder meer op Zr. Ms. stoomschip Bali (1863) en Zr. Ms. korvet Prins Maurits der Nederlanden (1864).

 

 

 

 

1864

 

Antonius Wilhelmus Hubertus Perelaer (Maastricht, 25 november 1837Soerakarta, 8 november 1893) was een Nederlands kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Perelaer, broer van Michael Théophile Hubert, werd op 18 oktober 1860 vanuit de rang van sergeant benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het tiende bataljon. Hij werd op 16 juli 1863 overgeplaatst van het tiende bij het negende bataljon en op 17 juli 1864 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant; in datzelfde jaar werd hij van het garnizoensbataljon van de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo overgeplaatst bij het tweede bataljon.

1866

 

Dirk Matak Fontein (Ede, 1840Den Haag, 17 maart 1912) was een Nederlands dirigerend officier van gezondheid eerste klasse bij de Koninklijke Nederlandse Marine en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Matak Fontein begon zijn loopbaan als kwekeling op de Rijksschool voor Militaire Geneeskundigen te Utrecht en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 11 juli 1861 (met ingang van 1 augustus) benoemd tot officier van gezondheid derde klasse en direct daarop (11 augustus van dat jaar) geplaatst op Zr. Ms. wachtschip De Rijn. Hij nam op 5 oktober 1861 deel aan de kruistochten van de Prins Maurits der Nederlanden; op 15 mei 1866 onderman hij (als passagier) een reis naar Singapore op het Franse stoomschip Capitole.

 

1866

Ompu Sohahuaoan died in Bakara and built his tomb by King Parlopuk with Si Onom Ompu in Lumban King.

 

This is the first tomb in the Bakara because Sisingamangaraja I to IX are not known to have died where.

 

The King Left Singamangaraja XI died, Patuan Bosar being migrated to the Acehnese.The tomb was demolished by King Si Singamangaraja XII because Bakara attacked the Netherlands. King Si Singamangaraja bones XI brought join fight to the forest, because they do not want the skull of her parents were taken by the Dutch. During the struggle of these bones on Leave in huta Promise Dolok Sanggul then moved again to the Huta Paung.

 

After the time of independence, again on the move at home Soposurung.Approximately 105 years later, the tomb was rebuilt by the family of King Sisingamangaraja and in 1975 the bones of King Sisingamangaraja istrerinya XI and returned to the tomb originally buried in Bakara. King Parlopuk continue to implement Singamangaraja government until the year 1871, ie after dinobatkannya Patuan Bosar as King Sisingamangaraja XII.King Si Singamangaraja XII: Patuan Bosar Ompu title Pulo BatuAlthough the king had died The Singamangaraja XI, Si Onom Ompu not feel something is missing in the government, because the King Parlopuk works pretty well. But when the dry season comes and brings suffering, start the Onom Ompu margondang think to the event. King Parlopukpun they invite to their gondangi martonggo begged him to rain. But the rain did not fall down too.Initially Ompu Pulo Batu gondangi because they would not feel that his brother had been substitute father as king. Finally Ompu Pulo Batu willing to see the pain suffered by society Si Onom Ompu. After the ceremony as it is commonly done, Ompu Pulobatu successfully bring rain. Pulo Ompu Batupun crowned king of The Singamangaraja XII in 1871.1848

Pulo Ompu Stone was born in 1848 from his mother Boru Situmorang. At the time of youth, Ompu Pulo Batu traveled to Aceh, there mingle with merchants from Persia and learn many things. Therefore, when the war against the Dutch, King Si Singamangaraja XII aided by fighters from Aceh, and the stamp / stempelnya use of Arabic and Batak.In 1877

King Si Singamangaraja XII declared war on the Netherlands. Then he runs the war against the Netherlands for 3 decades.

 

 

 

1867

 

Christiaan Antoon Jeekel (Den Haag, 20 mei 1839Leerdam, 7 februari 1885) was een Nederlands zeeofficier, burgemeester, dijkgraaf en oprichter van Jeekel Mijnssen & Co., de voorganger van NV de Glasfabriek Leerdam. Jeekel volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, werd later benoemd tot luitenant ter zee eerste klasse en nam deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo in 1859. Hij verkreeg voor zijn verrichtingen aldaar (de landmacht stond onder leiding van majoor Verspyck) de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse (Koninklijk Besluit van 18 februari 1861). Na nog enige omzwervingen, onder meer naar de westkust van Guinea in 1867 en 1868, gedurende welke tijd hij publicaties het licht deed zien over het Suezkanaal, onze bezittingen op de kust van Guinea en over marine zoölogie vestigde Jeekel zich te Leerdam.

1867


SISINGAMANGARAJA XII
Lahir : Bakkara, Tapanuli, 1849
Wafat : Simsim, 17 Juni 1907

 

NAMA aslinya adalah Patuan Besar Ompu Pulo Batu.

Nama Sisingamangaraja XII baru dipakai pada tahun 1867, setelah ia diangkat menjadi raja menggantikan ayahnya yang mangkat. Sang ayah meninggal akibat serangan penyakit kolera.

 

BVNL BEHORDE VERHUUR NEDERLAND

1865

1865 1903

Sultan Alam Bidar IV

 

The kotogadang man in 1865

 

Tahun 1865 Belanda dirikan sekolah sejenis HIS (Hollandsch Inlandsche School) di Inderapura dengan tujuan melumpuhkan Islam (de-Islamisasi), rakyat tahu niat jahat itu, lalu ditutup.

Referensi
A.A. Navis,
1984 Alam Takambang Jadi Guru: Jakarta T. Pustaka Grafitipers.
Agus, Yusuf
2001 Sejarah Pesisir Selatan , Jakarta : PT. Arina Yudi
Bruins, B.A.
1936 Laporan ( Memori) Countroleur. Painan: Arsip Nasional
Errens, A.C.F. Van
1931 Memori Cuontroleur. Painan: Arsip Nasional
Marjohan. BS.c,
tt Sejarah Kerajaan Inderapura. Pancung Soal:
Puti Balkis, Alisyabana
1996 Natal: Ranah nan Data. Jakarta : Dian Rakyat
Rusli, Amran
1985 Sumatera Barat Hingga Plakat Panjang. Jakarta : Sinar Harapan
———————,
1985 Sumatera Barat Plakat Panjang. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan
St. Chalifah, Djamuir
tt Sejarah Kerajaan Inderapura. Pancung Soal: Kacabdin Parsebuhub.
St. Sulaiman, Arbi
tt Sejarah Kebudayaan Inderapura. Pancung Soal; Kacabdin Parsebudhub
Stibe,
1939 Encyclopedie Van Nederlansch Indie. S. Graven Hage: Arsip Nasional
Yulizal, Yunus
2002 Kesultanan Inderapura dan Mandeh Rubiah di Lunan, Spirit Sejarah dari Kerajaan Bahari hingga Semangat Malayu Dunia. Padang: Pemkab Pessel – IAIN-IB Press.

Sumber :

http://wawasanislam.wordpress.com/2008/04/30/kesultanan-Inderapura/

 

 

1863

Pada tahun 1863, berdiri organisasi Hook Tek Tong (HTT), yang merupakan perhimpunan kematian dan pemakaman, sekaligus sebagai sarana menghormati leluhur kakek tua Hook Tek Tjeng Sin(lisasuroso)

 

 

1867

 

 

Minangkabau of Sumatra in ceremonial costume. These richly brocaded garments are heirlooms.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1870


Berani Menerjang Peluru

Spoiler for tentang dia


Pameo yang mengatakan wanita sebagai insan lemah dan harus selalu dilindungi tidak selamanya benar. Itu dibuktikan oleh Cut Nyak Meutia, wanita asal Nangroe Aceh Darussalam, yang terus berjuang melawan Belanda hingga tewas diterjang tiga peluru di tubuhnya.

Wanita kelahiran Perlak, Aceh, tahun 1870, ini adalah seorang Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Nasional yang hingga titik darah penghabisan tetap memegang prinsip tak akan mau tunduk kepada kolonial.

Sebelum Cut Nyak Meutia lahir, pasukan Belanda sudah menduduki daerah Aceh yang digelari serambi Mekkah tersebut. Perlakuan Belanda yang semena-mena dengan berbagai pemaksaan dan penyiksaan akhirnya menimbulkan perlawanan dari rakyat. Tiga tahun sebelum perang Aceh-Belanda meletus, ketika itulah Cut Nyak Meutia dilahirkan. Suasana perang pada saat kelahiran dan perkembangannya itu, di kemudian hari sangat memengaruhi perjalanan hidupnya.

Ketika sudah beranjak dewasa, dia menikah dengan Teuku Muhammad, seorang pejuang yang lebih terkenal dengan nama Teuku Cik Tunong. Walaupun ketika masih kecil ia sudah ditunangkan dengan seorang pria bernama Teuku Syam Syarif, tetapi ia memilih menikah dengan Teuku Muhammad, pria yang sangat dicintainya.

Perang terhadap pendudukan Belanda terus berkobar seakan tidak pernah berhenti. Cut Nyak Meutia bersama suaminya Teuku Cik Tunon langsung memimpin perang di daerah Pasai. Perang yang berlangsung sekitar tahun 1900-an itu telah banyak memakan korban baik dari pihak pejuang kemerdekaan maupun dari pihak Belanda.

Pasukan Belanda yang mempunyai persenjataan lebih lengkap memaksa pasukan pejuang kemerdekaan yang dipimpin pasangan suami istri itu melakukan taktik perang gerilya. Berkali-kali pasukan mereka berhasil mencegat patroli pasukan Belanda. Di lain waktu, mereka juga pernah menyerang langsung ke markas pasukan Belanda di Idie.

Sudah banyak kerugian pemerintahan Belanda baik berupa pasukan yang tewas maupun materi diakibatkan perlawanan pasukan Cut Nyak Meutia. Karenanya, melalui pihak keluarga Meutia sendiri, Belanda selalu berusaha membujuknya agar menyerahkan diri. Namun Cut Nyak Meutia tidak pernah tunduk terhadap bujukan yang terkesan memaksa tersebut.

Bersama suaminya, tanpa kenal takut dia terus melakukan perlawanan. Namun naas bagi Teuku Cik Tunong, suaminya. Suatu hari di bulan Mei tahun 1905, Teuku Cik Tunong berhasil ditangkap pasukan Belanda. Ia kemudian dijatuhi hukuman tembak.

Berselang beberapa lama setelah kematian suaminya, Cut Nyak Meutia menikah lagi dengan Pang Nangru, pria yang ditunjuk dan dipesan suami pertamanya sebelum menjalani hukuman tembak. Pang Nangru adalah teman akrab dan kepercayaan suami pertamanya, Teuku Cik Tunong. Bersama suami keduanya itu, Cut Nyak Meutia terus melanjutkan perjuangan melawan pendudukan Belanda.

Di lain pihak, pengepungan pasukan Belanda pun semakin hari semakin mengetat yang mengakibatkan basis pertahanan mereka semakin menyempit. Pasukan Cut Meutia semakin tertekan mundur, masuk lebih jauh ke pedalaman rimba Pasai.

Di samping itu, mereka pun terpaksa berpindah-pindah dari satu tempat ke tempat lain untuk menyiasati pencari jejak pasukan Belanda. Namun pada satu pertempuran di Paya Cicem pada bulan September tahun 1910, Pang Nangru juga tewas di tangan pasukan Belanda. Sementara Cut Nyak Meutia sendiri masih dapat meloloskan diri.

Kematian Pang Nangru membuat beberapa orang teman Pang Nangru akhirnya menyerahkan diri. Sedangkan Meutia walaupun dibujuk untuk menyerah namun tetap tidak bersedia. Di pedalaman rimba Pasai, dia hidup berpindah-pindah bersama anaknya, Raja Sabil, yang masih berumur sebelas tahun untuk menghindari pengejaran pasukan Belanda.

Tapi pengejaran pasukan Belanda yang sangat intensif membuatnya tidak bisa menghindar lagi. Rahasia tempat persembunyiannya terbongkar. Dalam suatu pengepungan yang rapi dan ketat pada tanggal 24 Oktober 1910, dia berhasil ditemukan.

Walaupun pasukan Belanda bersenjata api lengkap tapi itu tidak membuat hatinya kecut. Dengan sebilah rencong di tangan, dia tetap melakukan perlawanan. Namun tiga orang tentara Belanda yang dekat dengannya melepaskan tembakan. Dia pun gugur setelah sebuah peluru mengenai kepala dan dua buah lainnya mengenai dadanya.

Cut Nyak Meutia gugur sebagai pejuang pembela bangsa. Atas jasa dan pengorbanannya, oleh negara namanya dinobatkan sebagai Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Nasional yang disahkan dengan SK Presiden RI No.107 Tahun 1964, tanggal 2 Mei 1964

1870

 

The Minang House at Koto nan ampet(the fourth city) Pajakoemboeh in 1870

1871 xxxx Sultan Muda II

-Tasik (Kota Pinang)

 

 

1871-1905

Yang dipertuan Sati sulung Mustafa

1871

 xxxx Sultan Muda II

 

1871

 

This was followed by the arrival of another steamer from the “Nederland” Royal Mail line in September 1871. (wiki)

 

 

1872

 

Eugène Maximiliaan August Alexander (Eugène) Karel Frackers (Maastricht, 1844Lombok, 23 november 1894) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Frackers, afkomstig uit een echte soldatenfamilie, trad in 1865 bij het Instructiebataljon te Kampen in dienst, werd op 5 december 1866 vanuit de rang van sergeant benoemd tot tweede luitenant (te Meester Cornelis) en in mei 1869 overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon van de Westerafdeling van Borneo.

Hij werd op 20 augustus 1872 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en was in deze rang negen jaar adjudant van de afdelingscommandant van Padang.

 

Henricus C. Verbraak S.J. (Rotterdam, 24 maart 1835Magelang, 1 juni 1917)

was een Nederlands aalmoezenier die oa. 33 jaar bij het KNIL te Atjeh diende, ridder in de Orde van de Nederlandse Leeuw en officier in de Orde van Oranje Nassau. Hij kreeg de bijnaam De Soldatenpastoor of De Vader van Jan Fuselier.

 Op 23 mei 1907 verliet de soldatenpastoor P Henricus Verbraak S.J., alias de vader van Jan Fuselier, na 33 jaar volle toewijding zijn standplaats in Atjeh. De soldatenpastoor P Henricus Verbraak S.J. fungeerde als aalmoezenier van het KNIL te Atjeh

en op Sumatra’s Westkust van 3 oktober 1872 tot 23 mei 1907.

 

 

 

 

 

1874

 

Antonius Gerardus Popelier (Blinjoe (Nederlands-Indië), 1847Grave, 23 maart 1884) was een Nederlands eerste luitenant der infanterie, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse en begiftigd met de Eresabel. Popelier klom binnen het Nederlands-Indische leger in de rangen op en nam in 1873 in de rang van tweede luitenant deel aan de tweede expeditie naar Atjeh. Tijdens de inname van de Mesigit op 6 januari 1874 werd kolonel de Roy van Zuijdewijn, die van de reserve-brigade te Padang was opgeroepen in de plaats van de gewonde kolonel Wiggers van Kerchem, aldus als commandant der tweede brigade optredend, licht gewond aan de kuit, verder werden de kapiteins der infanterie van Mauntz, Visscher, Van Lier, luitenant der infanterie Popelier (van het veertiende bataljon) en de luitenants der infanterie Meuleman, Hulskamp en Hemmes, kapitein der artillerie Schneither en officier van gezondheid De Wilde licht gewond.

1875

 

Gijsbertus Johannes van Kooten (1851Den Haag 29 mei 1923) was een Nederlands luitenant-generaal der artillerie van het Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde, in de Orde van de Nederlandse Leeuw en in het Legioen van Eer. Van Kooten volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 18 juli 1871 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der artillerie in Oost-Indië. Hij vertrok op 7 december 1872 met het stoomschip Prins Hendrik naar Java, waar hij in februari van het jaar daarop aankwam. Hij werd op 5 december 1874 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, werd geplaatst bij de zesde compagnie te Atjeh en in mei 1875 overgeplaatst bij de vijfde compagnie te Banjoe Biroe. In december van eerder genoemd jaar werd Van Kooten geplaatst als onderconstructeur bij de constructiewinkel te Soerabaja, slaagde in juli 1880 voor het examen van de krijgsschool en vertrok op 4 augustus van dat jaar per Koning der Nederlanden naar Nederland.

1875

Radjo Itam Tuanku Radjo Alam Johan Bagarsyah  King Of alam minangkabau XXV

Black King Tuanku Tuanku Raja Alam Johan Bagagarsyah Sovereign King of the XXXIII Alam Alam Stakeholder XXV

 

 

 

PERANG BUKIT PUTUS (1875):

ADAKAH DATO’ SIAMANG GAGAP SEORANG PAHLAWAN ATAU SEORANG POLITIKUS ISTANA YANG LICIK ?

Stuttering Hero gibbon Negeri Sembilan

 

War Broken HILL

Perang Bukit Putus

 ​​(1875):

There  Dato ‘Siamang stutter a hero or a cunning CASTLE POLITICIAN?
When talking about the history of Hill End War (25-11-1875), its telling would be incomplete if the role of a Big Man Castle Waiting series namely Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering or the actual name of Hj Kahar bin believer is not spoken.

 The telling of history that is the average raise this figure as a national hero when he chaired the Yam Tuan netherworld armies fought with Army Dato ‘Law Ujong Badger River, aided by Britain and made ​​triumphant Dato Force Act is assisted by the British berundur to Paroi.

 

Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering is also portrayed as opponents of the intervention of Great Britain and by that time he was appointed as karektor appropriate icon for the freedom of the nation

 

Gambaran wajah Dato Siamang Gagap

But there was the face of Sahaja Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering? Maybe if we can look at history from differing angles, we may understand how and why something was true and perhaps the events we see the true face of people who for so long hailed by history.

Childhood Studies and Finding Sheikh Abdul Majid Haji Guguk Salo
In the previous article had a glimpse of a figure Syek told Haji Abdul Majid Guguk Salo and the following inscription is a record of childhood and seek Sciences of Sheikh Haji Abdul Majid.

Prepared by:
 Buya Haji Ramli, M. Nur Engku Mudo, Almanar rights.

 
Day and date of birth Syek Haji Abdul Majid is not known for certain. For most older people are rarely recorded before the day / date of birth. However, it can also be expected that Syek Haji Abdul Majid was born about
In 1875 M.

This information is obtained when Sheikh Abdul Majid was still alive. Sheikh Abdul Majid added, people are a bit older than Syekk like Shaykh Muhammad Abdul Majid Jamil Jambek in Bukit Tinggi, Sheikh Mohammed and Sheikh Sungayang Thaib in Ar Rasuly in Canduang Solomon was contemporary with Sheikh Abdul Majid, even the most intimate friend during life.

Sheikh Abdul Majid’s father named Muhammad Zen died while Sheikh Abdul Majid was 6 years old. His mother named Hamatun died two years after his father died. In the sense of Sheikh Abdul Majid has been an orphan since the age of 8 years.

Hamatun have a brother who served in the chief of the tribe in the village, Dt Pardano title. So is the mamak Pardano Datuk Sheikh Abdul Majid who maintain since abandoned by her father and mother.

Abdul Majid did not have a brother, but a sister named Zamzam Seibu. Daily work is to help the mamak, kesawah, to the field and in the evening beajar Quran.

Since the abandoned father and mother, Sheikh Abdul Majid in the care of mamak and Amai (mamak uncle’s wife), then began precisely felt the joys and sorrows of life, doing work that has not been done and often get angry, but Abdul Majid remain patient.

With perseverance to learn the Koran at night, Sheikh Abdul Majid Al-Quran was completed (Khatam) in 1884 after studying for about 4 years.

Looking for Science

 
Day of Sunday morning, dawn had come to the village to the mosque for morning prayers.
Abdul Majid had come up and go to the Mosque to pray Fajr in congregation. Finished praying the crowds have returned home each. Tinggalah him with Gharin (mosque official). At that Abdul Majid thought of the words “Look for Science was even into the land of China”.

Without thinking long, he stepped into the house mamak. Arriving home mamak, mamak seen beliaupun dreamy and pensive as she thought. How do I convey this to the mamak intentions. In case you mad at him later. Think about it again. Let mamak angry, but the intentions are still delivered.

Mal! I want to get away from the house for a while, looking into the land of the science. Answer mamak Ah! – Finding Science you read. That will be eaten alone is not enough. Fields and lading was pawned. We recommend that you follow the mamak gamble and connect. Lucky lucky lucky to win, we redeem the pawned property. If you do not want up.

Then mamak opinion, let me not take a gamble and connect. Let me go kerantau people to seek knowledge. Science is very important according to the disurau tutor.

Nah! mamak see, hard hearts, you stubborn willpower. But no money stock mamak seek knowledge for you that. Mamak advised; What mamak Convey the message.

 

 


If you go kelapau(shop)
Yu Buy mullet Buy
Fish length Buy Once

If you get dirantau(abroad)
Mother looking for, dunsanak search
Affection people looking for first

Advice mamak(Uncle) was nice and made me happy. If I may ask that counsel was added again for lunch in my life.

That Pock is Kundi
Which Red is sago
Whether it is a moral
Beautiful it is meatball

Buy quarter strap
9ONE Kepeng money)Sekupang buy papaya
Once lost favor
Over the life of an unbeliever

Now let me go in search of knowledge, give me a happy heart, hopefully to the intent and purpose. My congratulations on the way, congratulations mamak and family, forgive all the mistakes. Wassalaamu’alaikum wa rohmatullahhi wabarakatuh.

After obtaining permission from mamak, mamak him down from the house, a brief stop at home Mom Saurah (Family / dunsanak sepesukuan) Dt kemanakan Pardano children too. Abdul Majid expressed intentions that day he set off into the land of the search for knowledge, and at the same time beg leave farewell.

Mother Saurah moved his passing, but happy mom if someday you become a good dab a lot of bookish knowledge. This is a pack of rice eaten lunch on the way and take your money sebengo = 2.5 cents. Thank you, ma’am. Hello W.w, Wa’alaikum greetings. Congratulations road.

 

From home mother Saurah Abdul Majid walking directions to the East towards Nagari Supayang, Situmbuk and Sumanik. Because in Sumanik anyone has some time back from Mecca. His name is Haji Haji Sumanik Sumanik and other friends are in Payakumbuh Piobang Haji, Haji Sikek Smart Visibility poor at length.

Original info

Masa Kecil Dan Mencari Ilmu Syekh Haji Abdul Majid Guguk Salo

Pada tulisan sebelumnya telah dikisahkan kilasan sosok Syek Haji Abdul Majid Guguk Salo dan tulisan berikut adalah catatan masa kecil dan mencari Ilmu dari Syekh Haji Abdul Majid.

 

Disusun oleh:

 Buya Haji Ramli, M.Nur Engku Mudo, Almanar HAM.

 

 

Hari dan tanggal lahir Syek Haji Abdul Majid tidak diketahui secara pasti. Sebab pada umumnya orang-orang tua dahulu jarang yang mencatat hari/tanggal kelahirannya. Namun demikian, dapat juga diperkirakan bahwa Syek Haji Abdul Majid lahir sekitar

tahun 1875 M.

 

Keterangan ini diperoleh sewaktu Syekh Abdul Majid masih hidup. Syekh Abdul Majid menambahkan, orang-orang yang sedikit lebih tua dari Syekk Abdul MAjid seperti Syekh Muhammad Jamil Jambek di Bukit Tinggi , Syekh Muhammad Thaib di Sungayang dan Syekh Sulaiman Ar Rasuly di Canduang adalah seangkatan dengan Syekh Abdul Majid, bahkan teman yang paling akrab semasa hidupnya.

 

Ayah Syekh Abdul Majid bernama Muhammad Zen meninggal sewaktu Syekh Abdul Majid berumur 6 tahun. Ibunya bernama Hamatun wafat 2 tahun sesudah ayahnya meninggal. Dalam arti Syekh Abdul Majid telah yatim piatu sejak umur 8 tahun.

 

Hamatun mempunyai seorang saudara laki-laki yang menjabat kepala kaum dalam Suku Kampung Dalam , bergelar Dt Pardano. Jadi Datuk Pardano adalah mamak Syekh Abdul Majid yang memeliharanya semenjak ditinggalkan oleh ayah dan ibu.

 

Abdul Majid tidak mempunyai saudara laki-laki, kecuali seorang saudara perempuan seibu bernama Zamzam. Pekerjaan sehari-hari adalah membantu mamak , kesawah, keladang dan pada malam hari beajar Al Quran.

 

Semenjak ditinggalkan ayah dan Ibu, Syekh Abdul Majid dalam asuhan mamak dan amai (istri paman-mamak), maka bermula pulalah dirasakan suka dan duka hidup, mengerjakan pekerjaan yang selama ini belum pernah dikerjakan dan sering kena marah, namun Abdul Majid tetap sabar.

 

Dengan ketekunan belajar Al Quran pada malam hari, Syekh Abdul Majid sempat menamatkan Al Quran (Khatam) pada tahun 1884 setelah belajar selama lebih kurang 4 tahun.

 

Mencari Ilmu

 

 

Dihari Minggu pagi, shubuh orang kampong telah berdatangan ke Masjid untuk untuk sholat subuh.

Abdul Majid pun ikut bangun dan pergi ke Masjid melaksanakan sholat Subuh berjamaah. Selesai sholat orang banyak telah kembali kerumah masing-masing. Tinggalah beliau dengan Gharin (petugas Masjid). Saat itu Abdul Majid teringat kata-kata “ Carilah Ilmu itu walau kenegeri Cina”.

 

Tanpa berfikir panjang, ia melangkah menuju rumah mamak. Setibanya di rumah mamak, dilihat mamak termenung dan beliaupun termenung sambil berfikir. Bagaimana cara menyampaikan maksud hati ini kepada mamak. Kalau-kalau marah padanya nanti. Pikir-pikir lagi. Biarlah mamak marah, namun maksud hati ini tetap disampaikan.

 

Mal ! Saya ingin pergi dari rumah ini untuk sementara waktu, mencari ilmu kenegeri orang. Jawab mamak Ah ! – Mencari Ilmu yang kau baca. Yang akan dimakan saja tidak cukup. Sawah dan lading sudah tergadai. Sebaiknya kamu ikuti mamak berjudi dan menyambung. Untung –untung-untung menang, kita tebus harta yang tergadai. Kalau kamu tidak mau terserah.

 

Kalau begitu pendapat mamak, biarlah saya tidak ikut berjudi dan menyambung. Izinkanlah saya pergi kerantau orang untuk mencari ilmu pengetahuan. Ilmu Pengetahuan itu adalah sangat penting sekali menurut keterangan guru mengaji disurau.

 

Nah ! mamak lihat, hatimu keras, kemauan kamu keras kepala. Tapi mamak tidak ada uang bekal mencari ilmu untuk kamu itu. Mamak berpesan ; Apa pesan mamak sampaikanlah.

 

Kalau kamu pergi kelapau

Yu Beli belanak Beli

Ikan Panjang Beli Dahulu

 

Kalau kamu sampai dirantau

Ibu cari, dunsanak cari

Kasih saying orang cari dahulu

 

Nasehat mamak itu bagus dan senang hati saya dibuatnya. Kalau boleh saya minta supaya nasehat itu ditambah lagi untuk bekal dalam hidup saya.

 

Yang kurik itu adalah kundi

Yang Merah itu adalah sago

Yang Baik itu adalah budi

Yang Indah itu adalah baso

 

Setali beli tali

Sekupang beli papaya

Sekali kehilangan budi

Selama hidup orang tidak percaya

 

Sekarang izinkanlah saya berjalan mencari ilmu, lepaskanlah saya dengan hati senang, mudah-mudahan sampai maksud dan tujuan. Selamat saya dalam perjalanan, selamat mamak dan keluarga yang ditinggalkan, Ma’afkan semua kesalahan. Wassalaamu’alaikum wa rohmatullahhi wabarakatuh.

 

Setelah mendapat izin dari mamak , beliau turun dari rumah mamak , singgah sebentar di rumah Ibu Saurah (Keluarga/dunsanak sepesukuan) anak kemanakan Dt Pardano juga. Abdul Majid menyampaikan maksud hati bahwa hari ini beliau berangkat mencari ilmu pengetahuan kenegeri orang, mohon izin dan sekaligus pamitan.

 

Ibu Saurah terharu atas kepergiannya, namun ibu gembira bila kelak kamu menjadi orang baik-baik dab berilmu pengetahuan yang banyak. Inilah sebungkus nasi bekal dimakan dalam perjalanan dan terimalah uang sebengo=2,5 sen . Terima kasih, Bu. Assalamu’alaikum W.w, Wa’alaikum salam. Selamat jalan.

 

Dari rumah Ibu Saurah Abdul Majid berjalan arah ke Timur menuju Nagari Supayang, Situmbuk dan Sumanik. Karena di Sumanik ada orang yang telah agak lama kembali dari Mekkah. Namanya Haji Sumanik dan teman Haji Sumanik lainnya adalah Haji Piobang di Payakumbuh, Haji Miskin di Pandai Sikek Pandang Panjang

1876

 

Hendrik Eduard Schoggers (Padang, 13 november 1844 – Lambaroe (Atjeh), 17 augustus 1878) was een Nederlands kapitein, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en drager van de eresabel. Schoggers werd benoemd tot cadet aan de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, voor het wapen der infanterie in Oost-Indië (18 augustus 1860) en op 1 september 1863 benoemd tot cadet-sergeant. Op 27 juni 1864 werd hij bevorderd tot tweede luitenant en tot eerste luitenant benoemd op 14 september 1870; hij maakte deel uit van de expeditie naar Atjeh en werd voor zijn verrichtingen gedurende het jaar 1876 benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse (Koninklijk Besluit van 13 september 1877, nr 24) en tot kapitein bevorderd per 29 april 1876.

 

1877

 

Willem Gerardus Antonius Cornelis Christan (1854Amersfoort, 12 juli 1915) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der infanterie van het Indische leger, officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde en begiftigd met de Eresabel. Christan trad in 1869 bij het Instructiebataljon te Harderwijk in dienst en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 19 december 1874 nummer 15 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het tweede bataljon van het leger in Nederlands-Indië; hij vertrok op 23 mei 1876 per Ophir naar Palembang, waar hij ingedeeld werd bij het garnizoensbataljon en op 4 september 1877 benoemd tot eerste luitenant, op 19 oktober van datzelfde jaar benoemd tot adjudant. Christan werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 1880 benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde.

1877

Dutch entered the  Batanghari region through the expedition  Veth.

 

Written By Jimbalang on 18 January 2012 | 14:00

 

 

TRADISI SABUANG AYAM boleh dibilang sudah hapus di Minangkabau. Adalah Kaum Padri pada paroh pertama abad ke-19 yang melarang kebiasaan adu jago pakai taji ini, sebab identik dengan judi dan menyiksa binatang.

 Pelakunya dianggap berdosa dan kalau mati akan masuk neraka. Namun demikian, lama kemudian tradisi sabung ayam masih ditemukan di Minangkabau. “Oerang Polici [di Padang yang bernama si Rehim] bersama dengan 4 temannja soedah menangkap 12 oerang jang asig menjaboeng ajam di Belantoeng, di belakang roemah kornel kepala bala tantra di Pasisir Pertja Barat. Si Rehim terdjatoeh, dan ajam jang di bawag nya meranggoet ranggoet tadji, se hingga oerang itoe loeka tangannja. Sampeij se karang loeka itoe beloem baig”, demikian laporan koran Bentara Melajoe, Thn I, Selasa, 12 Juni 1877.

 

1878

 

Gijsbertus Godefriedus Johannes Notten (1850Nijmegen, 27 juli 1913) was een Nederlands kolonel van het Nederlands Indisch Leger en oprichter van het corps marechaussees; hij was officier in de Orde van Oranje Nassau. Notten werd in 1875, in de rang van tweede luitenant, overgeplaatst bij het vijfde bataljon, dat onder leiding stond van majoor Romswinckel, en een expeditie deed op Atjeh. Hij werd in mei 1876 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant. Op 4 februari 1878 werd Notten tijdelijk gedetacheerd bij het corps mineurs en sappeurs.

 

1878

 

Karel van Erpecum (Schiedam, 9 oktober 1856Mataram, Lombok, 30 september 1894) was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Indische leger. Als jongeman verbleef Van Erpecum vaak lang op het paradeveld van de schutterij en werd er van hem gezegd dat hij buitengewoon bekwaam was om te dienen als prevot-brevet.Hij vertrok in 1868 als sergeant naar Indië en deed daar het admissie-examen voor de militaire school te Meester Cornelis. Hij slaagde voor die opleiding en werd op 14 december 1877 bevorderd tot tweede luitenant vanuit de rang van adjudant-onderofficier. Hij werd geplaatst bij het elfde bataljon infanterie en vertrok in april 1878 naar Atjeh met het stoomschip Koningin Sophia.

 

 

1878
Februari 1878, Sisingamangaraja mulai melakukan perlawanan terhadap kekuasaan kolonial Belanda. Ini dilakukannya untuk mempertahankan daerah kekuasaannya di Tapanuli yang dicaplok Belanda. Dimulai dari penyerangan pos-pos Belanda di Bakal Batu, Tarutung.

Sejak itu penyerangan terhadap pos-pos Belanda lainnya terus berlangsung

 

1878

Batavia

 Commemoration of the first centenary of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences was held on June 1, 1878. (wiki)

 

1879

1879

 

 

Minang King Adhytiawarman Tomb Batoesangkat in 1879

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adhytiawarna Script stone (batoe Basoerek) Batoesangkar in 1879

Prasasi “Kuburan Rajo”The King tomb, WITH SANSEKRIT LANGUAGE MADE IN 1356,may be this the Minangkabau Old script.   

 

 

 

Istana Pagarroejoeng scriptstone Batoesangkar in 1879

At Boekitgombak  about 2 km from Pagaruyung there was the bigger stone with 21 line script  in year 1356

 

The ston script batoe basoerek now

An old small town, 50 km southeast of Bukit Tinggi, it is a centre of the ancient Minangkabau culture. Pagaruyung is the historical site of a Minangkabau kingdom in the 14th century. Nearby is where some archaeological vestiges, such as the Written Stone, the Stabbed Stone and some other relics can be found. Nearby is where some archaeological vestiges, such as the Written Stone, the Stabbed Stone and some other relics can be found.

 

 

 

Pantjar Matahari(Zonnebloemen of Lotus) of Minang King Tom(Koeboeran rajo) Batoesangkar in 1879

Compare with Batu Basurek Batusangkar now below

Adhityawarman name known by the scientist, he ever went to Chinea to times  as the envoy of Majapahit Kingdom , he built Candi Jago  which keep the King Wisnuwardana ash . and the latest candi was the Rocok at soegeilangsek, that time Adhytiawarman in Minangkabau .

 

 

Batu Basurek citadel located at Kubur Rajo village, Lima Kaum Sub distric is 4 km from the Batusangkar.Batu basurek is located at the top of the graves of the king Adityawarman.inscription Batu Basurek any posts were written with it in ancient sanskerta.Batu Basurek is 25 cm wide 80 cm high with a thickness 10 cm and weight of 50 kg.

Batu Basurek has aged 659 year.

This discovery inscription is written in the first
16 December 1880

 by P.H. Van Hengst, Assistant Resident Tanah Datar. Prof. H Kern, an expert from the Netherlands, who he first discussed with the inscription any posts Java Ancient Sanskrit language it.

In the 1917

he is to translate the contents: “Adityawarman strong forward, he Kanakamedinindra authorities or Suwarnadwipa (Sumatra or Golden Land). Adwayawarman father. He Indra family.”

Adityawarman born from the womb Dara Jingga, daughter of the king Darmasraya located at the Batanghari river, Jambi. His father, Adwayawarman earlier, relatives Singosari palace.

Have, in 1292

 China’s Kublai Khan Singosari attack. And his brother Dara Jingga, Dara Petak, bring the army to help Singosari. Unfortunately, Singosari fall, and eventually mastered Jayakatwang.

Then Raden Wijaya Jayakatwang move and rename it into the kingdom of Majapahit. Raden Wijaya married Dara Petak. Dara Jingga make the Adwayawarman. Once married, Dara Jingga invites her husband back to Darmasraya – and Adityawarman was born.

After Majapahit for various services, so the king finally Adityawarman in Darmasraya. He moved the kingdom’s Siguntur (Sawahlunto Sijunjung) to Pagaruyung.

Until now the Pagaruyung still have differences of opinion whether Adityawarman Minangkabau king or king Pagaruyung only.

Because, at that time that the king in The Limo Kaum, Pariangan, Tanah Datar and the other, is Datuk Parpatih Nan Sabatang and Datuk Katamanggungan. “Adityawarman a sumando not more, (the husband of the Minangkabau).

 

Batu Basurek is a stone with inscriptions in the old Palava script of India, bearing the legend of Adityawarman

in the year 1347.

 Literally, “Batu Basurek” itself means “The Written Stone”.

The stone’s 25 cm wide, 80 cm high, and 10 cm thick. Erected above King Adityawarman’s resting place centuries ago, this stone was rediscovered in December 16th, 1880.

The inscription told about Adityawarman’s heritages. Due to his services to Majapahit Kingdom, Adityawarman became a king in Dharmasraya and moved his kingdom from Siguntur Sawahlunto to Pagaruyung

 

 Minang Stone script now

 

Adityawarman   Stone Script

This site is where all the collection of Stone script  during the King Adityawarman ruled. 

 

Many found around Bukit gombak, and written in ancient Java Script, Sanskrit and Ancient Melayu.

 

Those written stones write the praises for the King Adityawarman,  +  4 km from Batusangkar on the way to Pagaruyung. Located in Pagaruyung Village Tanjung Emas Sub-district

 

 

 

Adityawarman Bronze Collections

Top of Form

A close container made of bronze relics allegedly one Adityawarman kingdom, found in archaeological excavations in the Mount Jorong crest, Nagari Baringin, The Limo District, Tanah Datar regency, West Sumatra, the excavation ended on Friday (15/4).

Kompas , Monday, April 18, 2011 –

archaeological excavations to find more remains of the Kingdom of Adityawarman by researchers from Indonesia, Germany, Australia, and Holland will return in March 2012.

“The estimated excavation continued in March 2012.

 The location is still on the Mount Dama ‘(Resin) and Bukit Kincia (windmill), “said Head of Preservation Hall Preservation and Utilization of Archaeological Heritage (BP3) Batusangkar, Budi Istiawan, Sunday (17/4), after the first phase of excavation at Bukit Jorong crest , Nagari Baringin, The Limo District, Tanah Datar regency, West Sumatra. The first phase of excavation took place from March 16 until April 15.

In the interim, continued Budi, a number of findings from the excavation Archaeological excavation project called Tanah Datar 2011 chaired by Prof. Dr. Dominik Bonatz of the Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, it is stored in the BP3 Batusangkar.

Previously, the findings in the form of shards of pottery from China during the Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty, pottery shards, glass beads of various colors, closed container made of bronze, and a handful of stone axes, were first systematically recorded.

The 11 holes are dug with a system of trench (trench) is between 2 x 3 meters to 10 x 10 meters was again covered with a mound of earth after plastic coated. “To be continued if there is excavation and over,” said Budi.

Meanwhile, the two locations that serve as the first stage of excavation, the Bukit Kincia (mills) owned by residents, were asked not to be used first. “Before the land was leased during the excavation, but I’ve done that approach should not be disturbed until the excavations conducted at least once next year,” said Budi.

He added that the Bukit Kincia who is also an ancient tomb was believed to residents around the area to be avoided, so that small communities are likely to be tilled. Previously, Dominik said he and his team also found a number of large pieces of brick, which is supposed to be part structure of an ancient settlement in the excavation area.

“But the pieces have been destroyed. Likely due to agricultural activities undertaken on land above the people, by constantly plowing the land, “said Dominik.

As for the Bukit Dama ‘(amber) is also used as a first stage of excavation, a wholly owned Tanah Datar regency. Budi added, the first stage of excavation that followed also by Prof. Dr. Arlo Griffiths who is an expert on literature, history, and culture of the countries in the Indian subcontinent in the institution École Française d ‘Extreme-Orient representatives of Jakarta, there are repeated findings about the history of reading that need to be updated.

Malayupura

One of the most important, said Budi, is the mention of the name Melayupura, which has been commonly used in archaeological treasures. “But after re-read by Arlo, was a well read as Malayupura,” said Budi, who mentions no less than 25 inscriptions relating to reread Adityawarman in the stretcher.

Another finding is the designation of Lake Singkarak who was already there from the past. “It has been found in inscriptions Paninggahan in Solok. The inscription was first there in the lake, “said Budi.

Regarding follow-up after the first stage of excavation, Budi said, likely will be held a seminar to explain the results obtained the following findings with the present. Budi explains, it still will be further discussed between Dominik and Arlo.

Based on the research, said Budi, a figure which can be equated with Adityawarman Mahapatih Gadjah Mada in building the kingdom of Majapahit, known to be the King of the Malay-based Dharmasraya Watershed (DAS) Batanghari. The region is now included in Regency area Sijunjung, West Sumatra.

According to Budi, Adityawarman who calls himself the Maharaja Sri Kings that ruled between the years 1347-1375, covering the area now called Dharmasraya District, Tanah Datar, until Pasaman, West Sumatra. (INK)

 

 

 

“Ba Luhak Nan Tigo” and “Ba Luhak nan duo” The center of Minangkabu Kingdom

Pusat alam minangkabau yaitu” Ba Luhak nan tigo” consist Tanagdarat,Agam and Limapuluhkoto(fifty koto)” and “ Ba Luhak nan duo” consist Kotopiliang and Bodicaniago.

Luhah Tanahdatr is the biggest  and more important  related to history, expand to north, east and tengara Singkarak lake,with center at Pagarruruyung near Batusangkar. Consist 14 nagari(minangstate village)  unity to Laras with leader Tengkulareh  and later became district  with the chief Demang . At the Merapi mount there was Priangan village, this village became famous in Minangkabu legend story , not far from this village there is the prassti inscript stone called “Batu Basurek(bertulis)”  consist 6 line with tarikh 1250

 

 

1880

 

Jonkheer Gilles Jan Willem Cornelis Hermanus Graafland (Batavia, 11 februari 1854Haarlem, 9 oktober 1921) was een Nederlandse luitenant-kolonel, commandant bij het Korps Marechaussee te voet in Nederlands-Indië, ridder en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde en officier d’Instruction Publique. Graafland volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, werd benoemd tot tweede luitenant (1877) en vertrok naar Atjeh, waar hij zich dermate onderscheidde bij het optreden van de Nederlandse troepen in de XXII en XXVI moekims in in 1878 en 1879 dat hij in 1880 het ridderkruis der Militaire Willems-Orde verwierf (Koninklijk Besluit van 31 januari 1880, nr. 14).

 

1880

 

Nicolaas Hageman (Dordrecht, 10 oktober 1861 – Kota Toewankoe (Atjeh), 26 juli 1889) was een Nederlandse eerste luitenant, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. Hageman werd werd tot cadet benoemd aan de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, voor het wapen der genie in Oost-Indië, op 20 september 1877 en bevorderd tot cadet-korporaal op 16 september 1880. Hij werd op 5 juli 1881 benoemd tot tweede luitenant, op 8 augustus 1883 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en te werk gesteld in Atjeh. De Nederlandse posten te Atjeh, Pakan Kroeng Tjoet en Kota Pohama, werden in de maand juli 1889 telkens geteisterd door het geschutvuur van de Atjehnezen.

 

1880

 

Nicolaas Jules Cesar van Polanen Petel (1855Den Haag, 4 februari 1922) was een Nederlands kapitein van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Van Polanen Petel nam dienst bij het Instructiebataljon te Kampen en werd vanuit de rang van sergeant op 28 juli 1877 bevorderd tot tweede luitenant. Hij werd op 8 januari 1878 geplaatst bij het derde bataljon infanterie en vertrok op 25 mei 1878 per stoomschip Sindoro naar Atjeh, waar hij op 26 augustus 1879 werd afgelost en per Bromo terugkeerde naar Batavia. Hij werd datzelfde jaar overgeplaatst bij het tiende bataljon en vervolgens, in oktober 1880, bij het achtiende bataljon.

1881

On December 1, 1881, the first dock of the Netherlands Indian Dry Docks Company was opened on Pulau Amsterdam (Eiland Amsterdam) in the roadsteads of Batavia.[19]

(wiki)

 

 

 

 

 

1880

Loemboeng Padi (Rice storage) and Garobak Padati(native minang karbouw carriage) at Padang Darek Bovenlanden in 1880

The Minangman from soengei Poear in 1880

 

TUANKU LARAS adalah jabatan adat bikinan Belanda untuk mengontrol masyarakat Minangkabau.

 Gelar tuanku lareh (‘tuanku laras’), atau larashoofd (‘kepala laras’) dalam bahasa Belanda, cukup bergengsi di Minangkabau pada zaman kolonial.

Mereka yang dipilih menjadi kepala laras biasanya berasal dari kalangan penghulu berpengaruh di suatu nagari yang bisa diajak bekerjasama oleh Belanda.

Jabatan tuanku laras sebebarnya sangat pelik: ke atas ia harus loyal kepada Belanda, ke bawah ia harus melindungi rakyatnya.

Banyak kepala laras yang masih memegang idealisme, tetapi tak sedikit yang dibenci oleh masyarakatnya sendiri karena secara langsung atau tidak mereka menjadi perpanjangan tangan kolonialis Belanda untuk menekan dan mengontrol masyarakat Minangkabau di nagari-nagari.

 

foto Kepala Laras Sungai Puar, Datuak Tumangguang Sutan Sulaiman (dalam dokumen-dokumen Belanda namanya ditulis ‘Datoe Toemanggoeng Soetan Soeliman’). Foto ukuran 17,5×12 cm. ini dibuat oleh mat kodak Th. F.A. Delprat pada tahun 1890.

Datuak Tumangguang berkuasa antara 1870-an sampai 1930-an. Ia dikenal dekat dengan Belanda dan cukup cerdik menggunakan jabatannya untuk kesejahteraan keluarganya. Rumahnya gadangnya yang besar di Sungai puar, dan termasuk yang termewah untuk ukuran waktu itu, acap kali kedatangan tamu-tamu penting orang Belanda (antara lain perintis pembuatan jalan kereta api, J.W. Ijzerman, peneliti Jerman Alfred Maas, dan mantan misionaris Meint Joustra).

Para pengunjung Eropa itu sempat membuat foto interior rumah gadang milik Datuak Tumangguang Sutan Sulaiman (lihat misalnya, buku Alfred Maas, Quer durch Sumatra: Reise-Erinnerungen. Berlin: Wilhem Süsserott, 1904; M. Joustra, Minangkabau: Overzicht van Land, Geschiedenis en Volk. Leiden: Louis H. Becherer, 1921). Foto-foto itu boleh dibilang cukup langka karena tidak banyak sebenarnya dokumen visual klasik yang memotret interior rumah gadang Minangkabau. Fotografer Delprat juga sempat memotret keluarga besar Datuak Tumangguang

 

The Padang Pandjang Minang womens in 1880

The Minang Bridegrom  at Batipoeh village in 1880

The Agam minang women in 1880

  • The Minang cride from  Soegai lassi in 1880

The Minangkabau Man in 1880

 

 

 

 

1882

 

Herman Albert Loder (Scheemda, 20 januari 1857Parijs 21 maart 1900) was een Nederlands vertegenwoordiger van de handelsfirma De Lange & Co, chef van de Atjeh-Associatie te Kota Radja tijdens de Atjeh-oorlog en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. In juni 1882 rukte een colonne van Lambaroe uit om de posten Pajau en Senelop van voorraden te voorzien, waarbij Loder als vertegenwoordiger der Atjeh-Associatie aanwezig was en belast met het toezicht op de transportmiddelen. Gedurende de gehele tocht werd de colonne voortdurend beschoten en aangevallen door met klewangs bewapende Atjehnezen, waardoor er tientallen doden en gewonden vielen.

 

1882

 

Willem Nicolaas Scheib (1850Lombok, 18 november 1894) was een Nederlandse kapitein der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Scheib ontving zijn opleiding als officier aan de militaire school te Meester Cornelis en werd op 22 maart 1878 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der infanterie bij het leger in Indië. Hij werd datzelfde jaar geplaatst bij het twaalfde bataljon, vervolgens bij het negende en op 19 augustus 1879 overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon der Westerafdeling van Borneo. In die rang en als eerste luitenant, waartoe hij op 1 april 1882 werd bevorderd, hield hij bij herhaling, telkens gedurende langere tijd, verblijf op Atjeh en nam daar deel aan de meeste belangrijke krijgsverrichtingen

1883

Perang Batak

- Mei 1883, pos Belanda di Uluan dan Balige diserang oleh pasukannya Sisingamangaraja.
– Tahun 1884, pos Belanda di Tangga Batu juga dihancurkan oleh pasukan Sisingamangaraja.

 

1883

Batavia

 From August 12 to November 19, 1883, an exhibition of agricultural products and native arts and crafts was held at Batavia’s Koningsplein.[19]

(wiki)

 

 

1884

 

Rutger Jan graaf Schimmelpenninck (Amsterdam, 20 november 1855Zeist, 23 juni 1935) was een Nederlands luitenant-generaal der infanterie, gedetacheerd bij het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Schimmelpenninck bezocht de HBS te Den Haag en kwam in 1875 op de Koninklijke Militaire Academie te Breda; hij werd op 28 juni 1877 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der infanterie, in 1881 voor de duur van vijf jaar gedetacheerd bij het Nederlands-Indische leger en vertrok op 11 februari 1882 met de Koningin Emma naar Batavia met een detachement suppletietroepen, waar hij op 29 maart daaropvolgend aankwam. Hij bracht zijn gedetacheerde jaren in Indië meest op Atjeh door, werd in 1882 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en nam in 1884 deel aan de expeditie naar Tenom.

1884

Batavia

In November 1884, an exhibition of Javanese crafts and arts was held in the Raden Saleh  Zoological Gardens in what is now Taman Ismail Marzuki.(wiki)

 

 

 

1886

 

Jacobus Augustinus Vetter (2 december 18372 december 1907) was een Nederlands generaal, commandant van het Nederlands Indische leger. Vetter trad in 1853 bij het instructiebataljon te Kampen in militaire dienst, werd in 1859 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der infanterie, in 1860 overgeplaatst naar Nederlands-Indië, in 1863 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, in 1872 tot kapitein, in 1879 tot majoor, in 1883 tot luitenant-kolonel, in 1889 tot kolonel en in 1891 tot generaal-majoor. In deze verschillende rangen nam hij deel aan verschillende krijgsverrichtingen, onder meer aan die in de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo, (1861-1863), in de Westerafdeling van Borneo (1864-1866 en 1884-1885), te Atjeh (1873-1874, de tweede expeditie naar Atjeh, 1877-1879, onder leiding van Karel van der Heijden en in 1886-1888), en de Lombok-expeditie.

1887

 

George Johan Albert Webb (Batavia, 23 juli 1861Atjeh, 24 januari, 1902) was een Nederlandse kapitein in het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. George Johan Albert Webb werd op 23 juli 1861 te Batavia geboren als zoon van Samuel Albert Webb en Johanna Charlotta Geertruida Alexandrina Muller Kruseman. Webb volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd in december 1884 aangesteld als tweede luitenant der infanterie, het jaar daarop vertrok hij naar Indië; in 1887 werd hij te Atjeh ingedeeld in bij het twaalfde bataljon infanterie. Tijdens het gevecht nabij Kota Radja Bedil (Kota Pohama) op 12 oktober 1887 voldeed hij zo goed dat nog tijdens het gevecht de aanvoerder zijn adjudant naar Webb zond om zijn tevredenheid te betuigen.

 

\

 

1887

The Minang bridge at Soepajang in 1887

 

 

 

 

1888

Batavia

On January 15, 1888, an anatomical and bacterial laboratory was established in Batavia.[19]

(wiki)

 

 

1890

Minangkabau

The Minang Bride “Darek” boven landen in 1890

The Minang Family of Solok with dutch women and children in 1890

 

 

Pajakoemboeh Minang Kerapatan adat Raad House 1890

 

Batang arau(muara)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bootjes te Moeara Padang

 

 

 

1890

Pelabuhan muara batang Arau,banyak gudang dan bank escompto,dan Javasche Bank(Bank Indonesia),kantor Garuda Indonesian airways, dan MHI-Ang Eng Hoat(saat ini wirako SH),saat ini banyak dijadikan sarang burung wallet.

 

Sebagian gudang rusak saat gempa 2008 dan tahun 2012 mulai direnovasi.Untuk menyebrang sungai telah dibangun jembatan oleh Hutama Karya Tahun 2002 saat dipimpin oleh Ir Adiwijaya

 

 

 

1890

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

STASIUN KERETA API PADANG

TELOEK BAJOER HARBOR

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Emma haven railway station 1893

 

EMMA HAVEN

 

 

 

 

 

1891

 

Gerrard Kornelis Dijkstra (Pontianak, 2 juni 1867‘s-Gravenhage, 29 juni 1946) was een Nederlandse luitenant-generaal, commandant van het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willemsorde vierde klasse. Dijkstra volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 25 juli 1887 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der infanterie van het leger in Indië. Hij vertrok op 21 januari 1888 met het stoomschip Conrad naar Nederlands-Indië, waar hij werd ingedeeld bij het dertiende bataljon te Soerabaja. Hij werd in november 1890 overgeplaatst naar Atjeh, in 1891 geplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon van Atjeh en Onderhorigheden en datzelfde jaar overgeplaatst bij het derde bataljon.

1892

Amai (mother) Pajakoemboeh in 1892

 

 

Rangkiang Minangkabau rice storage at Batiboeh in 1892

 

1893

 

Gilles Johannes Verstege (Weltevreden, 22 september 1865Zwolle, 19 september 1931) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en begiftigd met de Eresabel. Verstege volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 25 juli 1889 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der infanterie bij het leger in Nederlands-Indië. Hij vertrok op 14 september 1889, samen met kapitein I. Beets en tweede luitenant L. Verstege met de Prins Frederik naar Indië, met aan boord een detachement suppletietroepen van 3 onderofficieren en 30 minderen. In 1890 kreeg hij een verlof van een maand naar Soekaboemi tot herstel van zijn gezondheid. In juni 1891 werd Verstege overgeplaatst van het tiende bataljon infanterie te Batavia bij de garnizoenscompagnie van Banka. Hij werd op 30 december 1893 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en in juni 1895 overgeplaatst bij het tweede depot-bataljon

 

1893

 

Carel Hendrik Hoedt (Ambon, 5 maart 1862Den Haag, 1 april 1932) was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Hoedt volgde een militaire opleiding in Nederland, waarna hij in dienst bij het Nederlandse leger trad en in 1887, na de hoofdcursus te hebben gevolgd, benoemd werd tot tweede luitenant der infanterie van het leger in Nederlands-Indië (hij was toen bij het zesde regiment infanterie). Hij vertrok in december 1888 per stoomschip Utrecht naar Indië met een detachement suppletietroepen sterk 3 onderofficieren en 40 manschappen. Hij werd in november 1892 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en in juni 1893 overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon van Amboina en Ternate te Banda.

1894

 

Henri Mari Vis (Soerabaja, 14 januari 1870Atjeh, 5 mei 1899) was een Nederlands officier en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Vis volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 1 augustus 1890 aangesteld als tweede luitenant bij het Nederlands Indische leger; hij werd op tien augustus 1898 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant. Bij verschillende aangelegenheden wist hij zich te Atjeh te onderscheiden en dankte daaraan zijn plaatsing bij het corps marechaussee. In een gevecht bij Lamkoenjit, op 10 mei 1894, werd hij gewond door een schot in het been, maar bleef toch nog urenlang zijn mannen aanvoeren.

 

1897

 

Adriaan Johan Charles de Neve (Padang 1857Den Haag, 15 januari 1913) was een Nederlands assistent-resident te Atjeh, resident van de westerafdeling van Borneo en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. De Neve werd voor zijn verrichtingen als assistent-resident te Atjeh in 1894 per Koninklijk Besluit van 19 maart 1897 nr. 19 benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Later was hij resident in de westerafdeling van Borneo. In 1892 werd hem tevredenheid betuigd voor de loffelijke wijze waarop door hem de functie van assistent-resident voor de politieke aanrakingen met Atjeh gedurende vijf maanden was waargenomen.

The End Of 19th Century

Batanghari  district does not include the residency of West Sumatra, is still an area of ​​Freedom. Until the end of the 19th century the area was free and the people Batanghari sanggat proud of this independence. Kuantan and upstream along the Upper Left Kampar these areas include “Rantau Nan Tigo Jurai” of the kingdom of Minangkabau

1895

 

In 1895 an expedition Yzerman is not allowed in the “Overseas lowland” Minangkabau.

Pada awal abad ke-20

terjadi lagi reformasi ketiga. Yaitu sepulangnya 3 orang mujtahid dari Mekah. Yaitu Inyik Djambek, Inyik Rasul dan Inyik Abdullah Ahmad membawa modernisasi Islam ajaran Muhammad Abduh dan Jamaluddin
al-Afghani
dari Mesir. Gerakan ini tidak hanya dimotivasi oleh gerakan pembaharuan yang sudah berkembang di Mesir tapi juga oleh dorongan rivalitas terhadap golongan berpendidikan Barat yang cara material dan sosial terlihat lebih bergengsi.

Maraknya gerakan ini bertepatan dengan Gerakan Turki Muda pimpinan Kemal Attaturk yang tujuannya mengangkat harkat bangsanya setara dengan bangsa Eropa. Penampilan golongan ini seperti membuang yang serba Arab. Mereka memakai pantalon dan berdasi. Tapi tetap berkopiah sebagai identitas muslimnya. Karena jika tanpa kopiah mereka menjuluki golongan
sinyo. Belanda tidak, Melayu pun bukan. Mereka tidak lagi menyanyikan kasidah dengan gambus. Melainkan lagu yang lebih menduniawi, baik Mesir mau pun yang bernuansa nasionalisme Indonesia dengan iringan alat musik barat. Namun untuk
perempuan, mereka masih berkompromi dengan pola tradisional. Yakni berkain berbaju kurung dan bermudawarah. Sedangkan budaya tradisional adat Minangkabau mereka jauhi.

Syekh Akhmad Khatib, ulama Minangkabau di Mekkah mengatakan: ‘Orang Minangkabau memakan harta haram karena memakan hak warisan anak yatim’.

 

 

 

 

1887

 

 

The Minang bridge at Soepajang in 1887

 

 

 

 

1890

 

 

The Minang Bride “Darek” boven landen in 1890

 

 

The Minang Family of Solok with dutch women and children in 1890

 

 

Pajakoemboeh Minang Kerapatan adat Raad House 1890

 

 

 

1893

29/09/1893 – 21/12/1898  D. Groeneveld
Groeneveld, serving as Director zince 1877, was promoted to President of the Bank per decree of September 29, 1893. After more than five years as President, Groeneveld died on December 21, 1898. Groeneveld was the first President that came from the Bank’s own personnel.

1884

The road is now called Jalan Asia-Afrika in memory of the conference.

 

Mileposts on the road were numbered starting at Bandung. Rapid growth of the city, however, began only after the railroad from Batavia (now Jakarta) arrived in 1884

 

 

 

 

1890

 

Jenis : Mahkota Kerajaan
Nama : MAHKOTA RATU KERAJAAN SINGARAJA
Era : Abad ke-19
Asal : Singaraja, Bali
Material : Emas dan Batu Mulia

Koleksi :
THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, HOUSTON
1001 Bissonnet Houston, Texas 77005

Data Museum :

ROYAL COURT OF SINGARAJA, BALI
Indonesia
Crown
Late 19th century
Gold, rubies, sapphires, and diamonds
6 x 10 1/4 x 8 inches

The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston
Gift of Alfred C. Glassell, Jr.
Department of the Arts of Africa, Oceania, & the Americas Arts of the South Pacific

ABOUT
In the 19th century, the royal courts of Bali enjoyed great prosperity and hosted numerous ceremonies and rituals. To assert their right to rule, and to glorify the gods, rulers commissioned artists to create objects of the highest quality. This elegant queen’s crown from the court of Singaraja is fashioned in pure gold with diamonds, rubies, and sapphires. Delicate flowers in gold leaf suspended on thin metal wires and springs shimmer with movement.

Bali is an Indonesian island small in size but rich in adornment. Its artistic tradition descends from older Javanese styles and the ornate Hindu style of India. As in most cultures of Indonesia, gold was believed to be empowered and able to cause both good and evil. It was also valued as a symbol of high status. This rare crown may have been commissioned as part of a larger set of royal adornment by King Gusti Agung Gede Agung in 1890 for an important wedding ceremony. Almost all of the artworks in the set are made of pure gold, evidence of great wealth.

 

Jenis : Keris Pusaka
Nama : HULU KERIS GAYA BALI
Era : Abad Ke-19
Material : Emas
Asal : Bali

 

1897

schitterende plattegrond van Batavia te vinden op Aad’s Nederlands-Indië site :

 

Batavia plattegrond 1897

Meer foto’s en plattegronden van Batavia kun je vinden via deze LINK
Als je onbekend bent in het Batavia van toen, dan is het even zoeken, maar we gaan het hebben over nummer 10….:

Hotel Des Indes

Het noordelijke gedeelte van Batavia werd de Benedenstad genoemd, het zuidelijke gedeelte de Bovenstad. Het zuidelijke gedeelte van Batavia lag wat hoger, vandaar de naam Bovenstad

In de 18e eeuw werd het leven van de in de Benedenstad wonende Europeanen steeds ondragelijker, de grote rivier de Tjiliwoeng die door de stad stroomde, begon steeds meer te stinken, je mag zelf raden waardoor. Ook zakte het waterpeil steeds verder door dichtslibben van de rivier monding.

Een citaat uit dit verhaal:

The Earliest Netherland Oost Indie revenue

The Ned Oost Indie Revenue  sheet , embosed noncolour , nominal:

Quater G

 

half G

 

,one G

 

,one and  half

 

two Gld

 

,four Gld

 

Six Gld

 

and 12 guilders.

 

1880

In 1880, the first major railroad between Jakarta to Bandung was opened, boosting light industry and bringing in Chinese workers.

 

 

 

 

1885

 

18931885

Ordonasi Reveneu

REVENUE ORDONASI 1885

the new order of Revenue stamped in 1885 had changed to the newe order”ordonatie op de heffing van Zege recht van nederlandch Indie” in this ordonatie there were practise revenue with the same (seragam) Reveneu from one and half G and from 10 cent.This ordonatie still used until the new ordonatie in 1921. please look at the regulation in Indonesia language below,

 

A

 

 

 

 

 

Leasing certificate (Surat Hutang ) 600 gld, uncolour embosed revenue sheet  one and half gld,1893 added revenue ovpt 10 cent on 5 cent nedl.oost revenue for countersign(tanda tangan pengesahan)

 

 

1885

Banten

 

Ciujung in 1885 by Woodbury & Page

 

 

1894

All the uncolour embosed Revenue  in complete Document :

a.Land Certificate (Eigendom) Bought,consist three uncolour embosed revenue sheet 12 gld, 2 gld and 1 gld , courter sign by the land of justice Soerabaja 1894

 

 

 

 

 

 

1888

 

 

 

 

2.11.1888 Dutch East indie(DEI) first issued revenue stamp 5 cent , please report the earliest used and another high nominal revenue issued like 10 gld .

 

1889

The latset used of five cent nedl Oost Indie  Revennue stamp in 1889

 

 

 

 

 

 

1890

 

KNIL

 

During the 19th century the KNIL recruited Dutch volunteers, European mercenaries of other nationalities (especially Germans, Belgians and Swiss).[15] During the protracted Aceh War the numbers of European troops were kept to 12,000 but continued Achenese resistance necessitated the deployment of up to 23,000 indigenous soldiers (mainly from Java, Ambon, and Manado).[16] Even slaves of the Ashanti (an African tribe from the present Ghana) were recruited in limited numbers for service in the East Indies (see Belanda Hitam).[17] The ratio of foreign and indigenous troops to those of Dutch origin was reported to be 60% to 40%. After the Aceh War, the enlistment of non-Dutch European troops ceased and the KNIL came to consist of Dutch regulars recruited in the Netherlands itself, Indonesians, Indos (Eurasians), and Dutch colonists living in the East Indies and undertaking their military service.

It was against the law to send Dutch conscripts from the Netherlands to the Netherlands East Indies but Dutch volunteers continued to enlist for colonial service. In 1890 a Colonial Reserve (Koloniale Reserve) was established in the Netherlands itself to recruit and train these volunteers and to re-integrate them into Dutch society upon the conclusion of their overseas service(wiki)

 

1893

THE OVERPRINT 10 CENT  ON THE FIRST REVENUE FIVE CENT(EMERGENCY REVENUE)

10.5.1893

 

 

 

 

1895

Bandung

On July 16, 1895, the Pasteur Institute was established.

 

1895

Tombolouh Tribe at Minahasa

in Patola Tucher dressed and KELANA behangt, like those of WALIAN (

religious leaders)Plate X Fig 1

 

 

 

1896

Antique Map Collections

Bali (Indonesia)
De Bry, Theodor

 

Contrasantung der Insel Baln 27

Frankfurt, de Bry 1598-1613 [13,8 x 17,8 cm]
Copper engraving, uncolored as published.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22351]

 

 

Thailand, Birma & Andaman Sea
Servet, Michael

Tabula XI Asiae.

Lyon, Servet 1535 [37,3 x 50,3 cm]
Early woodcut map of the East Indies, published in the Ptolemy edition by M. Servet, showing Southeast Asia with Thailand, Burma and the Malaysian Archipel. The paper with watermark anchor in a circle. The cartographic woodblock was published here in 1535 by Michael Trechsel in Lyon and contained text by Michael Servetus. The paper with watermark anchor in a circle. The map is illustrated on the reverse side with descriptive text in Latin and a decorative woodblock border, probably by Hans Holbein, who was working at that time in Basle. An early decorative woodcut map of the Indian Ocean and its adjacenting regions of the gulf of Siam, Central Asia with the Ganges Delta and the region north of it towards the Himalayas. An early and interesting map depicting the northern part of the East Indies. With engraved place names, where cities are shown as small schematic engraved woodcut town views, further with engraved rivers and the mountains are shown mainly as schematic chains.
A strong and even impression on the full paper sheet as published. A minor very skillful restoration in the upper and lower centre fold. In very good to excellent condition.
[Stock No.:25235]
Full description




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Bali (Indonesia)
De Bry, Theodor

Contrasantung der Insel Baln 27

Frankfurt, de Bry 1598-1613 [13,8 x 17,8 cm]
Copper engraving, uncolored as published.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22351]
Full description



 

 
 




 
 



 

East Indies
Mercator, Gerard

India Orientalis

Amsterdam, I.E. Cloppenburgh, 1632 [19 x 26 cm]
Copper engraving, uncolored as published. A fine copy in a dark impression, full margins as published. This is the first so-called Cloppenburgh editions which was a competive edition with new engraved maps in a larger format. Most of the maps were engraved by Pieter van den Keere. The Cloppenburgh edition was continued for a couple of years but seems to have been suppressed after 1636 … . This is another Cloppenburgh edition, now with Latin text. The maps from the Appendix have been incorporated. The title-page is followed by a dedication to Prince Frederik Hendrik, dated 1632 and signed by Johannes Cloppenburgh. (Koeman Atlantes Neerlandici).
In excellent condition. Koeman, ME 200
[Stock No.:20858]
Full description




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Southeast Asia
Jansonnius, Joan. & Hondius, Hendric

Indiae Orientalis Nova Descriptio

Amsterdam, Joan. Janssonius. 1638 [39,3 x 50,5 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline when published. Decorative map of the East Indies by J. Jansson, first published in Amsterdam 1630. An important map for Southeast Asia and the discovery of Australia. New Guinea is marked as ‘Duyfkens Eyland’, the (Is)land next to it is called ‘Nieu Zeelandt’. The island Duyfkens is named after the ship ‘Duyfken’, which discovered Australia.
In excellent condition. Koeman I [8500:1B] Latin text edition.
[Stock No.:24657]
Full description




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Maluku Islands (Spice Islands)
Blaeu, Joan & Guiljelmus

Moluccae Insulae Celeberrimae.

Amsterdam, G. & J. Blaeu. 1640-43 [37,5 x 48,8 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline and wash. A highly decorative map of the so-called ‘Spice Islands’, equipped with two highly decorative cartouches, one of them with an inset map of ‘Bachian Island’. Further on this map is highly decorated with sailing ships, sea monsters and compass roses in the sea. A very good example published in a Latin text edition of the ‘Atlas Novus’, wide full margins and outstanding hand coloring.
In excellent condition. Koeman II [8560:2.2]
[Stock No.:12745]
Full description




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Molucc Islands
Janssonius, Joan.

Insularum Moluccarum Nova Descritio

Amsterdam, Joan. Janssonius. 1640 [38,5 x 50 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline when published. Sea chart of the Molucca Islands, the so-called ‘Spice Islands’. The map is very detailed showing the Islands with its plantations further the map is equipped with sailing ships and sea monsters in the ocean.
In very good to excellent condition. The paper minor toned.
[Stock No.:14279]
Full description




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REFERENCES:

   

Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand
Rossi, Giovanni Iacomo

Penisola Dell India di la dal Gange Diusa ne i Regni, che in essasi contengono et accresciuta di varie notizie. Da Giacomo Cantelli da Vignola e conforme le Relationi di alcuni Padri della Compa di Giesu di Monsu Tavernier, Mandeslo e d`altri Illustri Viaggiatori del nostro Secolo. Data in Luce da Gio: Giaco de Rossi in Roma alla Pce con priu del Sommo Pont. 1683.

Roma, Gio. Iacomo Rossi 1683 [52,5 x 40,5 cm]
Copper engraving, uncolored as published. Detailed rare map of Malaysia, Sumatra, Malakka, Burma, Cambodia, and Thailand. A highly detailed map of Southeast Asia with detailed engraved place names, rivers, political border, mountains and lakes. Fine engraved map by Giacomo Cantelli (1643-95) based on the cartographic source after Melchior Tavernier. This map was engraved by Franciscus Doria. The cartographer of this map is Giacomo Cantelli da Vignola (1643-1695), he worked in Modena in Italy and published many maps in Giovanni Iacomo Rossi’s atlas in Rome.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:24202]
Full description



 

 

Southeast Asia
Coronelli, Vincenzo Maria

Isole Dell’ Indie, divise in Filippine, Molucche, e della Sonda, Descritte, e Dedicate Dal P. Coronelli …

Venice, V. Coronelli 1689 [45 x 60 cm]
Fine copper-engraving, uncolored as published. Large and detailled engraved map showing Southeast Asia from the Andaman Sea with Thailand in the northwest towards the northwestern coast of Australia (Nuova Hollanda) in the southeast. The map itself covers Sumatra, Borneo, the Philipines and other places in Southeast Asia very accurately. The map was published in Coronelli’s ‘Atlante Veneto’. It is ornated with a decorative title cartouche showing (sea)-cherubs holding a coat of arm. The title cartouche contains as well the dedication to the Venice royal house. In the upper right corner we find another decorative cartouche with a mileage scale. The engraving contains many details like small villages or cities, rivers, mountains and details on the coast line with its small islands and its bays.
A strong impression in excellent condition.
[Stock No.:16978]
Full description




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Van der Aa, Pieter

D’Oost-Indize landschappen, zeen en eylanden, door de Portugysen en anderen ontdekt en bevaren.

Leiden, Van der Aa 1706-08 [15,5 x 28 cm]
Original copper-engraving, uncoloured as published. The famous Dutch publisher and mapmaker Pieter Van der Aa (1659 Leiden – 1733 Leiden) published ‘during the period 1882-1733, an enormous quantity of printed matter’ (Koeman). This map was actually published in the first edition of his travelbooks ‘Naauwkeurige versameling der gedenk-waardigste zee en landreysen na Oost en West-Indien’, in Leiden 1706-08.
2nd state of this map, with the engraved ‘Privilege’ below the lower borderline. Still a good and acceptable copy. On the full sheet as published, however minor cut within the upper engraved borderline. The map was originally folded in this series, so that old folds are more or less visable.
[Stock No.:15564]
Full description




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Molukken
Van der Aa, Pieter

De Moluccos, of speceri-dragende eilanden tussen Gilolo en Celebes gelegen.

Leiden, Van der Aa 1706-08 [15,6 x 22,7 cm]
Original copper-engraving, uncoloured as published. The famous Dutch publisher and mapmaker Pieter Van der Aa (1659 Leiden – 1733 Leiden) published ‘during the period 1882-1733, an enormous quantity of printed matter’ (Koeman). This map was actually published in the first edition of his travelbooks ‘Naauwkeurige versameling der gedenk-waardigste zee en landreysen na Oost en West-Indien’, in Leiden 1706-08.
Printed on the full sheet as published; the map was originally folded in this series, so that old folds are more or less visable.
[Stock No.:15607]
Full description




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Java
Van der Aa, Pieter

Het eiland Java zoo als het sederd de tyden der Portugysen by de Ed. Oost-indize maatschappye bekend geworden en bevaren is.

Leiden, Van der Aa 1706-08 [15,7 x 23 cm]
Original copper-engraving, uncoloured as published. The famous Dutch publisher and mapmaker Pieter Van der Aa (1659 Leiden – 1733 Leiden) published ‘during the period 1882-1733, an enormous quantity of printed matter’ (Koeman). This map was actually published in the first edition of his travelbooks ‘Naauwkeurige versameling der gedenk-waardigste zee en landreysen na Oost en West-Indien’, in Leiden 1706-08.
Printed on the full sheet as published; the map was originally folded in this series, so that old folds are more or less visable.
[Stock No.:15604]
Full description




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Molukken & Celebes
Van der Aa, Pieter

De Moluccos en andere speceri-eilanden in d’oostindien.

Leiden, Van der Aa 1706-08 [15,9 x 23,5 cm]
Original copper-engraving, uncoloured as published. The famous Dutch publisher and mapmaker Pieter Van der Aa (1659 Leiden – 1733 Leiden) published ‘during the period 1882-1733, an enormous quantity of printed matter’ (Koeman). This map was actually published in the first edition of his travelbooks ‘Naauwkeurige versameling der gedenk-waardigste zee en landreysen na Oost en West-Indien’, in Leiden 1706-08.
On the full sheet as published, however minor cut within the upper engraved borderline. The map was originally folded in this series, so that old folds are more or less visable.
[Stock No.:15606]
Full description




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Moluccs / Gammalamm
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Stadt Gamenlamm – Gammalamme

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Decorative scene from the sea towards the city of Gammalamm in the Molucc islands.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18528]
Full description




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Waradin
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Stadt Waradin. – Waradin.

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Bird’s eye view of the city of Waradin with its fortifications and the nearer surroundings.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18533]
Full description




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Molucc Islands
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die malucesische Inselen. – Isle Molucque.

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Bird’s eye view of the Molucc Islands (Gammalamma, Ternate, Miterra, Tidoro, Pottebackers, Timor, Machian, Tabittola, Bachian and others). Decorative ornated with fireing canon sailing boats.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18537]
Full description

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Batavia – Jakarta
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Cutadel u Batavia – Citadelle de Batavia – Batavia – die Stadt Batavia.

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Decorative view of Batavia (Jakarta) from the sea with fireing canon boats in front of the port, above a small scene of the citadelle of Jakarta.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18538]
Full description

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Sunda Islands
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Inselen von Sont gegen Orient. – Isles dela Sonde vers l’Orient.

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Small and decorative map of the Sunda Islands (Celebes, Timor, Banda, Ceran, etc.) with the neighbouring Borneo, Phillipines and Papua seen again East.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18539]
Full description

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Cocos Palms
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Balmen Beume – Palmiers

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Decorative scene of three large Cocos Palms with a plantage in the background.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18545]
Full description

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Habitans
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Habitans des Isles dela Sonde – Von den Einwohnern der Insulen Sonde

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline and wash.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22273]
Full description

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Mallet, Allain Manesson

Molvoques – Die Mohiebeser

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline and wash.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:21654]
Full description

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Larron Islands
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Inwohner der Diebs Inseln. – Habitans des Isles des Larrons

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper-engraving, handcolored in wash and outline. Scene of two inhabitants of the Larron Islands.
In very good condition.
[Stock No.:22281]
Full description

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Sunda Islands
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Inseln von Sonte gegen Occident – Isles de la sonde vers occident.

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in wash and outline. Small and decorative map of the Sunda Islands seen again West with Sumatra, Java, the neighboring gulf of Siam and Bengal and Borneo. Ornated with a maritime title cartouche.
In very good condition.
[Stock No.:22289]
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Mallet, Allain Manesson

Habitans des Isles dela Sonde – Von den Einwohnern der Insulen Sonde

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline and wash.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:21631]
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Southeast Asia
Mallet, Allain Manesson

Die Inselen von Sonte gegen Orient. – Isles dela Sonde versi Orient

Frankfurt, 1719 [ca. 15 x 11 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in wash and outline.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22525]
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Borneo, Sumatra & Java
Ottens, Ioachim

Le Royaume de Siam Avec les Royaumes qui luy sont Tributaires, et Les Isles de Sumatra, Andemaon, etc. et les Isles Voisine Avec les Observations des Six Peres Jesuites Envojez par le Roy en Qualite de Ses Mathematiciens dans les Indes, et a la Chine ou est aussi Tracee. La Route qu’ils ont tenue par le Detroit de la Sonde Jusqu a Siam. A Amsterdam Chez Ioachim Ottens.

Amsterdam, Ottens 1730-45 [48,5 x 55,8 cm]
Copper engraving handcolored in outline when published. A strong and fine impressions of this detailled map of Sumatra, Borneo, Java and the Sunda islands. With many detailled engraved informations along the coastlines, names of villages, rivers, small islands, sand banks with depths, etc. Ship routes from Batavia to Siam are as well engraved. The map is equipped in the lower right right corner with a small milage scale.
A fine copy of this map, in original outline color and in a strong impression.
[Stock No.:17327]
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Southeast Asia
Mortier, Cornelius & Covens, Jean

Carte des Indes et de la Chine.
Dressee sur plusieurs Relations particulieres Rectisiees par quelques Observations. Par Guillaume de L`Isle de l’Academie Royale des Sciences. A. Amsterdam chez Iean Covens et Corneille Mortier.
Amsterdam, Covens, I. & Mortier, C. 1745 [65 x 62,8 cm]
Contemporary colored in outline. Decorative and detailed map of Southeast Asia.
Left margin cut close into the engraved border. The map was originally published folded, so that the old folds are still slightly visible. Still in very good condition.
[Stock No.:12729]
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Molucc Islands
Bellin, Nicolaus

Besondere Karte von den Moluckischen Eylanden.

Leipzig, Merkur 1752 [21,5 x 15,5 cm]
Copper engraving, decorative handcolored in wash and outline. A fine and detailed map showing the little Molucc Islands Ternate, Miterra, Tidor, Pottebackers, Timor (Mothir), Machian, Manen and Bachian located nearby the island of Gilolo. With engraved place names on the map, as well a few anchor places or other small detaills are engraved. Below the title a small mileage scale. Detailled and interesting map engraved by Bellin after earlier voyages.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18543]
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Philippines & Southeast Asia
Bonne, M.

La Presqu`Isle de L’Inde – au dela du Gange, avec L`Archpel des Indes. Partie Orientale. – Par M. Bonne, Ingenieur-Hydrographe de la Marine.

Paris, M. Bonne 1771 [34,7 x 23,5 cm]
Copper-engraving, decorative handcolored in outline and wash. Decorative map of Southeast Asia by the French cartographer Bonne showing the Phillipines, Borneo, the Celebe islands, Indonesia and the Mollucces. Many of the islands a named and with a few place names equipped.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18196]
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Awatska (Kamtschatka), Macao & Japan
Bonne, Rigobert

Plan du Haure de St. Pierre et St. Paul. – Plan de la Baye D`Awatska, sur la Cote Orientale. Du Kamtschatka. – Plan du Typa ou de Macao. – Partie du Japon ou Nipon.

Paris, M. Bonne 1785 [34,5 x 23,5 cm]
Copper engraving, uncolored as published.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:18188]
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East Indies
Reinecke, I.C.M.

Charte von Ostindien Diesseits und Jenseits des Ganges nach den neuesten astronom. Beobachtungen auch andern sichern Huelfsmitteln neu entworfen und nach der lezten Zertheilung des Mysorischen Reichs berichtiget von I.C.M. Reinecke. Weimar im Verlage des Geograph. Instituts. revidirt im Aug. 1804.

Weimar, Geographisches Institut 1804 [47,1 x 86 cm]
Copper engraving, hand colored in outline and wash when published.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:20936]
Full description




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Street of Malaka
Petermann, A.

Karte von Malaka und Naning, nach Aufnahmen und andern Quellen gez. von A. Petermann. – Der Dieksand oder Friederichs-Koog, nach der Aufnahme von Wiechers u. Kroehnke gez. von A. Petermann

Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1857 [24,7 x 19,3 cm]
Lithograph, original hand color in outline.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22393]
Full description




 

Java
Petermann, A.

Orographisch_physikalische Karte von Java. Die Grundlage nach der grossen Karte von Dr. F. Junghuhn,
Die Hoehenverhaeltnisse nach allen bisherigen hypsometrischen Messungen von: Blueme, Lange, Forsten, Hasskarl, Herwer, Hoerner, Jukes, Junghuhn, Maier, Melvill, Mueller, Reinwardt, Smits, Zollingen u. a. – Von A. Petermann
Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1860 [24,7 x 42,6 cm]
Lithograph, original color in outline and wash.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22390]
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Sumatra
Petermann, A.

Die suedlichen Batta-Laender auf Sumatra. Hauptsaechlich nach Angaben und Zeichnungen Rheinischer Missionare, (namentlich Chr. Leipoldt & W. Heine) & des Ingenieurs Nagel. – Unter Redaktion von A. Petermann.

Gotha, Justus Perthes 1876 [36,1 x 22,9 cm]
Original lithograph, handcolored in outline and wash when published. The map shows the southern ‘Batta countries’ on Sumatra, after notes of missionares from Germany, mainly Chr. Leipoldt & W. Heine and the Ing. Nagel. With an inset map of the mission regions.
In excellent condition. The map was originally folded, so that the old folds are still slightly visable.
[Stock No.:18193]
Full description




 

Sumatra
Veth, D.D.

Originalkarte des mittleren Sumatra zur Uebersicht der Wissenschaftlichen Expedition 1877 bis 1879. – Mit Benutzung der Aufnahmen von Schouw Santvoort, Cornelissen & Makkini – gezeichnet von D. D. Veth. Mitglied der Expedition

Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1880 [38,1 x 58,2 cm]
Original lithograph in colors, printed in colors and handcolored in outline. Detailled map of central Sumatra, providing an overview of the scientific expedition 1877-79. Using the mappings by Schouw Santvoort, Cornelissen and Makkink. The map is providing an enormous amount on information on the river system, the mountains and trails in Sumatra. A detailled map.
In excellent condition. The map was originally folded, so that the old folds are still slightly visable.
[Stock No.:14273]
Full description




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Island Saleijer
Petermann, A.

Originalkarte der Insel Saleijer im Ostindischen Archipel. – Aufgenommen u. gezeichnet von H. E. D. Engelhard.

Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1886 [52,6 x 20,3 cm]
Lithograph, original color in outline and wash.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22429]
Full description

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Sumatra
Petermann, A.

Karte der Alluvial-Bildungen in Bancka. – Von Dr. Th. Posewitz.

Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1886 [19,3 x 24,2 cm]
Lithograph, original color in outline and wash.
In excellent condition.
[Stock No.:22435]
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Celebes Island
Petermann, A.

Topographische Skizze aus dem Ostarm der Insel Celebes
Aufgenommen im Februar und Maerz 1905 von Dr. J. Wagner
Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1914 [41,5 x 38,7 cm]
Lithograph, original color as published.
In excellent condition. The map was originally published folded, so that the old folds are still slightly visible.
[Stock No.:19242]
Full description




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Molucc Islands
Petermann, A.

Die Molukkeninsel Misol
Aufgenommen von O. D. Tauern August bis Oktober 1911 – Gezeichnet unter Benutzung der niederlaendischen Seekarten.
Gotha, Justus Perthes. 1915 [37,8 x 46,6 cm]
Lithograph, hand colored in outline when published. This decortative map shows the Molucc island Misol. Inside the map are many rivers and mountains shown. At the bottom we look at a panorama from Djawaplolo at Fanfanlolo.
In excellent condition. The map was originally published folded, so that the old folds are still slightly visible.
[Stock No.:19240]
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1899

President of Javasche bank

25/03/1899 – 18/02/1906 J. Reijsenbach
Reijsenbach was President of the Javasche Bank from March 25, 1899. After the Eight Exclusive Right was established, Reijsenbach resigned and was honorably discharged per February 28, 1906. Reijsenbach died on December 1, 1918.

 

 

1899

 

THE 10 CENT PLAKZEGEL VAN NEDERLANSCHE INDIE

(1)  6.5.1899(earliest date)

 

 

 

.1900  NED.INDIE REVENUE STAMP 10 CENT  DEI 2nd issued revenue , (please report the HIGNHEST NOMINAL )

 

: From the arrival of the first Dutch ships in the late sixteenth century, Dutch control over the Indonesian archipelago was tenuous.

[7]

Although parts of Java were under Dutch domination for most of the 350 years of the combined VOC and Dutch East Indies era, many areas remained independent for much of this time including

Aceh

,

Bali

,

Kalimantan

, and

Lombok

.

[7]

It was not until the early 20th century, that Dutch dominance was extended across what was to become the territory of modern-day Indonesia. There were numerous wars and disturbances across the archipelago as various indigenous groups resisted efforts to establish a Dutch hegemony, which weakened Dutch control and tied up its military forces.

[8]

 

 

The submission of Prince Diponegoro to General De Kock at the end of the Java War in 1830

INDONESIA UNDER NAOPEON FRENCH DOMINATION(1806-1810)

In 1806, with the Netherlands under French domination, Napoleon appointed his brother, Louis to the Dutch throne which led to the 1808 appointment of Marshall Herman Willem Daendels to Governor General of the Dutch East Indies.[9]

INDONESIA UNDER BRITISH DENOMINATION (1811-1816)

In 1811, British forces occupied several Dutch East Indies ports including Java and Thomas Stamford Raffles became Lieutenant Governor.

1816

Dutch control was restored in 1816.[10]

1824

Under the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty, the Dutch secured British settlements in Indonesia, such as Bengkulu in Sumatra, in exchange for ceding control of their possessions in the Malay Peninsula and Dutch India. The resulting borders between British and Dutch possessions remain between Malaysia and Indonesia. As exploitation of Indonesian resources expanded off Java, most of the outer islands came under direct Dutch government control or influence. Significant Indonesian piracy remained a problem for the Dutch until the mid-19th century.[7]

1821

The Dutch subjugated the Minangkabau of Sumatra in the Padri War (1821–38)

1825

the Java War (1825–30) ended significant Javanese resistance.[11]

1846

. After failed expeditions to conquer Bali in 1846 and 1848, an 1849 interventionbrought northern Bali under Dutch control.

1859

The Banjarmasin War (1859–1863) in southeast Kalimantan resulted in the defeat of the Sultan

.

 

 

 

 

 

 

.

.

 

1829

 

Father van der Grinten was the head pastor of the Catholic Church of Batavia – the first Catholic church in Batavia – located at the corner of Lapangan Banteng (a large open square situated in an European enclave and formerly known as Waterloopein).

 

It was built over the former residence of the Dutch East Indies military commander General Hendrik Merkus de Kock (who later was made Baron for his triumph over Prince Diponegoro in the Java war).

The church was inaugurated on 6 November 1829 and blessed by the head pastor at that time, Father L. Prinsen,  as “The Church of Our Lady of Assumption”. It measured 35 long by 17 metres wide, consisted of a large hall with rows of pillars on either side in the neo-gothic style, a common architectural style for churches at the time. Father van der Grinten lived in the priest’s residence on the east wing of the church, while the sacristan lived in the west wing.

 

1840

 

In 1840 Batavia had 537, and, in 1880, 1015 inhabitants

 

1849

The KNIL was involved in many campaigns against indigenous groups in the Netherlands East Indies including crushing the final resistance of Bali inhabitants to colonial rule in 1849,

 

 

1850

Cafe Batavia

 

a building in the old Jakarta city area just across the square of Fatahillah, the main attraction is the interior. It was constructed between 1805-1850, and underwent a renovation in 1993. The Cafe Batavia  was established in 1930.

1852

The Postal history used cover from Honolulu hawai via manila to Batavia.

Postmarks front and back of this cover are Honolulu, March 11, 1852, Manila, May 19 and June 17, Hong Kong, June 21, Canton, July 2 along with a Canton PAID mark, and again Hong Kong on July 22. This cover, addressed to Batavia via a forwarder in Canton, was carried to Manila by the Bremen bark Ceres, departing April 3, 1852. The letter next went from Manila to Hong Kong and paid a single letter rate of 4 pence (represented by the black “4” over the Honolulu postmark). At Hong Kong, the letter was sent to the forwarder in Canton at another 4 pence rate (represented by the red “4” in the upper left corner). The forwarder crossed out his name, paid postage to Singapore (1 shilling represented by a red squiggle over the Honolulu postmark) and sent it back down to Hong Kong. From Hong Kong, the letter was carried to Singapore by the P&O steamship Malta (July 23 departure; July 31 arrival) under British mail contract, and then to Batavia by local shipping. The “48” is said to represent a Batavia local rate, typically written with the same type of ink

 

the famous “Batavia Cover” shown below.

 

Backstamps

 

.

1857

Dirk Anthonius Varkevisser, an official of the Dutch East Indies government, was born in Samarang (present-day Semarang in Central Java) on 11th July 1800 and passed away on 4th January 1857 in Batavia. He was the former Dutch resident of Pasuruan (in east Java, near to the city of Surabaya), and he was also knighted and conferred the Order of the Netherlands Lion, a Dutch order awarded to eminent individuals from all walks of life, including generals, ministers, mayors, leading scientists, industrialists and high ranking civil servants, among others

1865

 

Photograph of night watchmen in Batavia by Isidore van Kinsbergen, 1865

 

Painting of Mount Merapi erupting in 1865, by Raden Saleh

1866

In 1866 ,

 

 

 

Bickmore stories …

Prof. Albert S. Bickmore was traveling in Sumatra, he saw not a little of these people, and he believed then that the place where their aboriginal civilization sprang up was very likely on the shores of that famous Sumatran lake, Lake Toba, and upon the neighboring plateau of Silindung. From this locality they gradually occupied an extensive domain in the in- terior, which was extended upon either side to the seacoast. Eventually, however, the Malays spread along the coast line, and thus confined the Battaks once more to the interior.

 

The origin of the Battas is doubtful

Battas or Dutch Battaks, the inhabitants of the formerly independent Batta country, in the central highlands of Sumatra, now for the most part subjugated to the Dutch government. The still independent area extends from 9 8 °-99° 35′ E., and 2°-3° 25′ S. North-east of Toba Lake dwell the Timor Batta [ Batak Timur = Simalungun now, red], and west of it the Pakpak [Dairi, red ], but on its north (in the mountains which border on the east coast residency) the Karo Batta [ Batak Karo , red ] form a special group, which, by its dialects and ethnological character, appears to be allied to the Gajus [ suku Gayo , red ] and Alias [suku Alas : red] occupying the interior of Achin [Aceh : red ].

The origin of the Battas is doubtful. It is not known whether they were settled in Sumatra before the Hindu period. Their language contains words of Sanskrit origin and others referable to Javanese, Malay and Tagal influence. Their domain has been doubtless much curtailed, and their absorption into the Achin and Malay population seems to have been long going on.


Battas are physically quite different from the Malay type

The Battas are undoubtedly of Malayan stock, and by most authorities are affiliated to that Indonesian pre-Malayan race which peopled the Indian Archipelago, expelling the aboriginal negritos, and in turn themselves submitting to the civilized Malays. In many points the Battas are physically quite different from the Malay type. The average height of the men is 5 ft. 4 in.[± 160-170 cm , red ]; of the women 4 ft. 8 in [± 130 – 140 cm , red ].

 

The Battas are dirty in their dress and dwellings and eat any kind of food

In general build they are rather thickset, with broad shoulders and fairly muscular limbs. The colour of the skin ranges from dark brown to a yellowish tint, the darkness apparently quite independent of climatic influences or distinction of race. The skulll is rather ovall than round. In marked contrast to the Malay type are the large, black, longshaped eyes, beneath heavy, black or dark brown eyebrows. The cheek-bones are somewhat prominent, but less so than among the Malays. The Battas are dirty in their dress and dwellings and eat any kind of food, though they live chiefly on rice. They are remarkable as a people who in many ways are cultured and possess a written language of their own, and yet are cannibals.
Battaks have long been notorious for the most revolting forms of cannibalism
The more civilized of them around Lake Toba are good agriculturists and stock-breeders, and understand iron-smelting. They weave and dye cotton, make jewellery and krisses which are often of exquisite workmanship, bake pottery, and build picturesque chalet-like houses of two storeys. They have an organized government, hereditary chiefs, popular assemblies, and a written civil and penal code. There is even an antiquated postal; system, the letter-boxes being the hollow tree trunks at crossroads. Yet in spite of this comparative culture the Battas have long been notorious for the most revolting forms of cannibalism. ( see: Memoirs of the Life, &c., of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, 1830.)

Battaks is mainly confined to a belief in three gods concept

The Battas are the only lettered people of the Indian Archipelago who are not Mahommedans. Their religion is mainly confined to a belief in evil spirits, but they recognize three gods, a Creator, a Preserver and a Destroyer, like a trinity suggestive of Hindu influence.
Up to the publication of Dr H. N. van der Tuuk’s essay, Over schrift en uitspraak der Tobasche taal (1855), our knowledge of the Batta language was confined to lists of words more or less complete, chiefly to be found in W. Marsden’s Miscellaneous Works, in F. W. Junghuhn’s Battalander, and in the Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap, vol. iii. (1855). By his exhaustive works (Bataksch Leesboek, in 4 vols., 1861-1862; Batakschnederduitsch Woordenboek, 1861; Tobasche Spraakkunst, 1864-1867) van der Tuuk made the Batta language the most accessible of the various tongues spoken in Sumatra.

 

Batta is poor in general terms, but abounds in terms for special objects

According to him, it is nearest akin to the old Javanese and Tagal, but A. Schreiber (Die Battas in ihrem Verheiltnis zu den Malaien von Sumatra, 1874) endeavoured to prove its closer affinity with the Malay proper. Like most languages spoken by less civilized tribes, Batta is poor in general terms, but abounds in terms for special objects. The number of dialects is three, viz. the Toba, the Mandailing and the Dairi dialects; the first and second have again two subdivisions each.
The Battas further possess six peculiar or recondite modes of speech, such as the Hata Andung, or language of the wakes, and the Hata Poda or the soothsayer’s language.
A fair acquaintance with reading and writing is very general among them.
Battaks’s alphabet is said, with the Rejang and Lampong alphabets, to be of Indian origin.
The language is written on bark or bamboo staves from bottom to top, the lines being arranged from left to right. The literature consists chiefly in books on witchcraft, in stories, riddles, incantations, &c., and is mostly in prose, occasionally varied by verse.’
See also “Reisen nach dem Toba See,” Petermanns Mitteil. (1883); Modigliani, Fra i Batacchi indipendenti (Rome, 1892); Neumann, “Het Paneen Bilastroomgebiad,” Tydschr. Aardr. Gen., 1885-1887; Van Dijk in the same periodical (1890-1895); Wing Easton in the Jaarboek voor het Mynwezen, 1894; Niemann in the Encyclopaedia van Nederlandsch-Indie, under the heading Bataks, with very detailed bibliography; Baron J. v. Brenner, Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras (Wurzburg, 1893); H. Breitenstein, 21 Jahre in Indien, Java, Sumatra (Leipzig, 1899-1900); G. P. Rouffaer, Die BatikKunst in niederlcindisch-Indien and ihre Geschichte (Haarlem, 1899).

1879

 

House in Batavia, from Le Tour du Monde, 1879

1878

 

 

Solok Maastricht Petrus regout Plate  decoration motif 1878

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1879

 

 

Minang King Adhytiawarman Tomb Batoesangkat in 1879

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adhytiawarna Script stone (batoe Basoerek) Batoesangkar in 1879

 

 

 

Istana Pagarroejoeng scriptstone Batoesangkar in 1879

 

 

 

 

Pantjar Matahari(Zonnebloemen of Lotus) of Minang King Tom(Koeboeran rajo) Batoesangkar in 1879

Compare with Batu Basurek Batusangkar now below

 

 

Batu Basurek is a stone with inscriptions in the old Palava script of India, bearing the legend of Adityawarman in the year 1347. Literally, “Batu Basurek” itself means “The Written Stone”.

The stone’s 25 cm wide, 80 cm high, and 10 cm thick. Erected above King Adityawarman’s resting place centuries ago, this stone was rediscovered in December 16th, 1880.

The inscription told about Adityawarman’s heritages. Due to his services to Majapahit Kingdom, Adityawarman became a king in Dharmasraya and moved his kingdom from Siguntur Sawahlunto to Pagaruyung

 

 

 

 

 

1880

 

 

 

Hotel Sumatra Padang ca 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tugu Michelspielen 1880

 

 

Landscape near military Hospital Padang in 1880

 

 

 

 

1880

According to the magazine in 1880, the city of Pariaman where ship port,like  the Port of Bengkulu and Sibolga

 (Said Zakaria,1930,Handwritten Document Book)

 

Klenteng padang

 In 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

muara padang 1880

 

 

 

 

Native Boat called Perahu at Muara Batang Arau Padang in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

Appenberg(gunung Monyet) 1880

 

 

 

 

 

Teloek bajoer emma haven in 1880

House at Padang in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

Loeboek Parakoe Indarung Padang 1880

 

Padang solok railways

 

 

 

Kampung Tengah padang pandjang 1880

 

 

 

Singkarak lake train and road bridge in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Anai Valley Waterfalls in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Arau Valley waterfalls in 1880

3. Jembatan di Silungkang Sawah Lunto (sekarang jalan lintas sumatera )

 

 silungkang bridge in 1880

 

 

 

 

Padang Pandjang 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Lubuk Bagalung 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pulau pisang(Banana Island) Padang 1880

 

 

 

 

Penjual limun(buah)

 

Pariaman City in 1880

 

Manindjaoe Lake  Women 1880

 

 

Ombilin Coal mine Sawahloento Landscape 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Coal mine Ombilin Sawahloento Workers in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Kajoetanam 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1887

Merapi mount crater in 1887

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1826

 

Fort van der Capellen batoesangkar sketch in 1826

House in Padang ca 1826

 

 

 

1829

 

Fort van der Capellen Batoesangkar in 1829

 

 

 

 

 

 

1833

pada tahun 1833 bergabunglah Kaum Adat bersama Kaum Padri dan berbalik melawan Belanda

INFO LENGKAP

Lihat Dr Iwan CD-ROM

Padang West Sumatera History Collections

Part Minang Kabau

 

1839

Merapi Mount Agam crater sketch in 1839 By Muller

 

 

 

 

 

 

1856

Muara padang 1856

 

 

 

 

 

1859

 

 Old fort van der capellen Batoesangkar’s Commandat House in 1859

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1865

Kotogadang Man

 

 

 

 

1870

Koto Nan ampek Pajakoemboeh in 1870

 

Pedagang Ayam Keliling Masa Kolonial

 

Pedagang ayam keliling di Jawa 1867 (Koleksi: http://www.kitlv.nl)

Mengulas aktifitas masyarakat tempo dulu selalu menarik walaupun dengan sedikit keterbatasan dalam hal data sejarah. Tetapi memang seharusnya bahwa setiap individu, kelompok masyarakat memiliki sejarah sendiri dan layak untuk ditulis walaupun tidak mendetail. Atau dapatlah kita sebut sebagai serpihan, puzzle, potongan yang akan melengkapi bagaimana masa lalu bergerak dan digerakkan. Sejarah memang tidak seharusnya dikuasai oleh tokoh-tokoh besar tanpa memberi ruang bagi masyarakat kecil untuk ditulis. Mungkin mereka tidak terlalu berarti bagi perubahan besar sejarah manusia tetapi setidaknya mereka berarti bagi dirinya sendiri dan lingkungan sekitarnya. Maka tidak heran bahwa keberadaan masyarakat yang beraktifitas secara individu sering terlewatkan. Padahal aktifitas tersebut hingga saat ini masih bisa kita lihat.

Bila kita amati lagi bahwa aktifitas masyarakat terutama dalam bidang ekonomi memiliki profesi yang begitu luas terutama dalam hal perdagangan. Mereka memiliki spesifikasi yang berbeda dengan produk yang berbeda. Pedagang ayam keliling merupakan salah satunya. Mereka tidak semata-mata beraktifitas sebagai pedagang saja tetapi terkadang aktifitas mereka juga mencakup aktifitas peternakan. Peternakan ayam yang mereka kelola biasanya berada di belakang rumah dengan kandang dari bambu dan dalam skala yang kecil. Usaha peternakan ayam merupakan upaya dari penambahan penghasilan keluarga.

 

Pedagang ayam keliling di Jawa 1870 (Koleksi: http://www.kitlv.nl)

Beberapa ayam yang telah cukup umur mereka jual dengan berkeliling desa ataupun dibawa ke pasar dengan pikulan. Mereka menawarkan ayam tersebut kepada keluarga-keluarga yang mampu yang biasanya kaum bangsawan, saudagar ataupun masyarakat Eropa. Selain dari rumah ke rumah beberapa desa juga terkadang memiliki pasar khusus hewan yang dibuka pada hari-hari tertentu. Para pedagang ayam berkumpul dipasar ini untuk memperjualkan hasil ternak mereka. Perhatikan foto koleksi kitlv di atas yang menampilkan pedagang ayam dengan pikulan dan kurungan yang terbuat dari bambu sedang menawarkan dagangannya kepada nyonya Eropa disebelah kanannya. Foto yang satu menampilkan seorang laki-laki tua dengan pikulan yang berisi ayam, lewat didepan sebuah rumah yang cukup besar, kemungkinan rumah Eropa ataupun bangsawan dan tentunya untuk menawarkan hasil ternaknya.

Di daerah pedesaan aktifitas pedagang ayam keliling ini masih sering terlihat dan biasanya sudah tidak memakai pikulan untuk membawa ayam-ayam tersebut tetapi dengan kendaraan sepeda motor berbronjong. Pasar hewan juga masih bertahan hingga sekarang begitu juga dengan hari pasarannya. Ada perubahan tetapitidak terlalu esensial, tetap mereka disebut pedagang ayam keliling

(phesolo)

Penjual Sepatu Masa Kolonial Belanda

 

Penjual Sepatu atau Tukang Sol Sepatu di Jawa 1870 (Koleksi: http://www.kitlv.nl)

Melihat dan membaca buku Olivier Johannes (Pekerdja di Djawa Tempo Doeloe, Published 2013 by Galang Pustaka) mengenai pekerjaan masyarakat Hindia Belanda masa lampau yang terekam dalam kartu pos memang menarik dan apa yang dihadirkan merupakan pekerjaan-pekerjaan yang menggambarkan masyarakat kecil pada umumnya. Pedagang merupakan pekerjaan yang umum yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat, selain bertani dan penjual jasa. Tak dipungkiri lagi ketiga aktivitas tersebut merupakan aktivitas manusia sejak masa lampau dan terus berkembang sebagai mata pencaharian masyarakat dalam bidang ekonomi.

Berkembangnya masyarakat di Hindia Belanda menuju masyarakat modern pada akhir abad ke-19 dan awal abad ke-20 yang ditandai dengan masuknya berbagai pemikiran dan produk-produk modernitas telah mengubah wajah Hindia Belanda masa kolonial. Masyarakat mulai bergeser mengikuti perkembangan jaman melalui pemakaian produk-produk modern terutama kaum bangsawan. Mulai dari pendidikan, gaya hidup, gaya berpakaian dan salah satunya adalah pemakaian sepatu atau alas kaki. Sepatu dan alas kaki yang terbuat dari kulit merupakan barang mewah dan masih berupa produk tangan belum menjadi produk massal yang dibuat di pabrik seperti saat ini.

Pemakaian alas kaki merupakan kebiasaan yang diambil dari budaya luar oleh masyarakat, biasanya masyarakat bertelanjang kaki baik masyarakat umum maupun bangsawan. Kebiasaan memakai alas kaki baik sandal selop maupun sepatu memunculkan aktivitas jasa baru di masyarakat, yaitu jasa pembuatan sepatu atau tukang sepatu. Dalam foto koleksi KITLV ditampilkan bagaimana penjual sepatu sedang mengukur kaki seseorang yang akan membeli sepatu. Penjual sepatu ini merupakan penjual sepatu keliling atau kemungkinan juga ia merangkap sebagai tukang reparasi sepatu (biasanya disebut tukang sol sepatu). Tentunya pelanggan dari penjual atau tukang reparasi sepatu ini merupakan masyarakat Eropa dan bangsawan.

Kebiasaan mereparasi sepatu yang rusak oleh tukang reparasi sepatu (tukang sol sepatu) hingga kini masih ada. Biasanya mereka berkeliling kampung atau mangkal di pinggir jalan dengan sepasang kotak berisi alat-alat kerjanya yang terdiri dari benang, jarum dan juga alas sepatu. Pekerjaan masa lampau tidak selamanya hilang.

(phesolo)

 

 

 

 

 

 

1890

The church of Our Lady of Assumption at waterlooplein stood until 9 April 1890 when it collapsed due to old age and poor maintenance.

A new church was rebuilt in its place between 1891 and 1901 and today it stands as the Jakarta Cathedral. The church is acknowledged as an integral instrument for the spread of Roman Catholicism in Java during the 19th century.

 

 

 

MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA DR IWANS.

1870

 

Istana Kota batu Di Labuhan deli 1870

1872

Kepala Di Timbang Langkat Sulong Barat( anak dari Dato’ jalil adik Dato’ Kecil) Paman Dato; Sunggal Badalluzaman Sri Ditraja mengumpulkan Pasukan untuk mengancam kesultan Deli   karena tidak merata pembagian lahan nanatra Kolonial dan Pribumi oleh sultan deli akibat sultan Mahmud dengan gampang memberikan tanah kepada maskapai Kolonialis.
Atas nama sultan Deli Belanda menurunkan pasukan untuk menahan perlawanan yang dilakukan sulong Barat, inilah awalnya timbul Perang Sunggal.

 

1873

25 Oktober 1873 Sultan Mahmud mangkat dalam usia 44 tahun, dimakamkan dilingkungan mesjid Osmani di Labuhan deli ,Pada pemerintahan beliau dibbangundibangun istana Kota batu tepat didepan Mesjid osmani  dan beliau digantikan oleh Sultan Ma’mun Al Rasyid

 

 

 

Dr IWAN ‘S CYBERMUSEUM

THE FIRST INDONESIAN CYBERMUSEUM

MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA PERTAMA DI INDONESIA

DALAM PROSES UNTUK MENDAPATKAN SERTIFIKAT MURI

PENDIRI DAN PENEMU IDE

THE FOUNDER

Dr IWAN SUWANDY, MHA

 

The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum

KOLEKSI PEDANG PANJANG ACEH

Pedang Panjang Aceh Sumatera

Aceh (juga disebut sebagai Aceh, Atjin, Aceh Achin.) Berada di ujung utara Sumatera di Indonesia. Hal ini diyakini menjadi salah satu kerajaan tertua di Indonesia. Hindu dan Budha pengaruh dari India mungkin telah sampai ke Aceh pada awal abad pertama. abad keenam A. D. Tionghoa sejarah. berbicara tentang sebuah kerajaan di ujung utara Sumatera bernama Po-Li. Hal ini diyakini bahwa Islam mungkin pertama kali memasuki kepulauan Indonesia melalui Aceh suatu waktu antara abad ke-8 dan 12. Pada 1292, Marco Polo, pada pelayaran epik dari China mengunjungi Sumatera dalam perjalanan ke Persia dan melaporkan bahwa di bagian utara pulau setidaknya ada enam pelabuhan perdagangan sibuk termasuk Perlak, Samudera dan lambri. Dengan masa lalu seperti ini tidak mengherankan bahwa senjata mereka telah Hindu, Budha, pengaruh Cina dan Islam. Daerah ini memiliki sejarah bela diri yang luas. Pada pertengahan abad ke-14, Pasai diserbu oleh tentara Majapahit dari Jawa. Pada tahun 1523, Sultan Ali menyerang Portugis di Pasai, Portugal menewaskan komandan militer Horge de Brito. Sultan Ali berhasil mengusir pasukan Portugis dari Pasai. Setelah kekalahan ini, Portugal berusaha untuk menaklukkan beberapa kali di Aceh, tanpa keberhasilan. Pada 1873, Belanda menyatakan perang dan menyerang Aceh Darussalam. Tapi Belanda menemukan lebih sulit daripada mereka diharapkan untuk mendapatkan kontrol dari seluruh Aceh. Aceh menolak pendudukan, menyentuh dari Perang Aceh, perang kolonial / ekspedisi terpanjang diperjuangkan oleh lebih dari 10.000 jiwa Belanda dan mengklaim. Aceh-Belanda perang berlarut-larut sampai 1914, resistensi dilanjutkan dengan kelompok-kelompok kecil sampai 1942 ketika Jepang tiba di Hindia Belanda. Sudah sering dikatakan bahwa Kesultanan Aceh dari abad ke-16 pada itu dalam perjuangan terus-menerus. Meskipun banyak senjata bermata digunakan di Aceh ada 3 senjata utama yang telah memainkan peran dalam sejarah Aceh. Mereka adalah rencong, Siwaih (Siwah, Sewar, Siwar) dan peudeueng. Artikel ini akan berurusan dengan peudeueng tersebut. Ketika saya mendapatkan imformation lebih ini akan diperbarui dan jenis pedang yang lebih dapat ditambahkan. Tidak ada dalam ini harus dianggap sebagai pekerjaan baru atau asli di bagian saya. Sebaliknya ini adalah kompilasi dari apa yang begitu banyak orang telah berbaik hati untuk berbagi dengan saya, dan apa yang diterbitkan bahan yang saya telah dapat mengakses. Saya yakin ada ketidakakuratan di sini yang merupakan hasil dari kesalahan yang jujur. Mereka akan dikoreksi karena saya dibuat sadar dari mereka atau mencari informasi yang lebih baik. Itulah salah satu keuntungan besar artikel yang telah berbasis web. Tidak seperti kata dipublikasikan yang hanya dapat sebagai baik sebagai informasi pada saat penerbitan; artikel berbasis web dapat udated dan diubah.

The New York Times, pada 6 Mei 1873, menulis: “Sebuah pertempuran berdarah telah terjadi di Aceh, Kerajaan pribumi menempati bagian utara pulau Sumatra Belanda menyampaikan serangan umum dan sekarang kami memiliki rincian hasilnya. Serangan itu. jijik dengan pembantaian besar. jenderal Belanda tewas, dan tentara-Nya dimasukkan ke penerbangan bencana. Tampaknya, memang, telah harfiah hancur. “

 

Pedang panjang Aceh disebut peudeung tersebut. Meskipun pedang diberikan ke Aceh itu hampir pasti mereka digunakan juga oleh kelompok-kelompok etnis lain di daerah tersebut. Ada bukti penggunaannya sebagai senjata setidaknya sejauh kembali sebagai abad ke-17. Ini mungkin telah digunakan secara terpisah, dengan pedang ganda atau dengan perisai bulat kecil yang disebut sebuah peurise. Perlu dicatat bahwa pedang ini juga sering disebut dengan nama lain. Dalam buku referensi yang sangat lengkap, SENJATA TRADISIONAL DARI KEPULAUAN INDONESIA. oleh AG Van Zonneveld mereka disebut sebagai “aku Pedang” “Sikin Pasangan” dan “Sikin Panjang” Banyak sumber-sumber lain termasuk situs yang sangat baik Dominique Buttin yang menyebutnya sebagai “Sikin” (Sikim, Sikkim, Sekem). Dalam sebuah korespondensi dengan Dominique Buttin, ia memberitahu bahwa, “Peudeung namanya berarti pedang, yang merupakan arti sama dengan Podang dari Batak atau Pedang dari Jawa.” Sebuah masalah besar dengan memutuskan nama yang akan digunakan untuk ini pedang berasal dari fakta bahwa ada 10 kelompok subethnic dari acehnesse (seperti Aceh, Gayo, Alas, Aneuk Jamee, Melayu Tamiang, Kluet, Devayan, Sigulai, Haloban dan Julu) Disini Saya akan menggunakan istilah yang digunakan dalam sebagian besar sumber-sumber Belanda dan itu adalah “Peudeueng”. Sebuah tinjauan literatur tampaknya untuk membagi peudeueng oleh gaya pisau dan jenis jika gagang. Berbilah pedang lurus disebut peudeueng Panjang (sikin Panjang, sikin pandjang, loedjo Aceh,). Pisau melengkung peudeueng disebut peudeueng Peusangan (peudeueng Pasangan, sikin Peusangan, sikin pasagan, Pedang, poedeung).

Sebuah Panjang peudeueng dengan tumpang Hulu beunteung (Hulul Buaya)

 

Sebuah Peusangan peudeueng dengan Hulu meu APET

 

Sebuah Peusangan peudeueng dengan tumpang Hulu beunteung (HuluPasangan)

 

 

Divisi lain untuk Aceh pedang adalah dengan jenis atau bentuk gagang atau Hulu, Dalam “Hands of Time: Kerajinan Aceh”, oleh Barbara Leigh, 1989, Jakarta, ia menggambarkan mereka sebagai “gagang seperti ekor kucing”, “gagang seperti mulut buaya”, “gagang seperti tanduk rusa”, “gagang seperti kaki kuda”, dan “gagang seperti ekor bebek” Sementara semua ini dapat ditemukan di Aceh lainnya pedang, saya hanya menemukan 4 jenis Hulu pada peudeueng. Gagang yang terlihat seperti mulut terbuka hewan (atau buaya) disebut Hulu tumpang beunteung di Gayo atau Hulu Buaya di Aceh. Jenis gagang dapat dilihat pada kedua peudeueng Panjang dan peudeueng Peusangan. Dalam salah satu varian dari tips datang bersama-sama sampai mereka hampir menyentuh dengan ujung diratakan. Gaya Saya diberitahu oleh smith Aceh masih disebut Buaya Hulu tetapi beberapa buku juga menyebutnya Peusangan Hulu. Peusangan adalah nama sungai dan nama kecamatan di Bireuen, Aceh Jenis ketiga adalah biasanya terlihat hanya pada Panjang peudeueng disebut Rumpung Hulu.

a close up of a hulu tumpang beunteung (Hulu Pasangan)

 

 

dari dekat dari Hulu tumpang beunteung (Hulu Pasangan)

 

Sebuah Panjang peudeueng dengan rumpung Hulu

Keempat jenis gagang yang terlihat pada peudeueng disebut meu APET Hulu (Hulu Muapit di Gayo atau Sukul Mekepit di Alas). Hulu berarti gagang meu adalah kata kerja APET (jaga / kawal) berarti dijaga, maka ini hanya dapat berarti “gagang dijaga”. Beberapa sumber lain menyebutnya gagang Daun Tebu. Duan Daun Tebu Gula Tebu berarti dan ujung gagang ini dikatakan menyerupai tebu tumbuh. Para Hulu meu APET sangat mirip gagang pedang India terlihat pada Khanda dan firangi, tetapi lonjakan akhirnya adalah lebih pendek.

dari dekat dari meu suatu APET Hulu


Baru-baru ini Ariel Barkan, pada forum di http://www.vikingsword.com, menyadari bahwa hal itu juga dipengaruhi oleh gagang Gulabghati India, dinamakan demikian karena disk atasnya memiliki garis-garis konsentris menyerupai bunga mawar, “gulab”. Lebih lanjut tentang ini gaya gagang dapat ditemukan di India dan Armour Senjata oleh GN Celana.

 

suatu Hulu meu APET LANGKA  terlihat dengan tombol pada akhir gagang, ini kadang-kadang disebut meutampoh Peudeueng. Mungkin ini harus dianggap sebagai gaya terpisah dari gagang

 

 

 

 

 

Albert G. Van Zonnenveld menyatakan dalam bukunya, bahwa Peusangan peudeueng dengan Hulu meu APET sebagian besar pembuatan asing dan tidak mendapatkan bantuan besar. Perasaan adalah bahwa karena itu varian ini mungkin sebagian besar seremonial. Itu mungkin benar hari ini, bagaimanapun, foto yang diambil selama perang Belanda-Aceh dapat ditemukan dengan pedang ini digunakan. Sementara spesimen hiasan dapat ditemukan, mayoritas Hulu meu APET saya jumpai atau melihat gambar yang dirancang untuk fungsi dan tidak terlalu banyak hiasan. Para sarung biasanya ditemukan dengan mereka yang juga agak keras. Spesimen dapat ditemukan dengan tanda-tanda kerusakan biasanya berhubungan dengan kerusakan pertempuran. Pedang dengan Hulu meu APET bahkan ditemukan pada beberapa pertempuran bendera. Selain contoh dari pedang dapat ditemukan dengan Azimat di dalamnya atau pada selubung untuk melindungi pembawa dalam pertempuran.

 

Bendera ini – secara harfiah – telah direndam dalam darah: penelitian laboratorium telah mengkonfirmasi bahwa bendera memiliki lubang peluru dan beruang noda darah. Ini mungkin darah CH letnan satu Bischoff. Dialah yang ditangkap bendera untuk jarahan selama penyerbuan sebuah ‘benteng’ (Melayu untuk benteng) yang diselenggarakan oleh musuh Achinese pada tahun 1840. Bischoff membayar petualangannya dengan sebelas luka yang ditimbulkan oleh klewangs musuh. Klewang awalnya pedang asli Aceh: ‘gliwang’. Menjelang akhir abad ke-19 itu menjadi fitur karakteristik seragam Belanda Hindia Timur prajurit. Pedang melebar di ujung pisau yang bersama-sama dengan pegangan, f

ORMS garis melengkung .. Dia dibawa terbungkus bendera. Beberapa hari kemudian, pada tanggal 3 Mei 1840, Bischoff meninggal karena luka-lukanya. Sebelum meninggal, ia dipromosikan ke pangkat kapten karena perbuatan heroik.

Foto bendera pertempuran di koleksi Rijksmuseum Amsterdam



 Sarung (Sarung) Para sarung untuk Peusangan peudeueng dengan Hulu meu APET biasanya kayu ditutupi dengan kulit. Beberapa dihiasi dengan perak banding. Sarung pedang untuk Peusangan peudeueng dengan tumpang Hulu beunteung dan peudeueng Panjang adalah dari kayu dan dapat ditemukan baik hiasan dan polos

Sebuah sarung khas untuk Peusangan peudeueng dengan Hulu meu APET

 

Sebuah sarung khas untuk Peusangan peudeueng dengan tumpang Hulu beunteung

 

 

Sebuah sarung untuk Panjang peudeueng

 

 

Sebuah sarung khas untuk Peusangan peudeueng dengan tumpang Hulu beunteung

 

 

 


 

 

 

 

Pada bulan Maret 2006 terungkap beberapa informasi tentang beberapa dari keyakinan spiritual dan ritual sekitarnya pedang ini. Tampaknya bahwa ada paralel dengan anting (atau anting-anting) yang digunakan pada senjata Filipina. Ini jimat disebut tangkal atau azimat / zimat atau jimat. Jimat ini berisi ayat-ayat pelindung atau ayat-ayat agama dari ayat-ayat Quran (mungkin lagi sebuah sejajar dengan praktek Filipina Oracion). Hal ini terungkap pada thread di Vikingsword.com. Dalam diskusi ini tangkal atau azimat telah diposting yang berasal dari bawah tangan seorang penjaga Peusangan peudeueng dengan Hulu meu APET. Ini adalah area yang saya berharap untuk dapat melakukan penelitian lebih lanjut tentang temuan dan post di sini. Saya terima kasih kepada Fazli Ibrahim untuk membantu saya dengan informasi tentang ini.

Berikut adalah pedang yang azimat itu ditemukan di dalam dan kantong yang berisi hal

 

 

 

It’s purpose is to protect it’s wearer against “black magic” and evil spirits.

 

Beberapa gambar dari azimat dalam yang menangani pedang. Bagian antara 2 bintang dikenal sebagai Khatimus Sulaiman;.

Tujuan itu adalah untuk melindungi pemakainya itu terhadap “ilmu hitam” dan roh-roh jahat.

Beberapa Azimat lainnya dari Museum Nasional di Indonesia

 

Sebuah Azimat tertulis pada selubung dari Pa

njang Peudeung

Beberapa pedang Aceh memiliki motif vegatative di tenggorokan Pucuk Rebung disebut. Berbentuk V Pucuk Rebung bambu tumbuh mewakili
Menurut beberapa acehnesse, jika ada emas di gagang / menangani / sarung pedang hanya dapat dibuat untuk atau dimiliki oleh Panglima (komandan, kepala suku), teungku (noblility) dan sangat dihormati orang lain.

 

 

 

Berikut adalah beberapa foto-foto pejuang Aceh dengan peudeueng tersebut.

 

Here are some photographs of Aceh warriors with the peudeueng.

 

A photograph of Aceh warriors ( right photo) with the peudeueng and a rencong from “Blanke Wapens” by JG Dieles. One has a of a hulu tumpang beunteung ( right ) the other a hulu meu apet ( left) .

 

 

The photograph on the far right shows the source book.

 

 

 

 

Sebuah foto pejuang Aceh (foto kanan) dengan peudeueng dan rencong dari “Wapens Blanke” oleh JG Dieles. Satu memiliki sebuah Hulu tumpang beunteung (kanan) sebuah lainnya Hulu meu APET (kiri).

Foto di kanan menunjukkan buku sumber.

“Aceh bangsawan” dari: Catalogus van ‘s Rijks Museum Ethnographisch, bagian VI (1912), plat V; (Museum Etnografi di Leiden, Belanda, sekarang “RMV Leiden”).

Referensi

1) “Hands of Time: Kerajinan Aceh”, oleh Barbara Leigh, Djambatan – Jakarta, 1989

2) “Senjata Tradisional kepulauan Indonesia” oleh Albert G. van Zonneveld C. Zwartenkot Buku Seni – Leiden; Musim Semi

3) Blades 2001OLD – Dunia Melayu Senjata beringsut. Copyright © 2000 – 2005
Revisi: 2005-04-03

4) “India Senjata dan Armour” oleh Pant GN 1978

5). Lombard, D. 1967: Planches IV murah V. Gambar 21 A.

6) Catalogus van ‘s Rijks Museum Ethnographisch, bagian VI (1912), plat V; (Museum Etnografi di Leiden, Belanda, sekarang “RMV Leiden”).
7) Senjata dan Memerangi Seni Indonesia, oleh Don F. Draeger Tuttle, Penerbitan 1972

 

 

1873

The KNIL was involved in many campaigns against indigenous groups in the Netherlands East Indies including the prolonged Aceh War (1873–1904).[4]

 

original info

The Achenese Peudeueng

The Long Sword of Aceh Sumatra

Aceh (also referred to as Atjeh, Atjin, Acheen Achin.) is at the northern tip of Sumatra in Indonesia. It is believed to be one of the oldest kingdoms in Indonesia. Hindu and Buddist influence from India may have reached Aceh as early as the first century. sixth century A.D. Chinese chronicles. spoke of a kingdom on the northern tip of Sumatra named Po-Li. It is believed that Islam likely first entered the Indonesian archipelago through Aceh sometime between the 8th and 12th century. In 1292, Marco Polo, on his epic voyage from China visited Sumatra on his way to Persia and reported that in the northern part of the island there were at least six busy trading ports including Perlak, Samudera and lambri. With a past like this it is not surprising that their weapons have Hindu, Buddist, Chinese and Islamic influence. The area has an extensive martial history. In the middle of the 14th century, Pasai was invaded by Majapahit soldiers from Java. In 1523, Sultan Ali attacked the Portuguese in Pasai, killing Portugal military commander Horge de Brito. Sultan Ali managed to drive the Portuguese troops out of Pasai. After this defeat, Portugal attempted to conquer Aceh several times, without success. In 1873, the Netherlands declared war and invaded Aceh Darussalam. But the Dutch found it more difficult than they expected to gain control of the whole of Aceh. The Acehnese resisted the occupation, touching off the Aceh War, the longest colonial/expeditionary war fought by the Dutch and claiming more than 10,000 lives. Aceh-Dutch war dragged on until 1914, resistance continued with smaller groups until 1942 when the Japanese arrived in the Dutch East Indies. It has often been said that the Sultanate of Aceh from the 16th century on was in continual struggle. Although a multitude of edged weapons are used in Aceh there are 3 primary weapons that have played a role in Aceh’s history. They are the rencong, Siwaih ( Siwah, Sewar, Siwar) and peudeueng. This article will deal with the peudeueng. As I gain more imformation this will be updated and more sword types may be added. Nothing in this should be considered new or original work on my part. Instead this is a compilation of what so many people have been kind enough to share with me, and what published material I have been able to access. I am certain there are inaccuracies here that are the result of honest mistakes. They will be corrected as I am made aware of them or find better information. That is one large advantage a web based article has. Unlike the published word wich can only be as good as the information at the time of publishing; the web based article can be udated and changed.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, on May 6th, 1873, wrote: “A sanguinary battle has taken place in Aceh, a native Kingdom occupying the Northern portion of the island of Sumatra. The Dutch delivered a general assault and now we have details of the result. The attack was repulsed with great slaughter. The Dutch general was killed, and his army put to disastrous flight. It appears, indeed, to have been literally decimated.”

 

The Aceh long sword is called the peudeung. While these swords are attributed to the Aceh it is almost certain they were used also by other ethnic groups in the area. There is evidence of its use as a weapon at least as far back as the 17th century. It may have been used singly, with dual swords or with a small round shield called a peurise. It should be noted that these swords are also often called by other names. In the very complete reference book, TRADITIONAL WEAPONS OF THE INDONESIAN ARCHIPELAGO. by A.G. Van Zonneveld they are referred to as a “Pedang I” “Sikin Pasangan” and” Sikin Panjang” Numerous other sources including Dominique Buttin’s excellent site call it a “Sikin” ( Sikim , Sikkim, Sekem ). In a correspondence with Dominique Buttin, he informed the that, “The name Peudeung means sword, which is the same meaning as Podang from the Batak or Pedang from the Javanese.” A major problem with deciding which name to use for these swords comes from the fact that there are 10 subethnic groups of acehnesse (such as Aceh , Gayo, Alas, Aneuk Jamee, Melayu Tamiang, Kluet, Devayan, Sigulai, Haloban and Julu ) Here I will use the term used in the most of the Dutch sources and that is “Peudeueng” . A review of the literature seems to divide peudeueng by blade style and type if hilt. The straight bladed swords are called peudeueng panjang ( sikin panjang, sikin pandjang, loedjo Aceh, ). Curved blades peudeueng are called peudeueng peusangan ( peudeueng pasangan , sikin peusangan, sikin pasagan, pedang, poedeung ).

 

A peudeueng panjang with a hulu tumpang beunteung ( Hulul Buaya)

 

A peudeueng peusangan with a hulu meu apet

 

A peudeueng peusangan with a hulu tumpang beunteung (HuluPasangan)

 

The other division for Aceh swords is by type or shape of the hilt or hulu, In “Hands of Time: The Crafts of Aceh”, by Barbara Leigh, 1989, Jakarta she describes them as “hilt like the tail of a cat”, “hilt like the mouth of a crocodile”, “hilt like the horns of a deer”, “hilt like the legs of a horse”, and “hilt like the tail of a duck” While all of these may be found on other Aceh swords; I have only found 4 types of hulu on peudeueng. The hilt that looks like the open mouth of an animal ( or crocodile) is called hulu tumpang beunteung in Gayo or Hulu Buaya in Aceh. This type of hilt can be seen on both peudeueng panjang and peudeueng peusangan. In one variant of this the tips come together till they almost touch with flattened ends. This style I was told by an Acheen smith is still called a hulu Buaya but some books also call it a Hulu Peusangan. Peusangan is the name of a river and the name of a subdistrict in Bireuen, Aceh The third type is usually seen only on the peudeueng panjang is called a Hulu Rumpung.

 

a close up of a hulu tumpang beunteung (Hulu Pasangan)

 

A peudeueng panjang with a hulu tumpang beunteung ( Hulul Buaya)

A peudeueng panjang with a hulu rumpung

 

The fourth type of hilt that is seen on peudeueng is called Hulu Meu Apet (Hulu Muapit in Gayo or Sukul Mekepit in Alas). Hulu means hilt Meu is a verb Apet ( jaga / kawal) means guarded ; so this may simply mean “guarded hilt”. Some other sources call this hilt Daun Tebu. Duan Tebu means Sugar Cane Leaf and the end of the hilt on this is said to resemble a sprouting sugar cane. The hulu meu apet strongly resembles Indian sword hilts seen on the khanda and firangi, but the end spike is shorter.

a close up of a a Hulu Meu Apet

 

Recently Ariel Barkan, on the forum at www.vikingsword.com, noticed that it also is influenced by the Indian Gulabghati hilt, named so because its upper disk has concentric lines resembling a rose flower, “gulab”. More on this style of hilt can be found in Indian Arms and Armour by G.N. Pant.

 

 

Rarely a Hulu Meu apet is seen with a knob at the end of the hilt, this is sometimes called a Peudeueng meutampoh. Perhaps this should be considered a separate style of hilt

 

Albert G. Van Zonnenveld states in his book, that the peudeueng peusangan with the Hulu Meu Apet was largely of foreign manufacture and did not gain great favor. His feeling is that because of that this variant may be largely ceremonial. That may be true today, however, photos taken during the Dutch-Aceh war can be found with this sword being used. While ornate specimens can be found; the majority of the hulu meu apet I have encountered or seen pictures of are designed for function and not overly ornate. The scabbards normally found with them are also rather austere. Specimens can be found with signs of damage usually associated with battle damage. The sword with the hulu meu apet was even found on several battle flags. In addition examples of these swords can be found with Azimat in them or on the sheath to protect the bearer in battle.

 

This flag has – literally – been soaked in blood: laboratory research has confirmed that the flag has a bullet hole and bears blood stains. This was probably the blood of first lieutenant C.H. Bischoff. It was he who captured the flag for booty during the storming of a ‘benteng’ (Malay for fort) held by the Achinese enemy in 1840. Bischoff paid for his escapade with eleven wounds inflicted by enemy klewangs. The klewang was originally a native Atjeh sword: ‘gliwang’. Towards the end of the 19th century it became a characteristic feature of the Dutch East Indian soldier’s uniform. The sword widens at the tip of the blade which, together with the handle, f

 

orms a curved line.. He was carried off wrapped in the flag. Several days later, on 3 May 1840, Bischoff died of his wounds. Before passing away, he was promoted to the rank of captain for his heroic deed.

Photo of a battle flag in the collection of the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam


Scabbards ( Sarung)

The scabbards for the peudeueng peusangan with a hulu meu apet are usually wood covered with leather. Some are adorned with silver banding . Scabbards for a peudeueng peusangan with a hulu tumpang beunteung and the peudeueng panjang are of wood and can be found both ornate and plain

A typical scabbard for a peudeueng peusangan with a hulu meu apet

A typical scabbard for a peudeueng peusangan with a hulu tumpang beunteung

 

 

A scabbard for a peudeueng panjang

 

A typical scabbard for a peudeueng peusangan with a hulu meu apet

 

A typical scabbard for a peudeueng peusangan with a hulu tumpang beunteung

 

 

A scabbard for a peudeueng panjang

 

 

In March of 2006 some information was revealed about some of the spiritual beliefs and rituals surrounding these swords. It appears that there are parallels to the the anting ( or anting-anting ) used on Philippine weapons. These talismans are called tangkal or azimat/zimat or jimat. These talismans contained protective verses or religious verses from the Quranic verses ( perhaps again a parallel to the Phillipine practice of Oracion ). This came to light on a thread on Vikingsword.com. In this discussion a tangkal or azimat was posted that came from under the hand guard of a peudeueng peusangan with a hulu meu apet. This is an area that I hope to be able to do more research on and post the findings here. My thanks to Fazli Ibrahim for helping me with information on this.

Here is the sword that the azimat was found in and the bag that contained it

 


 

Some pictures of the azimat in that sword handle. The portion between the 2 stars is known as Khatimus Sulaiman;.

 

 

 

It’s purpose is to protect it’s wearer against “black magic” and evil spirits.

 

Some other Azimat from the National Museum in Indonesia

An Azimat inscribed on the sheath of a Peudeung Panjang

 

Some Aceh swords have a vegatative motif at the throat called Pucuk Rebung. The V shaped Pucuk Rebung represents sprouting bamboo
According to some acehnesse, if there is gold on hilt / handle / scabbard the sword only can be made for or owned by Panglima ( commander , chieftains ), teungku ( the noblility ) and other highly respected persons.

 

Here are some photographs of Aceh warriors with the peudeueng.

 

A photograph of Aceh warriors ( right photo) with the peudeueng and a rencong from “Blanke Wapens” by JG Dieles. One has a of a hulu tumpang beunteung ( right ) the other a hulu meu apet ( left) .

 

 

The photograph on the far right shows the source book.

 

 

 

 

“Acehnese noblemen” from: Catalogus van ‘s Rijks Ethnographisch Museum, part VI (1912), plate V; (Museum of Ethnography in Leiden, the Netherlands, now “RMV Leiden”).

References

1)      “Hands of Time: The Crafts of Aceh”, by Barbara Leigh, Djambatan – Jakarta, 1989

2)      “Traditional Weapons of the Indonesian Archipelago” by Albert G. van Zonneveld C. Zwartenkot Art Books – Leiden; Spring

3)      2001OLD BLADES – Malay World Edged Weapons.  Copyright © 2000 – 2005
Revised: 2005-04-03

4)      “Indian Arms and Armour” by GN Pant 1978

5)      . Lombard, D. 1967: Planches IV dan V. Gambar 21 A.

6)      Catalogus van ‘s Rijks Ethnographisch Museum, part VI (1912), plate V; (Museum of Ethnography in Leiden, the Netherlands, now “RMV Leiden”).
7)      The Weapons and Fighting Arts of Indonesia, by Don F. Draeger Tuttle, Publishing 1972

1886

Pada hari kamis Sultan Ma’mun membangun Kampung Bahari di Lahuhan deli.

 

Sultan Ma’mun Al Rasyid sultan Deli IX

Pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Deli IX yang dinobatkan dalam umur muda, perdagangan Tembakau semakin maju dan kemakmuran sultan deli m4encapai puncaknya.Pusat Pemerintahan dipindahkan ke Medan .

1888

26 Agustus 1888 Sultan Ma’mun Al Rasyid membangun istanah yang megah yang diberi nama Istana maimoon

1890

Festival Cioko Penghormatan Kepada Leluhur

 

Festival Rebutan (Cioko) di Surabaya tahun 1890 (Koleksi: http://www.kitlv.nl)

Melihat-lihat hasil unduhan foto dari situs kitlv ada yang menarik hati, sebuah foto perayaan keagamaan di Surabaya. Dalam keterangan disebutkan dengan nama rebutan festival atau orang Tionghoa menyebutnya festival Cioko. Festival Cioko ini dilaksanakan oleh masyarakat Tionghoa sejak lama dan hingga kini masih terus dilakukan. Foto masa kolonial tersebut menunjukkan bahwa festival Cioko tersebut dilaksanakan pada tahun 1890 di kota Surabaya dengan kemegahan dan keramaian masa tersebut yang cukup mempesona. Tidak dipungkiri bahwa Festival Cioko ini juga menjadi kekayaan khasanah budaya Indonesia yang semakin beragam. Di bawah ini adalah sejarah muculnya Festival Cioko tersebut di negeri Tionghoa yang diambil dari berbagai sumber.

Festival Cioko (Hanzi: 鬼節; pinyin: gui jie; lit. sembahyang arwah umum), atau disebut juga Festival Hantu Kelaparan, adalah sebuah tradisi perayaan dalam kebudayaan Tionghoa. Festival ini juga sering disebut Festival Tionggoan (Hanzi: 中元, pinyin: zhong yuan). Suku Hakka menamakannya Chiong Si Ku yang jatuh pada pertengahan bulan ke-7 (khek=chit ngiet pan). Ritual ini sering dikaitkan dengan hari raya Taoisme Zhongyuan dan Buddhisme Ulambana. Perayaan Ulambana ini disebut juga sebagai Hari Raya Setan (Ghost Festival). Namun sebutan yang sebenarnya Upacara Ulambana ini adalah upacara sembahyang leluhur. Konon, pada Hari Raya Tiong Gwan Cwe, adalah hari di mana Pintu Gerbang Neraka dibuka. Untuk menghindari agar ayah ibu yang telah meninggal dunia tidak mengalami penderitaan Neraka, maka dilaksanakanlah sembahyang kepada roh-roh, dewa dan hantu secara besar-besaran, mengharap agar roh-roh halus jangan menganiaya ayah ibu yang telah meninggal tersebut. Hari Raya Tiong Gwan Cwe, Hari Raya Ceng Beng, dan Hari Raya Tang Ce adalah 3 Hari Raya Hantu di kalangan orang-orang Tionghoa. Sembahyang pada bulan tujuh ini adalah untuk memberi kesempatan bagi para arwah dan roh-roh di neraka dilepaskan ke dunia untuk mendapatkan ‘liburan’ dan bebas dari alam sengsara atau kita katakan saja kembali ke tempat yang layak. Oleh karena itu pada momen tersebut, orang kelenteng mengadakan upacara untuk memberi makan mereka dan upacara ritual penyebrangan arwah. Hal ini ditujukan untuk mengembangkan welas asih tidak hanya kepada sesama manusia atau binatang tetapi juga kepada mahluk-makhluk yang tak terlihat. Tradisi ini sebetulnya sudah dikenal semenjak jaman sejarah purba Tiongkok tapi waktu perayaan tidak selalu sama, tergantung keinginan penguasa atau orang yang ingin mengadakan upacara itu.

Dalam kitab Liji 礼记 disebutkan bahwa upacara ini disebut Fuli 复礼 sedangkan maksud Fu disini adalah memanggil roh orang yang meninggal atau disebut pula Zhao Hun 招魂 . Pada upacara ini, arwah orang yang sudah meninggal, biasanya leluhur kita, diundang untuk kembali dan dihantar menuju ke tempat asal muasal leluhur tersebut berasal. Kitab Li Ji mengatakan bahwa tindakan ini adalah suatu perwujudan untuk menunjukkan rasa cinta kasih dan bakti. Upacara ini berkembang dimasa dinasti Shang , dimana ritual ini nantinya akan dikaitkan dengan San Guan Da Di  三官大帝 ( penguasa tiga alam) : Penguasa langit yang dianggap memberi rejeki, penguasa bumi yang dianggap menebus dosa, dan penguasa air yang bertindak untuk mengatasi bencana.

Filosofi Tionghoa yang berbasiskan YinYang percaya bahwa manusia hidup adalah bersifat Yang dan arwah-arwah adalah bersifat Yin. Akan tetapi arwah gentayangan atau roh-roh yang tidak memiliki keturunan untuk menyembahyanginya tidak akan kembali ke Yin murni, akan tetapi menderita di alam arwah dan bersifat Yin palsu. Oleh karena itulah maka diadakan upacara ini, dimana pada pertengahan tahun dimana terjadi peralihan antara Yin dan Yang maka adalah suatu tempo dimana ada kesempatan agar roh-roh tersebut kembali dari dunia Yin masuk kembali ke dunia Yang untuk disembahyangi dan diseberangkan menuju alam Yin murni. Penyeberangan itu sendiri sebenarnya adalah suatu pelimpahan jasa baik dari keturunan yang masih hidup kepada arwah leluhurnya. Jasa baik dari keturunan itu dilakukan antara lain dengan memberi makan dan ataupun bantuan lainnya kepada orang-orang kurang mampu yang tinggal disekitarnya. Oleh karena itu tidak heran, bahwa pada kesempatan acara tersebut maka di Indonesia ini pada khususnya ada kebiasaan untuk bagi-bagi beras atau makanan.

Ritual ini merupakan bagian dari ritual-ritual yang berkaitan dengan musim. Seperti kita kenal bahwa tradisi Tionghua merayakan ShangYuan 上元 (upacara capgomeh) , Zhong Yuan 中元 dan Xia Yuan 下元 Acara sembahyang rebutan ini sebetulnya adalah Zhong Yen Jie atau sering disebut GuiJie, masa peralihan dari semester awal tahun ke semester akhir tahun, dimana terjadinya perubahan Yang menjadi Yin.

Pada saat itu dipercaya bahwa dewa pintu neraka purba yaitu Shen shu 神荼 dan YuLu 郁垒 ( jangan dibaca ShenTu YuLei ), melepaskan roh-roh yang disiksa di alam bawah untuk masuk ke dunia Yang , dimana mereka memperoleh istirahat dan penghiburan, serta keringanan dosa melalui suatu upacara ZhaoHun atau sekarang sering disebut ChaoDu 超度. Perayaan ini biasanya dilakukan dalam periode 1 bulan tersebut, oleh karena itu di Singapura dan manca negara dikenal dengan Gui Jie / Ghost Month (bulan hantu).

Pada tahun sekitar 300 SM yaitu pada masa dinasti Jin, maka terjadi sinkretisme upacara ini dengan Buddhism, dimana berdasarkan kitab Buddha Mahayana Foshuo YuLanPen Jing 佛说盂兰盆经 ( Ulambana Sutra).  Ada sedikit perbedaan kepercayaan tentang konsep karma pada tradisi Buddhism Mahayana dengan Buddhism Theravada, dimana dalam Theravada karma hanyalah bisa ditanggung oleh dirinya sendiri, tetapi dalam Buddhis Mahayana maka orang lain, terutama keluarga, bisa melakukan suatu upaya untuk meringankan karma dari arwah leluhurnya yang telah meninggal dengan gaya bantuan para bodhisatva. Konsep karma dalam Buddhism Mahayana ini berkaitan dengan konsep Taoism yaitu chenfu 承负, yaitu bahwa karma dari leluhur akan menurun kepada anak cucunya, spt pada ungkapan rakyat tionghua : “Leluhur berbuat kebajikan maka anak cucu akan makmur”.

—————————

Sumber:

http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&ved=0CCgQFjAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fid.wikipedia.org%2Fwiki%2FCioko&ei=ynvAUbafKMXsrAfZrIH4Dg&usg=AFQjCNGPhDXjOMwv8Q8WVvRRXeJ-Gpq4Uw&bvm=bv.47883778,d.bmk

http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=8&cad=rja&ved=0CFEQFjAH&url=http%3A%2F%2Fkebajikandalamkehidupan.blogspot.com%2F2011%2F08%2Fasal-usul-perayaan-cioko-ulambana.html&ei=ynvAUbafKMXsrAfZrIH4Dg&usg=AFQjCNFXuLS4PFLIR2e377rvYA367jftkw&bvm=bv.47883778

 

 

1887

 

 

Tembakau deli

Semakin berkembangnya tembakau deli Residen   Sumatra oostkust G.A.Scherer memindahkan ibukota dari bengkalis ke Medan tahun 21 februari  1887

 

 

Pembangunan kota medan dipercepat dengan didatangkannya stoom baggermolen untuk menimbun rawa-rawa disekitar medan.

1890

 

Belantong Padang  1890

 

 

 

 

 

Oejoeng sungei bramei(mas)1890

1891

 

Istana Sultan deli Di Medan(Maimoon) siap  pada tanggal 18 mei 1891,dan sultan Ma’mun Al Rasyid pindah dan menempati istana yang baru ditanah konsesi Mabar-Deli Tua

 

The Native Minang Solok Family 1890

 

 

Soempoer singkarak Village in 1890

 

 Ombilin river singkarak in 1890

 The ship on the singkarak lake in 1890

Singkarak Lake west Sumatra In 1890

 Singkarak Lake west Sumatra in 1890

Native Minang house in Singkarak lake road in 1890

 

train railways kajoetanam in 1890

Anai Valley in 1890

 

 

 

Padang Pandjang

 

 

Padangpanjang market 1n 1890

 

 

 

 

Fort van der Capellen Batoesangkar sketch

 

 

 

 

 

1891

 

 

 

The railways between solok-Padangpandjang near singkarak lake 1891

 

Padang unidentified in 1891

 

Sumanik singkarak solok 1891

 

Soengei Lasi Moara Kelaban  vally solok railways 1891

 

 

 

 

1892

The House of overste Voorsluys van Elk Padang 26 dec 1892

 

 

Singkarak Lake 1892

Koeli Tambang Ombilin coal mine worker in 1892

Native horse carriage”bendi” of Pajakoemboeh in 1892

 

 

 

Maninjau Lake 1892

 

 

 

Panorama manindjau lake  1892

 Two native ship on the singkarak lake in 1890

Klenteng Padang in 1890

 

Singalang mount Fort de Kock Boekittinggi painting by K.H.Bennekom in 1890

 

Lembah Gumanti Alahan Panjang 1890

 

Ombilin Singkarak 1890

 

Jembatan Kereta Api Ombilin 1890

 

Foto-Foto Prajurit tradisional Indonesia di Jaman Belanda thn 1890-1940

prajurit tradisional indonesia di jaman kolonial belanda

NIAS

BATAK

DAYAK

MALUKU-TANIMBAR

BALI

JAVA

NUSA TENGGARA

CELEBES/SULAWESI

http://www.kaskus.us/showpost.php?p=519790310&postcount=

 

 

 

1891

Padang beach and Monkey Hill in 1891

 

 

 

 

 

1892

 

 

Padang beach and monkey hill in 1892

 

The Railway Bridge Of Solok in 1892

 

 The Women and baby with girl at solok in 1892

Sawah Hotel fort de Cock Boekittinggi in 1892

Kotogadang house in 1892

 

Batang Sumani 1892

 

 

 

 

 

1893

Interior emma haven

 

Gunung Ophir

 

 

Train station Solok 1893

Putra sulung Sultan Ma’mun,

 

Tengku Amaludin

diangkat sebagai Tsahilah Tjendra selaku tengku besar deli ,

 

 

 

1894

In 1894, Lombok and Karangasem were annexed in response to reports of the local Balinese aristocracy oppressing the native Sasak people.[3]

Pada tahun 1894 sultan Ma’mun al Rasyid  datang ke labuhan deli mengendarai Gerbong Kereta api Milik sultan

 

Sultan Disambut  di stasiun kereta api labuhan deli

1895

1895

Film Indonesia masa colonial

Awal Pertunjukan Film

     Pada 1895 Lumiere bersaudara (August & Louis) untuk pertama kalinya

memutar film di kota Paris tepatnya di grand Cafe dengan cara memungut

bayaran dari penonton, seperti halnya sistem pada bioskop saat ini.

Sebelumnya mereka telah menemukan alat perekam gambarbergerak (kamera)

dan berhasil memperoyeksikannnya kembali, sehingga bisa disaksikan orang

banyak. Film-film yang ditampilkan adalah rekaman kehidupan sehari-hari

warga kota Paris seperti buruh-buruh yang keluar dari pabrik dan seorang

ibu yang sedang memberi makan bayinya. Yang paling membuat kegaduhan

adalah rekaman gambar kereta yang berjalan ke arah layar. Ketika kereta

semakin “mendekati” layar, penonton pun dibuat panik, mereka merasa

kalau kereta tersebut akan menabraknya.

     Film akhirnya semakin berkembang khusunya di Eropa termasuk

Belanda. Kemudian film mulai di eksport ke koloni-koloni bangsa Eropa.

Tentunya Belanda mengirimnya ke Hindia Belanda

1895

Koleksi foto  Indonesia tahun 1895

Women school at Padang in 1895

 

 

Tepi air Padang 1895

 

Padang pandjang 1895

 

 

 

 

Mosque at lintau Batusangkar in 1895

 

 

 

1897

Batavia

encouraged more people to move far south of the port.

 

 

Map of Batavia in 1897

By the end of the century, the population of the capital Batavian regency numbered 115,887 people, of which 8,893 were Europeans, 26,817 were Chinese and 77,700 were indigenous islanders.[17][dead link] Many schools, hospitals, factories, offices, trading companies, and post offices were established throughout the city, while improvements in transportation, health, and technology in Batavia caused more and more Dutch people to migrate to the capital—the society of Batavia consequently became increasingly Dutch-like. The Dutch people who had never set foot on Batavia were known locally as Totoks. The term was also used to identify new Chinese arrivals, to differentiate them from the Peranakan. Many totoks developed a great love for the Indies culture of Indonesia and adopted this culture; they could be observed wearing kebayas, sarongs, as well as summer dresses.[18](wiki)

 

1898

 

In this year Chinese overseas(Tionghoa) in Padang City only 1564 consist 677 man,264 women and 605 children

(source verslag Sumatra’s Westkust,1858 n0 122/6,page 101)

 

 

 

Off cover used Stamps sent from

Padang west sumatra  Post Office CDS 14.2. 1898

 

 

 

Padang Minangkabau Music group “Si Doeta” in 187u century

 

 

 

 

 

 

1899

17 November 1899,T

 

Tengku  amaludin putra Raja deli, menikah dengan Tengku Maheran putrid sultan Abdullah dari Perak  dan diberi gelar Tengku Mashuri Negeri deli.

 

Hotel Merapi te Padang-Pandjang” (Hotel Merapi di Padang Panjang) dibuat tahun 1899

 

 

 

The House Of Padang Pandjang dutch controleur

 

 

 

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Herman Willem Daendels

 

 

Herman Willem Daendels

Herman Willem Daendels (Hattem, Gelderland, October 21, 1762 – St. George d’Elmina (Dutch Gold Coast, now part of Ghana), May 2, 1818) was a Dutch politician who served as the 36th Governor General of the Dutch East Indies between 1808 and 1811.[1]

[edit] Early life

Born in Hattem, Netherlands, on the 21 October 1762, Daendels was the son of Burchard Johan Daendels, the mayoral secretary, and Josina Christina Tulleken. He studied law at the University of Harderwijk, acquiring his doctorate on 10 April 1783.

[edit] Political Activity

In 1785, he sided with the Patriots, who had seized power in several Dutch cities. In 1786 he defended the city of Hattem against stadholderian troops. In 1787, he defended Amsterdam against the Prussian army that invaded the Netherlands to restore William V of Orange. After William V was in power again, he fled to France because of a death sentence. Daendels was close witness to the French revolution.

He returned to the Netherlands in 1794, as a general in the French revolutionary army of general Charles Pichegru and commander of the Batavian Legion. Daendels helped unitarian politician Pieter Vreede to power in a coup d’état on 25 January 1798. The group behind Vreede was dissatisfied with the conservative-moderate majority in parliament, which tried to prevent the formulation of a more democratic, centralistic constitution. The reign of Vreede did not bring the expected results, however, and Daendels supported another coup d’état against Vreede on 14 June 1798. In the Batavian Republic Daendels occupied several political offices, but he had to step down when he failed to prevent the Anglo-Russian Invasion of Holland in 1799, and became a farmer in Heerde, Gelderland.

[edit] Military and colonial career

[edit] Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies

 

 

Java Great Post Road, commissioned by Daendels.

Louis Bonaparte made Daendels colonel-general in 1806 and Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in 1807. After a long voyage, he arrived in the city of Batavia (now Jakarta) on 5 January 1808 and relieved the former Governor General, Albertus Wiese. His primary task was to rid the island of Java of the British Army, which he promptly achieved.[citation needed] He built new hospitals and military barracks, a new arms factories in Surabaya and Semarang, and a new military college in Batavia. He demolished the Castle in Batavia and replaced it with a new fort at Meester Cornelis (Jatinegara), and built Fort Lodewijk in Surabaya. However, his best-known achievement was the construction of the Great Post Road (Indonesian: Jalan Raya Pos) across northern Java. The road now serves as the main road in the island of Java, called Jalur Pantura. The thousand-kilometre road was completed in only one year, during which thousands of Javanese forced labourers died.[2]

He displayed a firm attitude towards the Javanese rulers, with the result that the rulers were willing to work with the British against the Dutch. He also subjected the population of Java to forced labour (Rodi). There were some rebellious actions against this, such as those in Cadas Pangeran, West Java.

There is considerable debate as to whether he increased the efficiency of the local bureaucracy and reduced corruption, although he certainly enriched himself during this period.[citation needed]

[edit] General in Napoleon’s Grande Armée

When the Kingdom of Holland was incorporated into France in 1810, Daendels returned to Holland. He was appointed a Divisional General (Major General) and commanded the 26th Division of the Grande Armée in Napoleon’s invasion of Russia.

[edit] Governor-General of the Dutch Gold Coast

After the fall of Napoleon, king Willem I and the new Dutch government feared that Daendels could become an influential and powerful opposition leader and effectively banned him from the Netherlands by appointing him Governor-General of the Dutch Gold Coast (now part of Ghana). In the aftermath of the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, Daendels tried to redevelop the rather dilapidated Dutch possessions as an African plantation colony driven by legitimate trade. Drawing on his experience from the East Indies, he came up with some very ambitious infrastructural projects, including a comprehensive road system, with a main road connecting Elmina and Kumasi in Ashanti. The Dutch government gave him a free hand and a substantial budget to implement his plans. At the same time, however, Daendels regarded his governorship as an opportunity to establish a private business monopoly in the Dutch Gold Coast.

Eventually none of the plans came to fruition, as Daendels died of malaria in the castle of St. George d’Elmina, the Dutch seat of government, on 8 May 1818. His body was interred in the central tomb at the Dutch cemetery in Elmina town. He had been in the country less than two y

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Jan Willem Janssens

 

 

 

Jan Willem Janssens, by Jan Willem Pieneman , ca 1820

Jonkheer Jan Willem Janssens GCMWO (12 October 1762 – 23 May 1838) was a Dutch nobleman, soldier and statesman who served both as the governor-general of the Cape Colony and Dutch East Indies.[1]

[edit] Early life

Born in Nijmegen, his military career began at the age of nine when he became a cadet in the Dutch army. He rose through the ranks and by 1793, at the start of the Napoleonic Wars, he held the rank of colonel, and was wounded in the campaign.[1]

[edit] Batavian Republic

The Dutch surrender in 1795 made way for the mostly peaceful establishment of the Batavian Republic, a satellite state under Napoleon’s growing empire. From 1795 to 1802, Colonel Janssens served mostly as an administrator within the new Batavian Army. He was appointed governor-general of the Cape Colony upon its return to the Dutch by the British under the terms of the Treaty of Amiens in 1802. Arriving in early 1803, he attempted to strengthen the defences of the colony, but found resources lacking, having few trained troops at his disposal and the political situation tenuous at best. During this time, he was promoted to Lieutenant-General.

The start of the War of the Third Coalition marked another British invasion of the Cape Colony. Janssens was under no impression that he had the ability to defeat the British force, led by Lieutenant-General Sir David Baird, yet he mobilized his forces and engaged the British on 8 January 1806, at the Battle of Blaauwberg, near Cape Town. His force was routed and the Cape Colony was surrendered to the British for the last time on January 18. Under the terms of the surrender, Janssens was transported back to the Netherlands, arriving at the Hague on 8 June 1806.

By the time Janssens surrendered to the British, the war in Europe had ended with the Treaty of Pressburg. When he returned to the Netherlands, Napoleon had already installed his brother Louis Bonaparte as the king of the newly formed Kingdom of Holland.

[edit] Kingdom of Holland and the French Empire

Louis Bonaparte named Janssens Secretary-General of the Department of War upon his return. He held a series of high-ranking administrative posts within the kingdom until the abdication of Louis Napoleon and the annexation of the Netherlands by France in 1810. On 11 November 1810, he was appointed governor-general of the territory known, before the annexation, as the Dutch East Indies, replacing Herman Willem Daendels. He arrived in Batavia, Java on 15 May 1811 and immediately involved himself in efforts to strengthen the colony’s defenses. Java benefited from a larger amount of both Dutch and French troops, as well as better defenses, compared to the Cape Colony. However, the British invasion fleet arrived shortly thereafter, on 30 July, led by Sir Samuel Auchmuty.

Janssens mounted a defense that centered around the existing fortifications, namely Meester Cornelis. However, the French soldiers under his command lacked well-trained officers and as the British laid siege to the fortress, Janssens personally led a futile defense and was forced to retreat to Buitenzorg (later the place of residence of the British governor-general, Sir Stamford Raffles. A large number of French soldiers were captured during the retreat and ensuing pursuit and Janssens was forced to surrender on 18 September 1811. He was imprisoned in Britain until 12 November 1812, when he was repatriated to the Netherlands.

He was involved in some minor engagements in the ensuing years, until he resigned his post in the French Army on 9 April 1814.

[edit] Post-Napoleonic War career

Janssens was involved with the nascent Kingdom of the Netherlands as the provisional Commissary-General of War, but he resigned his post after his request to be posted once again as the governor-general of the Dutch East Indies was denied. He resigned from active duty on 22 May 1815.

He died as a highly decorated veteran in the Hague, aged 75

 

Gilbert Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, 1st Earl of Minto

The Right Honourable
The Earl of Minto
PC

 

by James Atkinson

Governor-General of the Presidency of Fort William

In office
31 July 1807 – 4 October 1813

Monarch

George III

Preceded by

Sir George Barlow, Bt
As Acting Governor-General

Succeeded by

The Earl of Moira

Personal details

Born

23 April 1751 (1751-04-23)
Edinburgh

Died

21 June 1814 (1814-06-22)
Stevenage, Hertfordshire

Nationality

British

Spouse(s)

Anna Maria Amyand (d. 1829)

Alma mater

University of Edinburgh
Christ Church, Oxford

Gilbert Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, 1st Earl of Minto PC (23 April 1751 – 21 June 1814), known as Sir Gilbert Elliott between 1777 and 1797 and as The Lord Minto between 1797 and 1813, was a Scottish politician diplomat. He was viceroy of the short-lived Anglo-Corsican Kingdom from 1793 to 1796 and went on to become Governor-General of India between 1807 and 1813.

[edit] Background and education

Minto was born in Edinburgh, the eldest son of Sir Gilbert Elliot, 3rd Baronet, and Agnes, daughter of Hugh Dalrymple-Murray-Kynynmound.[1] He was the nephew of John Elliott, Governor of Newfoundland, and of the poet Jean Elliot, while Hugh Elliot was his younger brother and Sir Charles Elliot his nephew. About 1763 Elliot and his brother Hugh were sent to Paris, where their studies were supervised by the Scottish philosopher David Hume, and where they became intimate with Honoré Mirabeau. Having passed the winters of 1766 and 1767 at the University of Edinburgh, Minto entered Christ Church, Oxford, and on quitting the university he was called to the Bar.

[edit] Career

In 1776 Minto entered parliament as an independent Whig MP for Morpeth. He became very friendly with Edmund Burke, whom he helped in the attack on Warren Hastings and Sir Elijah Impey, and on two occasions was an unsuccessful candidate for the office of Speaker. He was sworn of the Privy Council in 1793 and in 1794 he was appointed as viceroy of the short-lived Anglo-Corsican Kingdom. In 1797 he assumed the additional names of Murray-Kynynmound and was created Baron Minto, of Minto in the County of Roxburgh. From 1799 to 1801 he was Envoy-Extraordinary to Austria, and having been for a few months President of the Board of Control he was appointed Governor-General of India at the end of 1806. The district of Minto in New South Wales, Australia, was named after him in 1809. He governed until 1813, during which he expanded the British presence in the area to the Moluccas, Java, and other Dutch possessions in the East Indies during the Napoleonic Wars. He was then created Viscount Melgund, of Melgund in the County of Forfar, and Earl of Minto, of Minto in the County of Roxburgh.

[edit] Family

Lord Minto married Anna Maria, daughter of Sir George Amyand, 1st Baronet, in 1777.[2] Their second son was the naval commander Admiral the Hon. Sir George Elliot while their third son the Hon. John Elliot was a politician. Lord Minto died at Stevenage, Hertfordshire, on 21 June 1814, aged 63, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son, Gilbert. Lady Minto died in March 1829

 

Stamford Raffles

Sir Thomas Stamford Bingley Raffles

 

Born

6 July 1781 (1781-07-06)
Off the Coast of
Jamaica

Died

5 July 1826 (1826-07-06) (aged 44)
London, England, UK

Occupation

British Colonial Official

Known for

Founding Singapore

Religion

Anglican

Sir Thomas Stamford Bingley Raffles, FRS (6 July 1781 – 5 July 1826) was a British statesman, best known for his founding of the city of Singapore (now the city-state of the Republic of Singapore). He is often described as the “Father of Singapore”. He was also heavily involved in the conquest of the Indonesian island of Java from Dutch and French military forces during the Napoleonic Wars and contributed to the expansion of the British Empire. He was also an amateur writer and wrote a book entitled History of Java (1817).

Early life

Raffles was born on the ship Ann off the coast of Port Morant, Jamaica, to Captain Benjamin Raffles (d. June 1797) and Anne Raffles (née Lyde). His father was a Yorkshireman who had a burgeoning family and little luck in the West Indies trade during the American Revolution, sending the family into debt. The little money the family had went into schooling Raffles. He attended a boarding school. In 1795, at the age of 14, Raffles started working as a clerk in London for the British East India Company, the trading company that shaped many of Britain’s overseas conquests. In 1805 he was sent to what is now Penang in the country of Malaysia, then called the Prince of Wales Island, starting his long association with Southeast Asia. He started with a post under the Honourable Philip Dundas, the Governor of Penang.

He was appointed assistant secretary to the new Governor of Penang in 1805 and married Olivia Mariamne Fancourt, a widow who was formerly married to Jacob Cassivelaun Fancourt, an assistant surgeon in Madras who had died in 1800. At this time he also made the acquaintance of Thomas Otho Travers, who would accompany him for the next twenty years.

His knowledge of the Malay language as well as his wit and ability, gained him favour with Lord Minto, Governor-General of India, and he was sent to Malacca. Then, in 1811, after the invasion and annexation of the Kingdom of Holland by France during Napoleon’s war, Raffles had no choice but to leave the country. He mounted a military expedition against the Dutch and French in Java, Indonesia. The war was swiftly conducted by Admiral Robert Stopford, General Wetherhall, and Colonel Gillespie, who led a well-organized army against an army of mostly French conscripts with little proper leadership. The previous Dutch governor, Herman Willem Daendels, had built a well-defended fortification at Meester Cornelis (now Jatinegara), and at the time, the governor, Jan Willem Janssens (who, coincidentally, surrendered to the British at the Cape Colony), mounted a brave but ultimately futile defence at the fortress. The British, led by Colonel Gillespie, stormed the fort and captured it within three hours. Janssens attempted to escape inland but was captured. The British invasion of Java took a total of forty-five days, during which Raffles was appointed the Lieutenant-Governor by Lord Minto before hostilities formally ceased. He took his residence at Buitenzorg and despite having a small subset of Britons as his senior staff, he kept many of the Dutch civil servants in the governmental structure. He also negotiated peace and mounted some small military expeditions against local princes to subjugate them to British rule, as well as a takeover of Bangka Island to set up a permanent British presence in the area in the case of the return of Java to Dutch rule after the end of the War of the Sixth Coalition in Europe.

 

The memorial to Olivia Mariamne, Raffles’ first wife, erected by him along the Kanarielaan in the National Botanical Gardens (now the Bogor Botanical Gardens) that he founded in Buitenzorg (now Bogor), West Java

During his governorship, Raffles introduced partial self-government, stopped the slave trade, became an early opponent of the Opium trade by placing strict limitations upon its importation, much to the dismay of Calcutta, led an expedition to rediscover and restore Borobudur and other ancient monuments, and replaced the Dutch forced agriculture system with a land tenure system of land management, probably influenced by the earlier writings of Dirk van Hogendorp (1761–1822). He also changed the Dutch colonies to the British system of driving on the left,[citation needed] which is why Indonesia drives on the left today.

Under the harsh conditions of the island, Olivia died on 26 November 1814, an event that devastated Raffles. In 1815, he left again for England after the island of Java was returned to control of the Netherlands following the Napoleonic Wars, under the terms of the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1814, but not before he was officially replaced by John Fendall on account of the poor financial performance of the colony during his administration, as deemed by the successors of Lord Minto in Calcutta. He sailed to England in early 1816 to clear his name, and en route, visited Napoleon, who was in exile at St. Helena, but found him unpleasant and unimpressive.

Interlude in England

In 1817, Raffles wrote and published a book entitled History of Java, describing the history of the island from ancient times. In 1817 he was knighted by the prince regent, whose daughter, Princess Charlotte, was particularly close to him. At the publication of the book, he also stopped using the name “Thomas”, preferring to use his middle name, “Stamford”, possibly to avoid confusion amongst his associates with Sir Thomas Sevestre or his cousin who bore the same name. On February 22, he married his second wife, Sophia Hull.

He was appointed as the Governor-General of Bencoolen (now Bengkulu) on 15 October 1817, and set sail to take the post with his new wife.

Bencoolen (Bengkulu) and Malaya

 

 

Raffles in 1817

Raffles arrived in Bencoolen (Bengkulu) on 19 March 1818. Despite the prestige connected with the title, Bencoolen was a colonial backwater whose only real export was pepper and only the murder of a previous Resident, Thomas Parr, gained it any attention back home in Britain. Raffles found the place wrecked, and set about reforms immediately, mostly similar to what he had done in Java – abolishing slavery and limiting cockfighting and such games. To replace the slaves, he used a contingent of convicts, already sent to him from India. It is at this point when he realized the importance of a British presence that both challenged the Dutch hegemony in the area and could remain consistently profitable, unlike Bencoolen or Batavia. However, the strategic importance of poorly-maintained but well-positioned British possessions such as Penang or Bencoolen made it impossible for the British to abandon such unprofitable colonies in such close proximity to the Dutch in Java. The competition in the area, between Raffles and the aggressive Dutch de jure Governor, Elout, certainly led at least in part to the later Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824. Raffles looked into alternatives in the area – namely Bangka, which had been ceded to the Dutch after its conquest by the British during its occupation of Java.

Bintan was also under consideration. Despite the fact that Warren Hastings overlooked the island before settling upon Penang in 1786, the Riau Archipelago was an attractive choice just to the south of the Malay Peninsula, for its proximity to Malacca. In his correspondences with Calcutta, Raffles also emphasized the need to establish a certain amount of influence with the native chiefs, which had greatly waned since the return of the Dutch. Raffles sent Thomas Travers as an ambassador to the Dutch, to possibly negotiate an expansion of British economic interests. When this failed, and when Raffles’ own expeditions into his new dominion found only treacherous terrain and few exportable goods, his desire to establish a better British presence was cemented.

However, the Anglo-Dutch Convention of 1814 was not completely clear, especially on the issue of certain possessions such as Padang. The Convention of 1814 only returned Dutch territory that was held before 1803, which did not include Padang. Raffles asserted the British claim personally, leading a small expedition to the Sultanate of Minangkabau. Yet, as Raffles confirmed with the sultan regarding the absolute British influence of the area, he realized that the local rulers had only limited power over the well-cultivated and civilized country, and the treaty was largely symbolic and had little actual force.

Founding of Singapore

 

 

Statue of Sir Stamford Raffles in Singapore, based on the original by Thomas Woolner

Meanwhile, Major William Farquhar, the British Resident of Malacca, had been attempting to negotiate commercial treaties with the local chiefs of the Riau Archipelago, especially with the heads of the Sultanate of Johore. Due to the death and subsequent turmoil of the sultanate at the time of Farquhar’s arrival, Farquhar was compelled to sign the treaty not with the official head of the sultanate, but rather, the Raja Muda (Regent or Crown Prince) of Riau. Noting it as a success and reporting it as such back to Raffles, Raffles sailed to Malacca in late 1818 to personally secure a British presence in the Riau area, especially Singapura, which was favoured by him both through the readings of Malayan histories and by Farquhar’s explorations.

Despite Lord Hastings’ less-than-stellar opinion of Raffles before (which had necessitated his trip to England to clear his name at the end of his tenure as Governor-General of Java), the now well-connected and successful Raffles was able to secure the permission to set up a settlement where in Malaysian history the name Lion City was applied and was in a strategically advantageous position. However, he was not to provoke the Dutch, and his actions were officially disavowed. Despite the best efforts in London by authorities such as the Viscount Castlereagh to quell Dutch fears and the continuing efforts to reach an agreement between the nations that eventually became the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of London of 1824, as well as to send instructions to Raffles to undertake far less intrusive actions, the distance between the Far East and Europe had meant that the orders had no chance of reaching Raffles in time for his venture to begin.

 

John Fendall, Jr.

   

 

John Fendall, Jr. (1762–1825), also known as John of Java and Bengal, was a colonial official in the British Honourable East India Company and governor of Java for five months in 1816 before it was returned to Holland.

[edit] Early Life and service in East India Company

Fendall was born on 9 October 1762 at St. Andrew, Holburn, London, England. He began service in the East India Company in 1778 at the age of 16. In 1790 he was Collector of Midnapur and had attained the status of Senior Merchant. He returned to London in 1809 for the first time in 31 years. The voyage at that time took 5 ½ months to complete.

[edit] Governor of Java

Fendall returned to Calcutta in 1815 only to find that he had been appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Java, which island the British took from the Dutch in 1811. On 11 March 1816 by the last advice from Batavia, John relieved Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles as Lieutenant Governor of Java, an island which is now apart of the Republic of Indonesia.

In 1816, the Dutch sent a fleet to reclaim possession of Java. However, Fendall had not received orders from the Governor-General, and therefore, stoutly refused to give up possession, and the Dutch had to wait until the orders came. On 16 August, of the same year, the Dutch resumed possession, thus making Fendall the last British Governor. John left Java on June 1818, on the ship Caesar.

Fendall returned to Calcutta in 1817 and took his seat on the Bench of Sudder Diwani and Nizamat Adalat, the predecessor of the High Court. It seems that while at Java, Fendall had disallowed some allowance which a certain Col. Yule had claimed. As a result, the fiery soldier followed him to Calcutta and demanded that he should alter his decision. After Fendall refused, Yule pushed the papers in his face and brushed them across it and told him to take it as a personal insult. This Fendall was quite ready to do and sent for a friend, named Assey, to take a challenge to the Colonel. Assey refused to have anything to do with a challenge, in spite of John’s protests, and took the matter to various members of Council. The Council agreed that Fendall could not be called on to defend an official act in such a way and that Col. Yule’s conduct was highly insubordinate. As the Governor-General agreed with them, Fendall was forbidden to fight and his opponent apologized, to escape being tried by court martial.

Fendall was transferred to Bengal, and became a member of the Supreme Council on 20 May 1820, which constituted membership in the Bengal Civil Service. He was a Senior Merchant of the East India Company, and in 1823 was the President of the Board of Trade on the Bengal Establishment. In 1824 he served on the Viceroy’s Council. Fendall died on 10 November 1825 in Calcutta, India.

[edit] Personal life

John married first in 1790, Mary Farquharson (1761–1818), the daughter of John Farquharson of “Yateley“, Hampshire, England, a scion of the family of Farquharson of Fingean.

John married second, Harriet “Henrietta” Halcott (died 1871) in 1820.

John had two residences. One was at Harewood Square, St. Marylebone, London, England. The other was 67 Great Portland St., St. Marylebone, London, England, a house that had belonged to his grandfather.

[edit] Ancestry

John was the son of John Fendall, Sr., Esq. (1729–1791) and Sarah Bolder (1735–1813). John Sr., was in turn the son of William Fendall, Sr. (1693–1753) and Delia Rivers. William Sr., was the son of Thomas Fendall, Sr., and his wife, Jane (1648–1736), of Gloucester, England.

1820

Sir T. Stamford Raffles, who was among them in 1820, found some of their law

 

 

1821

The KNIL was involved in many campaigns against indigenous groups in the Netherlands East Indies including the Padri War (1821–1845),

 

Godert van der Capellen

 

 

Baron van der Capellen

Godert Alexander Gerard Philip, Baron van der Capellen (December 15, 1778 – April 10, 1848) was a Dutch statesman from Utrecht.

Van der Capellen was made Prefect of Friesland and soon thereafter Minister of the Interior and a member of the Privy Council. At his advice, King Louis Napoleon abdicated the throne in 1810 in favor of his son, Louis II. Van der Capellen did not serve Napoleon I. Wilhelm I, King of the Netherlands, appointed him Colonial Minister and sent him as Secretary of United Kingdom of the Netherlands to Brussels. In 1815, van de Capellen was made the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, where he had to deal with both a native rebellion and a money shortage. In fact, during his tenure in Java, his power was largely ceremonial as his adjunct, Cornelis Theodorus Elout, had much of the actual power. He was ordered back in 1825 and named President of the Board of Trustees of the University of Utrecht in 1828. In 1838, he attended the coronation of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in London as the Dutch envoy. Van de Capellen then served as the Lord Chamberlain of King William II. He died in April 1848 in De Bil

In the earlier “Padri War” between the Dutch and Minangkabau of west-central Sumatra (1821-38), the fighting was almost as bloody, as here too, the Dutch were pitted against Indonesian inspired by Islam.

 

 

 

 

 

1825

KNIL

The KNIL was involved in many campaigns against indigenous groups in the Netherlands East Indies including the Java War (1825–1830),

1825

Banten

 

 

Dutch Residence in Anyer 1825 

 

 

Leonard du Bus de Gisignies

 

 

Viscount du Bus de Gisignies

Leonard Pierre Joseph, Viscount du Bus de Gisignies (Mouscron (Hainaut), 1 March 1770 – Oostmalle, 31 May 1849) was a soldier and politician in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands. He was born as Leonard Pierre Joseph Dubus, but on 14 June 1822, because of name multiplication, du Bus de Gisignies was added to his name. On 20 September 1816, he was raised to Dutch nobility and on 22 May 1819 he became a Viscount.

[edit] Personal life

He married twice (his first wife, Marie-Catherine de Deurwaerder, died on 23 June 1836, he remarried with Marie-Antoinette van der Gracht de Fretin on 20 November 1839). He had 1 daughter and 5 sons from his first marriage: Clémentine-Cathérine-François (Bruges, 7 August 1803-Kortrijk, 18 October 1817), Knight Gustave-Bernard-Joseph (Bruges, 5 May 1807-Brussels, 23 September 1831), Bernard-Aimé-Léonard (Sint-Joost-ten-Node, June 21, 1808 – Brussels, July 6, 1874), Viscount Albéric (Tournai, 30 May 1810-Brussels, 26 July 1874), Baron Chrétien-Henri-Honoré-Léonard (Kortrijk, 17 September 1819-Brussels, 9 June 1835), Viscount Constantin-Léonard-Anne-Francois-Marie-Joseph (Brussels, 11 October 1823-Sint-Joost-ten-Node, 16 November 1850).

[edit] Career

He studied law at Douai, but did not finish his education. He served in the French army from 1802 until 1815. On 21 September 1815, in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, he became a member of the House of Representatives of the States-General of the Netherlands for the province of West Flanders and became its President during the meeting year 1818-1819. Afterwards he had several administrative functions, first of all as Governor of the province of Antwerp (3 April 1820 – March 1823) and from 25 March 1823 up to 9 May 1828 of the province of Zuid-Brabant (E: South-Brabant).

From 4 February 1826 up to 16 January 1830 he was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies (Dutch: Commissaris-Generaal) of the Dutch East Indies, for which he received an annual wages of 200,000 Guilders, with the condition that he retained his function of governor of Zuid-Brabant. On 9 May 1828 he was appointed as Minister of State, but after the Belgian Revolution he was removed from this office on 18 October 1830. On 6 October 1830, he bought Renesse Castle in Oostmalle from Count Clement-Wenceslas de Renesse-Breidbach and renovated the castle in Empire style.

He was knighted (24 November 1816) and a commander (20 July 1823) in the order of the Dutch Lion, and received on 6 July 1830 the cross in the same order

1830

 

Since the establishment of the VOC in the seventeenth century, the expansion of Dutch territory had been a business matter. Graaf van den Bosch‘s Governor-generalship (1830–1835) confirmed profitability as the foundation of official policy was to restrict its attention to Java, Sumatra and Bangka.[17

 

 

 

Hendrik Merkus de Kock

 

 

Baron Hendrik Merkus de Kock

Hendrik Merkus, Baron de Kock (May 25, 1779 – April 12, 1845) was a Dutch military general, minister and senator.

Hendrik Merkus de Kock was born in Heusden, Netherlands on May 25, 1779.

In 1801 he joined the Batavian navy, and by 1807 was posted to the Dutch East Indies. In 1821 he commanded a military expedition to Palembang to suppress a local uprising. Later, as lieutenant governor-general (1826–1830), De Kock led the fight against Prince Diponegoro in the Java War.

 

 

The submission of Prince Diponegoro to General De Kock in 1830, painting by Nicolaas Pieneman

The triumphant commander was declared a baron in 1835, and served in the Dutch government as minister of foreign affairs and minister of state from 1836 to 1842. He remained a member of the upper chamber of parliament until his death. He died in The Hague on April 12, 1845.

 

Jenis Pusaka : Wedhung
Nama : WEDHUNG MATARAM
Era : Abad Ke-19
Asal : Karang Gayam, Pesisir Utara Jawa, Indonesia
Dimensi : 34.5 (panjang); 8,3 (lebar)
Material : Emas, Tanduk Kerbau, Rotan dan Logam Khusus
Nomer Inventaris : 963-4

 

 

Jenis : Keris
Nama : KERIS JAWA
Era : Wilah (Abad Ke-16), Warangka (Abad Ke-19)
Asal : Jawa

 

 

Jenis : Keris
Nama : KERIS JAWA
Era : Abad Ke 18 – 19
Asal : Jawa

Material :
Wilah : Besi Aji
Warangka dan Hulu : Fosil Geraham Gajah

 

Johannes van den Bosch

 

 

Count Johannes van den Bosch

This is a Dutch name; the family name is van den Bosch, not Bosch.

Johannes, Count van den Bosch (February 2, 1780, Herwijnen, Gelderland – January 28, 1844) was a Dutch Lieutenant General and politician.

[edit] Biography

Born at Herwijnen in the province of Gelderland, the Netherlands, van den Bosch arrived in Java in 1797 as a lieutenant, but was quickly promoted to colonel. He departed in 1810, because of differences with Governor-General Daendels. After his return to Holland in November 1813, Van den Bosch agitated for the return of the House of Orange.

He was recommissioned in the army as a Colonel and made Commander of Maastricht. He later became a Major General. Van den Bosch helped found the Society for the Founding of Poor Colonies and was especially associated with the Colony of Frederiksoord.

In 1827, he became the commissary general and was sent back to Jakarta, where he was made Governor-General in 1830. Van den Bosch returned to the Netherlands five years later and took over the governing of the colony. He retired voluntarily in 1839, when he was elevated to the noble rank of Count and made Minister of State on December 25 of that year. Van den Bosch died on January 1844 at his estate in the Hague.

 

Jean Chrétien Baud

Jean Chrétien baron Baud (1789 – 1859) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1833 until 1836.

He was born in The Hague on 23 October 1789. He was a civil servant and politician who served under William I and William II of the Netherlands. He sped through the ranks of the civil service until he reached the post of Vice President of the Council for the Dutch East Indies. Following Johannes van den Bosch, as acting Governor-General and, later, Minister for the Colonies, he was a strong defender of the Dutch Colonial policy, the cultuurstelsel, which required a certain amount of profitable crops to be dedicated to export.

He was succeed in 1836 by Dominique Jacques de Eerens. He became Minister of the Marine in 1840 and Minister for the Colonies from that year until 1848. After 1848 he was for a few years a conservative member for Rotterdam of the House of Representatives. He died in The Hague on 27 June 1859

 

 

 

 

 

1844

 

 

Benteng Van Der Wijck adalah bangunan benteng peninggalan kolonial Belanda. Benteng ini berada di wilayah Gombong, kabupaten Kebumen, Jawa Tengah. Bangunan ini memiliki metamorfosa sejarah yang sangat disayangkan kurang diketahui oleh masyarakat Kebumen pada umumnya. Bahkan pada akhirnya terjadi kesalahan dalam penentuan kurun waktu benteng ini dibuat. Kini para wisatawan yang berkunjung di objek wisata ini terlanjur mempercayai bahwa benteng Van Der Wijck dibangun pada tahun 1818 seperti yang tertera pada berbagai sisi ruangan di dalam benteng “AKU DIBANGUN TAHUN 1818″. Dengan dilengkapinya data sejarah di Benteng ini akan lebih menambah daya tarik tersendiri sebagai pariwisata sejarah di Kebumen.

 

Pelurusan Sejarah Benteng Van Der Wijck

- Sebelum tahun 1844

Sebelum tahun 1844, Benteng Van der Wijck merupakan bangunan kantor Kongsi Dagang VOC di Gombong. Bangunan tersebut sama sekali bukan berupa benteng. Besarnya kekuatan Dipanegara yang berpusat di bagelen selatan (sekarang kabupaten Kebumen) pada tahun 1825 – 1830, mengakibatkan Belanda mendatangkan bala bantuan pasukan VOC dalam jumlah besar dari Batavia dan menempati kantor Kongsi Dagang VOC di Gombong. Tempat tersebut kemudian dijadikan pertahanan militer Belanda dalam melawan kekuatan Dipanegara di Bagelen Selatan hingga masa penyerangan besar – besaran Belanda serta pembumihangusan pendopo kota raja kabupaten Panjer yang menjadi pusat kekuatan terakhir (1832). Peristiwa tersebut merubah status kantor Kongsi Dagang Gombong menjadi markas pertahanan Belanda di Gombong. Meski demikian, bangunan tersebut belum diubah menjadi benteng.

 

Berdirinya Benteng Gombong/Fort Generaal Cochius

Pada tahun 1844 dibangunlah sebuah benteng Pertahanan Belanda di bekas kantor kongsi dagang VOC di gombong. Bangunan ini bertujuan untuk pertahanan dalam rangka persiapan perang melawan Kesultanan Yogyakarta. benteng ini dibangun selama 4 tahun (selesai pada tahun 1848: sayang angka tahun di atas gerbang utama benteng yang dahulu disisi selatan telah hilang). Benteng ini kemudian diberi nama Fort Cochius/ Fort Generaal Cochius, diambil dari nama Letnan Jenderal Frans David Cochius, seorang komandan di Hindia Belanda yang memimpin pasukan Belanda di Gombong pada masa perang Dipanegara 1825 – 1830. Benteng ini dibangun oleh tentara corp. Zeni Belanda. Dari 1400 buruh yang bekerja dalam proyek tersebut, 1200 orang di antaranya berasal dari Kabupaten Bagelen, sedangkan sisanya berasal dari Kabupaten Banyumas. Para buruh yang diawasi oleh pengawas yang diambil dari daerah masing – masing. Para buruh dibayar 15 sen / hari, sedangkan Pengawas mendapat 1 florin / hari. Bahan baku bangunan seperti kalsit dan kayu berasal dari kabupaten sekitar Bagelen, sebagian besar dari Banyumas.

 

Arsitektur Benteng

Benteng /Fort Cochius berbentuk segi delapan, dengan tinggi 10 meter dan luas permukaan 7.168 m2. Dindingnya memiliki ketebalan 1,4 m. Struktur ini terdiri dari dua lantai, lantai pertama memiliki empat pintu masuk dan 16 kamar besar, masing-masing berukuran 18 m x 6,5 m. Ada lagi 27 kamar dengan berbagai ukuran, 72 jendela, 63 menghubungkan dan keluar pintu, 8 tangga menuju ke lantai dua, dan 2 tangga darurat. Di lantai dua terdapat 70 pintu penghubung, 84 jendela, 16 kamar besar masing-masing berukuran 18 m x 6,5 m, 25 kamar kecil dan 4 tangga menuju ke atap, 2 dari 4 tangga tersebut tidak diperuntukkan untuk umum, dengan kondisi masih asli. Benteng ini memiliki atap piramida yang terbuat dari bata merah, dalam bentuk bukit-bukit kecil dengan 2 lubang ventilasi di atas. Atap berukuran 3 m x 3 m x 1,5 m. Ada dua jenis pintu: pintu utama dan pintu yang mengarah ke kamar. Pintu utama terdiri dari 4 buah masing-masing berukuran 3,25 m x 3 m sedangkan pintu kamar masing-masing berukuran 2,3 m x 2,1 m.

Pada tahun 1856 benteng/Fort Cochius berubah menjadi Pupillenschool (Sekolah Taruna Militer) untuk anak-anak Eropa yang lahir di Hindia Belanda (sekarang Indonesia). Benteng/Fort Cochius berubah nama menjadi benteng/Fort Van der Wijck sebagai penghormatan kepada Van der Wijck atas jasanya kepada pemerintah Belanda dalam bidang kemiliteran di Hindia belanda.

 

 

Lukisan wajah F.D. Cochius ketika berpangkat Luitenant-Generaal (sekitar tahun 1850)

Riwayat Van Der Wijck

Ada tiga nama Van Der Wijck yang dikenal pernah bertugas di Hindia Belanda khususnya di Jawa. Nama benteng Gombong yang kini dikenal dengan nama Van Der Wijk sangat besar kemungkinan diambil dari salah satunya. Sebelum menguraikan mengenai ketiga Van Der Wijck, ada sebuah kejanggalan yang kita dapati di benteng tersebut berupa tulisan “Van Der Wijck” yang kemungkinan itu dibuat jauh setelah benteng tersebut berdiri sebagai pengganti tulisan “Chocius”. Hal itu mungkin terjadi pada masa salah satu dari ke tiga Van Der Wijk berkuasa di Jawa. Ini dikaitkan dengan adanya beberapa nama dalam pintu masuk benteng yang ternyata salah satunya merupakan nama dari orang tua Jenderal Chocius. Secara logika, ketika ada nama orang tua dari Chocius terlebih benteng tersebut dinamakan “Fort Geneeral Chocius”, seharusnya nama Chocius tertera di benteng (terlebih nama orang tuanya pun ditulis). Namun yang kita dapati adalah Van Der Wijk. Dari logika tersebutlah bisa dimungkinkan adanya perubahan nama/tulisan Chocius menjadi Van Der Wijk oleh pembesar militer Hindia belanda pada masa tertentu.

 

Lukisan wajah Jonkheer C. van der Wijck (sekitar tahun 1850) – Van Der Wijk yang ke 2

 

      1. Majoor Generaal Harmen Jan Van der Wijck; ahli perbentengan yang bertugas saat gubernur jendral Deandles dan Janssen. Tetapi karena sebelum perang Diponegoro sudah pensiun dan kembali ke Belanda, nama Van der Wijck yang satu ini jelas tidak mungkin.
      2. Luitenant Generaal Carel Van der Wijck; Ia merupakan anak sulung dari Majoor Generaal Harmen Jan Van der Wijck. Pada tahun 1837, ia menjabat direktur genie KNIL dan terlibat dalam pembangunan benteng di Ambarawa, Gombong dan Ngawi. Pada tahun 1847 ia menggantikan Cochius menjadi kepala KNIL. Pada tahun 1848 ia meresmikan benteng Fort Generaal Cochius. (Sudah menjadi kelaziman hanya mengabadikan nama tentara yang sudah non aktif sebagai penghormatan, apalagi yang dianggap berjasa).
      3. Luitenant Generaal Johan Cornelis Van der Wijck; Ia adalah keponakan Luitenan Generaal Carel Van der Wijck. Ayahnya adalah Herman Constantinj Van der Wijck merupakan adik dari Carel Van der Wijck. Karir militernya cukup pesat karena koneksi dua orang kakaknya yakni Carel Herman Aart Van der Wijck (Gubernur Jendral Hindia Belanda) dan Herman Marinus Van der Wijck (Menteri Kelautan Belanda). (sumber data M. Parwoko)

Riwayat Singkat Van der Wijck yang ke 3 (sumber data Wikipedia)

Van der Wijck inilah kemungkinan yang mengakibatkan hilangnya tulisan Chocius dan munculnya tulisan dinasti “ Van Der Wijck”.

Jhr. Johan Cornelis van der Wijck  lahir pada tanggal 11 Januari 1848 di Buitenzorg (kawasan Istana dan Kebun Raya Bogor). Ia adalah adalah seorang Letnan Jenderal dari Militer Kerajaan Hindia Belanda (KNIL) yang menjabat sebagai Gubernur Aceh. Van der Wijck dididik di Koninklijke Militaire Academie dan pada tahun 1869 dan dipromosikan menjadi Letnan Dua. Pada tahun 1874 ia dipromosikan menjadi Letnan Satu dan menjadi Komandan Departemen Militer III. Van der Wijck menjadi Kapten pada tahun 1888, Mayor di tahun 1892 dan Letnan Kolonel pada tahun 1894. Pada 1895 dan 1898 ia menjadi Komandan militer di Palembang. Selanjutnya pada tahun 1880 ia menjadi Komandan Infanteri di Magelang. Pada tahun 1898 Van der Wijck dipromosikan menjadi Kolonel dan pada tahun 1900 ia berpangkat Mayor Jenderal dan menjadi Komandan Utama dari Departemen Militer II di Jawa. Kemudian ia menjadi Kepala Persenjataan Infanteri serta Kepala Departemen II Kementerian Perang Belanda di Hindia Belanda.

 

Karena kualitasnya, Pemerintah Belanda mengangkat Van der Wijck menjadi Kepala KNIL pada tahun 1903. Pada tahun 1904 Van der Wijck menjadi Gubernur Sipil dan Militer sementara di Aceh. Setahun kemudian ia diberhentikan dari tugasnya di Aceh. Pada tahun 1905 Van der Wijck menjadi Letnan Jenderal, Komandan Tentara dan Kepala Departemen Perang di Hindia Belanda. Pada tahun yang sama ia menjadi anggota Komite Palang Merah Pusat Hindia Belanda. Atas permintaannya sendiri Van der Wijck pensiun dari militer pada tahun 1907. Ia mendapatkan penghargaan dari Pemerintah Belanda atas jasa – jasanya. Dia mendapat gelar Kesatria Singa Belanda dan menerima Medali Aceh untuk prestasi militernya di Kraton selama Perang Aceh. Dia juga mendapat Gelar Kehormatan atas aksi militernya di XII dan XXVI Mukims di Aceh pada tahun 1879.

 

Van der Wijck meninggal dunia pada tanggal 12 Oktober 1919 dan dimakamkan di Algemene Begraafplaats (General Cemetery) di Den Haag.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adapun beberapa nama yang masih terpampang di beberapa pintu masuk benteng seperti: F.A. Kortz (lahir di Grisse 1828), A.R. Dibbetz (Ibu F.D. Cochius ), L.J.L.T. Van Gorkum (Kapten Infanteri 1866 pada masa Van den Bosch), L.H. Deeleman,  dan K. F.W. Bouwensch adalah pejabat –pejabat militer setelah masa Cochius, artinya sama sekali bukan pada masa kurun 1818 seperti yang tertera di Benteng Van der Wijck saat ini.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Semoga data ini bisa menjadi wawasan baru bagi masyarakat Kebumen pada khususnya dan masyarakat indonesia pada umumnya terhadap sejarah Benteng/Fort Generaal Cochius yang kemudian dikenal dengan nama Benteng/Fort Van der Wijck.

Sumber

Ravie Ananda (Kebumen)

 

Referensi

  • Tropen Museum.
  • De Java Oorlog 1825 – 1830.
  • Ibrahim, Alfian. “Aceh dan Sabil PERANG.”
  • P.J.F Louw, Kaarten En Teekeningen DE JAVA – OORLOG van 1825 – 1830, No. 2; Vestelijk Gedeelte van het Oorlogtoonel; Batavia; Topographisch Bureau 1897.
  • M.D, Sagimun, Pahlawan Dipanegara Berjuang (Bara Api Kemerdekaan Nan Tak Kunjung Padam), 1956, Jogjakarta, Tjabang Bagian Bahasa, Djawatan Kebudajaan Kementerian P.P. dan K. Jogjakarta MCMLVII.
  • Materi napak Tilas Dipanegara Hari Kebangkitan Nasional di Kebumen; Ravie Ananda; 2012
  • Indonesian Heritage: Awal Sejarah Modern. Vol. 3, ed. Anthony Reid, Sian Jay dan T.  Durairajoo. Singapura: Editions Didier Millet, 2001.
  • De legercommandant J.C. van der Wijck. Het Nieuws van de Dag voor Nederlands Indië; 1907.
  • Hermeten Topographisch Bureau; 1900.
  • Jonkheer van der Wijck J.C. overleden. Nieuwe Courant; 1919.
  • Alphabetische naamlijst van gepensioneerde Nederlandsche koloniale Ambtenaren, Officieren, en Hunne Weduwen en Weezen door R.P. Van den Bosch; S’ Gravenhage; 1866.
  • Sejarah Dinasti Kalapaking; R. Tirta Wenang Kalapaking; 1997.
  • Stamboomzooker.nl.
  • pusat dokumentasi arsitektur; 2008.
  • wikipedia

 

 

 

1845-1851:

Jan Jacob Rochussen

Jan Jacob Rochussen

Jan Jacob Rochussen

 

Prime Minister of the Netherlands

In office
18 March 1858 – 23 February 1860

Monarch

William III

Preceded by

Justinus van der Brugghen

Succeeded by

Floris Adriaan van Hall

Jan Jacob Rochussen (23 October 1797, Etten – 21 January 1871, The Hague) was a Dutch politician. He served as Finance Minister from 1840 to 1843 and Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1845 to 1851. He served as Prime Minister of the Netherlands from 18 March 1858 to 23 February 1860. He was also a Dutch colonial minister

 

 

THE INDONESIAN PHRASE IN 19th CENTURY COLLECTIONS

Sjair Indonesia Abad ke-19

iwansuwandy.wordpress.com. @Copyright Dr iwan s.2010

 

vintage Chineseoverseas surabaya east java book’ The Power of Gods ‘

I.Dr Iwan S.Notes

I have compiled the 19th Century Indonesian Phrase  from many vintage 19th century Books and magazine, in recent Indonesian language,Dutch Language, but very difficult to translate in english.(I hope the International expert on phrase will help me to translate in English for the international collectors,thanks Dr Iwan S)

 

 

II. Indonesia Phrase In 1870

This phrase (puisi ) from Binaglala magazine No 30,Agust,12th 1870.

This magazine in Malay latin characters ,issued by Stefanus Sandiman and Mas Marcus Garito , this chriastin Magazine not commercial ,the first edition in 1850, in 1870 this magazine  witn name A.D. caption AMIN.(Amen)

AMIN

Amin, Bapa saya ! Amin! ,ku percaya! Amin ,saya trima!

Bapa punya kerja

Amin,kapan suka, Amin,kapan duka.Amin,kapan berkat.Amin,kapan laknat.

Asal saya slamat!

( free translate:please corrections)

Machinal Translate

AMEN

Amen, my Father ! Amen,I bielive!,Amen,I accept! The Father’s work

Amen,when like.Amen,when sad.Amen,when bless.Amin when foolish.In order I safe!

 

2. This phrase from Bintang Johar newspaper, caption ‘Musim Derep-Musim Malyo’

Musim potong sudah datang.Apa kita dengar itu .pddi di sawah sudah matang.Kita orang rame pergi disitu.

Pada suatu siang hari.Tranglah cahayanya matahari.Dengar di kanan,dan dikiri.Segala burung pada menyanyi.

Tuhan ada puhun slamat.Yang beri segala berkat.Biatla kita jangan lamabat.Dari dosa lekas tobat.

Padi yang jeli selamanya.Tunduk dirinya pada temannya’Tapi padi yang tak ada isinya.Tinggi hati itu adanya.

Biarlah kita yang beirisi .Tunduk diri selamanya.Pada Allah yang Mahakuasa.

3. BALADA JIKALAU RASA MALU(SK Bintang Johar,Aug.213th.1873)

Adalah suatu tuan.Jala-jalan di pingir kali.Lihat seorang anak perempuan.Lagi menangis keras sekali.

NOTE;STILL IN PROCESSING,PLEASE @COPYRIGHT Dr Iwan S  2010

 

 

1836

 


TEUNGKU CIK DI TIRO
Lahir : Tiro, Pidie, 1836
Wafat : Benteng, Aneuk Galong, Januari 1891

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SEJAK kecil, Teungku Cik Di Tiro yang bernama asli Muhammad Saman telah terbiasa tinggal di lingkungan pesantren. Di situ ia banyak menimba ilmu dari beberapa ulama terkenal di Aceh. Setelah merasa cukup berguru, Saman menunaikan ibadah haji ke Mekah sekaligus memperdalam ilmu agamanya. Sekembalinya dari Mekah, Saman menjadi guru agama di Tiro hingga kemudian dikenal sebagai Teungku Cik Di Tiro.

Tahun 1873, Saman melakukan perlawanan terhadap VOC yang bermaksud memasukkan Aceh ke dalam wilayah jajahannya. Bahkan pada perang di tahun itu, Panglima Belanda, Mayor Jenderal JHR Kohler tewas dalam suatu pertempuran. Hal ini membuat Belanda marah dan mengirimkan pasukan dalam jumlah yang jauh lebuih besar dan kuat untuk memerangi Aceh.

Mei 1881, benteng Belanda di Indrapuri berhasil direbut pasukan Cik Di Tiro. Tak lama kemudian benteng-benteng Belanda lainnya seperti benteng Lambaro, dan Aneuk Galong juga berhasil direbut. Ketika itu, Belanda sudah sangat terdesak sehingga satu-satunya tempat bertahan Belanda hanya tinggal benteng di Banda Aceh. Daerah yang dikuasai Belanda itu pun hanya tinggal empat kilometer persegi. Hal ini membuat Belanda panik dan kewalahan. Cik Di Tiro memang sulit ditundukkan, dan Belanda selalu mengalami kekalahan.

Menyadari peran vital Cik Dik Tiro sebagai sumber semangat perjuangan rakyat Aceh, Belanda akhirnya menggunakan akal licik untuk membunuhnya. Cik Di Tiro akhirnya berhasil diracun melalui makanannya yang dilakukan oleh kakitangan Belanda. Cik Di Tiro kemudian jatuh sakit dan meninggal dunia di benteng Aneuk Galong pada bulan Januari 1891.

 

 

1854


TEUKU UMAR
Lahir : Meulaboh, Aceh 1854
Wafat : Meulaboh, 11 Februari 1899

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SEJAK umur 19 tahun, tepatnya tahun 1873, Teuku Umar telah ikut berperang melawan Belanda di kampung halamannya Meulaboh. Terlebih sejak menikah dengan Cut Nyak Dien pada tahun 1880, perlawanan Teuku Umar semakin menghebat. Seperti diketahui, Cut Nyak Dien juga merupakan seorang pejuang wanita yang gigih melawan Belanda.

Teuku Umar adalah panglima perang yang cerdik dan pandai bersiasat. Ia pernah berpura-pura membantu Belanda membebaskan kapal Inggris Nissero yang terdampar dan ditawan oleh Raja Teunom, Aceh Barat. Inggris mendesak Belanda agar membantu membebaskan awak kapal yang ditawan. Belanda lantas mengutus TeukuUmar dengan 32 orang tentara ke Teunom. Di tengah jalan, tentara Belanda yang menyertainya dibunuh dan dirampas senjatanya.

Teuku Umar pernah menyerang dan menawan kapal Hok Canton yang berlabuh di Pantai Rigaih. Pasalnya, Teuku Umar curiga awak kapal tersebut akan menangkap dirinya. Untuk menebusnya, Belanda terpaksa harus membayar uang sebesar 25.000 Dollar.

Tahun 1893,

Teuku Umar tunduk dan bergabung dengan Belanda. Siasat berpura-pura Teuku Umar ini ternyata berhasil. Belanda kemudian mengizinkan Teuku Umar memiliki tentara berkekuatan 250 orang berikut persenjataan lengkap untuk memerangi pejuang-pejuang Aceh yang belum tunduk. Para pejuang Aceh yang akan diperangi pun paham karena telah diberitahu sebelumnya. Semua itu dilakukan Teuku Umar demi mendapatkan senjata dan perbekalan dari pihak VOC Belanda.

Pada tanggal 29 Maret 1896,

Teuku Umar kembali bergabung dengan para pejuang Aceh. Ia berhasil membawa lari senjata, uang sebanyak 800.000 Dollar, dan perlengkapan lain milik Belanda.

Semasa bergabung dengan Belanda, Teuku Umar pernah diberi gelar Teuku Johan Pahlawan dan memimpin 1 legiun tentara berkekuatan 250 orang serdadu. Teuku Umar mampu menghadapi Politik Devide et Empera (“Pecah Belah dan Jajahlah”) Belanda dengan menggunakan kekuatan Belanda sendiri.

Pada Januari 1899,

Belanda merasa tertipu dan amat marah sehingga mengerahkan seluruh kekuatannya untuk menangkap Teuku Umar di Meulaboh. Teuku Umar akhirnya gugur pada tanggal 11 Februari 1899, dan dimakamkan di Desa Mugo, Aceh.

 

  • 1872-1875: James Loudon
  • 1875-1881: Johan Wilhelm van Lansberge
  • 1881-1884: Freserik s’Jacob
  • 1884-1888: Otto van Rees
  • 1888-1893: Cornelis Pijnacker Hordijk
  • 1893-1899: Carel Herman Aart van Wijck
  • Jenis : Baju Adat
    Nama : BAJU ADAT ACEH DENGAN BORDIR EMAS
    Era : Abad Ke-19
    Material : Sutera Tradisional & Benang Emas
    Asal : Aceh, Sumatera
  • Diperdagangkan Oleh :
    Michael Backman Ltd
    1 New Burlington Street, London, W1S 2JD
    United Kingdom
  • Keterangan :
  • Silk Ceremonial Jacket (Baju) with Gold Brocade
    Sumatra, Indonesia
    19th century
  • length: 46cm, width (with arms outstretched): 163cm
  • This jacket of purple and yellow silk with gold brocade applique over a calico lining is from Sumatra, Indonesia and probably dates to the 19th century.
  • Possibly it is from Aceh. It might also have been worn be the Minangkabau people who imported silk clothing items from Aceh.
  • The manner of the gold stitching work is highly suggestive of Arab influence. This is not surprising as there were many trade and diplomatic links between the courts of the Middle East and also the Ottoman empire. The applied gold motifs to the lower section of the front of the jacket also suggest Chinese influence: clearly the motifs are based on stylised dragons.
  • Such a jacket almost certainly was made for a man, to be worn at his wedding.
  • A vest with related gold brocade applique work which is attributed to Aceh, before 1878, is illustrated in Brinkgreve & Sulistianingsih (2009, p. 157).
  • The condition is fine – there are no insect holes and no repairs, but there are some splits across the shoulders to the silk along the creaselines. Also, some of the gold brocade has become unstitched. These age-related matters most likely can be resolved with some minor conservation.
  • Provenance: From a Belgium private collection; acquired by the family of the previous owners directly from Sumatra during the 1920s.
  • References:
    Brinkgreve F, & R. Sulistianingsih (eds), Sumatra: Crossroads of Cultures, KITLV Press, 2009.
    Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, The Message and the Monsoon: Islamic Art of Southeast Asia, IAMM Publications, 2005.
    Leigh, B., Hands of Time: The Crafts of Aceh, Penerbit Djambatan, 1989.
    Summerfield, A., & J., Walk in Splendor: Ceremonial Dress and the Minangkabau, UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1999.
    1896

Dayaks Mandau

CREATED Y

Dr IWAN S

FROM HIS VINTAGE BOOK AND UNMIQUE COLLECTIONS

*ILL C-001

FREE PRIVATE E-BOOK ISSUED FOR COLLECTORS

JAKARTA @COPYRIGHT Dr IWAN S 2010

*ill 001 original Mandau handle found at Pontianak 1994.,


 

Dayaks Mandau original or fake

 

 

East Borneo Mandau 1888

 

 

Fig h-l Handles Type

 

 

 

Fig e-g Pamor Mata type

 

 

 

Fig a-d Blades type

 

 

 

Dayaks Mandau Book

 

THE VINTAGE DAYAKS MANDAU BOOK ILLSUTRATION 1888
(Tromp SW,Assisten Resident of Koetei, Schmeltz JDE,Band I ,Ethanographie,Leiden,1888,ex Libris J.Jonge Jan)
UCM-uniquecollection.wordpress.com CyberMuseum collection.@copyright Dr Iwan S.2010.
(this info dedicated to Dr Sugeng,Pontianak, ex my officer during my duty at West Borneo 1990-1994, he now have finish Medical Specialization Orthopaedy, and the chief of West Borneo National police Medical Hospital. During my last visit at Borneo in 2008, Dr Sugeng and his chief Dr Priok were helping me to seeking the uniquecollections, and made My Adventure from Pontianak-Kuching-Miri-Brunei Bandar Sri benagwan-Labuan-Kotatkinibalu were succeess ,also with the helping of Mr Chan kee Text-Sarawak, and many other friend along the very happy adventure,all about that I have written in Sarawak and related countries Collections
Dr Sugeng , Dr Priok and mr Chan Kee text thank you very much for friendly helping during my last visit Borneo, and Do you have the original Mandau collections? please show us via comment-Dr iwan suwandy.)
1.The information about Mandau,the special Dayaks waepons, from the West and south Borne have been written, that is why I (Mr Tromp) must written the mandau in my area Koetai.
The mandau of Koetai were from the nothern area ,Berouw. In Koetai , there were two types of Mandau,:
(1). The light and small mandau from Dayaks at Toendjoeng, Bentia, and Benoewa( Southern Dayaks)
(2).The bigger mandau from Dayaks at Modang , Bahau, kenja,Penhing and Poenan (central Dajaks in the Koetai Aboveland-Benedenlanden van Koetai).

2.The original Mandau was used by the Dayaks commander of Chief-Si Ramboet Kawat . The best mandau in Koetei were made at the native Kenja-fabric by Poh-Kedjin, locatated at vthe mountain at central Borneo near Kajan-river, the price was fbetween 10-12 Guldens, for the best quality was 50 Guldens.

3. The Illustration of Koetai -Mandau

(1) The type of Mandau Blade
(fig a) Monong
(Fig b) Logna
(Fig.c) Lidjip
(Fig d) Li-po-tong

(No information of the sarung mandau, please compare with my two original Mandau were found at Pontianak, and the other one at Jakarta,may be from East Borneo, pleae the mandau collectors send more info via comment. Be careful and compare with this original information of the Dayaks Mandau, because many fake and new repro Mandau exist now-Dr Iwan S.)

(2) The Type of Mandau Pamor(mata)
(fig e)Mata djoh
(fig f)Mata kalong
(fig g) Tap-set-sien

(3) The Type of handle(So-op)
(fig h) So-op Kenhong
(fig i ) So-op kombeh
(fig J) unknown named
(fig k) So-op goanliklik
(fig l) So-op njong pendjoh.

(I hope the Mandau Collectors send us new information about the original Mandau illustration, and My West Borneo Mandau original or fake ,please send your info via comment,thanks very much )

THE END @Copyright Dr Iwan S.2010

 

Jenis : Mahkota Kerajaan
Nama : MAHKOTA KERAJAAN KUTAI KERTANEGARA
Asal : Kutai, Kalimantan Timur
Material : Emas dan Batu Permata

Koleksi :
MUSEUM NASIONAL INDONESIA (Museum Gajah)
Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat no.12,
Jakarta Pusat, DKI JAKARTA 10110
INDONESIA

Ini adalah Ketopong (mahkota) yang dibuat pada pertengahan abad ke-19, ketika itu masa pemerintahan Sultan Muhammad Sulaiman (1845-1899), karya agung ini dibuat oleh seniman lokal dan tukang emas dari Kerajaan Kutai di Kalimantan Timur. Mahkota ini merupakan salah satu simbol paling penting dari keberadaan kerajaan, dibentuk sebagai brunjungan, dan membutuhkan hampir dua kilogram emas untuk penciptaannya.

Mahkota Kerajaan BADUNG – Bali, abad ke-19

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 12 April 2012

Posted in: Mahkota Kerajaan / Kesultanan. Tagged: Badung, Bali, Batu Mulia, Batu Permata, Emas, Mahkota Kerajaan. 1 komentar

 

Jenis : Mahkota Kerajaan
Nama : MAHKOTA KERAJAAN BADUNG (GELUNG AGUNG)
Asal : Badung, Bali
Material : Emas, Batu Mulia dan Batu Permata

Koleksi :
MUSEUM NASIONAL INDONESIA (Museum Gajah)
Jalan Medan Merdeka Barat no.12,
Jakarta Pusat, DKI JAKARTA 10110
INDONESIA

Ini adalah perhiasan kepala yang sangat indah berasal dari istana kerajaan Badung – Bali. Mahkota ini dikenakan pada acara-acara upacara penting, antara lain oleh pengantin pada pernikahan kerajaan. Hal ini juga dapat dikenakan oleh penari pilihan dari istana saat melakukan tarian gambuh. Sementara bagian depannya dihiasi dengan berbagai bunga logam kecil, bagian belakang berbentuk gelung agung, yang berbentuk segitiga dan menampilkan tiga segitiga kecil dihiasi dengan 175 batu permata, ukiran kepala gajah, serta asti karang (batu khusus) yang diyakini memiliki kekuatan gaib untuk mengusir kejahatan, sama spektakulernya dengan keindahan yang dipancarkannya. Jadi, ketika penari gambuh menghadap ke belakang membelakangi penonton, penonton disuguhi tampilan yang menakjubkan dari keindahan maha karya ini

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 4

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Bahasa, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Inskripsi, Kerajaan Majapahit, Majapahit, Prasasti, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1841
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Artefak ini dipindahkan oleh Rafles ke Jakarta dan menjadi inventaris Museum Nasional. Yang menjadi pertanyaan adalah dimana lokasi ASLI dari inskripsi ini, sebagian ahli beteori : berada di puncak bangunan piramid / Candi Sukuh ???. Adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 170 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

Drawing of a Lingga with spheres

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia
Inventory number: 37-903-48
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: Drawing of a Lingga with spheres
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 44 x 28 cm
Date: 1841

Description:
Picture of the almost 2 meters high Lingga, taken by Raffles Jakarta. It is now in the Museum Nasional in Jakarta. The Lingga comes from Candi Sukuh. According to the Cat. Groeneveldt 1887 p 114-116 representing the yoni a four spheres in which the fifth ball, the Lingga. However, the contemporary view that the Lingga belongs on top of the main temple which would represent an enormous yoni. The Lingga is a realistic phallus with four balls just below the summit. The four balls, the first set of four mountains surrounding Mount Meru can represent. The inscription reads: “Inauguration of the holy Ganggusudhi in […]. The symbol of masculinity is the essence of the world. On Saturday the Wuku Wayang.” It is followed by a chronogram with a date which translates to 1440. Further reliefs of a kris, an eight-pointed sun and a crescent. Signed in 1841 by HN Sieburgh

Another inventory number: D (Oudnr)
Function: representations of the supernatural, drawing
Culture: East Javanese, Indo-Javanese, Hindu, Colonial, European Styles and periods
Origin: Karanganyar
Object keywords: pencil drawings

Publications on the subject:
Bruijn, Jean Victor de (1937), “HN Sieburgh and its significance for the Javanese Archaeology,” dissertation Leiden: Luctor et Emergo.,

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 3

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Bahasa, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Kerajaan Majapahit, Majapahit, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1837 – 1838
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Artefak ini masih utuh di lokasinya. Adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 173 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

The stone of Sukuh

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia

Inventory number: 37-903-18
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: The stone of Sukuh
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 30 x 22 cm
Date: 1837-1838

Description:
Shown is the medallion to the north west side of the obelisk. “By the obelisk is a heart-shaped locket, 2.23m high, surrounded by an ornament which Hoepermans peacocks with raised tails, Knebel makaras and snakes recognized. In any case, from above, enclosed by a monster (with, as Hoepermans observed, even next two) and are about two snake heads bowed out in the medallion two human figures, of which one may Arjuna is, down there are still a pendapa a tree and a man, carved two people still lower. ” Today the work is interpreted as follows: horseshoe-shaped relief, formed by the tails of two animals. Top of a kala head and along the sides, two kala-heads in profile. Three scenes are visible. The top contains two figures, a four-armed Shiva left and right Bhima, both are on a double-headed naga. Beneath a man for a small pavilion, he does a little guy down. At the bottom two figures are pulling in an animal. Signed by HN Sieburgh in 1837 / 8.
Another inventory number: 8 (Oudnr)

Function: constructions religious / ritual, drawing
Culture: Central Javanese, Indo-Javanese, European-Colonial styles and periods
Origin: Lawu (mountain)
Object keywords: pencil drawings

Publications on the subject:
Bruijn, Jean Victor de (1937), “HN Sieburgh and its significance for the Javanese Archaeology,” dissertation Leiden: Luctor et Emergo.,

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 2

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Inskripsi, Kerajaan Majapahit, Majapahit, Prasasti, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1840
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Pada saat saya berkunjung ke CANDI SUKUH, luput dari perhatian saya (apakah masih ada ataukah sudah hilang / berpindah tempatnya). Maka ini adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 171 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

Drawing of the inscription on the back of one of Candi Garuda Sukuh

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia
Inventory number: 37-903-52
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: Drawing of the inscription on the back of one of Candi Garuda Sukuh
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 51 x 35 cm
Date: 1840

Description:
Pictured are two inscriptions found in candidiasis Sukuh numbered H and I. H: for the large inscription on the back of a Garuda with the year 1363 Saka. I: relates to the title of a bas-relief with three people, including the year 1361 Saka. Signed in 1840 by HN Sieburgh

Another inventory number: H and I (Oudnr)
Function: writing, drawing
Culture: East Javanese, Indo-Javanese, Hindu, Colonial, European styles and periods
Origin : Karanganyar, Lawu (mountain)
Object keywords : pencil drawings

Publications on the subject:
Bruijn, Jean Victor de (1937), “HN Sieburgh and its significance for the Javanese Archaeology,” dissertation Leiden: Luctor et Emergo.,

INSKRIPSI Nusantara : Laporan Penelitian Candi SUKUH – 1

Posted by WILWATIKTA (Majapahit) museum on 31 Desember 2011

Posted in: INSKRIPSI Nusantara. Tagged: Aksara, Bahasa, Candi Sukuh, Catatan Sejarah, Inskripsi, Kerajaan Majapahit, Laporan Penelitian, Majapahit, Wilwatikta. Tinggalkan Sebuah Komentar

 

Laporan Arkeolog Kolonial Belanda : HN Sieburg – Tahun 1840
Tentang : Inskripsi CANDI SUKUH (Lawu)
Kabupaten Karanganyar – Jawa Tengah
Koleksi : Museum Volkenkunde, Leiden

Komentar :
Pada saat saya berkunjung ke CANDI SUKUH, tidak saya temukan artefak ini (sudah hilang atau berpindah tempatnya). Maka ini adalah suatu informasi yang sangat berharga bagi konstruksi sejarah Indonesia dan Majapahit pada khususnya. Karena dibuat diatas media KERTAS dan PENSIL yang usianya 171 tahun, gambar sudah agak buram tetapi masih informatif.

Drawing with five inscriptions found in Candi Sukuh

Special collection: Insular Southeast Asia
Inventory number: 37-903-53
Manufacture: HN Sieburgh
Title: Drawing with five inscriptions found in Candi Sukuh
Material / technique: paper, pencil
Dimensions: 51.5 x 32 cm
Date: 1840

Description:
Pictured are five inscriptions found in the Sieburgh Sukuh candidiasis, numbered J t / J to N: refers to the inscription on a man’s image with the year 1364 Saka. Flushing of the states that the inscription on the back of the frame, this is incorrect. Moreover, the inscription does not appear on a man’s image, but on the front of a Garuda, whose head is gone. Sieburgh also reports that the inscription on a Garuda located. K: refers to the inscription on the belly band called Bima image with the year 1365 Saka. L: inscription on the southern terrace on which the year 1363 Saka (1441 AD).. M: the year 1338 Saka on a pedestal. About this piece, that already during the Bruijn’s research had gone Sieburgh said: “This piece was broken in my presence, and will therefore soon be lost.” N: inscription on a round pedestal feet with a broken image, around which a serpent winds inscription affixed thereto, that the year 1372 (?) Saka to read. Again, this piece was in de Bruijn’s research disappeared. “A union of Brahman, which the weapons Meeden exercised, built alhier their workplace and a contrite little temple to the weapon sacred. One of the two small temples bears the date 1363, this is not loch genes, because it is in the basement brick. A bas-relief, which probably in the wall of the great honor has been draagd 1361, the great Garuda image bears part 1363, the second in 1364 (but the 4 is doubtful) the Krisnjou 1365, a snake or naga, which at the feet of a statue curly was 1357 and finally a loose fragment an entirely different script, which I was up and acquires 1227 to be. I must be the small temples as well as the separate images for Donatien from later time love, which perhaps, to obtain wapene done here by wealthy, “said Sieburgh. Signed in 1840 by HN Sieburgh

Another inventory number: J, K, L, M, N. (Oudnr)

Function : writing ,drawing
Culture : Central Javanese, Indo-Javanese, Hindu, Colonial, European styles and periods
Origin : Karanganyar, Lawu (mountain)
Object keywords : pencil drawings

 

 

 

 

1828

Javasche Bank 1828

 

 

De Javasche Bank 1828 – 1953

Presidents, Secretaries and Directors

 

info source: Rob Huisman

The Javasche Bank was founded in 1828 and continued its operations until after the Dutch transfer of souvereignty to Indonesia in 1949. The Javasche Bank became the circulation bank for the Republic of Indonesia and was nationalized in 1953.

A date in italics (24/01/1828) means the date of the decree deciding about the appointment or discharge of  the board member. The date of a decree is only mentioned in case the actual start or end date is unknown.

The following board members (Presidents, Secretaries and Directors) were authorized to sign banknotes issued by the Javasche Bank:

Presidents:

24/01/1828 – 22/03/1838 Chr. de Haan (LL.M.)
Leonard Pierre Joseph viscount du Bus de Gisignies, Commissioner General of the Netherlands Indies, appointed Chr. de Haan by decree 25 on January 24, 1828, to the position of President of the Javasche Bank. Although several other people applied for the position of President, the Commissioner General used his right to move past the nominees. On December 13, 1837, after almost 10 year of service, de Haan was granted a two year European leave. He seceded in the board meeting of March 22, 1838.

 

 

1830
Kemudian Jenderal Hendrik De Kock selaku pemimpin Belanda saat itu berupaya untuk menundukkan Paku Buwono VI. Berbagai siasat dan tekanan-tekanan dilakukan hingga pada tanggal 6 Juni 1830 Paku Buwono VI pergi ke pemakaman Imogiri untuk berdoa. Belanda menuduh Paku Buwono VI akan menyiapkan pemberontakan.

 

The KNIL was formed by royal decree on 10 March 1830. It was not part of the Royal Netherlands Army, but a separate military arm specifically formed for service in the Netherlands East Indies. Its establishment coincided with the Dutch drive to expand colonial rule from the 17th century area of control to the far larger territories comprising the Dutch East Indies seventy years later, which remain the present boundaries of Indonesia

 

1832

[Vigelius] dalam “Fragmenten eener beschrijving van Sumatra’s Westkust.” (TNI 13.II, Afl.7, 1851: 7-16, hal.11) dan E. Francis dalam Herinneringen uit den levensloop van een ‘Indish’ Ambtenaar van 1815 tot 1851, Vol.3 (Batavia: H.M. van Dorp, 1859, hal. 73) mengatakan bahwa Tuanku Nan Renceh wafat tahun 1832 di ‘Medjang’, sebuah desa dalam wilayah Laras Bukit, Luhak Agam (mungkin yang dimaksud adalah desa Mejan di Kamang).

Menurut Naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Tuanku Nan Renceh wafat karena sakit: “Kemudian daripada itu maka tersebut pula perkataan [berita; Suryadi] Tuanku Nan Renceh dapat sakit. Dengan takdir Allah taala tidak berapa lamanya dalam sakit itu dan berpulanglah [ia] ke rahmatullah adanya” (Naskah hal.58 dalam Sjafnir Aboe Nain [tansliterator], Tuanku Imam Bonjol. Padang: PPIM, 2004, hal. 48).

Pada tahun wafatnya Tuanku Nan Renceh, pusat Gerakan Paderi sudah pindah ke Bonjol, dengan pemimpin utamanya Tuanku Imam Bonjol, salah seorang panglima Paderi yang ‘dibesarkan’ oleh Tuanku Nan Renceh sendiri.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1833

 

St. Helena, crown (25p) reverse.

The trading operations of the East India Company in India and China had been wound up in 1833. From that time the Company governed India on behalf of Great Britain. Following the Indian Mutiny all its property was transferred to the Crown in 1858 under the India Act. It was finally dissolved in 1874 when the 1854 Charter expired.
This modern cupronickel coin commemorates the tercentenary (1673-1973) of St. Helena’s Royal Charter. The “East Indiaman,” in full sail on the reverse, is a fitting tribute to a unique company.
1837

Tahun-tahun berikutnya Benteng Bonjol dikepung Belanda, hingga akhirnya jatuh pada 17 Agustus 1837. Sumber-sumber pertama (bronnen) yang mencatat pengepungan itu pada tahun-tahun terakhir sebelum Bonjol jatuh dapat dibaca dalam karya Gerke Teitler, Het einde Padri Oorlog: het beleg en de vermeestering van Bondjol 1834-1837: een bronnenpublicatie [Akhir Perang Paderi. Pengepungan dan Perampasan Bonjol 1834-1837; sebuah publikasi sumber]. Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw, 2004). Di dalam buku itu antara lain terdapat “Journaal van de expeditie naar Padang onder de Generaal-Majoor Cochius in 1837 Gehouden door de Majoor Sous-Chief van den Generaal-Staf Jonkher C.P.A. de Salis” (hal.59-183). Dalam laporan itu dicatat pergerakan harian pasukan Belanda mendekati bonjol. Laporan itu dihiasi dengan banyak sketsa mengenai sistem pertahanan Kaum Paderi.

 

Sulit untuk dibantah bahwa sepak terjang golongan radikal dalam Kaum Paderi yang dibidani Tuanku Nan Renceh telah semakin memperkuat keinginan Kaum Adat untuk minta bantuan kepada Belanda, karena mereka betul-betul merasa dihinakan oleh orang-orang yang masih satu sukubangsa dengan mereka sendiri.

Tuanku Nan Renceh adalah sosok kontroversial: seorang penganjur agama Islam tapi dalam melakukan misinya sudah melewati dogma-dogma Islam sendiri. Tangannya terlalu banyak berlumur darah sudara-saudaranya sendiri sesama orang Minang. Masih untung kekeliruan ini akhirnya disadari oleh Tuanku Imam Bonjol, ulama Paderi penerus Tuanku Nan Renceh (lihat Sjafnir Aboe Nain, op cit., hal. 39, Naskah). Jika Tuanku Nan Renceh dan pengikutnya tidak bersikap radikal, mungkin jalan sejarah Minangkabau (Perang Paderi) akan jadi lain.

 

Masa lalu tak akan kembali. Tapi “jangan sekali-kali melupakan sejarah”, kata almarhum Presiden Sukarno. Untuk konteks kekinian masyarakat kita, kisah Tuanku Nan Renceh patut menjadi cermin sejarah bagi generasi Minangkabau dan generasi Indonesia pada umumnya, baik kini maupun masa depan, terutama bagi mereka yang tangannya menggenggam kekuasaan, yang tak sadar apa akibatnya jika dengan sikap radikal dan taklid menjadikan agama sebagai komoditas politik.(allaboutminang)

 

1833

Pada tanggal 2 Mei 1833 Yang Dipertuan Minangkabau Sultan Alam Bagagarsyah, raja terakhir Kerajaan Pagaruyung, ditangkap oleh Letnan Kolonel Elout di Batusangkar atas tuduhan pengkhianatan. Sultan dibuang ke Betawi, dan akhirnya dimakamkan di pekuburan Mangga Dua.

referensi

  1. 1.      ^ Djamaris, Edwar. 1991. Tambo Minangkabau. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka.
    2. ^ Cheah Boon Kheng, Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail (1998). Sejarah Melayu. the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
    3. ^ Haan, F. de, 1896. Naar midden Sumatra in 1684, Batavia-s Hage, Albrecht & Co.-M. Nijhoff. 40p. 8vo wrs. Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Deel 39.

 

1835 1871
The Sultan Muda

 

1837

 

Pada tahun 1837, pemerintah Hindia-Belanda menjadikan Padang sebagai pusat pemerintahan wilayah Pesisir Barat Sumatera (Sumatra’s Westkust) yang wilayahnya meliputi Sumatera Barat dan Tapanuli sekarang.[19] (wiki)

 

August 17, 1837
(See Teitler 2004),
 battlefield switch to Rokan Hulu and surrounding area with its center in Fort Dalu-Dalu.

 

Tambusai My lord, my lord Imam Bonjol compatriots, did not want to surrender to the Dutch. This indicates that the system is not Padri movement organizations recognize leadership hierarchy and chain of command.
Later, a controversy about the heroic lord Tambusai after BHH wrote the GTR that in developing the Wahabi doctrine in this area and surrounding Rokan and Mandailing,

 

Padri’s commander and his followers have killed many people, not least the followers of Datu Bange of Simanabun. Datu Bange is one of a chieftain in a persistent Mandailing against Tuanku Tambusai (GTR, p. 54-76).
BHH assess lord Tambusai and Tuanku Imam Bonjol unpatriotic. People who are not patriotic certainly not fit to be a national hero. According to him, Tuanku Imam Bonjol set their own surrender himself to the Dutch (The text is based on the interpretation of Tuanku Imam Bonjol [see Sjafnir Aboe Nain, 2004]). Tambusai lord who fled to Malaysia, leaving his followers, for fear captured or killed the Netherlands, is also considered a coward.
“We ask where heroism has a lot to kill, kidnap women to be sold as slaves or concubines in the nation itself? […] Is a […] not [be able to] defend homeland to the death […] and trample on the dignity of the nation itself deserves to be a hero? […] A true patriot, even cornered must still fight to preserve the earth persada to the death, “wrote BHH in the GTR (hlm.106).
BHH is a descendant of Datu Bange. Factors underlying genealogy is an emotional critique (which represents his people) the lord Tambusai the GTR. “This question was asked by someone whose ancestors were victims kekajaman Tambusai lord, is Datu Bange, King Hurlang, Bandaro and all the relatives and people Simanabun”, he wrote in a GTR (p. 107). Sentences subjective and emotive as it immediately removes the impression of scientific GTR.
Lessons to be learned
There are at least two important things that can be seen from this polemic: first, about the influence of ethnicity in the writing of history (in) Indonesia, secondly, the emergence of criticism of the procedures and mechanisms for the nomination and appointment of a person to be a national hero.
Narrative “history book” GTR reflects feelings of regionalism (regionalism) is strong, because it raises an obvious bias. It is difficult-but not inevitable-be a written history of the area as well as a local ethnic itself. This is the dilemma that the BHH Mandailing and also write the history of Mandailing.
Of course, historians who study the history of science and research methods will not slip into the GTR subjektifisme as in writing. It is not possible to use the brain solely in the writing of history. But the full awareness of the history of science scientific convention will prevent someone from falling into subjektifisme no threshold in the writing of history.
Author GTR somewhat unimportant to the socio-historical context Mandailing region in the first half of the 19th century.

The role of the Netherlands, rivalry and ethnic sentiments, the influence of Aceh, Refugee of (penghijrahan )Minangkabau people who had been so long occur along the west coast of Sumatra (see for example the story of the Young Helmsman [Drewes, 1961] and biographies of Muhammad Saleh Dt. Rangkayo Bases, 1965) and the tribal migrants others in the region somewhat unnoticed BHH.

 

It is likely that the acceptance and rejection of teachings brought lord Tambusai in Mandailing and surrounding areas participated influenced the factors mentioned above.

 

 

Gerth van Wijk,

in his introduction to the Kaba Puti Balukih (Tale Princess Balkis) (1881) said that the tribe Padri also sought to replace pagan literature as stories haunter, fairies, and gods with the nuances of Islamic literature. It is not possible these factors will determine the dispute between the lord Tambusai hardware that adheres to Islamic purists Babiat clan led by Datu Bange who worship the tiger totem (hlm.13-48).


Instead, my lord Tambusai proposing a national hero laden with regionalism pride. Its main proponent was lord Tambusai own offspring.

 

One of the main proponents are Djasit Saleh H, SH Tambusai descendant of a child who was a Regent of Kampar.


They emphasize the value of struggle Tambusai lord who years fighting the Dutch colonialists (1830-1839) and never give up and do not want to make peace with the Netherlands (see: Ekmal Rusdy, Riau Post, 30-11-2007).

 

Similar to the way of writing “history” are very subjective GTR, the controversy heroism Tambusai lord teach us that in the future need a more comprehensive study of the history of the person who will be proposed as a national hero, involving figures credible academic and lintasetnis .

One thing to note from this is that apparently polemical discourse “historical rectification” now spilling everywhere.

 

At first, the discourse was only the “historical rectification” Revolution 1965. Now it extends to the discourse of local history as Padri War. At this level the actual ethnic relations at stake.

 

This nation is still strong oral tradition. Any issue of potential swallowed raw or used as a political commodity by certain parties.


Hopefully polemic “alignment Padri War history” does not make turbid interethnic relations in this multiethnic country.

 

original info

17 Agustus 1837

(lihat Teitler 2004),

Medan perang beralih ke daerah Rokan Hulu dan sekitarnya dengan pusatnya di Benteng Dalu-dalu. Tuanku Tambusai, rekan seperjuangan Tuanku Imam Bonjol, ternyata tidak mau menyerah kepada Belanda. Ini menandakan bahwa sistem organisasi Gerakan Paderi bukan mengenal hirarki kepemimpinan dan rantai komando.

Belakangan muncul kontroversi mengenai kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai setelah BHH menulis dalam GTR bahwa dalam mengembangkan ajaran Wahabi di daerah Rokan dan Mandailing dan sekitarnya,

Panglima Paderi itu bersama para pengikutnya telah membunuhi banyak orang, tak terkecuali para pengikut Datu Bange dari Simanabun.

Datu Bange adalah salah seorang kepala suku di Mandailing yang gigih melawan Tuanku Tambusai (GTR, hlm. 54-76).

BHH menilai Tuanku Tambusai dan Tuanku Imam Bonjol tidak patriotis.

Orang yang tidak patriotis tentu tidak pantas menjadi pahlawan nasional.

Menurutnya, Tuanku Imam Bonjol mengatur sendiri penyerahan dirinya kepada Belanda (ini berdasarkan tafsirannya terhadap Naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol [lihat Sjafnir Aboe Nain, 2004]).

Tuanku Tambusai yang melarikan diri ke Malaysia, meninggalkan para pengikutnya, karena takut ditawan atau dibunuh Belanda, juga dianggap pengecut.

“Kita bertanya di manakah jiwa kepahlawanan seorang yang telah banyak membunuh, menculik kaum perempuan untuk dijual sebagai budak atau dijadikan gundik di kalangan bangsa sendiri? […]

Apakah seorang yang […] tidak [mampu] mempertahankan tanah tumpah darah sampai titik darah penghabisan […] dan menginjak-injak harkat dan martabat bangsa sendiri pantas menjadi pahlawan? […]

Seorang patriot sejati, sekalipun terpojok pastilah tetap berjuang mempertahankan bumi persada sampai titik darah penghabisan”, tulis BHH dalam GTR (hlm.106).

BHH adalah salah seorang keturunan Datu Bange.

Faktor genealogi inilah yang melatari kritiknya yang penuh emosi (yang mewakili kaumnya) terhadap Tuanku Tambusai dalam GTR.

“Pertanyaan ini diajukan oleh orang yang leluhurnya adalah korban kekejaman Tuanku Tambusai, ialah Datu Bange, Raja Hurlang, Bandaro dan seluruh kerabat dan rakyat Simanabun”, tulisnya dalam GTR (hlm. 107).

Kalimat-kalimat subjektif dan emotif seperti itu segera menghilangkan kesan ilmiah GTR.

 

Pelajaran yang dapat dipetik

Setidaknya ada dua hal penting yang dapat disimak dari polemik ini:

pertama, soal pengaruh etnisitas dalam penulisan sejarah (di) Indonesia;

kedua, munculnya kritik terhadap prosedur dan mekanisme pencalonan dan pengangkatan seseorang menjadi pahlawan nasional.

Narasi “buku sejarah” GTR merefleksikan perasaan kedaerahan (regionalisme) yang kuat, karena itu menimbulkan bias yang kentara.

Ini sulitnya –tapi bukan tidak bisa dihindari– menjadi seorang yang menulis sejarah satu daerah sekaligus menjadi warga etnis daerah itu sendiri.

Inilah dilema BHH yang orang Mandailing dan juga menulis sejarah tentang Mandailing.

Tentu saja sejarawan yang mendalami ilmu dan metode penelitian sejarah tidak akan terpeleset ke dalam subjektifisme seperti dalam penulisan GTR.

Memang tak mungkin menggunakan otak semata-mata dalam penulisan sejarah.

Akan tetapi kesadaran penuh atas konvensi ilmiah ilmu sejarah akan mencegah seseorang jatuh ke dalam subjektifisme tanpa ambang batas dalam menulis buku sejarah.

Penulis GTR agak cuai terhadap konteks sosio-historis daerah Mandailing pada paruh pertama abad ke-19.

Peran Belanda, rivalitas dan sentimen antar suku, pengaruh Aceh, penghijrahan orang Minangkabau yang sudah begitu lama terjadi di sepanjang pantai barat Sumatera (lihat misalnya kisah Nakhoda Muda [Drewes, 1961] dan biografi Muhammad Saleh Dt. Rangkayo Basa, 1965) dan suku pendatang lainnya di kawasan itu agak luput dari perhatian BHH.

Sangat mungkin bahwa penerimaan dan penolakan ajaran yang dibawa Tuanku Tambusai di daerah Mandailing dan sekitarnya ikut dipengaruhi faktor-faktor tersebut di atas.

Gerth van Wijk dalam pengantarnya terhadap Kaba Puti Balukih (Hikayat Putri Balkis) (1881) mengatakan bahwa

Kaum Paderi juga berusaha mengganti sastra pagan seperti cerita mambang, peri, dan dewa-dewa dengan sastra yang bernuansa Islami.

Bukan tidak mungkin faktor ini ikut menentukan pertikaian keras antara Tuanku Tambusai yang menganut Islam puritan dengan marga Babiat yang dipimpin Datu Bange yang menyembah totem harimau (hlm.13-48).

Sebaliknya, pengusulan Tuanku Tambusai menjadi pahlawan nasional juga sarat dengan kebanggan regionalisme.

Pemrakarsa utamanya adalah anak keturunan Tuanku Tambusai sendiri.

Salah satu di antara pemrakarsa utama adalah H Saleh Djasit, SH seorang anak keturunan Tambusai yang pernah menjadi Bupati Kabupaten Kampar. (http://www.riaumandiri.co.id/berita/380).

Mereka menekankan nilai perjuangan Tuanku Tambusai yang bertahun-tahun memerangi kolonialis Belanda (1830-1839) dan tidak pernah menyerah dan tidak mau berdamai dengan Belanda (lihat: Ekmal Rusdy, Riau Pos, 30-11-2007).

Sama halnya dengan cara penulisan buku “sejarah” GTR yang sangat subjektif itu,

kontroversi kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai memberi pelajaran kepada kita bahwa di masa datang perlu studi sejarah yang lebih komprehensif terhadap seseorang yang akan diajukan sebagai pahlawan nasional, yang melibatkan tokoh akademis yang kredibel dan lintasetnis.

Satu hal yang perlu dicatat dari polemik ini adalah bahwa rupanya wacana “pelurusan sejarah” sekarang meluber kemana-mana.

Pada mulanya wacana itu hanya menyangkut “pelurusan sejarah” Revolusi 1965.

Sekarang wacana itu melebar ke sejarah lokal seperti Perang Paderi.

Pada level ini sebenarnya hubungan etnisitas ikut dipertaruhkan.

Bangsa ini masih kuat tradisi lisannya. Isu apapun potensial ditelan mentah-mentah atau dijadikan komoditi politik oleh pihak-pihak tertentu.

Mudah-mudahan polemik “pelurusan sejarah Perang Paderi” tidak membuat keruh hubungan antaretnis di negara multietnis ini.

Suryadi, Dosen dan Peneliti pada Opleding Talen en Culturen van Indonesië, Faculteit der Letteren Universiteit Leiden, Belanda

PadangKini.com; Minggu, 19/10/2008

 

 

 

1835.
But by stating that Tuanku Rao is the Pongki, it is actually more likely to agree that Tuanku Said Rao is derived from Batak land, rather than the so-called Dutch sources.
Hamka (1974) is a writer who tries to correct historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao as the Batak.
According Hamka stories (myths) about this in the Tuanku Rao among the Batak Toba much broke, where Hamka find in these writings that Tuanku Rao is true Batak children.
Hamka Tuanku Rao said that the history of several authors disclosed Batak as Master of Cainan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Paruhum Pane is a myth.
Hamka also criticized article about the history of Tuanku Rao MOP as a bouquet made-up and assume Parlindungan are good people “make up” a story.
In presenting evidence, calling Hamka MOP in making writings on the origins Tuanku Rao raised a lot of things that contain lies.
The origin Tuanku Rao by Hamka confirmed that Tuanku Rao had married the daughter of Yang lordship lordship Rao Rao and since then not panganut Wahabi leadership was taken over by a law known as the Tuanku Rao.
Besides Hamka also stressed Tuanku Rao is the Padang Matinggi. Not the Bakkara.
Therefore he Minang people. Not the Batak. Hamka phrase is strengthened by conducting interviews with people Rao himself, namely Drs. H. Asrul Sani who is a descendant of Rao Nunang The lordship Padang.
To justify and reinforce a statement, citing sources from the author Hamka Batak, Sanusi Pane do not imagine that Tuanku Rao is the Batak.
Recent academic research about the origin of this figure by considering multiple sources is rare.
One historian who raised the question was Christine Dobbin (2008).
According to Dobbin Tuanku Rao from a historical perspective is a vague figure but admitted this is very well known figure in the history of Batak.
However, Dobbin said,
mostly written about him is based on oral tradition Batak early 20th century and could dikomfirmasikan in Dutch sources that exist.
 Dobbin is surprising because he said the letters were written by Dutch officials at that time regularly tells about his contemporaries, lord conqueror Tambusai Batak lands to the east.
 The lack of information about the Tuanku Rao by Dobbin partly be explained by the fact that he died on tahun1833, shortly after the Dutch entered Rao.
Thus, he does not have another position that could invite the Dutch investigation on the activities initially.
But what is surprising is the attitude of the opinion menduanya Dobin, on the one hand he says: “It is acceptable that a Batak Tuanku Rao was formerly known as Pongki na Ngolngolan.” But on the other hand he says: “But there is an oral tradition which states that the Batak He is the nephew of King Priest Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, which took control of the Bakara-Toba. However, even this can not be ascertained. “
 Whatever its origin, said Dobbin,
 Pongki na Ngolngolan Batak is an adventurer who at some stage in his career arrived in the Valley Rao.
 He found a patron in the day-to-day. Eventually in 1808, he converted to Islam.
Then he related to teaching Padri in areas further south and apparently they felt that by gaining recognition as an exponent of this doctrine, its position as an outsider or someone comes in Rao society would be much better.
 Unfortunately Dobbin said, we do not have a clear picture of the relationship with Imam Bondjol.
Tuanku Rao @ Pongki Nangolngolan Sinambela:
“Controversy and Anarchism in Batak
Rewritten: Muhammad Ilham
This article was posted by a friend via Facebook that he cites from Togar Pardede, a very intense study of Islam in Batak problem.
Apart from the various controversies – Tuanku Rao was very controversial – at least this article gives us another perspective (either like or do not agree).
 As Tuanku Nan known Renceh hard socialize Islam, Tuanku Rao who somehow can not be separated from Minangkabau Padri Movement, also known as “hard”.
 Tuanku Rao – which is debatable, to say nothing of this mysterious – is the person who introduced the religion-based government system a-la Padri (Qadi) in Batak. Hopefully this article enriches our understanding of the figure Tuanku Rao, a scholar Genetic Batak, Minangkabau Sociological – which to this day, “the historical” is still being debated

Original info

Sumber

Pardede Th

 

Catatan Dr Iwan

Teman saya memeberikan informasi bahwa keluarganya pindah ke Penang saat perang padre baca info aslinya dibawah ini

Dear Dr. Iwan,

Congratulations for putting up the materials contain in this wordpress site and thank you for sharing your research.

 

I can think of one area where we can possibly collaborate namely in the Padang-Penang connection.

Salam

Pak Lubis

p.s. I’m a Malaysian national, a descendant of Mandailing migrants to the peninsula during the Padri War

Berdasarkan informasi ini ternyata akibat situasi saat gerakan PADRI Imam bonjol , ada suku Mandailing yang migrasi keluar negeri antara lain Ke Penang.

Sebaliknya ada juga dari Penang migrasi ke Padang Pandjang yaitu Keluarga Khoe Kim Lian dan saudaranya ayah Ibu Lena Khoe, mungkin hubungan Peang dan Padang ini dapat dilakukan penelitian bersama antara dr iwan dan Pak Lubis.

Keadaan yang sama terjadi saat situasi kurang menguntungkan di perang dunia pertama, seorang Jawa dengan isteri Minangkbau yang putranya kemudian jadi anggota Saya Dr Azhar Kiman, kembali ke Padang dan ia menjadi Tentara Nasional Indonesia dibagian Penerang Mayor kIman dan sempat menjadi anggota BFO tahun 1949

1835.

Tapi dengan menyatakan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah si Pongki, maka sebenarnya Said lebih setuju kalau Tuanku Rao memang berasal dari tanah Batak, bukan sebagaimana disebut sumber-sumber Belanda.

Hamka (1974) merupakan penulis yang mencoba mengoreksi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao sebagai orang Batak.

Menurut Hamka dongeng-dongeng (mitos) tentang Tuanku Rao ini dalam kalangan orang Batak Toba banyak tersiar, dimana Hamka menemukan dalam tulisan-tulisan itu bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah anak Batak sejati.

Hamka mengatakan bahwa riwayat Tuanku Rao yang di ungkapkan dari beberapa penulis Batak seperti Guru Kenan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Pane Paruhum merupakan mitos.

Hamka juga mengkritik tulisan MOP tentang riwayat Tuanku Rao sebagai karangan yang dibuat-buat dan menganggap Parlindungan adalah orang yang mahir “menyusun” suatu cerita.

Dengan mengemukakan bukti-bukti, Hamka menyebut MOP dalam membuat tulisannya tentang asal-usul Tuanku Rao banyak mengemukakan hal-hal yang mengandung kebohongan.

Asal-usul Tuanku Rao menurut Hamka membenarkan bahwa Tuanku Rao telah kawin dengan puteri Yang Dipertuan Rao dan karena Yang Dipertuan Rao bukan panganut Wahabi maka pimpinan diambil alih oleh menantunya yang dikenal dengan Tuanku Rao.

Selain itu Hamka juga menekankan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Padang Matinggi. Bukan orang Bakkara.

Sebab itu beliau orang Minang. Bukan orang Batak. Ungkapan Hamka tersebut dimantapkan dengan cara melakukan wawancara kepada orang Rao sendiri, yaitu Drs. H. Asrul Sani yang merupakan keturunan Yang Dipertuan Padang Nunang Rao.

Untuk membenarkan dan memperkuat pernyataannya, Hamka mengutip sumber dari penulis Batak, Sanusi Pane yang tidak membayangkan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak.

Riset akademis terakhir tentang asal usul tokoh ini dengan memperhatikan berbagai sumber masih jarang dilakukan.

Salah seorang sejarahwan yang menyinggung masalah ini adalah Christine Dobbin (2008).

Menurut Dobbin Tuanku Rao dari perspektif sejarah merupakan tokoh yang kabur tapi diakuinya tokoh ini sangat dikenal dalam sejarah Batak.

Akan tetapi kata Dobbin,

kebanyakan yang ditulis tentang dirinya didasarkan atas tradisi lisan Batak awal abad ke 20 dan tak bisa dikomfirmasikan dalam sumber-sumber Belanda yang ada.

Ini mengherankan Dobbin karena katanya, surat-surat yang ditulis oleh pejabat-pejabat Belanda pada waktu itu secara teratur menceritakan tentang rekan sejamannya, Tuanku Tambusai penakluk tanah Batak bagian timur.

Tidak adanya informasi tentang Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin sebagian bisa dijelaskan dengan kenyataan bahwa ia meninggal pada tahun1833, tak lama sesudah Belanda memasuki Rao.

Dengan demikian, ia tidak mempunyai jabatan lain yang bisa mengundang penyelidikan Belanda mengenai kegiatan-kegiatan awalnya.

Akan tetapi yang mengherankan dari pendapat Dobin adalah sikap menduanya, disatu pihak dia mengatakan : ”Dapat diterima bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah seorang Batak yang dulunya dikenal dengan Pongki na Ngolngolan.” Tapi dipihak lain dia mengatakan : ”Akan tetapi ada tradisi lisan Batak yang menyatakan bahwa ia adalah keponakan Raja Imam Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, yang menguasai daerah Bakara-Toba. Namun, ini pun tidak bisa dipastikan.”

Apa pun asal muasalnya, kata Dobbin,

Pongki na Ngolngolan adalah seorang petualang Batak yang pada tahap tertentu dalam kariernya tiba di Lembah Rao.

Dia menemukan seorang pelindung di sehari-harinya. Pada akhirnya di tahun 1808, ia menjadi Islam.

Kemudian ia berhubungan dengan ajaran Padri di daerah lebih ke selatan dan rupanya mereka merasa bahwa dengan memperoleh pengakuan sebagai eksponen ajaran ini, posisinya sebagai orang luar atau orang datang dalam masyarakat Rao akan jauh lebih baik.

Sayang kata Dobbin, kita tidak memiliki gambaran yang jelas mengenai hubungannya dengan Imam Bondjol.

Tuanku Rao @ Pongki Nangolngolan Sinambela :

“Kontroversi dan Anarkisme di Tanah Batak

Ditulis ulang : Muhammad Ilham

Artikel ini dikirim oleh seorang kawan via Facebook yang dikutipnya dari Togar Pardede, yang sangat intens mengkaji masalah Islam di Tanah Batak.

Terlepas dari berbagai kontroversi – memang Tuanku Rao sangat kontroversial – setidaknya artikel ini memberikan kepada kita perspektif lain (baik suka ataupun tidak menyetujuinya).

Sebagaimana halnya Tuanku Nan Renceh yang dikenal keras mensosialisasikan ajaran Islam, Tuanku Rao yang bagaimanapun juga tidak bisa dilepaskan dari Gerakan Paderi Minangkabau, dikenal juga “keras”.

Tuanku Rao – yang debatable, untuk tidak mengatakan misterius ini – adalah orang yang memperkenalkan sistem pemerintahan berbasis agama a-la Paderi (Qadhi) di Tanah Batak. Semoga artikel ini memperkaya pemahaman kita terhadap figur Tuanku Rao, seorang ulama Batak Genetik, Minangkabau Sosiologis – yang hingga hari ini, “jalan historisnya” masih terus diperdebatkan.

One source of controversy in the traditional historiography Batak is about the origin of Tuanku Rao. Most of the writings, as well as the oral tradition is considered Tuanku Rao Toba Batak people, so it was not the Minang or Rao.
Author historiography Batak named Batara Sangti in his History of Batak (1977) claimed to have done research in 1930 to 1933 to establish kebatakan Tuanku Rao ..
 Surely “research” is Batara Sangti is collecting oral traditions in the period it was still strong in the collective memory of the Batak Toba.
According Batara Sangti, the original name was Pongki Nangolngolan Tuanku Rao. Pongki Nangolngolan been dumped by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland where he was put in a coffin made of wooden sticks called “Pongki”.
Being Nangolngolan from Nangirngiran ‘, is eagerly awaited.
Pongki as hardwood timber in the center of the country Toba is a very strong type of wood for a long time can only grow.
The symbolic meaning of the name Pongki Nangolngolan it is a figure or figures that have been long-awaited.

Cause why Mangaraja X Lion to throw Sipongki Toba waters by Batara Sangti because Sipongki Nangolngolan has shown signs of magic as owned by Mr. Lion Mangaraja dynasty general.
Lions feel Sipongki Nangolngolan Mangaraja X will be a rival that the made-up excuse then discarded keperairan Nangolngolan Sipongki Toba.
Sangti Batara Hutagalung Kenan Professor straightened paper saying that Pongki Nangolngolan beheaded Mangaraja X Lion and bring the head back to negrinya.
 Batara Sangti convinced that the story as described above continued to live in the middle of the central State Batak Toba and Batak pustaha noted in (ancient scriptures beraksara Batak), except for the head of Mr. Lion Mangaraja the cut and carry home by Sipongki Nangolngolan.

According to the head of the king’s Batara actually had fallen into the hands of Sipongki Nangolngolan, but the magic really fell into the hands of Empress Mr. X Lion Mangaraja Bakkara.
At the time of burial bones Mangaraja The Lion XII in Soposurung Balige on June 17, 1953, secretly helped by Batara also pieces of the skull of Mr. X Lion Mangaraja brought by the families there.
 Batara Sangti refuted Muhammad Said (1961) that mentions that Mangaraja Lions XII during a meeting with people in Balige mentions that his grandfather (Mangaraja X Lion) have been killed by the Dutch.
According Batara Sangti incorrect Mangaraja Lions XII once stated that Mangaraja X Lion killed by the Dutch.
According Batara sangti news as it never was heard in the midst of the Toba from the past until today although only hearsay or rumor.
 Batara Sangti Hamka also refuted suggestions that mentions that the Minangkabau Tuanku Rao is true.

Adniel Lumbantobing in his book History of The Lion Mangaraja (1967) states that at the time of his small Nangolngolan Pongki named Tangkal Stone.
 He was banished by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland with them in boxes. But he survived because immune. Tangkalbatu renamed Pongki Nangolngolan.
The name was adapted to the immune and suffering. At the time Pongki 17 years, he left to meet his uncle Lions Bakkara Mangaraja X.
But his uncle did not recognize him as kemanakan although he has shown evidence that indicates he is a family of lions Mangaraja.
Because it is not recognized by his uncle proceeded Pongki The West Sumatra.
When it came to the power Tuanku Rao, Pongki arrested. But at that time he got an offer from Tuanku Rao to kill his enemies.
If Pongki successful then he will be married to his daughter. With spearheaded by Pongki few kings around the region Bonjol Rao surrendered to the Lord. The Pongki eventually marries the king’s daughter named Aysjah Siti Wagini.

When Pongki has become chief of the army across the country Bonjol, he continued aggression to Tapanuli region. Here he planned to kill his uncle (Lion Mangaraja X) by means of deceiving his uncle.
 At the appointed time Pongki pretend to cry and hugged her uncle saw it Pongki Nangolngolan.
 When embraced, Pongki Nangolngolan slowly pulled the knife from his waist and suddenly all of his uncle’s neck cut so cut off entirely. But head mamaknya soar upwards, wherever sought Pongki Nangolngolan its people, the head was not met.

Processing the oral tradition of the origin of the most monumental Tuanku Rao in Batak traditional historiography is what Onggang Mangaradja Parlindungan (MOP).
Monumental is widely cited as the work of writers Batak to establish justification of existing oral tradition.
According to MOP The Pongkinangolngolan born of an incestuous relationship between the son of the Lion Mangaraja named Gindoporang Sinambela VIII and IX Mangaraja daughter of Lion named Princess Gana Sinambela.
Because of the Batak do not allow the lions mating semarga Mangaraja IX evict them not to be punished by the public.
They were both out of and into Singkil Bakkara then converted to Islam, the name Muhammad Amiruddin Sinambela Zainal and his wife remained in the faith, so that they can not marry a Muslim.
Gana Sinambela daughter gave birth to a son and named Mohammad Fakih and Miss Gana Amirudin Sinambela Sinambela called “Na Pongki Ngolngolan” = “Fakih waiting”. When it comes to Pongkinangolngolan Bakkara / Toba, she became the favorite child of the Lion Mangarja X. Regarding punishment given to Pongkinangolngolan as a result of incest committed by her parents, according to the demands of community leaders (datu), the Lions Mangarja verdict drowned in Lake Toba. But Mangaraja X Lion loosen the ropes that bind Pongkinangolngolan. He floats on the water up to the beginning of Asahan river, where he was in favor by a man named Lintong Marpaung.

Pongkinangolngolan then migrate to the Minangkabau, at the instigation of Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Chitan Pongkinagolngolan in accordance with the full-laden chitan and creed, on the 9th Rabi 1219 / H = 1804 / M diislamkan with the name: “Umar Katab” turned into “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab be Padry Army General Officer, with the title of lord Rao. By Padri Army Command ordered Tuanku Rao Overseas learning task. Meanwhile, a different version of the origin of Tuanku Rao expressed by Basyral lost interest in his book Tuanku Rao (2007). For Basyral Tuanku Rao is not from the North but from the Batak Batak South. According Tuanku Rao is the original Mandailing. Basyral basing his argument from the source script that calls Bonjol Tuanku Imam is Pakih Tuanku Rao Muhammad, his father was Huta Tower [Hutanagodang in Small Mandailing] and her mother the Rao.

Original info

Salah satu sumber kontroversi dalam historiografi tradisional Batak adalah tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Kebanyakan tulisan, begitu juga tradisi lisan menganggap Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak Toba, jadi sama sekali bukan orang Minang atau orang Rao.

Penulis historiografi Batak bernama Batara Sangti dalam bukunya Sejarah Batak (1977) mengaku telah melakukan riset pada tahun 1930 sampai 1933 untuk mengukuhkan kebatakan Tuanku Rao..

Tentulah “riset” yang dimaksud Batara Sangti ini pengumpulan tradisi lisan yang pada kurun waktu itu masih kuat dalam ingatan kolektif orang Batak Toba.

Menurut Batara Sangti, nama asli Tuanku Rao adalah pongki Nangolngolan. Pongki Nangolngolan pernah dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dimana dia dimasukkan dalam sebuah peti mati yang dibuat dari batang kayu yang bernama “Pongki”.

Sedang Nangolngolan berasal dari Nangirngiran’, yang ditunggu-tunggu.

Kayu Pongki sebagai kayu keras di pusat negeri Toba merupakan jenis kayu sangat kuat yang lama sekali baru bisa tumbuh besar.

Makna simbolik dari nama Pongki Nangolngolan itu adalah sosok atau tokoh yang sudah lama ditunggu-tunggu.

Penyebab mengapa Singa Mangaraja X membuang Sipongki ke perairan Toba menurut Batara Sangti karena Sipongki Nangolngolan telah menunjukkan tanda-tanda kesaktian seperti yang dimiliki oleh dinasti Tuan Singa Mangaraja umumnya.

Singa Mangaraja X merasa Sipongki Nangolngolan akan menjadi saingannya sehingga dengan alasan yang dibuat-buat maka Sipongki Nangolngolan dibuang keperairan Toba.

Batara Sangti meluruskan tulisan Guru Kenan Hutagalung yang mengatakan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan telah memenggal kepala Singa Mangaraja X dan membawa kepala tersebut pulang ke negrinya.

Batara Sangti meyakinkan bahwa cerita seperti yang telah diuraikan di atas terus menerus hidup di tengah-tengah masyarakat Batak di pusat Negeri Toba dan di catat dalam Pustaha Batak (kitab-kitab kuno beraksara batak) , kecuali mengenai kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja yang terpotong dan di bawa pulang oleh Sipongki Nangolngolan.

Menurut Batara kepala raja itu sebenarnya tidak sempat jatuh ke tangan Sipongki Nangolngolan, tetapi secara gaib benar-benar jatuh ke tangan Permaisuri Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di Bakkara.

Pada waktu pemakaman tulang belulang Si Singa Mangaraja XII di Soposurung Balige pada tanggal 17 Juni 1953, secara diam-diam menurut Batara turut juga kepingan-kepingan tengkorak kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di bawa oleh pihak keluarga ke sana.

Batara Sangti membantah pendapat Muhammad Said (1961) yang menyebut bahwa Singa Mangaraja XII dalam sebuah pertemuan dengan rakyatnya di Balige menyebut bahwa kakeknya (Singa Mangaraja X) telah dibunuh oleh Belanda.

Menurut Batara Sangti tidak benar Singa Mangaraja XII pernah menyatakan bahwa Singa Mangaraja X dibunuh oleh Belanda.

Menurut Batara sangti berita seperti itu tidak pernah ada terdengar di tengah-tengah masyarakat Toba dari dulu hingga saat ini walaupun hanya desas-desus atau selentingan.

Batara Sangti juga membantah pendapat Hamka yang menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Minangkabau sejati.

Adniel Lumbantobing dalam bukunya Sejarah Si Singa Mangaraja (1967) menyebutkan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan pada waktu kecilnya bernama Tangkal Batu.

Dia dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dengan memasukkannya ke dalam peti. Tapi dia selamat karena kebal. Tangkalbatu mengganti namanya menjadi Pongki Nangolngolan.

Nama itu disesuaikan dengan kekebalan dan penderitaannya. Pada waktu Pongki berumur 17 tahun, ia berangkat ke Bakkara untuk menemui pamannya Singa Mangaraja X.

Tetapi pamannya tidak mengakuinya sebagai kemanakan walaupun dia telah menunjukkan bukti-bukti yang menandakan dia adalah keluarga dari Singa Mangaraja.

Karena tidak diakui oleh pamannya Si Pongki meneruskan perjalanannya ke Sumatra Barat.

Ketika sampai ke daerah kekuasaan Tuanku Rao, Pongki ditangkap. Tapi pada waktu itu ia mendapat tawaran dari Tuanku Rao untuk membunuh musuhnya.

Jika Pongki berhasil maka ia akan dikawinkan dengan putrinya. Dengan dipelopori oleh Pongki beberapa raja-raja disekitar wilayah Bonjol menyerah kepada Tuanku Rao. Si Pongki akhirnya kawin dengan putri baginda yang bernama Aysjah Siti Wagini.

Ketika Pongki telah menjadi kepala tentara di seluruh Tanah Bonjol, ia pun terus melakukan agresi ke wilayah Tapanuli. Disini ia merencanakan membunuh pamannya (Singa Mangaraja X) dengan cara mengelabui pamannya.

Pada waktu yang telah ditentukan Pongki berpura-pura menangis dan melihat hal itu pamannya memeluk Pongki Nangolngolan.

Sewaktu berangkulan, Pongki Nangolngolan pelan-pelan mencabut pisau dari pinggangnya dan dengan tiba-tiba sekali memotong batang leher pamannya sehingga terputus sama sekali. Tetapi kepala mamaknya melambung ke atas, kemanapun dicari Pongki Nangolngolan beserta orang-orangnya, kepala itu tidak dijumpainya.

Pengolahan tradisi lisan paling monumental tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao dalam historiografi tradisonal Batak adalah apa yang dilakukan Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP).

Monumental karena karya ini banyak dirujuk penulis-penulis Batak untuk mengukuhkan pembenaran tradisi lisan yang ada.

Menurut MOP Si Pongkinangolngolan lahir dari hubungan incest antara putra dari Singa Mangaraja VIII yang bernama Gindoporang Sinambela dan Putri dari Singa Mangaraja IX yang bernama Putri Gana Sinambela.

Oleh karena orang Batak tidak membolehkan kawin semarga maka Singa Mangaraja IX mengusir mereka agar tidak di hukum oleh khalayak ramai.

Mereka berdua keluar dari Bakkara dan menuju Singkil lalu masuk Islam, dengan nama Muhammad Zainal Amiruddin Sinambela dan istrinya tetap pada kepercayaannya, sehingga mereka tidak dapat menikah secara Islam.

Putri Gana Sinambela melahirkan seorang putra dan diberi nama Muhammad Fakih Amirudin Sinambela dan Putri Gana Sinambela menyebutnya “Pongki Na Ngolngolan” = “Fakih yang menunggu-nunggu”. Ketika Pongkinangolngolan datang ke Bakkara/Toba, ia menjadi anak mas dari Singa Mangarja X. Mengenai hukuman yang diberikan kepada Pongkinangolngolan sebagai akibat dari incest yang dilakukan oleh orang tuanya, sesuai tuntutan pemuka masyarakat (datu) maka Singa Mangarja menjatuhkan vonis ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba. Tetapi Singa Mangaraja X melonggarkan tali-tali yang mengikat Pongkinangolngolan. Ia mengapung di atas air sampai ke permulaan sungai Asahan, dimana dia kemudian di tolong oleh seseorang yang bernama Lintong Marpaung.

Pongkinangolngolan kemudian merantau ke Minangkabau, atas anjuran Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Pongkinagolngolan di chitan sesuai dengan sarat-sarat chitan serta syahadat, pada tanggal 9 Rabiulawal 1219/H = 1804/M diislamkan dengan nama: “Umar Katab” dibalik menjadi “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab menjadi General Officer Padry Army, dengan gelar Tuanku Rao. Oleh Padri Army Command Tuanku Rao diperintahkan tugas belajar ke Luar Negeri. Sementara itu satu versi lain tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao diungkapkan oleh Basyral dalam bukunya Greget Tuanku Rao (2007). Bagi Basyral Tuanku Rao bukan berasal dari Batak Utara tapi dari kawasan Batak Selatan. Menurutnya Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing asli. Basyral mendasarkan argumennya dari sumber naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol yang menyebut Tuanku Rao adalah Pakih Muhammad, ayahnya orang Huta Gadang [Hutanagodang di Mandailing Kecil] dan Ibunya orang Rao.

Interesting to see where Pakih Muhammad as Priest Nagari Tuanku Rao Rao title. My lord father Rao is a person according to sources Basyral Huta Tower (Hutanagodang?) And her mother was so Basyral Rao conclude Tuanku Rao was Mandailing. Unfortunately, the description of the origin of this Tuanku Rao Basyral yet Mandailing explore other sources. Muhammad Said (1961) based on the source he cites meresepsi historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao. According to Said The Nangolngolan Pokki is the “aggressor” who had come to the land of Batak to implement pengislaman. Tuanku Rao is Si Pokki Nangolngolan who had killed his uncle is Ompu Mr. Na Bolon or Lion Mangaraja X. But once regretted Said penetration events Bonjol especially those concerning life history Tuanku Rao not be the source or sources Padri maintained its neutrality. In this case, Said holds more sources are considered neutral because the sources are obtained from the first hand, where people still reside and participate in the event. The sources written by J.B. Neumann 1866 a BB Kontelir who wrote about “ever Bataks en Batakschelanden Studies” (page 51) and call that Tuanku Rao is from Padang Matinggi, not called that Tuanku Rao came from Toba. Neumann himself took the essay sources of Resident TJ Willer its Tapanuli 1835. But by stating that Tuanku Rao is the Pongki, it is actually more likely to agree that Tuanku Said Rao is derived from Batak land, rather than the so-called Dutch sources.

Hamka (1974) is a writer who tries to correct historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao as the Batak. According Hamka stories (myths) about this in the Tuanku Rao among the Batak Toba much broke, where Hamka find in these writings that Tuanku Rao is true Batak children. Hamka Tuanku Rao said that the history of several authors disclosed Batak as Master of Cainan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Paruhum Pane is a myth. Hamka also criticized article about the history of Tuanku Rao MOP as a bouquet made-up and assume Parlindungan are good people “make up” a story. In presenting evidence, calling Hamka MOP in making writings on the origins Tuanku Rao raised a lot of things that contain lies. The origin Tuanku Rao by Hamka confirmed that Tuanku Rao had married the daughter of Yang lordship lordship Rao Rao and since then not panganut Wahabi leadership was taken over by a law known as the Tuanku Rao.

Besides Hamka also stressed Tuanku Rao is the Padang Matinggi. Not the Bakkara. Therefore he Minang people. Not the Batak. Hamka phrase is strengthened by conducting interviews with people Rao himself, namely Drs. H. Asrul Sani who is a descendant of Rao Nunang The lordship Padang. To justify and reinforce a statement, citing sources from the author Hamka Batak, Sanusi Pane do not imagine that Tuanku Rao is the Batak. Recent academic research about the origin of this figure by considering multiple sources is rare. One historian who raised the question was Christine Dobbin (2008). According to Dobbin Tuanku Rao from a historical perspective is a vague figure but admitted this is very well known figure in the history of Batak. However, Dobbin said, most written about him is based on oral tradition Batak early 20th century and could dikomfirmasikan in Dutch sources that exist. Dobbin is surprising because he said the letters were written by Dutch officials at that time regularly tells about his contemporaries, lord conqueror Tambusai Batak lands to the east.

The lack of information about the Tuanku Rao by Dobbin partly be explained by the fact that he died on tahun1833, shortly after the Dutch entered Rao. Thus, he does not have another position that could invite the Dutch investigation on the activities initially. But what is surprising is the attitude of the opinion menduanya Dobin, on the one hand he says: “It is acceptable that a Batak Tuanku Rao was formerly known as Pongki na Ngolngolan.” But on the other hand he says: “But there is an oral tradition which states that the Batak He is the nephew of King Priest Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, which took control of the Bakara-Toba. However, even this is not certain. “Whatever asalmuasalnya, said Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan Batak is an adventurer who at some point in his career came in the Valley Rao. He found a patron in the day-to-day. Eventually in 1808, he converted to Islam. Then he related to teaching Padri in areas further south and apparently they felt that by gaining recognition as an exponent of this doctrine, its position as an outsider or someone comes in Rao society would be much better. Unfortunately Dobbin said, we do not have a clear picture of the relationship with Imam Bondjol.

Reports were read Dobbin admitted Batak tend to emphasize the violence and chaos that occurred during the period Padri. However, according to Dobbin Tuanku Rao has tried to introduce a form of administration Padri the Batak villages. However, how the system is institutionalized and how much support received is a question that can not be answered. Some people are already diverse Muslim Batak before the invasion Padri. There are those Muslims who live in Panyabungan when attacked. Even certain villages close by there that have trade relations with the west coast and has been a Muslim for a few years.

But in the early reign of Rao invaders by relying kekuatanya Dobbin himself and lifting people Minagkabau as qadi in Batak villages. These judges are basing administer the Quran says his words. They also try to impose all their moves outward puritanism. Of course Dobbin said people were forced into Islam and there were many murders, in addition, the Padri also very excited destroy Batak literature. At first raid Padri said Dobbin difficult to distinguish from foreign invasion and occupation. Besides Batak trade has led to the special port on the west coast, Tuanku Rao also requires finance tribute to Rao and Alahan length in rice, buffalo and slaves. The dependencies also require maintenance fund Minangkabau troops in their villages and provide armed forces for Padri activities in areas further north again. In 1822, the Padri was behind Tapanuli, after sweeping across the region Angkola. According to the Batak which Dobbin should be taken with caution, Tuanku Rao appointed a lord Lelo, Nasution clan members and the son of a salt merchant Batak, a “governor” Angkola. In addition, he also built a fort in Padang Sidempuan. This area is a strategic location because it is an important trade route junction that leads to the beach and to the Mandailing and Silindung. This is where he runs Padri policy to promote trade, opening the way – the way of commerce, and support the merchants.

Dobbin said Batak oral tradition that calls a bunch Padri under Tuanku Rao entered Butar far north, at Humbang plateau. In this place, Tuanku Rao faced vice dynasty king Sisingamangaraja faith at the time, who lives a stone Bakkara valley in the northwest of Lake Toba. According to the Batak tradition, Tuanku Rao is the nephew wasted by Sisingamangaraja. This information is an attempt to explain why killing Tuanku Rao said. The tragedy happened in the market Butar, after him Sisingamangaraja invite for a meeting. But, as figures Sisingamangaraja dangerous because they can exert Toba Batak clans to fight Islam. Another factor because Sisingamangaraja have a relationship with the Barus. In fact, the fabric is said Dobbin, who wants to be broken by the Padri.

As noted Dobbin, Batak traditions describing the atrocities attacks Batak Padri to the ground. In an essay written the Batak to date, as well as writing Sihombing (2008) still remembered the bitterness of invasion Pidari (Batak writings pidari denominator for the vicar) that is considered one of the best period in the history of black and dark Batak, Angkola- Mandailing-Padang Lawas and Toba. In his Sihombing called Tanah Batak situation became so helter-skelter after the death of troops Pidari and all legal chaos that occurs on the ground next Batak considered the impact of the attacks Padri. According to Sihombing, for quite a long time, laws and manners that govern society in the reign of drug-pushers to fall apart. If there seems any masihb tal should be ignored anymore. There is often a mutual-attack and suspicion among one group against another group (usually based on the “saompu” or collateral). That said, at this stage this time that they are in fact just the start “can” kill and “eat” (literally) of meat from a defeated enemy or from pangkahap (spy) in disguise and caught, as a result of liver indignation. In another book Bisuk Siahaan (2005) says that the adverse effects of war in Toba Padri hanja not only materially, but also socially in society manners, including uhum dohot slave changes (laws and regulations). For example, katanja, before the invasion of the Pidari, the Toba has fought the law governing the procedure that should not be violated. Code of Conduct-war Batak oang previously set various restrictions, such as attacking the enemy at night, burned the enemy; kill women, etc..

Sihombing regard, the Batak had always been an ethic of international war in which both sides would have to declare war first challenge, intentions and decisions perangnja. According to the Sihombing,: manners war done sincerely by King Sisingamangaraja XII, when declaring (Asleep) Batak War, which must be done in a frontal attack, with the command “ready”. Means everyone in the forces both parties really are ready for battle, spiritual and physical. An chivalry, far from cowardice. But all manners “of international and regional Batak” according to the size of each era, said Sihombing, have been violated by the troops Pidari. Perhaps, the next Sihombing said, because of the weight of suffering and trauma of the nightmare (nightmare hell) Pidari destruction by the forces, which is why that sepeninggalan the rioters, who are the rest of the Batak people actually even imitate and do the same behavior with the Pidari.

But why is said “those who are the rest?” Sihombing like other Batak authors also refer to MOP saying that troops are retreating Pidari very anxious and in a hurry because begu antuk affected by the epidemic (cholera) from the northern part of the Land of Batak, the rest of the Batak people who live to survive and then come out of hiding in caves the caves and forests during the invasion and occupation of the three years, only 25% lived alone. That said, as well as the condition of the rest of the troops invading Pidari, only the remaining 25 to 30% as well. Although statistics on the number Invaders (30 thousand persons) of the book was considered Sihombing MOP probably exaggerated, but said Sihombing, no matter how large the number of the invading army, we can imagine how much destruction to all aspects of life he left behind.

To strengthen the atrocities of war in the land of Batak Padri, Sihombing also refer Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) to emphasize the news about the terrible destruction done in the occupation of the Pidari of Minangkabau in Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas to Toba in the first quarter of the 19th century. Presumably, the book was written by Harahap, so Sihombing, among others, with the intention to correct and refine certain parts of the book Tuanku Rao, while reinforcing justification news about “the dream of hell” suffered by the Batak people of the south and north, as a result of the invasion and occupation of the Pidari it.

Sihombing said the next most Batak people of the younger generation, was deliberately not too intensive diceritai (if not to say the story dideponir) by parental about how horror experience grandfather ancestor “bangso” Batak in the decade from 1820 to 1830-an, which shattered due to invasion of the Pidari. That thousands of relatives who did not die because of the invasion, had died of the plague tokh terrible. Thousands of the rest of the living, so Sihombing, also hijacked the incalculable suffering, sold into slavery in the South Tapanuli and west coasts of Sumatra. The purpose of the elders Batak who was then wanted mendeponir story of the invasion Pidari, is a very shameful disgrace that it does not need to know the younger generation. Generally they are short notes like this: ever experienced a nightmare Batak people is called “ni Tingki Pidari (the Pidari)” Annual Almanac HKBP course, the historical record milestones referred Sihombing, every sunrise-yearly, only a brief note like this: 1825 -1829 porang ni Tuanku Rao (porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Tuanku Rao War (War Bonjol) who come up against the “nation” Batak).

Just like Sihombing, other authors who had already called the Siahaan (2005) in his description of Padri also not miss to refer to the book MOP. Described MOP, thus Siahaan, between the years 1816-1818 Padri troops began to invade and occupy Mandailing Tapanuli, Sipirok and Padang Lawas, while Islamize the population who still worship idols. After Tapanuli controlled, a few years later made the invasion of North Tapanuli targeting Pahae, Silindung, Humbang and Toba. Soldiers burned dozens Padri homes, charming and kill people regardless of whether they are women, children or the elderly are helpless. Even the incomparable cruelty occurred in the Pahae, Humbang and Silindung. Residents who do not submit to the army Padri captive, his eyes gouged out. During the attack hundreds of innocent people were brutally murdered, dead bodies covered walkways, making it no longer possible to bury him properly. Everywhere looks carcasses decompose, causing outbreaks of cholera and typhus raged. Efidemi outbreak suddenly, not only attacking the locals, but also tenatra Padri. Caused so many residents and soldiers who died Padri disease cholera, Padri army leader who ordered that all troops leave northern Tapanuli. It is very difficult to imagine how cruel treatment Padri army to innocent civilians, leading up to this day when people want to describe something that is very cruel and uncivilized, it says “like in the Pidari” (“in tingki ni Pidari).

Although the army has left North Tapanuli Padri, but the population according Siahaan remains wary, afraid that one day reappear Padri soldiers torturing them. Witnessing the atrocities of war that has just passed, causing the population is no longer fully obedient to the teachings of “fighting by the rules dohot Uhum slave” as commonly held. They set the rules have changed and the war itself, according to individual taste. This is according to Siahaan, reported by Baron van Hoevel Kontelir GWWC who participated in the Dutch military forces under the command of Captain Infantry Scheltens, and justified by kings Silindung and Toba. Before Scheltens begin his expedition (perjalananya) to the Toba and Silindung, they first learn all the Dutch archives stored since 1845, specifically on how the Batak peoples and war. Apparently text in files no longer compatible with reality. Troops Scheltens very surprised when they suddenly attacked by followers of Si Singamangaraja at night, but according to the rules of slave dohot Uhum they studied, the Batak are not allowed to attack the enemy at night, in addition, several houses and barracks of the Dutch army officers attempted about to be burned, but forbidden by slave dohot Uhum burn enemy houses.

Since the incident, according to Siahaan Dutch soldiers realize that things have changed, the invasion army Padri very cruel to the Land of Batak, has changed the way people think. Apparently, according to Siahaan, the suffering experienced during the war cleric, has left a difficult TRUMA dipupus of the minds of the population, they feel constantly threatened by mortal danger. To secure ourselves, even elevated fortress village protection and reinforced with bamboo spiked as far footsteps can still be seen in the Batak villages.

Oral tradition :: Batak provide verification that Tuanku Rao is a native of the Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), born of an affair, a relationship with the royal family Singamangaraja, migrated to Rao, Islam and the Batak lands invaded by cruel because they want revenge. Later he managed to kill his uncle Singamangaraja X and spread Islam even done by force, cruel, inhuman and very bloody, but failed to convert the northern part of the Land of Batak. Necessary caution dealing with oral tradition of controversy this. Historians such as Dobbin also be trapped decipher “episode” Tuanku Rao in Batak land, basing his description of the oral tradition Batak alone professed not be clarified to historical sources the other. Ironically Dobbin obtained oral tradition is an oral tradition that has been developed, fictionalized the imagination as found in the writings of MOP. Description Dobbin showed as he went into the Batak oral tradition and the academic work is a pity he did not explore and compare the oral tradition that developed in South Tapanuli, Rao and Minangkabau. Ttradisi Batak oral then written was the result of the construction of a certain period of time, in certain areas and for certain interests. I estimate that, at the time the story was constructed, the Dutch authorities and the missionaries spreading Christianity in worrying about the spread of Islam to the Toba Batak lands and they are trying to prevent the spread of it in various ways, including fortify themselves by creating and developing Padri atrocities in Batak land and reproduce through figures Batak Christian religion of the first generation of Christianity in the land of Batak. Reproduction is done Toba region and Humbang threatened and did not occur in the Samosir.

Batak Padri to the ground assault, especially Toba, an attack which also happens to be recognized that there are resources in the Minangkabau itself. But the version of the oral tradition about the attacks and genealogy Tuanku Rao in Batak tradition is constructed. In his analysis Dobbin finally admitted, perhaps this lineage created to explain some of the advantages Tuanku Rao in the military. He according to Dobbin, indeed led his followers a series of extraordinary duress journey to the north, directly entering the Batak Toba people. Here he met and killed Sisingamangaraja X. With regard him as the nephew of the king who lost his right, according to Dobbin Batak traditions can provide a reasonable motivation for a military attack, that is revenge.

How could Tuanku Rao were imaged as a sadistic killer and invaders and persecute Batak Batak descent is constructed as? How do we understand the logic of Si Pongki: sentenced to death (had drowned in Lake Toba because he was an illegitimate child of an incestuous relationship results Singamangaraja family) then rescued by his uncle the king Singamangaraja X, and after Si Pongki be Tuanku Rao came to kill Singamangaraja X uncle who actually save? Construction of this oral tradition in my interest to subordinating the two imaging, the first Muslim from the South and two Singamangaraja and descendants and followers that can not be tamed by the missionaries and the Dutch authorities. It takes a more in-depth investigation of the construction has already considered this reality.
Sources: Togar Pardede (via FB)
Posted by IFA and MALIKA INSPIRATION at 03:18
Labels: Biography, Book Reviews
Tuanku Rao In Traditional Historiography in Tapanuli

 

Original info

Menarik untuk melihat keberadaan Pakih Muhammad sebagai Imam Besar Nagari Rao gelar Tuanku Rao. Ayah Tuanku Rao menurut sumber Basyral adalah orang Huta Gadang (Hutanagodang?) dan ibunya orang Rao sehingga Basyral membuat kesimpulan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing. Sayang sekali, dalam uraian asal-usul Tuanku Rao ini Basyral belum mengeksplorasi sumber-sumber Mandailing lainnya. Muhammad Said (1961) berdasar sumber yang dikutipnya meresepsi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Menurut Said Si Pokki Nangolngolan adalah “agresor” yang pernah datang ke tanah Batak untuk melaksanakan pengislaman. Tuanku Rao adalah Si Pokki Nangolngolan yang telah membunuh pamannya yaitu Ompu Tuan Na Bolon atau Singa Mangaraja X. Tetapi Said sangat menyayangkan sekali peristiwa penetrasi orang-orang Bonjol apalagi mengenai riwayat hidup Tuanku Rao tidak di dapat dalam sumber Padri atau sumber yang dipertahankan kenetralannya. Dalam hal ini Said memegang sumber yang lebih dianggap netral karena sumber yang diperoleh dari tangan pertama, dimana orang-orangnya masih berada dan turut serta dalam kejadian itu. Sumber tersebut ditulis oleh J.B. Neumann 1866 seorang Kontelir B.B yang menulis tentang “Studies ever Bataks en Batakschelanden” (hal 51) dan menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah berasal dari Padang Matinggi, tidak disebut bahwa Tuanku Rao berasal dari Toba. Neumann sendiri mengambil sumber karangannya dari Residen T.J Willer yang berada di Tapanuli tahun 1835. Tapi dengan menyatakan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah si Pongki, maka sebenarnya Said lebih setuju kalau Tuanku Rao memang berasal dari tanah Batak, bukan sebagaimana disebut sumber-sumber Belanda.

Hamka (1974) merupakan penulis yang mencoba mengoreksi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao sebagai orang Batak. Menurut Hamka dongeng-dongeng (mitos) tentang Tuanku Rao ini dalam kalangan orang Batak Toba banyak tersiar, dimana Hamka menemukan dalam tulisan-tulisan itu bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah anak Batak sejati. Hamka mengatakan bahwa riwayat Tuanku Rao yang di ungkapkan dari beberapa penulis Batak seperti Guru Kenan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Pane Paruhum merupakan mitos. Hamka juga mengkritik tulisan MOP tentang riwayat Tuanku Rao sebagai karangan yang dibuat-buat dan menganggap Parlindungan adalah orang yang mahir “menyusun” suatu cerita. Dengan mengemukakan bukti-bukti, Hamka menyebut MOP dalam membuat tulisannya tentang asal-usul Tuanku Rao banyak mengemukakan hal-hal yang mengandung kebohongan. Asal-usul Tuanku Rao menurut Hamka membenarkan bahwa Tuanku Rao telah kawin dengan puteri Yang Dipertuan Rao dan karena Yang Dipertuan Rao bukan panganut Wahabi maka pimpinan diambil alih oleh menantunya yang dikenal dengan Tuanku Rao.

Selain itu Hamka juga menekankan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Padang Matinggi. Bukan orang Bakkara. Sebab itu beliau orang Minang. Bukan orang Batak. Ungkapan Hamka tersebut dimantapkan dengan cara melakukan wawancara kepada orang Rao sendiri, yaitu Drs. H. Asrul Sani yang merupakan keturunan Yang Dipertuan Padang Nunang Rao. Untuk membenarkan dan memperkuat pernyataannya, Hamka mengutip sumber dari penulis Batak, Sanusi Pane yang tidak membayangkan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak. Riset akademis terakhir tentang asal usul tokoh ini dengan memperhatikan berbagai sumber masih jarang dilakukan. Salah seorang sejarahwan yang menyinggung masalah ini adalah Christine Dobbin (2008). Menurut Dobbin Tuanku Rao dari perspektif sejarah merupakan tokoh yang kabur tapi diakuinya tokoh ini sangat dikenal dalam sejarah Batak. Akan tetapi kata Dobbin, kebanyakan yang ditulis tentang dirinya didasarkan atas tradisi lisan Batak awal abad ke 20 dan tak bisa dikomfirmasikan dalam sumber-sumber Belanda yang ada. Ini mengherankan Dobbin karena katanya, surat-surat yang ditulis oleh pejabat-pejabat Belanda pada waktu itu secara teratur menceritakan tentang rekan sejamannya, Tuanku Tambusai penakluk tanah Batak bagian timur.

Tidak adanya informasi tentang Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin sebagian bisa dijelaskan dengan kenyataan bahwa ia meninggal pada tahun1833, tak lama sesudah Belanda memasuki Rao. Dengan demikian, ia tidak mempunyai jabatan lain yang bisa mengundang penyelidikan Belanda mengenai kegiatan-kegiatan awalnya. Akan tetapi yang mengherankan dari pendapat Dobin adalah sikap menduanya, disatu pihak dia mengatakan : ”Dapat diterima bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah seorang Batak yang dulunya dikenal dengan Pongki na Ngolngolan.” Tapi dipihak lain dia mengatakan : ”Akan tetapi ada tradisi lisan Batak yang menyatakan bahwa ia adalah keponakan Raja Imam Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, yang menguasai daerah Bakara-Toba. Namun, ini pun tidak bisa dipastikan.” Apa pun asalmuasalnya, kata Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan adalah seorang petualang Batak yang pada tahap tertentu dalam kariernya tiba di Lembah Rao. Dia menemukan seorang pelindung di sehari-harinya. Pada akhirnya di tahun 1808, ia menjadi Islam. Kemudian ia berhubungan dengan ajaran Padri di daerah lebih ke selatan dan rupanya mereka merasa bahwa dengan memperoleh pengakuan sebagai eksponen ajaran ini, posisinya sebagai orang luar atau orang datang dalam masyarakat Rao akan jauh lebih baik. Sayang kata Dobbin, kita tidak memiliki gambaran yang jelas mengenai hubungannya dengan Imam Bondjol.

Laporan Batak yang dibaca Dobbin diakuinya cenderung menekankan kekerasan dan kekacauan yang terjadi selama periode Padri. Namun, Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin telah berusaha untuk memperkenalkan bentuk administrasi Padri ke desa-desa Batak. Akan tetapi, bagaimana system ini dilembagakan dan berapa besar dukungan yang diterima adalah pertanyaan yang tidak dapat dijawab. Beberapa orang Batak memang sudah beragam Islam sebelum serbuan Padri. Ada orang-orang muslim yang tinggal di Panyabungan ketika diserbu. Bahkan desa-desa tertentu didekatnya ada yang mempunyai hubungan dagang dengan pantai barat dan telah menjadi Islam selama beberapa tahun.

Namun pada masa awal pemerintahannya penyerbu dari Rao menurut Dobbin mengandalkan kekuatanya sendiri dan mengangkat orang-orang Minagkabau sebagai kadi di desa-desa Batak. Hakim-hakim ini mendasarkan administrasinya pada Quran secara kata perkata. Mereka juga mencoba memberlakukan semua puritanisme lahiriah gerakan mereka. Tentu saja kata Dobbin orang-orang dipaksa menjadi Islam dan terjadi banyak pembunuhan, disamping itu, para Padri juga sangat bersemangat menghancurkan kesastraan Batak. Pada mulanya penyerbuan Padri kata Dobbin sukar dibedakan dari penyerbuan dan pendudukan asing. Selain telah mengarahkan perdagangan Batak ke kelompok pelabuhan khusus di pantai barat, Tuanku Rao juga mewajibkan membiayai upeti kepada Rao dan Alahan Panjang dalam bentuk beras, kerbau dan budak-budak . Wilayah-wilayah bawahan juga mewajibkan membiayai pemeliharaan pasukan Minangkabau di desa-desa mereka dan menyediakan pasukan bersenjata untuk kegiatan Padri di daerah lebih ke utara lagi. Pada tahun 1822, para Padri telah berada di belakang Tapanuli, setelah menyapu seluruh wilayah Angkola. Menurut laporan Batak yang menurut Dobbin harus ditanggapi dengan hati-hati, Tuanku Rao mengangkat seorang Tuanku Lelo, anggota marga Nasution dan putra seorang Batak pedagang garam, menjadi “gubernur” Angkola. Selain itu, ia juga membangun benteng di Padang Sidempuan. Daerah ini adalah lokasi yang strategis karena terletak dipersimpangan rute dagang penting yang menuju ke pantai dan ke daerah Mandailing dan Silindung. Di tempat inilah ia menjalankan kebijakan Padri untuk memajukan perdagangan, membuka jalan – jalan dagang, dan mendukung para pedagang.

Dobbin mengungkapkan tradisi lisan Batak yang menyebut segerombolan Padri di bawah Tuanku Rao masuk sampai sejauh Butar di utara, di plato Humbang. Ditempat ini, Tuanku Rao menghadapi wakil dinasti iman Raja Sisingamangaraja pada waktu itu, yang tinggal dilembah Bakkara yang berdinding batu di barat laut Danau Toba. Menurut tradisi Batak, Tuanku Rao adalah kemenakan yang disia-siakan oleh Sisingamangaraja. Keterangan ini adalah usaha untuk menjelaskan mengapa Tuanku Rao dikatakan membunuh. Tragedi ini terjadi di pasar Butar, sesudah tuanku mengundang Sisingamangaraja untuk suatu pertemuan. Namun, Sisingamangaraja sebagai tokoh berbahaya karena dianggap dapat mengerahkan marga-marga Batak Toba untuk melawan Islam. Faktor lainnya karena Sisingamangaraja mempunyai hubungan dengan Barus. Padahal, jalinan inilah kata Dobbin, yang ingin dipatahkan oleh kaum Padri.

Sebagaimana disebut Dobbin, tradisi Batak menggambarkan kekejaman-kekejaman serangan Padri ke tanah Batak. Dalam karangan yang ditulis orang Batak sampai saat ini, sebagaimana tulisan Sihombing (2008) tetap dikenang pahitnya invasi kaum Pidari (tulisan-tulisan Batak penyebut pidari untuk paderi) sehingga dianggap merupakan salah satu periode yang paling hitam dan gelap dalam sejarah orang Batak, Angkola-Mandailing-Padang Lawas dan Toba. Dalam tulisannya Sihombing menyebut situasi Tanah Batak menjadi begitu morat-marit sepeninggal pasukan Pidari dan segala kekacauan hukum yang terjadi di tanah Batak selanjutnya dianggap sebagai dampak dari serangan Paderi. Menurut Sihombing, untuk waktu yang cukup lama, hukum dan tata-krama yang mengatur masyarakat dalam zaman pemerintahan bius-bius menjadi berantakan. Bila pun masihb ada agaknya tal perlu diindahkan lagi. Sering terjadi saling-serang dan saling curiga di antara satu kelompok terhadap kelompok lain ( umumnya berdasarkan wilayah “saompu” atau seketurunan). Konon, pada tahapan waktu inilah mereka malah justru mulai “bisa” membunuh serta “memakan” (secara harfiah) daging dari musuh yang ditaklukkan atau dari pangkahap (mata-mata) yang menyamar dan tertangkap, sebagai akibat kegeraman hati. Dalam buku lain Bisuk Siahaan (2005) mengatakan bahwa dampak buruk perang Padri di Toba bukan saja hanja secara materiil, tapi juga secara sosial dalam tatakrama kehidupan masyarakat, termasuk terjadinya perubahan patik dohot uhum (peraturan dan hukum). Sebagai contoh, katanja, sebelum serbuan kaum Pidari, orang Toba memiliki hukum yang mengatur tatacara berperang yang tak boleh dilanggar. Kode etik-perang oang Batak sebelumnya menetapkan berbagai larangan, seperti menyerang musuh pada malam hari, membakar rumah musuh; membunuh perempuan, dll.

Sihombing menganggap, orang Batak sejak dulu mengenal etika perang internasional dimana kedua belah pihak yang akan berperang lebih dahulu harus mendeklarasikan tantangan, niat dan keputusan perangnja. Menurut catatan Sihombing, : tatakrama perang itu dilakukan dengan tulus oleh Raja Sisingamangaraja XII, ketika mendeklarasikan (Pulas) Perang Batak, dimana serangan harus dilakukan secara frontal, dengan aba-aba “siap”. Berarti semua orang dalam pasukan kedua belah fihak memang benar-benar sudah siap untuk berperang, lahir dan bathin. Suatu sikap kesatria, jauh dari kepengecutan. Tapi semua tata-krama “internasional dan regional Batak” menurut ukuran zamannya masing-masing itu, kata Sihombing, telah dilanggar oleh pasukan kaum Pidari. Mungkin, demikian Sihombing selanjutnya mengatakan, karena beratnya penderitaan dan trauma dari masa nightmare (mimpi neraka) penghancuran oleh pasukan Pidari, itulah sebabnya bahwa sepeninggalan kaum perusuh, orang Batak yang masih sisa justru malah meniru dan melakukan perilaku yang sama dengan kaum Pidari.

Tapi kenapa dikatakan “orang yang masih sisa”? Sihombing seperti juga penulis Batak lainnya merujuk MOP yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan Pidari yang mundur dengan sangat cemas dan tergesa-gesa karena landaan wabah begu antuk (Kolera) dari Tanah Batak bagian utara, sisa orang Batak yang bisa hidup bertahan dan kemudian keluar dari persembunyian di gua-gua dan hutan selama tiga tahun serbuan dan pendudukan, hanya tinggal 25 % saja. Konon, demikian juga kondisi sisa pasukan Pidari penyerbu, hanya tersisa 25 sampai 30 % juga. Meskipun statistik jumlah penyerbu (30 ribu orang) dari buku MOP itu dianggap Sihombing mungkin terlalu dilebih-lebihkan, namun kata Sihombing, berapa besarpun jumlah pasukan penyerbu, kita bisa membayangkan betapa besar destruksi terhadap segala aspek kehidupan yang ditinggalkannya.

Untuk menguatkan kekejaman perang Paderi di tanah Batak, Sihombing juga merujuk Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) untuk menekankan pemberitaan perihal hebatnya destruksi yang dilakukan dalam masa pendudukan kaum Pidari dari Minangkabau di Tanah Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas sampai Toba dalam kuarter pertama abad 19. Agaknya, buku tersebut ditulis oleh Harahap, demikian Sihombing, antara lain dengan niat untuk mengoreksi dan menyempurnakan bagian-bagian tertentu buku Tuanku Rao, seraya menguatkan pembenaran berita tentang “mimpi neraka” yang dialami oleh orang Batak bagian selatan dan utara, sebagai akibat serbuan dan pendudukan kaum Pidari itu.

Sihombing menyatakan, selanjutnya kebanyakan orang Batak dari generasi lebih muda, memang sengaja tidak terlalu intensif diceritai (kalau tak akan dikatakan kisahnya dideponir) oleh tetuanya tentang betapa ngerinya pengalaman kakek-moyang “bangso” Batak pada dasawarsa 1820-1830-an, yang porak poranda akibat serbuan kaum Pidari. Bahwa ribuan sanak saudara yang tidak mati karena serbuan, tokh harus mati karena wabah mengerikan. Ribuan dari sisa yang hidup, demikian Sihombing, dibajak pula dengan penderitaan tak terkirakan, diperjualbelikan menjadi budak di Tapanuli Selatan dan pantai-pantai barat Sumatra. Maksud tua-tua Batak yang kala itu ingin mendeponir cerita invasi kaum Pidari, ialah supaya aib yang sangat memalukan itu tak perlu diketahui generasi mudanya. Umumnya mereka mencatat singkat begini: pernah ada mimpi buruk dialami orang Batak yang disebut “Tingki ni Pidari (masa Pidari)” Almanak Tahunan HKBP saja, dalam catatan tonggak-tonggak bersejarahnya yang dirujuk Sihombing, setiap terbit-tahunan, hanya mencatat singkat begini: 1825-1829 Porang ni Tuanku Rao (Porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Perang Tuanku Rao(Perang Bonjol) yang datang memerangi “bangsa” Batak).

Sama seperti Sihombing, penulis lain yang tadi sudah disebut yakni Siahaan (2005) dalam uraiannya tentang Padri juga tidak melewatkan untuk merujuk buku MOP. Dijelaskan MOP, demikian Siahaan, antara tahun 1816-1818 tentara Padri mulai menyerbu Tapanuli Selatan dan menduduki Mandailing, Sipirok dan Padang Lawas, sekaligus mengislamkan penduduk yang masih menyembah berhala. Setelah Tapanuli Selatan dikuasai, beberapa tahun kemudian dilakukan penyerbuan ke Tapanuli Utara dengan sasaran Pahae, Silindung, Humbang dan Toba. Tentara Padri membakar berpuluh-puluh rumah, menawan dan membunuh penduduk tanpa memperdulikan apakah mereka wanita, anak-anak atau orang tua yang tak berdaya. Bahkan kekejaman yang tidak ada taranya terjadi di daerah Pahae, Humbang dan Silindung. Penduduk yang tidak mau tunduk kepada tentara Padri ditawan, lalu matanya dicungkil. Selama penyerangan tersebut beratus-ratus penduduk yang tidak bersalah dibunuh secara kejam, mayat bergelimpangan menutupi jalan setapak, sehingga tidak mungkin lagi menguburnya dengan baik. Dimana –mana terlihat bangkai membusuk, menyebabkan wabah penyakit kolera dan tifus mengganas. Efidemi berjangkit secara tiba-tiba, tidak hanya menyerang penduduk setempat,tetapi juga tenatra Padri. Disebabkan sangat banyak penduduk dan tentara Padri yang meninggal terserang penyakit kolera, pemimpin tentara Padri yang memerintahkan supaya semua serdadunya segera meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara. Sangat sulit membayangkan betapa kejamnya perlakuan tentara Padri kepada penduduk yang tidak berdosa, menyebabkan sampai hari ini bila masyarakat hendak menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat bengis dan tak beradab, dikatakan “seperti di masa Pidari” (“di tingki ni Pidari).

Meskipun tentara Padri telah meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara, namun penduduk menurut Siahaan masih tetap waswas, takut jika pada suatu hari tentara Padri muncul kembali menyiksa mereka. Menyaksikan kekejaman perang yang baru saja berlalu, meyebabkan penduduk tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh pada ajaran “berperang menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum” seperti yang dianut selama ini. Mereka telah berubah dan menetapkan aturan perang sendiri, sesuai dengan selera masing-masing. Hal ini menurut Siahaan, dilaporkan oleh Kontelir G.W.W.C Baron van Hoevel yang turut dalam pasukan militer Belanda di bawah komando Kapten Infanteri Scheltens, dan dibenarkan oleh raja-raja di Silindung dan Toba. Sebelum Scheltens memulai ekspedisinya (perjalananya) ke daerah Toba dan Silindung, terlebih dulu mereka mempelajari semua arsip-arsip Belanda yang tersimpan sejak tahun 1845, khusus mengenai adat dan cara orang Batak berperang. Ternyata tulisan yang ada di arsip tidak sesuai lagi dengan kenyataan. Pasukan Scheltens sangat terkejut sewaktu mereka secara tiba-tiba diserang oleh pengikut Si Singamangaraja pada malam hari, padahal menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum yang mereka pelajari, orang Batak tidak diperkenankan menyerang musuh pada malam hari, selain itu, beberapa rumah pejabat dan tangsi tentara Belanda dicoba hendak dibakar, padahal menurut Patik dohot Uhum dilarang membakar rumah musuh.

Sejak peristiwa tersebut, serdadu Belanda menurut Siahaan sadar bahwa keadaan sudah berubah, penyerbuan tentara Padri yang sangat kejam ke Tanah Batak, telah mengubah cara berpikir penduduk. Rupanya, demikian Siahaan, penderitaan yang dialami selama perang paderi, telah meninggalkan truma yang sulit dipupus dari benak penduduk, mereka merasa dirinya senantiasa terancam oleh bahaya maut. Untuk mengamankan diri, bahkan benteng perlindungan kampung ditinggikan dan diperkuat dengan bambu-bambu berduri sebagaimana sampai saat ini jejaknya masih bisa dilihat di desa-desa Batak.

:: Tradisi lisan Batak memberikan pengabsahan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah asli orang Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), lahir dari hubungan gelap, memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan raja Singamangaraja, merantau ke Rao, masuk Islam dan menyerbu tanah Batak dengan kejam karena ingin membalas dendam. Selanjutnya dia berhasil membunuh pamannya Singamangaraja X dan menyebarkan Islam yang sekalipun dilakukan dengan paksaan, sadis, tidak berperikemanusiaan dan sangat berdarah, tapi tidak berhasil mengislamkan Tanah Batak bagian utara. Diperlukan kehati-hatian berhadapan dengan tradisi lisan yang penuh kontroversi ini. Sejarahwan seperti Dobbin juga bisa terjebak menguraikan ”episode” Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak dengan mendasarkan uraiannya semata dari tradisi lisan Batak yang diakuinya tidak bisa diklarifikasi ke sumber-sumber sejarah yang lain. Ironisnya tradisi lisan yang didapat Dobbin adalah tradisi lisan yang telah dikembangkan, difiksikan dengan imajinasi seperti yang terdapat dalam tulisan MOP. Uraian Dobbin memperlihatkan seakan dia meneruskan tradisi lisan Batak ke dalam karya akademisnya dan sangat disayangkan dia tidak mengeksplorasi dan membandingkannya dengan tradisi lisan yang berkembang di Tapanuli Selatan, Rao dan Minangkabau. Ttradisi lisan Batak yang kemudian dituliskan itu merupakan hasil konstruksi dari satu kurun waktu tertentu, di wilayah tertentu dan untuk kepentingan tertentu. Saya perkirakan, pada waktu cerita itu dikontruksi, penguasa Belanda dan para zending penyebar agama kristen di Toba mencemaskan penyebaran Islam ke tanah Batak dan mereka berusaha untuk menghambat penyebaran itu dengan berbagai cara termasuk membentengi diri dengan menciptakan dan mengembangkan kekejaman Padri di tanah Batak dan mereproduksinya lewat tokoh-tokoh Batak beragama kristen dari generasi pertama kristenisasi di tanah Batak. Reproduksi itu dilakukan dikawasan Toba dan Humbang yang terancam dan tidak terjadi di kawasan Samosir.

Penyerangan Padri ke tanah Batak, khususnya Toba, merupakan penyerangan yang juga diakui terjadi oleh sumber-sumber yang ada di Minangkabau sendiri. Tapi versi tradisi lisan tentang penyerangan itu dan genealogi Tuanku Rao dalam tradisi Batak adalah hasil konstruksi. Dalam analisisnya Dobbin akhirnya memang mengakui, barang kali garis keturunan ini diciptakan untuk menjelaskan beberapa keunggulan Tuanku Rao dalam kemiliteran. Dia menurut Dobbin, memang memimpin pengikut-pengikutnya melakukan serangkaian perjalanan paksaan yang luar biasa ke utara, langsung memasuki wilayah orang-orang Batak Toba. Disini ia bertemu dan membunuh Sisingamangaraja X. Dengan menganggap dia sebagai kemenakan raja yang kehilangan haknya, menurut Dobbin tradisi Batak dapat memberikan motivasi yang masuk akal untuk serangan militer ini, yaitu balas dendam.

Bagaimana mungkin Tuanku Rao yang dicitrakan sebagai pembunuh dan penyerbu yang sadis dan menganiaya orang Batak itu dikonstruksi sebagai keturunan Batak? Bagaimana kita memahami logika Si Pongki : dijatuhi hukuman mati (harus ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba karena dia anak haram hasil hubungan incest dari keluarga Singamangaraja) kemudian diselamatkan oleh raja Singamangaraja X pamannya sendiri, dan setelah Si Pongki menjadi Tuanku Rao datang membunuh Singamangaraja X paman yang justru menyelamatkannya? Konstruksi tradisi lisan ini menurut saya berkepentingan untuk mensubordinatkan dua pencitraan, pertama Islam dari selatan dan kedua Singamangaraja serta keturunan dan pengikutnya yang tidak bisa dijinakkan oleh zending dan penguasa Belanda. Diperlukan suatu penyelidikan yang lebih mendalam tentang konstruksi yang terlanjur sudah dianggap sebagai realitas ini.

Sumber : Togar Pardede (via FB)

Diposkan oleh IFA dan MALIKA ILHAM di 03:18

Label: Biografi, Resensi Buku

Tuanku Rao Dalam Historiografi Tradisional di Tapanuli

Dr. phil. Ichwan Azhari
(Pusat Studi Sejarah dan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial Universitas Negeri Medan)

1. Introduction
Scientific research on the expansion of the movement includes figures Tuanku Rao Padri outside of West Sumatra Batak to the ground and the effect is very rare if not say no at all. But the traditional historiography of the living in the form of oral tradition among residents who then recorded the additions writer had first mastered the discourse Tuanku Rao figure among the ethnic Batak Toba in North Sumatra and Mandailing.
This paper will try to explore the oral tradition of Toba Batak who has recorded many of the atrocities figure Tuanku Rao expansion alive or kept alive in the collective memory of the Batak Toba in North Sumatra and Mandailing. The writings are raised, even developing interpreting the oral tradition has been difficult historians clarified his sources, but confirmed the fact that the majority of people there are considered as true and believed by fanaticism
One of the controversial book Tuanku Rao is written by Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP), published in 1964 and later reprinted by LKIS Yogyakarta in 2007. I judge what is described MOP book about atrocities lord Rao in Batak land, more comes from oral tradition Batak Toba. In my investigation, the description is in line with the collective memory of the Batak are passed from generation to generation. This is not surprising given the major source of MOP writings are the writings of his parents, Sutan Martua Radja, a prominent Christian Batak diligently collecting oral histories of their lives. Posts MOP became controversial because he combines the oral tradition of Tuanku Rao Batak with extraordinary imagination wild, full of compelling language and rhetoric presented in a lively and fascinating. Through his book managed to fool and mislead readers who try to clarify the facts in his book. Whereas in the book he has stated that he deliberately put things that are not true.
Most writers were raised about the Tuanku Rao oral tradition in Batak land could not break away from the book because the book MOP MOP parallel with the oral tradition they wish to reveal. Even if someone tries them critical of the fact that MOP exaggerated, but the outline MOP storytelling in line with the collective memory of the people they wish to serve.
2. Tuanku Rao Batak people
One source of controversy in the traditional historiography Batak is about the origin of Tuanku Rao. Most of the writings, as well as the oral tradition is considered Tuanku Rao Toba Batak people, so it was not the Minang or Rao. Author historiography Batak named Batara Sangti in his History of Batak (1977) claimed to have done research in 1930 to 1933 to establish kebatakan Tuanku Rao .. Surely “research” is Batara Sangti is collecting oral traditions in the period it was still strong in the collective memory of the Batak Toba. According Batara Sangti, the original name was Pongki Nangolngolan Tuanku Rao. Pongki Nangolngolan been dumped by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland where he was put in a coffin made of wooden sticks called “Pongki”. Being Nangolngolan from Nangirngiran ‘, is eagerly awaited. Pongki as hardwood timber in the center of the country Toba is a very strong type of wood for a long time can only grow. The symbolic meaning of the name Pongki Nangolngolan it is a figure or figures that have been long-awaited.
Cause why Mangaraja X Lion to throw Sipongki Toba waters by Batara Sangti because Sipongki Nangolngolan has shown signs of magic as owned by Mr. Lion Mangaraja dynasty general. Lions feel Sipongki Nangolngolan Mangaraja X will be a rival that the made-up excuse then discarded keperairan Nangolngolan Sipongki Toba.
Sangti Batara Hutagalung Kenan Professor straightened paper saying that Pongki Nangolngolan beheaded Mangaraja X Lion and bring the head back to negrinya. Batara Sangti convinced that the story as described above continued to live in the middle of the central State Batak Toba and Batak pustaha noted in (ancient scriptures beraksara Batak), except for the head of Mr. Lion Mangaraja the cut and carry home by Sipongki Nangolngolan.
According to the head of the king’s Batara actually had fallen into the hands of Sipongki Nangolngolan, but the magic really fell into the hands of Empress Mr. X Lion Mangaraja Bakkara. At the time of burial bones Mangaraja The Lion XII in Soposurung Balige on June 17, 1953, secretly helped by Batara also pieces of the skull of Mr. X Lion Mangaraja brought by the families there.
Batara Sangti refuted Muhammad Said (1961) that mentions that Mangaraja Lions XII during a meeting with people in Balige mentions that his grandfather (Mangaraja X Lion) have been killed by the Dutch. According Batara Sangti incorrect Mangaraja Lions XII once stated that Mangaraja X Lion killed by the Dutch. According Batara sangti news as it never was heard in the midst of the Toba from the past until today although only hearsay or rumor. Batara Sangti Hamka also refuted suggestions that mentions that the Minangkabau Tuanku Rao is true.
Adniel Lumbantobing in his book History of The Lion Mangaraja (1967) states that at the time of his small Nangolngolan Pongki named Tangkal Stone. He was banished by Mangaraja X Lion to Disneyland with them in boxes. But he survived because immune. Tangkalbatu renamed Pongki Nangolngolan. The name was adapted to the immune and suffering. At the time Pongki 17 years, he left to meet his uncle Lions Bakkara Mangaraja X. But his uncle did not recognize him as kemanakan although he has shown evidence that indicates he is a family of lions Mangaraja. Because it is not recognized by his uncle proceeded Pongki The West Sumatra. When it came to the power Tuanku Rao, Pongki arrested. But at that time he got an offer from Tuanku Rao to kill his enemies. If Pongki successful then he will be married to his daughter. With spearheaded by Pongki few kings around the region Bonjol Rao surrendered to the Lord. The Pongki eventually marries the king’s daughter named Aysjah Siti Wagini.
When Pongki has become chief of the army across the country Bonjol, he continued aggression to Tapanuli region. Here he planned to kill his uncle (Lion Mangaraja X) by means of deceiving his uncle. At the appointed time Pongki pretend to cry and hugged her uncle saw it Pongki Nangolngolan. When embraced, Pongki Nangolngolan slowly pulled the knife from his waist and suddenly all of his uncle’s neck cut so cut off entirely. But head mamaknya soar upwards, wherever sought Pongki Nangolngolan its people, the head was not met.
Processing the oral tradition of the origin of the most monumental Tuanku Rao in Batak traditional historiography is what Onggang Mangaradja Parlindungan (MOP). Monumental is widely cited as the work of writers Batak to establish justification of existing oral tradition. According to MOP The Pongkinangolngolan born of an incestuous relationship between the son of the Lion Mangaraja named Gindoporang Sinambela VIII and IX Mangaraja daughter of Lion named Princess Gana Sinambela. Because of the Batak do not allow the lions mating semarga Mangaraja IX evict them not to be punished by the public.
They were both out of and into Singkil Bakkara then converted to Islam, the name Muhammad Amiruddin Sinambela Zainal and his wife remained in the faith, so that they can not marry a Muslim. Gana Sinambela daughter gave birth to a son and named Mohammad Fakih and Miss Gana Amirudin Sinambela Sinambela called “Na Pongki Ngolngolan” = “Fakih waiting”. When it comes to Pongkinangolngolan Bakkara / Toba, she became the favorite child of the Lion Mangarja X.
Regarding punishment given to Pongkinangolngolan as a result of incest committed by her parents, according to the demands of community leaders (datu), the Lions Mangarja verdict drowned in Lake Toba. But Mangaraja X Lion loosen the ropes that bind Pongkinangolngolan. He floats on the water up to the beginning of Asahan river, where he was in favor by a man named Lintong Marpaung.
Pongkinangolngolan then migrate to the Minangkabau, at the instigation of Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Chitan Pongkinagolngolan in accordance with the full-laden chitan and creed, on the 9th Rabi 1219 / H = 1804 / M diislamkan with the name: “Umar Katab” turned into “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab be Padry Army General Officer, with the title of lord Rao. By Padri Army Command ordered Tuanku Rao Overseas learning task.
Meanwhile, a different version of the origin of Tuanku Rao expressed by Basyral lost interest in his book Tuanku Rao (2007). For Basyral Tuanku Rao is not from the North but from the Batak Batak South. According Tuanku Rao is the original Mandailing. Basyral basing his argument from the source script that calls Bonjol Tuanku Imam is Pakih Tuanku Rao Muhammad, his father was Huta Tower [Hutanagodang in Small Mandailing] and her mother the Rao.
Interesting to see where Pakih Muhammad as Priest Nagari Tuanku Rao Rao title. My lord father Rao is a person according to sources Basyral Huta Tower (Hutanagodang?) And her mother was so Basyral Rao conclude Tuanku Rao was Mandailing. Unfortunately, the description of the origin of this Tuanku Rao Basyral yet Mandailing explore other sources. Muhammad Said (1961) based on the source he cites meresepsi historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao. According to Said The Nangolngolan Pokki is the “aggressor” who had come to the land of Batak to implement pengislaman. Tuanku Rao is Si Pokki Nangolngolan who had killed his uncle is Ompu Mr. Na Bolon or Lion Mangaraja X. But once regretted Said penetration events Bonjol especially those concerning life history Tuanku Rao not be the source or sources Padri maintained its neutrality. In this case, Said holds more sources are considered neutral because the sources are obtained from the first hand, where people still reside and participate in the event. The sources written by J.B. Neumann 1866 a BB Kontelir who wrote about “ever Bataks en Batakschelanden Studies” (page 51) and call that Tuanku Rao is from Padang Matinggi, not called that Tuanku Rao came from Toba. Neumann himself took the essay sources of Resident TJ Willer its Tapanuli 1835. But by stating that Tuanku Rao is the Pongki, it is actually more likely to agree that Tuanku Said Rao is derived from Batak land, rather than the so-called Dutch sources.
Hamka (1974) is a writer who tries to correct historiography Batak origin of Tuanku Rao as the Batak. According Hamka stories (myths) about this in the Tuanku Rao among the Batak Toba much broke, where Hamka find in these writings that Tuanku Rao is true Batak children. Hamka Tuanku Rao said that the history of several authors disclosed Batak as Master of Cainan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Paruhum Pane is a myth. Hamka also criticized article about the history of Tuanku Rao MOP as a bouquet made-up and assume Parlindungan are good people “make up” a story. In presenting evidence, calling Hamka MOP in making writings on the origins Tuanku Rao raised a lot of things that contain lies. The origin Tuanku Rao by Hamka confirmed that Tuanku Rao had married the daughter of Yang lordship lordship Rao Rao and since then not panganut Wahabi leadership was taken over by a law known as the Tuanku Rao.
Besides Hamka also stressed Tuanku Rao is the Padang Matinggi. Not the Bakkara. Therefore he Minang people. Not the Batak. Hamka phrase is strengthened by conducting interviews with people Rao himself, namely Drs. H. Asrul Sani who is a descendant of Rao Nunang The lordship Padang. To justify and reinforce a statement, citing sources from the author Hamka Batak, Sanusi Pane do not imagine that Tuanku Rao is the Batak. Recent academic research about the origin of this figure by considering multiple sources is rare. One historian who raised the question was Christine Dobbin (2008). According to Dobbin Tuanku Rao from a historical perspective is a vague figure but admitted this is very well known figure in the history of Batak. However, Dobbin said, most written about him is based on oral tradition Batak early 20th century and could dikomfirmasikan in Dutch sources that exist. Dobbin is surprising because he said the letters were written by Dutch officials at that time regularly tells about his contemporaries, lord conqueror Tambusai Batak lands to the east.
The lack of information about the Tuanku Rao by Dobbin partly be explained by the fact that he died on tahun1833, shortly after the Dutch entered Rao. Thus, he does not have another position that could invite the Dutch investigation on the activities initially. But what is surprising is the attitude of the opinion menduanya Dobin, on the one hand he says: “It is acceptable that a Batak Tuanku Rao was formerly known as Pongki na Ngolngolan.” But on the other hand he says: “But there is an oral tradition which states that the Batak He is the nephew of King Priest Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, which took control of the Bakara-Toba. However, even this is not certain. “Whatever asalmuasalnya, said Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan Batak is an adventurer who at some point in his career came in the Valley Rao. He found a patron in the day-to-day. Eventually in 1808, he converted to Islam. Then he related to teaching Padri in areas further south and apparently they felt that by gaining recognition as an exponent of this doctrine, its position as an outsider or someone comes in Rao society would be much better. Unfortunately Dobbin said, we do not have a clear picture of the relationship with Imam Bondjol.
3. Cruelty Tuanku Rao and Padri in Batak
I review this section by outlining the opinion that discusses the historiography Batak Dobbin on assault Padri to Tapanuli. Reports were read Dobbin admitted Batak tend to emphasize the violence and chaos that occurred during the period Padri. However, according to Dobbin Tuanku Rao has tried to introduce a form of administration Padri the Batak villages. However, how the system is institutionalized and how much support received is a question that can not be answered. Some people are already diverse Muslim Batak before the invasion Padri. There are those Muslims who live in Panyabungan when attacked. Even certain villages close by there that have trade relations with the west coast and has been a Muslim for a few years.
But in the early reign of Rao invaders by relying kekuatanya Dobbin himself and lifting people Minagkabau as qadi in Batak villages. These judges are basing administer the Quran says his words. They also try to impose all their moves outward puritanism. Of course Dobbin said people were forced into Islam and there were many murders, in addition, the Padri also very excited destroy Batak literature. At first raid Padri said Dobbin difficult to distinguish from foreign invasion and occupation. Besides Batak trade has led to the special port on the west coast, Tuanku Rao also requires finance tribute to Rao and Alahan length in rice, buffalo and slaves. The dependencies also require maintenance fund Minangkabau troops in their villages and provide armed forces for Padri activities in areas further north again.
In 1822, the Padri was behind Tapanuli, after sweeping across the region Angkola. According to the Batak which Dobbin should be taken with caution, Tuanku Rao appointed a lord Lelo, Nasution clan members and the son of a salt merchant Batak, a “governor” Angkola. In addition, he also built a fort in Padang Sidempuan. This area is a strategic location because it is an important trade route junction that leads to the beach and to the Mandailing and Silindung. This is where he runs Padri policy to promote trade, opening the way – the way of commerce, and support the merchants.
Dobbin said Batak oral tradition that calls a bunch Padri under Tuanku Rao entered Butar far north, at Humbang plateau. In this place, Tuanku Rao faced vice dynasty king Sisingamangaraja faith at the time, who lives a stone Bakkara valley in the northwest of Lake Toba. According to the Batak tradition, Tuanku Rao is the nephew wasted by Sisingamangaraja. This information is an attempt to explain why killing Tuanku Rao said. The tragedy happened in the market Butar, after him Sisingamangaraja invite for a meeting. But, as figures Sisingamangaraja dangerous because they can exert Toba Batak clans to fight Islam. Another factor because Sisingamangaraja have a relationship with the Barus. In fact, the fabric is said Dobbin, who wants to be broken by the Padri.
As noted Dobbin, Batak traditions describing the atrocities attacks Batak Padri to the ground. In an essay written the Batak to date, as well as writing Sihombing (2008) still remembered the bitterness of invasion Pidari (Batak writings pidari denominator for the vicar) that is considered one of the best period in the history of black and dark Batak, Angkola- Mandailing-Padang Lawas and Toba. In his Sihombing called Tanah Batak situation became so helter-skelter after the death of troops Pidari and all legal chaos that occurs on the ground next Batak considered the impact of the attacks Padri. According to Sihombing, for quite a long time, laws and manners that govern society in the reign of drug-pushers to fall apart. If there seems any masihb tal should be ignored anymore. There is often a mutual-attack and suspicion among one group against another group (usually based on the “saompu” or collateral). That said, at this stage this time that they are in fact just the start “can” kill and “eat” (literally) of meat from a defeated enemy or from pangkahap (spy) in disguise and caught, as a result of liver indignation.
In another book Bisuk Siahaan (2005) says that the adverse effects of war in Toba Padri hanja not only materially, but also socially in society manners, including uhum dohot slave changes (laws and regulations). For example, katanja, before the invasion of the Pidari, the Toba has fought the law governing the procedure that should not be violated. Code of Conduct-war Batak oang previously set various restrictions, such as attacking the enemy at night, burned the enemy; kill women, etc..
Sihombing regard, the Batak had always been an ethic of international war in which both sides would have to declare war first challenge, intentions and decisions perangnja. According to the Sihombing,: manners war done sincerely by King Sisingamangaraja XII, when declaring (Asleep) Batak War, which must be done in a frontal attack, with the command “ready”. Means everyone in the forces both parties really are ready for battle, spiritual and physical. An chivalry, far from cowardice. But all manners “of international and regional Batak” according to the size of each era, said Sihombing, have been violated by the troops Pidari.
Perhaps, the next Sihombing said, because of the weight of suffering and trauma of the nightmare (nightmare hell) Pidari destruction by the forces, which is why that sepeninggalan the rioters, who are the rest of the Batak people actually even imitate and do the same behavior with the Pidari.
But why is said “those who are the rest?” Sihombing like other Batak authors also refer to MOP saying that troops are retreating Pidari very anxious and in a hurry because begu antuk affected by the epidemic (cholera) from the northern part of the Land of Batak, the rest of the Batak people who live to survive and then come out of hiding in caves the caves and forests during the invasion and occupation of the three years, only 25% lived alone. That said, as well as the condition of the rest of the troops invading Pidari, only the remaining 25 to 30% as well. Although statistics on the number Invaders (30 thousand persons) of the book was considered Sihombing MOP probably exaggerated, but said Sihombing, no matter how large the number of the invading army, we can imagine how much destruction to all aspects of life he left behind.
To strengthen the atrocities of war in the land of Batak Padri, Sihombing also refer Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) to emphasize the news about the terrible destruction done in the occupation of the Pidari of Minangkabau in Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas to Toba in the first quarter of the 19th century. Presumably, the book was written by Harahap, so Sihombing, among others, with the intention to correct and refine certain parts of the book Tuanku Rao, while reinforcing justification news about “the dream of hell” suffered by the Batak people of the south and north, as a result of the invasion and occupation of the Pidari it.
Sihombing said the next most Batak people of the younger generation, was deliberately not too intensive diceritai (if not to say the story dideponir) by parental about how horror experience grandfather ancestor “bangso” Batak in the decade from 1820 to 1830-an, which shattered due to invasion of the Pidari. That thousands of relatives who did not die because of the invasion, had died of the plague tokh terrible. Thousands of the rest of the living, so Sihombing, also hijacked the incalculable suffering, sold into slavery in the South Tapanuli and west coasts of Sumatra. The purpose of the elders Batak who was then wanted mendeponir story of the invasion Pidari, is a very shameful disgrace that it does not need to know the younger generation. Generally they are short notes like this: ever experienced a nightmare Batak people is called “ni Tingki Pidari (the Pidari)” Annual Almanac HKBP course, the historical record milestones referred Sihombing, every sunrise-yearly, only a brief note like this: 1825 -1829 porang ni Tuanku Rao (porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Tuanku Rao War (War Bonjol) who come up against the “nation” Batak).
Just like Sihombing, other authors who had already called the Siahaan (2005) in his description of Padri also not miss to refer to the book MOP. Described MOP, thus Siahaan, between the years 1816-1818 Padri troops began to invade and occupy Mandailing Tapanuli, Sipirok and Padang Lawas, while Islamize the population who still worship idols. After Tapanuli controlled, a few years later made the invasion of North Tapanuli targeting Pahae, Silindung, Humbang and Toba. Soldiers burned dozens Padri homes, charming and kill people regardless of whether they are women, children or the elderly are helpless. Even the incomparable cruelty occurred in the Pahae, Humbang and Silindung. Residents who do not submit to the army Padri captive, his eyes gouged out. During the attack hundreds of innocent people were brutally murdered, dead bodies covered walkways, making it no longer possible to bury him properly. Everywhere looks carcasses decompose, causing outbreaks of cholera and typhus raged. Efidemi outbreak suddenly, not only attacking the locals, but also tenatra Padri. Caused so many residents and soldiers who died Padri disease cholera, Padri army leader who ordered that all troops leave northern Tapanuli. It is very difficult to imagine how cruel treatment Padri army to innocent civilians, leading up to this day when people want to describe something that is very cruel and uncivilized, it says “like in the Pidari” (“in tingki ni Pidari).
Although the army has left North Tapanuli Padri, but the population according Siahaan remains wary, afraid that one day reappear Padri soldiers torturing them. Witnessing the atrocities of war that has just passed, causing the population is no longer fully obedient to the teachings of “fighting by the rules dohot Uhum slave” as commonly held. They set the rules have changed and the war itself, according to individual taste. This is according to Siahaan, reported by Baron van Hoevel Kontelir GWWC who participated in the Dutch military forces under the command of Captain Infantry Scheltens, and justified by kings Silindung and Toba. Before Scheltens begin his expedition (perjalananya) to the Toba and Silindung, they first learn all the Dutch archives stored since 1845, specifically on how the Batak peoples and war. Apparently text in files no longer compatible with reality. Troops Scheltens very surprised when they suddenly attacked by followers of Si Singamangaraja at night, but according to the rules of slave dohot Uhum they studied, the Batak are not allowed to attack the enemy at night, in addition, several houses and barracks of the Dutch army officers attempted about to be burned, but forbidden by slave dohot Uhum burn enemy houses.
Since the incident, according to Siahaan Dutch soldiers realize that things have changed, the invasion army Padri very cruel to the Land of Batak, has changed the way people think. Apparently, according to Siahaan, the suffering experienced during the war cleric, has left a difficult TRUMA dipupus of the minds of the population, they feel constantly threatened by mortal danger. To secure ourselves, even elevated fortress village protection and reinforced with bamboo spiked as far footsteps can still be seen in the Batak villages.
4. Cover
The above description shows how the traditional historiography of writing the actual Batak wholly derived from the oral tradition Batak provide verification that Tuanku Rao is a native of the Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), born of an affair, a relationship with the royal family Singamangaraja, migrated to Rao, Islam Batak lands and brutally attacked for wanting revenge. Later he managed to kill his uncle Singamangaraja X and spread Islam even done by force, cruel, inhuman and very bloody, but failed to convert the northern part of the Land of Batak.
Necessary caution dealing with oral tradition of controversy this. Historians such as Dobbin also be trapped decipher “episode” Tuanku Rao in Batak land, basing his description of the oral tradition Batak alone professed not be clarified to historical sources the other. Ironically Dobbin obtained oral tradition is an oral tradition that has been developed, fictionalized the imagination as found in the writings of MOP. Description Dobbin showed as he went into the Batak oral tradition and the academic work is a pity he did not explore and compare the oral tradition that developed in South Tapanuli, Rao and Minangkabau.
I think the Batak oral tradition that was written was the result of the construction of a certain period of time, in certain areas and for certain interests. I estimate that, at the time the story was constructed, the Dutch authorities and the missionaries spreading Christianity in worrying about the spread of Islam to the Toba Batak lands and they are trying to prevent the spread of it in various ways, including fortify themselves by creating and developing Padri atrocities in Batak land and reproduce through figures Batak Christian religion of the first generation of Christianity in the land of Batak. Reproduction is done Toba region and Humbang threatened and did not occur in the Samosir.
In my research on the oral traditions of Tuanku Rao as I know Nangolngolan Pongki The oral tradition is not known on the island of Samosir. Interpreters maintained complex in the tomb of King Sidabutar Tomok, Samosir right on the edge of Lake Toba, when I interviewed at the end of 2007 does not recognize The Pongki Nangolngolan. In fact, she pointed to a tree in the complex Pongki grave as an old tree which was very loud and powerful without something to do with the symbol of a man who later constructed as Tuanku Rao. The story of the legend of The Pongki is also not found in the South Tapanuli.
Batak Padri to the ground assault, especially Toba, an attack which also happens to be recognized that there are resources in the Minangkabau itself. But the version of the oral tradition about the attacks and genealogy Tuanku Rao in Batak tradition is constructed. Not a coincidence that the author reproduces the oral tradition are Christians, even among those included Christian religious leaders. Although MOP Muslims, but the raw material of all writing about Batak came from his father’s archives, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), a prominent Christian in Siantar.
In his analysis Dobbin finally admitted, perhaps this lineage created to explain some of the advantages Tuanku Rao in the military. He according to Dobbin, indeed led his followers a series of extraordinary duress journey to the north, directly entering the Batak Toba people. Here he met and killed Sisingamangaraja X. With regard him as the nephew of the king who lost his right, according to Dobbin Batak traditions can provide a reasonable motivation for a military attack, that is revenge.
But the motivation that I think it is absurd and full of controversy. How could Tuanku Rao were imaged as a sadistic killer and invaders and persecute Batak Batak descent is constructed as? How do we understand the logic of Si Pongki: sentenced to death (had drowned in Lake Toba because he was an illegitimate child of an incestuous relationship results Singamangaraja family) then rescued by his uncle the king Singamangaraja X, and after Si Pongki be Tuanku Rao came to kill Singamangaraja X uncle who actually save? Construction of this oral tradition in my interest to subordinating the two imaging, the first Muslim from the South and two Singamangaraja and descendants and followers that can not be tamed by the missionaries and the Dutch authorities. It takes a more in-depth investigation of the construction has already considered this reality.
READING LIST
Dobbin Christine.2008. “Economic turmoil, Islamic Revival, and the Minangkabau Padri Movement 1784-1847″. Bamboo community. Jakarta.
Hamka. 1974. Between Fact and Imagination “Tuanku Rao”. Jakarta: Moon Star.
Harahap, Basyral Hamidy. , 2007. Tuanku Rao lost interest. Depok: Community Bamboo.
Imran Manan. Until West Sumatra Plakat Panjang. Sinar Harapan Jakarta.
Lumbantobing, Adniel.1967. The Singamangaraja I – XII. Field
Parlindungan, Mangaradja Onggang. , 2007. Tuanku Rao. Jogjakarta: LKIS
Said, Mohammad.1961. Singamangaradja. Printing alert Medan.
Sangti, Batara. 1977. Batak history. Balige: Karl Sianipar Company.
Siahaan Bisuk.2005 Batak Toba Life Behind the Wall of Bamboo. Kempala Foundation Jakarta.
Sihombing PTD.2008. Pastor Mangaradja Hezekiel Manullang, Heroes & Pioneers Pioneers Kemrdekaan spirit of Indonesian independence in Batak Church 1887-1979. Albert-Orem Ministry.Jakarta.
Tuanku Rao, Born Outside of Marriage and Got dumped into Lake Toba. Metro Siantar 25 November 2007.
posted by:
Erond L. Damanik, M.Si
Center for Historical Studies and Social Sciences
Research Institute of the State University of Medan

Cruelty Tuanku Rao and Padri in Batak
Dobbin opinion that discusses the historiography of the attack Batak Padri to Tapanuli.
 Reports were read Dobbin admitted Batak tend to emphasize the violence and chaos that occurred during the period Padri.
However, according to Dobbin Tuanku Rao has tried to introduce a form of administration Padri the Batak villages. However, how the system is institutionalized and how much support received is a question that can not be answered.
Some people are already diverse Muslim Batak before the invasion Padri. There are those Muslims who live in Panyabungan when attacked. Even certain villages close by there that have trade relations with the west coast and has been a Muslim for a few years.
But in the early reign of Rao invaders by relying kekuatanya Dobbin himself and lifting people Minagkabau as qadi in Batak villages.
These judges are basing administer the Quran says his words. They also try to impose all their moves outward puritanism.
Of course Dobbin said people were forced into Islam and there were many murders, in addition, the Padri also very excited destroy Batak literature.
At first raid Padri said Dobbin difficult to distinguish from foreign invasion and occupation.
Besides Batak trade has led to the special port on the west coast, Tuanku Rao also requires finance tribute to Rao and Alahan length in rice, buffalo and slaves. The dependencies also require maintenance fund Minangkabau troops in their villages and provide armed forces for Padri activities in areas further north again.
In 1822,
 the Padri was behind Tapanuli, after sweeping across the region Angkola.
According to the Batak which Dobbin should be taken with caution, Tuanku Rao appointed a lord Lelo, Nasution clan members and the son of a salt merchant Batak, a “governor” Angkola.
In addition, it also builds
 fort in Padang Sidempuan.
 This area is a strategic location because it is an important trade route junction that leads to the beach and to the Mandailing and Silindung.
 This is where he runs Padri policy to promote trade, opening the way – the way of commerce, and support the merchants.

Dobbin said Batak oral tradition
 who called swarm Padri under Tuanku Rao Butar entered so far in the north, on the plateau Humbang.
In this place, Tuanku Rao faced vice dynasty king Sisingamangaraja faith at the time, who lives a stone Bakkara valley in the northwest of Lake Toba.
 According to the Batak tradition, Tuanku Rao is the nephew wasted by Sisingamangaraja.
This information is an attempt to explain why killing Tuanku Rao said.
 The tragedy happened in the market Butar, after him Sisingamangaraja invite for a meeting.
 But, as figures Sisingamangaraja dangerous because they can exert Toba Batak clans to fight Islam.
Another factor because Sisingamangaraja have a relationship with the Barus.
In fact, the fabric is said Dobbin, who wants to be broken by the Padri.

 

Original info

1. Pengantar
Penelitian ilmiah tentang perluasan gerakan Paderi termasuk tokoh Tuanku Rao ke luar Sumatera Barat khususnya ke tanah Batak dan dampak yang ditimbulkannya sangat langka kalau tidak dikatakan belum ada sama sekali. Tapi historiografi tradisional berupa tradisi lisan yang hidup dikalangan penduduk yang kemudian dibukukan dengan tambahan-tambahan penulisnya telah lebih dulu menguasai wacana tentang sosok Tuanku Rao dikalangan etnik Batak Toba dan Mandailing di Sumatera Utara.

Tulisan ini akan mencoba mengeksplorasi tradisi lisan Batak Toba yang telah banyak dibukukan tentang sosok Tuanku Rao yang kekejaman ekspansinya hidup atau terus dihidupkan dalam memori kolektif orang Batak Toba dan Mandailing di Sumatera Utara. Tulisan-tulisan yang mengangkat, mengembangkan bahkan menginterpretasikan tradisi lisan itu memang sulit diklarifikasi sejarahwan sumber-sumbernya, tapi fakta yang dikukuhkan disitu dianggap sebagian besar masyarakat sebagai sesuatu yang benar dan diyakini dengan penuh fanatisme

Salah satu buku yang kontroversial tentang Tuanku Rao adalah yang ditulis oleh Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP) yang terbit tahun 1964 dan kemudian dicetak ulang oleh LKIS Jogyakarta tahun 2007. Saya menilai apa yang diuraikan buku MOP tentang kekejaman tuanku Rao di tanah Batak, lebih banyak bersumber dari tradisi lisan Batak Toba. Dalam penyelidikan saya, uraiannya sejalan dengan memori kolektif orang Batak yang diwariskan dari generasi ke generasi. Hal ini tidak mengherankan mengingat sumber utama tulisan MOP adalah tulisan-tulisan orang tuanya, Sutan Martua Radja, seorang tokoh kristen yang rajin mengumpulkan sejarah lisan Batak semasa hidupnya. Tulisan MOP menjadi kontroversial karena dia memadukan tradisi lisan Batak tentang Tuanku Rao dengan imajinasinya yang luar biasa liar, penuh daya gugah dan disajikan dalam retorika bahasa yang hidup dan memukau. Melalui bukunya berhasil mengelabui dan menyesatkan pembaca yang mencoba-coba mengklarifikasi fakta di dalam bukunya. Padahal dalam buku itu dia sudah menyatakan bahwa dia dengan sengaja memasukkan hal-hal yang tidak benar.

Kebanyakan penulis yang mengangkat tradisi lisan tentang Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak tidak bisa melepaskan diri dari buku MOP karena buku MOP paralel dengan tradisi lisan yang hendak mereka ungkap. Sekalipun diantara mereka ada yang mencoba kritis terhadap fakta yang dilebih-lebihkan MOP, tapi garis besar penceritaan MOP sejalan dengan memori kolektif masyarakat yang hendak mereka sajikan.

2. Tuanku Rao Orang Batak
Salah satu sumber kontroversi dalam historiografi tradisional Batak adalah tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Kebanyakan tulisan, begitu juga tradisi lisan menganggap Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak Toba, jadi sama sekali bukan orang Minang atau orang Rao. Penulis historiografi Batak bernama Batara Sangti dalam bukunya Sejarah Batak (1977) mengaku telah melakukan riset pada tahun 1930 sampai 1933 untuk mengukuhkan kebatakan Tuanku Rao.. Tentulah “riset” yang dimaksud Batara Sangti ini pengumpulan tradisi lisan yang pada kurun waktu itu masih kuat dalam ingatan kolektif orang Batak Toba. Menurut Batara Sangti, nama asli Tuanku Rao adalah pongki Nangolngolan. Pongki Nangolngolan pernah dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dimana dia dimasukkan dalam sebuah peti mati yang dibuat dari batang kayu yang bernama “Pongki”. Sedang Nangolngolan berasal dari Nangirngiran’, yang ditunggu-tunggu. Kayu Pongki sebagai kayu keras di pusat negeri Toba merupakan jenis kayu sangat kuat yang lama sekali baru bisa tumbuh besar. Makna simbolik dari nama Pongki Nangolngolan itu adalah sosok atau tokoh yang sudah lama ditunggu-tunggu.

Penyebab mengapa Singa Mangaraja X membuang Sipongki ke perairan Toba menurut Batara Sangti karena Sipongki Nangolngolan telah menunjukkan tanda-tanda kesaktian seperti yang dimiliki oleh dinasti Tuan Singa Mangaraja umumnya. Singa Mangaraja X merasa Sipongki Nangolngolan akan menjadi saingannya sehingga dengan alasan yang dibuat-buat maka Sipongki Nangolngolan dibuang keperairan Toba.

Batara Sangti meluruskan tulisan Guru Kenan Hutagalung yang mengatakan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan telah memenggal kepala Singa Mangaraja X dan membawa kepala tersebut pulang ke negrinya. Batara Sangti meyakinkan bahwa cerita seperti yang telah diuraikan di atas terus menerus hidup di tengah-tengah masyarakat Batak di pusat Negeri Toba dan di catat dalam Pustaha Batak (kitab-kitab kuno beraksara batak) , kecuali mengenai kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja yang terpotong dan di bawa pulang oleh Sipongki Nangolngolan.

Menurut Batara kepala raja itu sebenarnya tidak sempat jatuh ke tangan Sipongki Nangolngolan, tetapi secara gaib benar-benar jatuh ke tangan Permaisuri Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di Bakkara. Pada waktu pemakaman tulang belulang Si Singa Mangaraja XII di Soposurung Balige pada tanggal 17 Juni 1953, secara diam-diam menurut Batara turut juga kepingan-kepingan tengkorak kepala Tuan Singa Mangaraja X di bawa oleh pihak keluarga ke sana.

Batara Sangti membantah pendapat Muhammad Said (1961) yang menyebut bahwa Singa Mangaraja XII dalam sebuah pertemuan dengan rakyatnya di Balige menyebut bahwa kakeknya (Singa Mangaraja X) telah dibunuh oleh Belanda. Menurut Batara Sangti tidak benar Singa Mangaraja XII pernah menyatakan bahwa Singa Mangaraja X dibunuh oleh Belanda. Menurut Batara sangti berita seperti itu tidak pernah ada terdengar di tengah-tengah masyarakat Toba dari dulu hingga saat ini walaupun hanya desas-desus atau selentingan. Batara Sangti juga membantah pendapat Hamka yang menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Minangkabau sejati.

Adniel Lumbantobing dalam bukunya Sejarah Si Singa Mangaraja (1967) menyebutkan bahwa Pongki Nangolngolan pada waktu kecilnya bernama Tangkal Batu. Dia dibuang oleh Singa Mangaraja X ke Danau Toba dengan memasukkannya ke dalam peti. Tapi dia selamat karena kebal. Tangkalbatu mengganti namanya menjadi Pongki Nangolngolan. Nama itu disesuaikan dengan kekebalan dan penderitaannya. Pada waktu Pongki berumur 17 tahun, ia berangkat ke Bakkara untuk menemui pamannya Singa Mangaraja X. Tetapi pamannya tidak mengakuinya sebagai kemanakan walaupun dia telah menunjukkan bukti-bukti yang menandakan dia adalah keluarga dari Singa Mangaraja. Karena tidak diakui oleh pamannya Si Pongki meneruskan perjalanannya ke Sumatra Barat. Ketika sampai ke daerah kekuasaan Tuanku Rao, Pongki ditangkap. Tapi pada waktu itu ia mendapat tawaran dari Tuanku Rao untuk membunuh musuhnya. Jika Pongki berhasil maka ia akan dikawinkan dengan putrinya. Dengan dipelopori oleh Pongki beberapa raja-raja disekitar wilayah Bonjol menyerah kepada Tuanku Rao. Si Pongki akhirnya kawin dengan putri baginda yang bernama Aysjah Siti Wagini.

Ketika Pongki telah menjadi kepala tentara di seluruh Tanah Bonjol, ia pun terus melakukan agresi ke wilayah Tapanuli. Disini ia merencanakan membunuh pamannya (Singa Mangaraja X) dengan cara mengelabui pamannya. Pada waktu yang telah ditentukan Pongki berpura-pura menangis dan melihat hal itu pamannya memeluk Pongki Nangolngolan. Sewaktu berangkulan, Pongki Nangolngolan pelan-pelan mencabut pisau dari pinggangnya dan dengan tiba-tiba sekali memotong batang leher pamannya sehingga terputus sama sekali. Tetapi kepala mamaknya melambung ke atas, kemanapun dicari Pongki Nangolngolan beserta orang-orangnya, kepala itu tidak dijumpainya.

Pengolahan tradisi lisan paling monumental tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao dalam historiografi tradisonal Batak adalah apa yang dilakukan Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan (MOP). Monumental karena karya ini banyak dirujuk penulis-penulis Batak untuk mengukuhkan pembenaran tradisi lisan yang ada. Menurut MOP Si Pongkinangolngolan lahir dari hubungan incest antara putra dari Singa Mangaraja VIII yang bernama Gindoporang Sinambela dan Putri dari Singa Mangaraja IX yang bernama Putri Gana Sinambela. Oleh karena orang Batak tidak membolehkan kawin semarga maka Singa Mangaraja IX mengusir mereka agar tidak di hukum oleh khalayak ramai.

Mereka berdua keluar dari Bakkara dan menuju Singkil lalu masuk Islam, dengan nama Muhammad Zainal Amiruddin Sinambela dan istrinya tetap pada kepercayaannya, sehingga mereka tidak dapat menikah secara Islam. Putri Gana Sinambela melahirkan seorang putra dan diberi nama Muhammad Fakih Amirudin Sinambela dan Putri Gana Sinambela menyebutnya “Pongki Na Ngolngolan” = “Fakih yang menunggu-nunggu”. Ketika Pongkinangolngolan datang ke Bakkara/Toba, ia menjadi anak mas dari Singa Mangarja X.

Mengenai hukuman yang diberikan kepada Pongkinangolngolan sebagai akibat dari incest yang dilakukan oleh orang tuanya, sesuai tuntutan pemuka masyarakat (datu) maka Singa Mangarja menjatuhkan vonis ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba. Tetapi Singa Mangaraja X melonggarkan tali-tali yang mengikat Pongkinangolngolan. Ia mengapung di atas air sampai ke permulaan sungai Asahan, dimana dia kemudian di tolong oleh seseorang yang bernama Lintong Marpaung.

Pongkinangolngolan kemudian merantau ke Minangkabau, atas anjuran Tuanku Nan Rentjeh. Pongkinagolngolan di chitan sesuai dengan sarat-sarat chitan serta syahadat, pada tanggal 9 Rabiulawal 1219/H = 1804/M diislamkan dengan nama: “Umar Katab” dibalik menjadi “Umar Batak”. Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela alias Umar Katab menjadi General Officer Padry Army, dengan gelar Tuanku Rao. Oleh Padri Army Command Tuanku Rao diperintahkan tugas belajar ke Luar Negeri.

Sementara itu satu versi lain tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao diungkapkan oleh Basyral dalam bukunya Greget Tuanku Rao (2007). Bagi Basyral Tuanku Rao bukan berasal dari Batak Utara tapi dari kawasan Batak Selatan. Menurutnya Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing asli. Basyral mendasarkan argumennya dari sumber naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol yang menyebut Tuanku Rao adalah Pakih Muhammad, ayahnya orang Huta Gadang [Hutanagodang di Mandailing Kecil] dan Ibunya orang Rao.

Menarik untuk melihat keberadaan Pakih Muhammad sebagai Imam Besar Nagari Rao gelar Tuanku Rao. Ayah Tuanku Rao menurut sumber Basyral adalah orang Huta Gadang (Hutanagodang?) dan ibunya orang Rao sehingga Basyral membuat kesimpulan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Mandailing. Sayang sekali, dalam uraian asal-usul Tuanku Rao ini Basyral belum mengeksplorasi sumber-sumber Mandailing lainnya. Muhammad Said (1961) berdasar sumber yang dikutipnya meresepsi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao. Menurut Said Si Pokki Nangolngolan adalah “agresor” yang pernah datang ke tanah Batak untuk melaksanakan pengislaman. Tuanku Rao adalah Si Pokki Nangolngolan yang telah membunuh pamannya yaitu Ompu Tuan Na Bolon atau Singa Mangaraja X. Tetapi Said sangat menyayangkan sekali peristiwa penetrasi orang-orang Bonjol apalagi mengenai riwayat hidup Tuanku Rao tidak di dapat dalam sumber Padri atau sumber yang dipertahankan kenetralannya. Dalam hal ini Said memegang sumber yang lebih dianggap netral karena sumber yang diperoleh dari tangan pertama, dimana orang-orangnya masih berada dan turut serta dalam kejadian itu. Sumber tersebut ditulis oleh J.B. Neumann 1866 seorang Kontelir B.B yang menulis tentang “Studies ever Bataks en Batakschelanden” (hal 51) dan menyebut bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah berasal dari Padang Matinggi, tidak disebut bahwa Tuanku Rao berasal dari Toba. Neumann sendiri mengambil sumber karangannya dari Residen T.J Willer yang berada di Tapanuli tahun 1835. Tapi dengan menyatakan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah si Pongki, maka sebenarnya Said lebih setuju kalau Tuanku Rao memang berasal dari tanah Batak, bukan sebagaimana disebut sumber-sumber Belanda.

Hamka (1974) merupakan penulis yang mencoba mengoreksi historiografi Batak tentang asal usul Tuanku Rao sebagai orang Batak. Menurut Hamka dongeng-dongeng (mitos) tentang Tuanku Rao ini dalam kalangan orang Batak Toba banyak tersiar, dimana Hamka menemukan dalam tulisan-tulisan itu bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah anak Batak sejati. Hamka mengatakan bahwa riwayat Tuanku Rao yang di ungkapkan dari beberapa penulis Batak seperti Guru Kenan Hutagalung, Adniel Lumbantobing, Sutan Pane Paruhum merupakan mitos. Hamka juga mengkritik tulisan MOP tentang riwayat Tuanku Rao sebagai karangan yang dibuat-buat dan menganggap Parlindungan adalah orang yang mahir “menyusun” suatu cerita. Dengan mengemukakan bukti-bukti, Hamka menyebut MOP dalam membuat tulisannya tentang asal-usul Tuanku Rao banyak mengemukakan hal-hal yang mengandung kebohongan. Asal-usul Tuanku Rao menurut Hamka membenarkan bahwa Tuanku Rao telah kawin dengan puteri Yang Dipertuan Rao dan karena Yang Dipertuan Rao bukan panganut Wahabi maka pimpinan diambil alih oleh menantunya yang dikenal dengan Tuanku Rao.

Selain itu Hamka juga menekankan Tuanku Rao adalah orang Padang Matinggi. Bukan orang Bakkara. Sebab itu beliau orang Minang. Bukan orang Batak. Ungkapan Hamka tersebut dimantapkan dengan cara melakukan wawancara kepada orang Rao sendiri, yaitu Drs. H. Asrul Sani yang merupakan keturunan Yang Dipertuan Padang Nunang Rao. Untuk membenarkan dan memperkuat pernyataannya, Hamka mengutip sumber dari penulis Batak, Sanusi Pane yang tidak membayangkan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah orang Batak. Riset akademis terakhir tentang asal usul tokoh ini dengan memperhatikan berbagai sumber masih jarang dilakukan. Salah seorang sejarahwan yang menyinggung masalah ini adalah Christine Dobbin (2008). Menurut Dobbin Tuanku Rao dari perspektif sejarah merupakan tokoh yang kabur tapi diakuinya tokoh ini sangat dikenal dalam sejarah Batak. Akan tetapi kata Dobbin, kebanyakan yang ditulis tentang dirinya didasarkan atas tradisi lisan Batak awal abad ke 20 dan tak bisa dikomfirmasikan dalam sumber-sumber Belanda yang ada. Ini mengherankan Dobbin karena katanya, surat-surat yang ditulis oleh pejabat-pejabat Belanda pada waktu itu secara teratur menceritakan tentang rekan sejamannya, Tuanku Tambusai penakluk tanah Batak bagian timur.
Tidak adanya informasi tentang Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin sebagian bisa dijelaskan dengan kenyataan bahwa ia meninggal pada tahun1833, tak lama sesudah Belanda memasuki Rao. Dengan demikian, ia tidak mempunyai jabatan lain yang bisa mengundang penyelidikan Belanda mengenai kegiatan-kegiatan awalnya. Akan tetapi yang mengherankan dari pendapat Dobin adalah sikap menduanya, disatu pihak dia mengatakan : ”Dapat diterima bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah seorang Batak yang dulunya dikenal dengan Pongki na Ngolngolan.” Tapi dipihak lain dia mengatakan : ”Akan tetapi ada tradisi lisan Batak yang menyatakan bahwa ia adalah keponakan Raja Imam Batak, Sisingamangaraja X, yang menguasai daerah Bakara-Toba. Namun, ini pun tidak bisa dipastikan.” Apa pun asalmuasalnya, kata Dobbin, Pongki na Ngolngolan adalah seorang petualang Batak yang pada tahap tertentu dalam kariernya tiba di Lembah Rao. Dia menemukan seorang pelindung di sehari-harinya. Pada akhirnya di tahun 1808, ia menjadi Islam. Kemudian ia berhubungan dengan ajaran Padri di daerah lebih ke selatan dan rupanya mereka merasa bahwa dengan memperoleh pengakuan sebagai eksponen ajaran ini, posisinya sebagai orang luar atau orang datang dalam masyarakat Rao akan jauh lebih baik. Sayang kata Dobbin, kita tidak memiliki gambaran yang jelas mengenai hubungannya dengan Imam Bondjol.

3. Kekejaman Tuanku Rao dan Paderi di Tanah Batak
Bagian ini saya ulas dengan menguraikan pendapat Dobbin yang membahas historiografi Batak tentang serangan Paderi ke Tapanuli. Laporan Batak yang dibaca Dobbin diakuinya cenderung menekankan kekerasan dan kekacauan yang terjadi selama periode Padri. Namun, Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin telah berusaha untuk memperkenalkan bentuk administrasi Padri ke desa-desa Batak. Akan tetapi, bagaimana system ini dilembagakan dan berapa besar dukungan yang diterima adalah pertanyaan yang tidak dapat dijawab. Beberapa orang Batak memang sudah beragam Islam sebelum serbuan Padri. Ada orang-orang muslim yang tinggal di Panyabungan ketika diserbu. Bahkan desa-desa tertentu didekatnya ada yang mempunyai hubungan dagang dengan pantai barat dan telah menjadi Islam selama beberapa tahun.

Namun pada masa awal pemerintahannya penyerbu dari Rao menurut Dobbin mengandalkan kekuatanya sendiri dan mengangkat orang-orang Minagkabau sebagai kadi di desa-desa Batak. Hakim-hakim ini mendasarkan administrasinya pada Quran secara kata perkata. Mereka juga mencoba memberlakukan semua puritanisme lahiriah gerakan mereka. Tentu saja kata Dobbin orang-orang dipaksa menjadi Islam dan terjadi banyak pembunuhan, disamping itu, para Padri juga sangat bersemangat menghancurkan kesastraan Batak. Pada mulanya penyerbuan Padri kata Dobbin sukar dibedakan dari penyerbuan dan pendudukan asing. Selain telah mengarahkan perdagangan Batak ke kelompok pelabuhan khusus di pantai barat, Tuanku Rao juga mewajibkan membiayai upeti kepada Rao dan Alahan Panjang dalam bentuk beras, kerbau dan budak-budak . Wilayah-wilayah bawahan juga mewajibkan membiayai pemeliharaan pasukan Minangkabau di desa-desa mereka dan menyediakan pasukan bersenjata untuk kegiatan Padri di daerah lebih ke utara lagi.

Pada tahun 1822, para Padri telah berada di belakang Tapanuli, setelah menyapu seluruh wilayah Angkola. Menurut laporan Batak yang menurut Dobbin harus ditanggapi dengan hati-hati, Tuanku Rao mengangkat seorang Tuanku Lelo, anggota marga Nasution dan putra seorang Batak pedagang garam, menjadi “gubernur” Angkola. Selain itu, ia juga membangun benteng di Padang Sidempuan. Daerah ini adalah lokasi yang strategis karena terletak dipersimpangan rute dagang penting yang menuju ke pantai dan ke daerah Mandailing dan Silindung. Di tempat inilah ia menjalankan kebijakan Padri untuk memajukan perdagangan, membuka jalan – jalan dagang, dan mendukung para pedagang.

Dobbin mengungkapkan tradisi lisan Batak yang menyebut segerombolan Padri di bawah Tuanku Rao masuk sampai sejauh Butar di utara, di plato Humbang. Ditempat ini, Tuanku Rao menghadapi wakil dinasti iman Raja Sisingamangaraja pada waktu itu, yang tinggal dilembah Bakkara yang berdinding batu di barat laut Danau Toba. Menurut tradisi Batak, Tuanku Rao adalah kemenakan yang disia-siakan oleh Sisingamangaraja. Keterangan ini adalah usaha untuk menjelaskan mengapa Tuanku Rao dikatakan membunuh. Tragedi ini terjadi di pasar Butar, sesudah tuanku mengundang Sisingamangaraja untuk suatu pertemuan. Namun, Sisingamangaraja sebagai tokoh berbahaya karena dianggap dapat mengerahkan marga-marga Batak Toba untuk melawan Islam. Faktor lainnya karena Sisingamangaraja mempunyai hubungan dengan Barus. Padahal, jalinan inilah kata Dobbin, yang ingin dipatahkan oleh kaum Padri.

Sebagaimana disebut Dobbin, tradisi Batak menggambarkan kekejaman-kekejaman serangan Padri ke tanah Batak. Dalam karangan yang ditulis orang Batak sampai saat ini, sebagaimana tulisan Sihombing (2008) tetap dikenang pahitnya invasi kaum Pidari (tulisan-tulisan Batak penyebut pidari untuk paderi) sehingga dianggap merupakan salah satu periode yang paling hitam dan gelap dalam sejarah orang Batak, Angkola-Mandailing-Padang Lawas dan Toba. Dalam tulisannya Sihombing menyebut situasi Tanah Batak menjadi begitu morat-marit sepeninggal pasukan Pidari dan segala kekacauan hukum yang terjadi di tanah Batak selanjutnya dianggap sebagai dampak dari serangan Paderi. Menurut Sihombing, untuk waktu yang cukup lama, hukum dan tata-krama yang mengatur masyarakat dalam zaman pemerintahan bius-bius menjadi berantakan. Bila pun masihb ada agaknya tal perlu diindahkan lagi. Sering terjadi saling-serang dan saling curiga di antara satu kelompok terhadap kelompok lain ( umumnya berdasarkan wilayah “saompu” atau seketurunan). Konon, pada tahapan waktu inilah mereka malah justru mulai “bisa” membunuh serta “memakan” (secara harfiah) daging dari musuh yang ditaklukkan atau dari pangkahap (mata-mata) yang menyamar dan tertangkap, sebagai akibat kegeraman hati.

Dalam buku lain Bisuk Siahaan (2005) mengatakan bahwa dampak buruk perang Padri di Toba bukan saja hanja secara materiil, tapi juga secara sosial dalam tatakrama kehidupan masyarakat, termasuk terjadinya perubahan patik dohot uhum (peraturan dan hukum). Sebagai contoh, katanja, sebelum serbuan kaum Pidari, orang Toba memiliki hukum yang mengatur tatacara berperang yang tak boleh dilanggar. Kode etik-perang oang Batak sebelumnya menetapkan berbagai larangan, seperti menyerang musuh pada malam hari, membakar rumah musuh; membunuh perempuan, dll.
Sihombing menganggap, orang Batak sejak dulu mengenal etika perang internasional dimana kedua belah pihak yang akan berperang lebih dahulu harus mendeklarasikan tantangan, niat dan keputusan perangnja. Menurut catatan Sihombing, : tatakrama perang itu dilakukan dengan tulus oleh Raja Sisingamangaraja XII, ketika mendeklarasikan (Pulas) Perang Batak, dimana serangan harus dilakukan secara frontal, dengan aba-aba “siap”. Berarti semua orang dalam pasukan kedua belah fihak memang benar-benar sudah siap untuk berperang, lahir dan bathin. Suatu sikap kesatria, jauh dari kepengecutan. Tapi semua tata-krama “internasional dan regional Batak” menurut ukuran zamannya masing-masing itu, kata Sihombing, telah dilanggar oleh pasukan kaum Pidari.

Mungkin, demikian Sihombing selanjutnya mengatakan, karena beratnya penderitaan dan trauma dari masa nightmare (mimpi neraka) penghancuran oleh pasukan Pidari, itulah sebabnya bahwa sepeninggalan kaum perusuh, orang Batak yang masih sisa justru malah meniru dan melakukan perilaku yang sama dengan kaum Pidari.

Tapi kenapa dikatakan “orang yang masih sisa”? Sihombing seperti juga penulis Batak lainnya merujuk MOP yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan Pidari yang mundur dengan sangat cemas dan tergesa-gesa karena landaan wabah begu antuk (Kolera) dari Tanah Batak bagian utara, sisa orang Batak yang bisa hidup bertahan dan kemudian keluar dari persembunyian di gua-gua dan hutan selama tiga tahun serbuan dan pendudukan, hanya tinggal 25 % saja. Konon, demikian juga kondisi sisa pasukan Pidari penyerbu, hanya tersisa 25 sampai 30 % juga. Meskipun statistik jumlah penyerbu (30 ribu orang) dari buku MOP itu dianggap Sihombing mungkin terlalu dilebih-lebihkan, namun kata Sihombing, berapa besarpun jumlah pasukan penyerbu, kita bisa membayangkan betapa besar destruksi terhadap segala aspek kehidupan yang ditinggalkannya.
Untuk menguatkan kekejaman perang Paderi di tanah Batak, Sihombing juga merujuk Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007) untuk menekankan pemberitaan perihal hebatnya destruksi yang dilakukan dalam masa pendudukan kaum Pidari dari Minangkabau di Tanah Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas sampai Toba dalam kuarter pertama abad 19. Agaknya, buku tersebut ditulis oleh Harahap, demikian Sihombing, antara lain dengan niat untuk mengoreksi dan menyempurnakan bagian-bagian tertentu buku Tuanku Rao, seraya menguatkan pembenaran berita tentang “mimpi neraka” yang dialami oleh orang Batak bagian selatan dan utara, sebagai akibat serbuan dan pendudukan kaum Pidari itu.

Sihombing menyatakan, selanjutnya kebanyakan orang Batak dari generasi lebih muda, memang sengaja tidak terlalu intensif diceritai (kalau tak akan dikatakan kisahnya dideponir) oleh tetuanya tentang betapa ngerinya pengalaman kakek-moyang “bangso” Batak pada dasawarsa 1820-1830-an, yang porak poranda akibat serbuan kaum Pidari. Bahwa ribuan sanak saudara yang tidak mati karena serbuan, tokh harus mati karena wabah mengerikan. Ribuan dari sisa yang hidup, demikian Sihombing, dibajak pula dengan penderitaan tak terkirakan, diperjualbelikan menjadi budak di Tapanuli Selatan dan pantai-pantai barat Sumatra. Maksud tua-tua Batak yang kala itu ingin mendeponir cerita invasi kaum Pidari, ialah supaya aib yang sangat memalukan itu tak perlu diketahui generasi mudanya. Umumnya mereka mencatat singkat begini: pernah ada mimpi buruk dialami orang Batak yang disebut “Tingki ni Pidari (masa Pidari)” Almanak Tahunan HKBP saja, dalam catatan tonggak-tonggak bersejarahnya yang dirujuk Sihombing, setiap terbit-tahunan, hanya mencatat singkat begini: 1825-1829 Porang ni Tuanku Rao (Porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Perang Tuanku Rao(Perang Bonjol) yang datang memerangi “bangsa” Batak).
Sama seperti Sihombing, penulis lain yang tadi sudah disebut yakni Siahaan (2005) dalam uraiannya tentang Padri juga tidak melewatkan untuk merujuk buku MOP. Dijelaskan MOP, demikian Siahaan, antara tahun 1816-1818 tentara Padri mulai menyerbu Tapanuli Selatan dan menduduki Mandailing, Sipirok dan Padang Lawas, sekaligus mengislamkan penduduk yang masih menyembah berhala. Setelah Tapanuli Selatan dikuasai, beberapa tahun kemudian dilakukan penyerbuan ke Tapanuli Utara dengan sasaran Pahae, Silindung, Humbang dan Toba. Tentara Padri membakar berpuluh-puluh rumah, menawan dan membunuh penduduk tanpa memperdulikan apakah mereka wanita, anak-anak atau orang tua yang tak berdaya. Bahkan kekejaman yang tidak ada taranya terjadi di daerah Pahae, Humbang dan Silindung. Penduduk yang tidak mau tunduk kepada tentara Padri ditawan, lalu matanya dicungkil. Selama penyerangan tersebut beratus-ratus penduduk yang tidak bersalah dibunuh secara kejam, mayat bergelimpangan menutupi jalan setapak, sehingga tidak mungkin lagi menguburnya dengan baik. Dimana –mana terlihat bangkai membusuk, menyebabkan wabah penyakit kolera dan tifus mengganas. Efidemi berjangkit secara tiba-tiba, tidak hanya menyerang penduduk setempat,tetapi juga tenatra Padri. Disebabkan sangat banyak penduduk dan tentara Padri yang meninggal terserang penyakit kolera, pemimpin tentara Padri yang memerintahkan supaya semua serdadunya segera meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara. Sangat sulit membayangkan betapa kejamnya perlakuan tentara Padri kepada penduduk yang tidak berdosa, menyebabkan sampai hari ini bila masyarakat hendak menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat bengis dan tak beradab, dikatakan “seperti di masa Pidari” (“di tingki ni Pidari).
Meskipun tentara Padri telah meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara, namun penduduk menurut Siahaan masih tetap waswas, takut jika pada suatu hari tentara Padri muncul kembali menyiksa mereka. Menyaksikan kekejaman perang yang baru saja berlalu, meyebabkan penduduk tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh pada ajaran “berperang menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum” seperti yang dianut selama ini. Mereka telah berubah dan menetapkan aturan perang sendiri, sesuai dengan selera masing-masing. Hal ini menurut Siahaan, dilaporkan oleh Kontelir G.W.W.C Baron van Hoevel yang turut dalam pasukan militer Belanda di bawah komando Kapten Infanteri Scheltens, dan dibenarkan oleh raja-raja di Silindung dan Toba. Sebelum Scheltens memulai ekspedisinya (perjalananya) ke daerah Toba dan Silindung, terlebih dulu mereka mempelajari semua arsip-arsip Belanda yang tersimpan sejak tahun 1845, khusus mengenai adat dan cara orang Batak berperang. Ternyata tulisan yang ada di arsip tidak sesuai lagi dengan kenyataan. Pasukan Scheltens sangat terkejut sewaktu mereka secara tiba-tiba diserang oleh pengikut Si Singamangaraja pada malam hari, padahal menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum yang mereka pelajari, orang Batak tidak diperkenankan menyerang musuh pada malam hari, selain itu, beberapa rumah pejabat dan tangsi tentara Belanda dicoba hendak dibakar, padahal menurut Patik dohot Uhum dilarang membakar rumah musuh.
Sejak peristiwa tersebut, serdadu Belanda menurut Siahaan sadar bahwa keadaan sudah berubah, penyerbuan tentara Padri yang sangat kejam ke Tanah Batak, telah mengubah cara berpikir penduduk. Rupanya, demikian Siahaan, penderitaan yang dialami selama perang paderi, telah meninggalkan truma yang sulit dipupus dari benak penduduk, mereka merasa dirinya senantiasa terancam oleh bahaya maut. Untuk mengamankan diri, bahkan benteng perlindungan kampung ditinggikan dan diperkuat dengan bambu-bambu berduri sebagaimana sampai saat ini jejaknya masih bisa dilihat di desa-desa Batak.

4. Penutup
Uraian di atas memperlihatkan bagaimana penulisan historiografi tradisional Batak yang sebenarnya sepenuhnya berasal dari tradisi lisan Batak memberikan pengabsahan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah asli orang Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), lahir dari hubungan gelap, memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan raja Singamangaraja, merantau ke Rao, masuk Islam dan menyerbu tanah Batak dengan kejam karena ingin membalas dendam. Selanjutnya dia berhasil membunuh pamannya Singamangaraja X dan menyebarkan Islam yang sekalipun dilakukan dengan paksaan, sadis, tidak berperikemanusiaan dan sangat berdarah, tapi tidak berhasil mengislamkan Tanah Batak bagian utara.
Diperlukan kehati-hatian berhadapan dengan tradisi lisan yang penuh kontroversi ini. Sejarahwan seperti Dobbin juga bisa terjebak menguraikan ”episode” Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak dengan mendasarkan uraiannya semata dari tradisi lisan Batak yang diakuinya tidak bisa diklarifikasi ke sumber-sumber sejarah yang lain. Ironisnya tradisi lisan yang didapat Dobbin adalah tradisi lisan yang telah dikembangkan, difiksikan dengan imajinasi seperti yang terdapat dalam tulisan MOP. Uraian Dobbin memperlihatkan seakan dia meneruskan tradisi lisan Batak ke dalam karya akademisnya dan sangat disayangkan dia tidak mengeksplorasi dan membandingkannya dengan tradisi lisan yang berkembang di Tapanuli Selatan, Rao dan Minangkabau.
Menurut saya, tradisi lisan Batak yang kemudian dituliskan itu merupakan hasil konstruksi dari satu kurun waktu tertentu, di wilayah tertentu dan untuk kepentingan tertentu. Saya perkirakan, pada waktu cerita itu dikontruksi, penguasa Belanda dan para zending penyebar agama kristen di Toba mencemaskan penyebaran Islam ke tanah Batak dan mereka berusaha untuk menghambat penyebaran itu dengan berbagai cara termasuk membentengi diri dengan menciptakan dan mengembangkan kekejaman Padri di tanah Batak dan mereproduksinya lewat tokoh-tokoh Batak beragama kristen dari generasi pertama kristenisasi di tanah Batak. Reproduksi itu dilakukan dikawasan Toba dan Humbang yang terancam dan tidak terjadi di kawasan Samosir.
Dalam penyelidikan saya atas tradisi lisan tentang Tuanku Rao sebagai Si Pongki Nangolngolan saya ketahui tradisi lisan ini tidak dikenal di pulau Samosir. Juru pelihara kompleks makam Raja Sidabutar di Tomok, Samosir tepat di tepi Danau Toba, ketika saya wawancarai di akhir tahun 2007 tidak mengenal Si Pongki Nangolngolan. Bahkan dia menunjuk pohon Pongki yang ada di kompleks makam itu sebagai pohon tua yang sangat keras dan kuat tanpa ada hubungannya dengan simbol dari seorang tokoh yang kemudian dikonstruksikan sebagai Tuanku Rao. Kisah tentang legenda Si Pongki ini juga tidak ditemukan di kawasan tapanuli Selatan.
Penyerangan Padri ke tanah Batak, khususnya Toba, merupakan penyerangan yang juga diakui terjadi oleh sumber-sumber yang ada di Minangkabau sendiri. Tapi versi tradisi lisan tentang penyerangan itu dan genealogi Tuanku Rao dalam tradisi Batak adalah hasil konstruksi. Tidak merupakan kebetulan jika penulis yang mereproduksi tradisi lisan itu beragama kristen, bahkan diantara mereka termasuk pemuka agama kristen. Sekalipun MOP beragama Islam, tapi bahan baku dari semua penulisannya tentang Batak berasal dari arsip ayahnya, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), seorang tokoh kristen di Pematang Siantar.
Dalam analisisnya Dobbin akhirnya memang mengakui, barang kali garis keturunan ini diciptakan untuk menjelaskan beberapa keunggulan Tuanku Rao dalam kemiliteran. Dia menurut Dobbin, memang memimpin pengikut-pengikutnya melakukan serangkaian perjalanan paksaan yang luar biasa ke utara, langsung memasuki wilayah orang-orang Batak Toba. Disini ia bertemu dan membunuh Sisingamangaraja X. Dengan menganggap dia sebagai kemenakan raja yang kehilangan haknya, menurut Dobbin tradisi Batak dapat memberikan motivasi yang masuk akal untuk serangan militer ini, yaitu balas dendam.
Tapi motivasi itu menurut saya justru tidak masuk akal dan penuh kontroversi. Bagaimana mungkin Tuanku Rao yang dicitrakan sebagai pembunuh dan penyerbu yang sadis dan menganiaya orang Batak itu dikonstruksi sebagai keturunan Batak? Bagaimana kita memahami logika Si Pongki : dijatuhi hukuman mati (harus ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba karena dia anak haram hasil hubungan incest dari keluarga Singamangaraja) kemudian diselamatkan oleh raja Singamangaraja X pamannya sendiri, dan setelah Si Pongki menjadi Tuanku Rao datang membunuh Singamangaraja X paman yang justru menyelamatkannya? Konstruksi tradisi lisan ini menurut saya berkepentingan untuk mensubordinatkan dua pencitraan, pertama Islam dari selatan dan kedua Singamangaraja serta keturunan dan pengikutnya yang tidak bisa dijinakkan oleh zending dan penguasa Belanda. Diperlukan suatu penyelidikan yang lebih mendalam tentang konstruksi yang terlanjur sudah dianggap sebagai realitas ini.

DAFTAR BACAAN
Dobbin Christine.2008. “Gejolak Ekonomi, Kebangkitan Islam, dan Gerakan Padri Minangkabau 1784-1847”. Komunitas Bambu. Jakarta.
Hamka. 1974. Antara Fakta dan Khayal “Tuanku Rao”. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang.
Harahap, Basyral Hamidy. 2007. Greget Tuanku Rao. Depok: Komunitas Bambu.
Imran Manan . Sumatra Barat Hingga Plakat Panjang. Sinar Harapan Jakarta.
Lumbantobing, Adniel.1967. Si Singamangaraja I – XII. Medan
Parlindungan, Mangaradja Onggang. 2007. Tuanku Rao. Jogjakarta: LkiS
Said, Mohammad.1961. Singamangaradja. Percetakan Waspada Medan.
Sangti, Batara. 1977. Sejarah Batak. Balige: Karl Sianipar Company.
Siahaan Bisuk.2005 Batak Toba Kehidupan di Balik Tembok Bambu. Kempala Foundation Jakarta.
Sihombing PTD.2008. Pendeta Mangaradja Hezekiel Manullang, Pahlawan Perintis Kemrdekaan Bangsa Indonesia & Pelopor Semangat Kemandirian Gereja di Tanah Batak 1887-1979. Albert-Orem Ministry.Jakarta.
Tuanku Rao, Lahir di Luar Nikah dan Sempat dibuang ke Danau Toba. Metro Siantar 25 November 2007.

diposting oleh:

Erond L. Damanik, M.Si

Pusat Studi Sejarah dan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial

Lembaga Penelitian Universitas Negeri Medan

 

Kekejaman Tuanku Rao dan Paderi di Tanah Batak

pendapat Dobbin yang membahas historiografi Batak tentang serangan Paderi ke Tapanuli.

Laporan Batak yang dibaca Dobbin diakuinya cenderung menekankan kekerasan dan kekacauan yang terjadi selama periode Padri.

Namun, Tuanku Rao menurut Dobbin telah berusaha untuk memperkenalkan bentuk administrasi Padri ke desa-desa Batak. Akan tetapi, bagaimana system ini dilembagakan dan berapa besar dukungan yang diterima adalah pertanyaan yang tidak dapat dijawab.

Beberapa orang Batak memang sudah beragam Islam sebelum serbuan Padri. Ada orang-orang muslim yang tinggal di Panyabungan ketika diserbu. Bahkan desa-desa tertentu didekatnya ada yang mempunyai hubungan dagang dengan pantai barat dan telah menjadi Islam selama beberapa tahun.

Namun pada masa awal pemerintahannya penyerbu dari Rao menurut Dobbin mengandalkan kekuatanya sendiri dan mengangkat orang-orang Minagkabau sebagai kadi di desa-desa Batak.

Hakim-hakim ini mendasarkan administrasinya pada Quran secara kata perkata. Mereka juga mencoba memberlakukan semua puritanisme lahiriah gerakan mereka.

Tentu saja kata Dobbin orang-orang dipaksa menjadi Islam dan terjadi banyak pembunuhan, disamping itu, para Padri juga sangat bersemangat menghancurkan kesastraan Batak.

Pada mulanya penyerbuan Padri kata Dobbin sukar dibedakan dari penyerbuan dan pendudukan asing.

Selain telah mengarahkan perdagangan Batak ke kelompok pelabuhan khusus di pantai barat, Tuanku Rao juga mewajibkan membiayai upeti kepada Rao dan Alahan Panjang dalam bentuk beras, kerbau dan budak-budak . Wilayah-wilayah bawahan juga mewajibkan membiayai pemeliharaan pasukan Minangkabau di desa-desa mereka dan menyediakan pasukan bersenjata untuk kegiatan Padri di daerah lebih ke utara lagi.

Pada tahun 1822,

para Padri telah berada di belakang Tapanuli, setelah menyapu seluruh wilayah Angkola.

Menurut laporan Batak yang menurut Dobbin harus ditanggapi dengan hati-hati, Tuanku Rao mengangkat seorang Tuanku Lelo, anggota marga Nasution dan putra seorang Batak pedagang garam, menjadi “gubernur” Angkola.

Selain itu, ia juga membangun

benteng di Padang Sidempuan.

Daerah ini adalah lokasi yang strategis karena terletak dipersimpangan rute dagang penting yang menuju ke pantai dan ke daerah Mandailing dan Silindung.

Di tempat inilah ia menjalankan kebijakan Padri untuk memajukan perdagangan, membuka jalan – jalan dagang, dan mendukung para pedagang.

 

 

Dobbin mengungkapkan tradisi lisan Batak

yang menyebut segerombolan Padri di bawah Tuanku Rao masuk sampai sejauh Butar di utara, di plato Humbang.

Ditempat ini, Tuanku Rao menghadapi wakil dinasti iman Raja Sisingamangaraja pada waktu itu, yang tinggal dilembah Bakkara yang berdinding batu di barat laut Danau Toba.

Menurut tradisi Batak, Tuanku Rao adalah kemenakan yang disia-siakan oleh Sisingamangaraja.

Keterangan ini adalah usaha untuk menjelaskan mengapa Tuanku Rao dikatakan membunuh.

Tragedi ini terjadi di pasar Butar, sesudah tuanku mengundang Sisingamangaraja untuk suatu pertemuan.

Namun, Sisingamangaraja sebagai tokoh berbahaya karena dianggap dapat mengerahkan marga-marga Batak Toba untuk melawan Islam.

Faktor lainnya karena Sisingamangaraja mempunyai hubungan dengan Barus.

Padahal, jalinan inilah kata Dobbin, yang ingin dipatahkan oleh kaum Padri.

 

Batak traditions describing the atrocities attacks Batak Padri to the ground.
In an essay written the Batak to date, as well as writing Sihombing (2008) still remembered the bitterness of invasion Pidari (Batak writings pidari denominator for the vicar) that is considered one of the best period in the history of black and dark Batak, Angkola- Mandailing-Padang Lawas and Toba.
In his Sihombing called Tanah Batak situation became so helter-skelter after the death of troops Pidari and all legal chaos that occurs on the ground next Batak considered the impact of the attacks Padri.
According to Sihombing, for quite a long time, laws and manners that govern society in the reign of drug-pushers to fall apart.
If there seems any masihb tal should be ignored anymore. There is often a mutual-attack and suspicion among one group against another group (usually based on the “saompu” or collateral).
That said, at this stage this time that they are in fact just the start “can” kill and “eat” (literally) of meat from a defeated enemy or from pangkahap (spy) in disguise and caught, as a result of liver indignation.
In another book Bisuk Siahaan (2005)
said that the adverse effects of war in Toba Padri hanja not only materially, but also socially in society manners, including uhum dohot slave changes (laws and regulations).
For example, katanja, before the invasion of the Pidari, the Toba has fought the law governing the procedure that should not be violated.
Code of Conduct-war Batak oang previously set various restrictions, such as attacking the enemy at night, burned the enemy; kill women, etc..
Sihombing regard,
Batak people always know the ethics of international war in which both sides would have to declare war first challenge, intentions and decisions perangnja.
According to records Sihombing,
: Manners war done sincerely by King Sisingamangaraja XII, when declaring (Asleep) Batak War, which must be done in a frontal attack, with the command “ready”.
Means everyone in the forces both parties really are ready for battle, spiritual and physical. An chivalry, far from cowardice.
But all manners “of international and regional Batak” according to the size of each era, said Sihombing, have been violated by the troops Pidari.
Perhaps, the next Sihombing said, because of the weight of suffering and trauma of the nightmare (nightmare hell) Pidari destruction by the forces, which is why that sepeninggalan the rioters, who are the rest of the Batak people actually even imitate and do the same behavior with the Pidari.
But why is said “those who are the rest?”
Sihombing like other Batak authors also refer to MOP saying that troops are retreating Pidari very anxious and in a hurry because begu antuk affected by the epidemic (cholera) from the northern part of the Land of Batak, the rest of the Batak people who live to survive and then come out of hiding in caves the caves and forests during the invasion and occupation of the three years, only 25% lived alone.
That said, as well as the condition of the rest of the troops invading Pidari, only the remaining 25 to 30% as well.
Although statistics on the number Invaders (30 thousand persons) of the book was considered Sihombing MOP probably exaggerated, but said Sihombing, no matter how large the number of the invading army, we can imagine how much destruction to all aspects of life he left behind.
To strengthen the atrocities of war in the land of Batak Padri, Sihombing also refer Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007)
to emphasize the news about the terrible destruction done in the occupation of the Pidari of Minangkabau in Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas to Toba in the first quarter of the 19th century.
Presumably, the book was written by Harahap, so Sihombing, among others, with the intention to correct and refine certain parts of the book Tuanku Rao, while reinforcing justification news about “the dream of hell” suffered by the Batak people of the south and north, as a result of the invasion and occupation of the Pidari it.
Sihombing said the next most Batak people of the younger generation, was deliberately not too intensive diceritai (if not to say the story dideponir) by parental about how horror experience grandfather ancestor “bangso” Batak in the decade from 1820 to 1830-an, which shattered due to invasion of the Pidari. That thousands of relatives who did not die because of the invasion, had died of the plague tokh terrible.
Thousands of the rest of the living, so Sihombing, also hijacked the incalculable suffering, sold into slavery in the South Tapanuli and west coasts of Sumatra.
The purpose of the elders Batak who was then wanted mendeponir story of the invasion Pidari, is a very shameful disgrace that it does not need to know the younger generation.
Generally they are short notes like this: ever experienced a nightmare Batak people is called “ni Tingki Pidari (the Pidari)” Annual Almanac HKBP course, the historical record milestones referred Sihombing, every sunrise-yearly, only a brief note like this: 1825 -1829 porang ni Tuanku Rao (porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Tuanku Rao War (War Bonjol) who come up against the “nation” Batak).
Just like Sihombing, other authors who had already called the Siahaan (2005) in his description of Padri also not miss to refer to the book MOP.
Described MOP, thus Siahaan, between the years 1816-1818 Padri troops began to invade and occupy Mandailing Tapanuli, Sipirok and Padang Lawas, while Islamize the population who still worship idols.
After Tapanuli controlled, a few years later made the invasion of North Tapanuli targeting Pahae, Silindung, Humbang and Toba.
Soldiers burned dozens Padri homes, charming and kill people regardless of whether they are women, children or the elderly are helpless.
Even the incomparable cruelty occurred in the Pahae, Humbang and Silindung. Residents who do not submit to the army Padri captive, his eyes gouged out.
During the attack hundreds of innocent people were brutally murdered, dead bodies covered walkways, making it no longer possible to bury him properly.
Everywhere looks carcasses decompose, causing outbreaks of cholera and typhus raged. Epidemic outbreak of a sudden, not only attacking the locals, but also tenatra Padri.
Caused so many residents and soldiers who died Padri disease cholera, Padri army leader who ordered that all troops leave northern Tapanuli.
It is very difficult to imagine how cruel treatment Padri army to innocent civilians, leading up to this day when people want to describe something that is very cruel and uncivilized, it says “like in the Pidari” (“in tingki ni Pidari). Although the army has left North Tapanuli Padri, but the population according Siahaan remains wary, afraid that one day reappear Padri soldiers torturing them.
Witnessing the atrocities of war that has just passed, causing the population is no longer fully obedient to the teachings of “fighting by the rules dohot Uhum slave” as commonly held.
They set the rules have changed and the war itself, according to individual taste.
This is according to Siahaan, reported by Baron van Hoevel Kontelir GWWC who participated in the Dutch military forces under the command of Captain Infantry Scheltens, and justified by kings Silindung and Toba.
Before Scheltens begin his expedition (perjalananya) to the Toba and Silindung, they first learn all the Dutch archives stored since 1845, specifically on how the Batak peoples and war.
Apparently text in files no longer compatible with reality. Troops Scheltens very surprised when they suddenly attacked by followers of Si Singamangaraja at night, but according to the rules of slave dohot Uhum they studied, the Batak are not allowed to attack the enemy at night, in addition, several houses and barracks of the Dutch army officers attempted about to be burned, but forbidden by slave dohot Uhum burn enemy houses.
Since the incident, according to Siahaan Dutch soldiers realize that things have changed, the invasion army Padri very cruel to the Land of Batak, has changed the way people think.
Apparently, according to Siahaan, the suffering experienced during the war cleric, has left a difficult TRUMA dipupus of the minds of the population, they feel constantly threatened by mortal danger. To secure ourselves, even elevated fortress village protection and reinforced with bamboo spiked as far footsteps can still be seen in the Batak villages.
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The above description shows how the traditional historiography of writing the actual Batak wholly derived from the oral tradition Batak provide verification that Tuanku Rao is a native of the Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), born of an affair, a relationship with the royal family Singamangaraja, migrated to Rao, Islam Batak lands and brutally attacked for wanting revenge.
Later he managed to kill his uncle Singamangaraja X and spread Islam even done by force, cruel, inhuman and very bloody, but failed to convert the northern part of the Land of Batak.
Necessary caution dealing with oral tradition of controversy this.
Historians such as Dobbin also be trapped decipher “episode” Tuanku Rao in Batak land, basing his description of the oral tradition Batak alone professed not be clarified to historical sources the other.
Ironically Dobbin obtained oral tradition is an oral tradition that has been developed, fictionalized the imagination as found in the writings of MOP.
Description Dobbin showed as he went into the Batak oral tradition and the academic work is a pity he did not explore and compare the oral tradition that developed in South Tapanuli, Rao and Minangkabau.
Batak oral tradition that was written was the result of the construction of a certain period of time, in certain areas and for certain interests.
at the time the story was constructed, the Dutch authorities and the missionaries Christian missionaries concerned about the spread of Islam in Toba Batak to the ground and they are trying to prevent the spread of it in various ways, including fortify themselves by creating and developing Padri atrocities on the ground through the Batak and reproduce figures Batak Christian religion of the first generation of Christianity in the land of Batak.
Reproduction is done Toba region and Humbang threatened and did not occur in the Samosir.
In my research on the oral traditions of Tuanku Rao as I know Nangolngolan Pongki The oral tradition is not known on the island of Samosir.
Interpreters maintained complex in the tomb of King Sidabutar Tomok, Samosir right on the edge of Lake Toba, when interviewed at the end of 2007 does not recognize The Pongki Nangolngolan.
In fact, she pointed to a tree in the complex Pongki grave as an old tree which was very loud and powerful without something to do with the symbol of a man who later constructed as Tuanku Rao.
The story of the legend of The Pongki is also not found in the South Tapanuli.
Batak Padri to the ground assault, especially Toba, an attack which also happens to be recognized that there are resources in the Minangkabau itself.
But the version of the oral tradition about the attacks and genealogy Tuanku Rao in Batak tradition is constructed.
Not a coincidence that the author reproduces the oral tradition are Christians, even among those included Christian religious leaders.
Although MOP Muslims, but the raw material of all writing about Batak came from his father’s archives, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), a prominent Christian in Siantar.
In his analysis Dobbin finally admitted, perhaps this lineage created to explain some of the advantages Tuanku Rao in the military. He according to Dobbin, indeed led his followers a series of extraordinary duress journey to the north, directly entering the Batak Toba people.
Here he met and killed Sisingamangaraja X. With regard him as the nephew of the king who lost his right, according to Dobbin Batak traditions can provide a reasonable motivation for a military attack, that is revenge.
But the motivation that I think it is absurd and full of controversy.
How could Tuanku Rao were imaged as a sadistic killer and invaders and persecute Batak Batak descent is constructed as?
How do we understand the logic of Si Pongki: sentenced to death (had drowned in Lake Toba because he was an illegitimate child of an incestuous relationship results Singamangaraja family) then rescued by his uncle the king Singamangaraja X, and after Si Pongki be Tuanku Rao came to kill Singamangaraja X uncle who actually save?
Construction of this oral tradition in my interest to subordinating the two imaging, the first Muslim from the South and two Singamangaraja and descendants and followers that can not be tamed by the missionaries and the Dutch authorities.
It takes a more in-depth investigation of the construction has already considered this reality

Original info

Sebagaimana disebut Dobbin,

tradisi Batak menggambarkan kekejaman-kekejaman serangan Padri ke tanah Batak.

Dalam karangan yang ditulis orang Batak sampai saat ini, sebagaimana tulisan Sihombing (2008) tetap dikenang pahitnya invasi kaum Pidari (tulisan-tulisan Batak penyebut pidari untuk paderi) sehingga dianggap merupakan salah satu periode yang paling hitam dan gelap dalam sejarah orang Batak, Angkola-Mandailing-Padang Lawas dan Toba.

Dalam tulisannya Sihombing menyebut situasi Tanah Batak menjadi begitu morat-marit sepeninggal pasukan Pidari dan segala kekacauan hukum yang terjadi di tanah Batak selanjutnya dianggap sebagai dampak dari serangan Paderi.

Menurut Sihombing, untuk waktu yang cukup lama, hukum dan tata-krama yang mengatur masyarakat dalam zaman pemerintahan bius-bius menjadi berantakan.

Bila pun masihb ada agaknya tal perlu diindahkan lagi. Sering terjadi saling-serang dan saling curiga di antara satu kelompok terhadap kelompok lain ( umumnya berdasarkan wilayah “saompu” atau seketurunan).

Konon, pada tahapan waktu inilah mereka malah justru mulai “bisa” membunuh serta “memakan” (secara harfiah) daging dari musuh yang ditaklukkan atau dari pangkahap (mata-mata) yang menyamar dan tertangkap, sebagai akibat kegeraman hati.

Dalam buku lain Bisuk Siahaan (2005)

mengatakan bahwa dampak buruk perang Padri di Toba bukan saja hanja secara materiil, tapi juga secara sosial dalam tatakrama kehidupan masyarakat, termasuk terjadinya perubahan patik dohot uhum (peraturan dan hukum).

Sebagai contoh, katanja, sebelum serbuan kaum Pidari, orang Toba memiliki hukum yang mengatur tatacara berperang yang tak boleh dilanggar.

Kode etik-perang oang Batak sebelumnya menetapkan berbagai larangan, seperti menyerang musuh pada malam hari, membakar rumah musuh; membunuh perempuan, dll.

Sihombing menganggap,

orang Batak sejak dulu mengenal etika perang internasional dimana kedua belah pihak yang akan berperang lebih dahulu harus mendeklarasikan tantangan, niat dan keputusan perangnja.

Menurut catatan Sihombing,

: tatakrama perang itu dilakukan dengan tulus oleh Raja Sisingamangaraja XII, ketika mendeklarasikan (Pulas) Perang Batak, dimana serangan harus dilakukan secara frontal, dengan aba-aba “siap”.

Berarti semua orang dalam pasukan kedua belah fihak memang benar-benar sudah siap untuk berperang, lahir dan bathin. Suatu sikap kesatria, jauh dari kepengecutan.

Tapi semua tata-krama “internasional dan regional Batak” menurut ukuran zamannya masing-masing itu, kata Sihombing, telah dilanggar oleh pasukan kaum Pidari.

Mungkin, demikian Sihombing selanjutnya mengatakan, karena beratnya penderitaan dan trauma dari masa nightmare (mimpi neraka) penghancuran oleh pasukan Pidari, itulah sebabnya bahwa sepeninggalan kaum perusuh, orang Batak yang masih sisa justru malah meniru dan melakukan perilaku yang sama dengan kaum Pidari.

Tapi kenapa dikatakan “orang yang masih sisa”?

Sihombing seperti juga penulis Batak lainnya merujuk MOP yang mengatakan bahwa pasukan Pidari yang mundur dengan sangat cemas dan tergesa-gesa karena landaan wabah begu antuk (Kolera) dari Tanah Batak bagian utara, sisa orang Batak yang bisa hidup bertahan dan kemudian keluar dari persembunyian di gua-gua dan hutan selama tiga tahun serbuan dan pendudukan, hanya tinggal 25 % saja.

Konon, demikian juga kondisi sisa pasukan Pidari penyerbu, hanya tersisa 25 sampai 30 % juga.

Meskipun statistik jumlah penyerbu (30 ribu orang) dari buku MOP itu dianggap Sihombing mungkin terlalu dilebih-lebihkan, namun kata Sihombing, berapa besarpun jumlah pasukan penyerbu, kita bisa membayangkan betapa besar destruksi terhadap segala aspek kehidupan yang ditinggalkannya.

Untuk menguatkan kekejaman perang Paderi di tanah Batak, Sihombing juga merujuk Basyral Hamidy Harahap (2007)

untuk menekankan pemberitaan perihal hebatnya destruksi yang dilakukan dalam masa pendudukan kaum Pidari dari Minangkabau di Tanah Batak Mandailing-Sipirok-Padang Lawas sampai Toba dalam kuarter pertama abad 19.

Agaknya, buku tersebut ditulis oleh Harahap, demikian Sihombing, antara lain dengan niat untuk mengoreksi dan menyempurnakan bagian-bagian tertentu buku Tuanku Rao, seraya menguatkan pembenaran berita tentang “mimpi neraka” yang dialami oleh orang Batak bagian selatan dan utara, sebagai akibat serbuan dan pendudukan kaum Pidari itu.

Sihombing menyatakan, selanjutnya kebanyakan orang Batak dari generasi lebih muda, memang sengaja tidak terlalu intensif diceritai (kalau tak akan dikatakan kisahnya dideponir) oleh tetuanya tentang betapa ngerinya pengalaman kakek-moyang “bangso” Batak pada dasawarsa 1820-1830-an, yang porak poranda akibat serbuan kaum Pidari. Bahwa ribuan sanak saudara yang tidak mati karena serbuan, tokh harus mati karena wabah mengerikan.

Ribuan dari sisa yang hidup, demikian Sihombing, dibajak pula dengan penderitaan tak terkirakan, diperjualbelikan menjadi budak di Tapanuli Selatan dan pantai-pantai barat Sumatra.

Maksud tua-tua Batak yang kala itu ingin mendeponir cerita invasi kaum Pidari, ialah supaya aib yang sangat memalukan itu tak perlu diketahui generasi mudanya.

Umumnya mereka mencatat singkat begini: pernah ada mimpi buruk dialami orang Batak yang disebut “Tingki ni Pidari (masa Pidari)” Almanak Tahunan HKBP saja, dalam catatan tonggak-tonggak bersejarahnya yang dirujuk Sihombing, setiap terbit-tahunan, hanya mencatat singkat begini: 1825-1829 Porang ni Tuanku Rao (Porang Bonjol) na mamorangi bangso Batak (Perang Tuanku Rao(Perang Bonjol) yang datang memerangi “bangsa” Batak).

Sama seperti Sihombing, penulis lain yang tadi sudah disebut yakni Siahaan (2005) dalam uraiannya tentang Padri juga tidak melewatkan untuk merujuk buku MOP.

Dijelaskan MOP, demikian Siahaan, antara tahun 1816-1818 tentara Padri mulai menyerbu Tapanuli Selatan dan menduduki Mandailing, Sipirok dan Padang Lawas, sekaligus mengislamkan penduduk yang masih menyembah berhala.

Setelah Tapanuli Selatan dikuasai, beberapa tahun kemudian dilakukan penyerbuan ke Tapanuli Utara dengan sasaran Pahae, Silindung, Humbang dan Toba.

Tentara Padri membakar berpuluh-puluh rumah, menawan dan membunuh penduduk tanpa memperdulikan apakah mereka wanita, anak-anak atau orang tua yang tak berdaya.

Bahkan kekejaman yang tidak ada taranya terjadi di daerah Pahae, Humbang dan Silindung. Penduduk yang tidak mau tunduk kepada tentara Padri ditawan, lalu matanya dicungkil.

Selama penyerangan tersebut beratus-ratus penduduk yang tidak bersalah dibunuh secara kejam, mayat bergelimpangan menutupi jalan setapak, sehingga tidak mungkin lagi menguburnya dengan baik.

Dimana –mana terlihat bangkai membusuk, menyebabkan wabah penyakit kolera dan tifus mengganas. Epidemi berjangkit secara tiba-tiba, tidak hanya menyerang penduduk setempat,tetapi juga tenatra Padri.

Disebabkan sangat banyak penduduk dan tentara Padri yang meninggal terserang penyakit kolera, pemimpin tentara Padri yang memerintahkan supaya semua serdadunya segera meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara.

Sangat sulit membayangkan betapa kejamnya perlakuan tentara Padri kepada penduduk yang tidak berdosa, menyebabkan sampai hari ini bila masyarakat hendak menggambarkan sesuatu yang sangat bengis dan tak beradab, dikatakan “seperti di masa Pidari” (“di tingki ni Pidari). Meskipun tentara Padri telah meninggalkan Tapanuli Utara, namun penduduk menurut Siahaan masih tetap waswas, takut jika pada suatu hari tentara Padri muncul kembali menyiksa mereka.

Menyaksikan kekejaman perang yang baru saja berlalu, meyebabkan penduduk tidak lagi sepenuhnya patuh pada ajaran “berperang menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum” seperti yang dianut selama ini.

Mereka telah berubah dan menetapkan aturan perang sendiri, sesuai dengan selera masing-masing.

Hal ini menurut Siahaan, dilaporkan oleh Kontelir G.W.W.C Baron van Hoevel yang turut dalam pasukan militer Belanda di bawah komando Kapten Infanteri Scheltens, dan dibenarkan oleh raja-raja di Silindung dan Toba.

Sebelum Scheltens memulai ekspedisinya (perjalananya) ke daerah Toba dan Silindung, terlebih dulu mereka mempelajari semua arsip-arsip Belanda yang tersimpan sejak tahun 1845, khusus mengenai adat dan cara orang Batak berperang.

Ternyata tulisan yang ada di arsip tidak sesuai lagi dengan kenyataan. Pasukan Scheltens sangat terkejut sewaktu mereka secara tiba-tiba diserang oleh pengikut Si Singamangaraja pada malam hari, padahal menurut aturan Patik dohot Uhum yang mereka pelajari, orang Batak tidak diperkenankan menyerang musuh pada malam hari, selain itu, beberapa rumah pejabat dan tangsi tentara Belanda dicoba hendak dibakar, padahal menurut Patik dohot Uhum dilarang membakar rumah musuh.

Sejak peristiwa tersebut, serdadu Belanda menurut Siahaan sadar bahwa keadaan sudah berubah, penyerbuan tentara Padri yang sangat kejam ke Tanah Batak, telah mengubah cara berpikir penduduk.

Rupanya, demikian Siahaan, penderitaan yang dialami selama perang paderi, telah meninggalkan truma yang sulit dipupus dari benak penduduk, mereka merasa dirinya senantiasa terancam oleh bahaya maut. Untuk mengamankan diri, bahkan benteng perlindungan kampung ditinggikan dan diperkuat dengan bambu-bambu berduri sebagaimana sampai saat ini jejaknya masih bisa dilihat di desa-desa Batak.

Penutup

Uraian di atas memperlihatkan bagaimana penulisan historiografi tradisional Batak yang sebenarnya sepenuhnya berasal dari tradisi lisan Batak memberikan pengabsahan bahwa Tuanku Rao adalah asli orang Batak Toba (Sipongki Nangolngolan), lahir dari hubungan gelap, memiliki hubungan keluarga dengan raja Singamangaraja, merantau ke Rao, masuk Islam dan menyerbu tanah Batak dengan kejam karena ingin membalas dendam.

Selanjutnya dia berhasil membunuh pamannya Singamangaraja X dan menyebarkan Islam yang sekalipun dilakukan dengan paksaan, sadis, tidak berperikemanusiaan dan sangat berdarah, tapi tidak berhasil mengislamkan Tanah Batak bagian utara.

Diperlukan kehati-hatian berhadapan dengan tradisi lisan yang penuh kontroversi ini.

Sejarahwan seperti Dobbin juga bisa terjebak menguraikan ”episode” Tuanku Rao di tanah Batak dengan mendasarkan uraiannya semata dari tradisi lisan Batak yang diakuinya tidak bisa diklarifikasi ke sumber-sumber sejarah yang lain.

Ironisnya tradisi lisan yang didapat Dobbin adalah tradisi lisan yang telah dikembangkan, difiksikan dengan imajinasi seperti yang terdapat dalam tulisan MOP.

Uraian Dobbin memperlihatkan seakan dia meneruskan tradisi lisan Batak ke dalam karya akademisnya dan sangat disayangkan dia tidak mengeksplorasi dan membandingkannya dengan tradisi lisan yang berkembang di Tapanuli Selatan, Rao dan Minangkabau.

tradisi lisan Batak yang kemudian dituliskan itu merupakan hasil konstruksi dari satu kurun waktu tertentu, di wilayah tertentu dan untuk kepentingan tertentu.

pada waktu cerita itu dikontruksi, penguasa Belanda dan para zending penyebar agama kristen di Toba mencemaskan penyebaran Islam ke tanah Batak dan mereka berusaha untuk menghambat penyebaran itu dengan berbagai cara termasuk membentengi diri dengan menciptakan dan mengembangkan kekejaman Padri di tanah Batak dan mereproduksinya lewat tokoh-tokoh Batak beragama kristen dari generasi pertama kristenisasi di tanah Batak.

Reproduksi itu dilakukan dikawasan Toba dan Humbang yang terancam dan tidak terjadi di kawasan Samosir.

Dalam penyelidikan saya atas tradisi lisan tentang Tuanku Rao sebagai Si Pongki Nangolngolan saya ketahui tradisi lisan ini tidak dikenal di pulau Samosir.

Juru pelihara kompleks makam Raja Sidabutar di Tomok, Samosir tepat di tepi Danau Toba, ketika diwawancarai di akhir tahun 2007 tidak mengenal Si Pongki Nangolngolan.

Bahkan dia menunjuk pohon Pongki yang ada di kompleks makam itu sebagai pohon tua yang sangat keras dan kuat tanpa ada hubungannya dengan simbol dari seorang tokoh yang kemudian dikonstruksikan sebagai Tuanku Rao.

Kisah tentang legenda Si Pongki ini juga tidak ditemukan di kawasan tapanuli Selatan.

Penyerangan Padri ke tanah Batak, khususnya Toba, merupakan penyerangan yang juga diakui terjadi oleh sumber-sumber yang ada di Minangkabau sendiri.

Tapi versi tradisi lisan tentang penyerangan itu dan genealogi Tuanku Rao dalam tradisi Batak adalah hasil konstruksi.

Tidak merupakan kebetulan jika penulis yang mereproduksi tradisi lisan itu beragama kristen, bahkan diantara mereka termasuk pemuka agama kristen.

Sekalipun MOP beragama Islam, tapi bahan baku dari semua penulisannya tentang Batak berasal dari arsip ayahnya, Sutan Martua Radja (SMR), seorang tokoh kristen di Pematang Siantar.

Dalam analisisnya Dobbin akhirnya memang mengakui, barang kali garis keturunan ini diciptakan untuk menjelaskan beberapa keunggulan Tuanku Rao dalam kemiliteran. Dia menurut Dobbin, memang memimpin pengikut-pengikutnya melakukan serangkaian perjalanan paksaan yang luar biasa ke utara, langsung memasuki wilayah orang-orang Batak Toba.

Disini ia bertemu dan membunuh Sisingamangaraja X. Dengan menganggap dia sebagai kemenakan raja yang kehilangan haknya, menurut Dobbin tradisi Batak dapat memberikan motivasi yang masuk akal untuk serangan militer ini, yaitu balas dendam.

Tapi motivasi itu menurut saya justru tidak masuk akal dan penuh kontroversi.

Bagaimana mungkin Tuanku Rao yang dicitrakan sebagai pembunuh dan penyerbu yang sadis dan menganiaya orang Batak itu dikonstruksi sebagai keturunan Batak?

Bagaimana kita memahami logika Si Pongki : dijatuhi hukuman mati (harus ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba karena dia anak haram hasil hubungan incest dari keluarga Singamangaraja) kemudian diselamatkan oleh raja Singamangaraja X pamannya sendiri, dan setelah Si Pongki menjadi Tuanku Rao datang membunuh Singamangaraja X paman yang justru menyelamatkannya?

Konstruksi tradisi lisan ini menurut saya berkepentingan untuk mensubordinatkan dua pencitraan, pertama Islam dari selatan dan kedua Singamangaraja serta keturunan dan pengikutnya yang tidak bisa dijinakkan oleh zending dan penguasa Belanda.

Diperlukan suatu penyelidikan yang lebih mendalam tentang konstruksi yang terlanjur sudah dianggap sebagai realitas ini.

 

 

Dutch army during Teuku Rao era


“Nan Tigers Football(sepakterjang) lunge Salapan also known in South Tapanuli area.
Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau. ‘

Named as Tiger Nan Salapan because the number of eight members, namely: Nan Tuangku Renceh, Tuangku Kubu Sanang, Tuangku Field Laweh, Tuangku Padang Lua, Tuangku Galuang, Tuangku Koto Ambalau, Tuangku Pamansingan and Tuangku Haji Poor
According to DP Asral, an observer of history Bukittinggi Minangkabau origin, degree tuangku their clothing not only because they know and understand and practice Islam properly.
But more because they dare berjauang led forces attacked the invaders. This means they were leading, or just called scholars that time.

The word in the book Tuangku Onggang Parlindungan Rao, Nan Salapan Tigers, also known as Darul Islam Minangkabau Presedium State at the time.
Nan Tuangku Renceh they appoint as Chairman Presedium. Nan ideals Renceh enormous. He wanted to liberate the Land Jawi (Nusantara) Islam is of the darkness and grip invaders.

As a first step, the Group of Eight is a black blanket Minangkabau.
Minang society at that time was carried away with the habit of rejoicing, enjoying life to the hustle gambling and cockfighting, the main target to be cleaned.

History records, cleaning business is not as easy as turning the palm of the hand.
Therefore, the indigenous who likes to enjoy worldly life, feel pleasure disturbed.
Therefore, they also held a resistance movement against the white-led Nan Renceh.
 Thanks to the firmness and maturity of the plan is also white, finally Minang aspect could also be the parson.

Further, the struggle Tigers Nan Salapan bring about peace between the peoples and the religious in Minangkabau in

Original info

“Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan.

Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam serta taktik perang dengan Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau. “

Disebut sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan karena jumlah anggotanya delapan orang, yaitu : Tuangku Nan Renceh, Tuangku Kubu Sanang, Tuangku Ladang Laweh, Tuangku Padang Lua, Tuangku Galuang, Tuangku Koto Ambalau, Tuangku Pamansingan dan Tuangku Haji Miskin

 

Menurut DP Asral, seorang pengamat sejarah Minangkabau asal Bukittinggi, gelar tuangku mereka sandang bukan semata karena mereka paham dan mengerti serta mengamalkan ajaran Islam dengan baik.

Tetapi lebih disebabkan mereka berani berjauang memimpin pasukan menyerang kaum penjajah. Artinya merekalah orang-orang terkemuka, atau disebut saja sarjana masa itu.

Kata Onggang Parlindungan dalam buku Tuangku Rao, Harimau Nan Salapan, juga dikenal sebagai Presedium Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau pada masanya.

Tuangku Nan Renceh mereka tunjuk sebagai Ketua Presedium. Cita-cita Nan Renceh sangat besar. Dia ingin membebaskan Tanah Jawi (Nusantara) ini dari kegelapan Islam dan cengkraman penjajah.

Sebagai langkah awal, Kelompok Delapan ini membuka selimut hitam yang mengatapi Minangkabau.

Masyarakat Minang yang pada masa itu terlena dengan kebiasaan bersuka ria, menikmati hidup dengan keramaian judi dan sabung ayam, menjadi sasaran utama untuk dibersihkan.

Sejarah mencatat, usaha pembersihan ini tidak semudah membalik telapak tangan.

Sebab, kaum adat yang suka menikmati hidup duniawi, merasa kesenangannya terusik.

Karena itu mereka pun mengadakan perlawanan terhadap gerakan kaum putih yang dipimpin Nan Renceh.

Berkat ketegasan dan kematangan rencana dari kaum putih ini pula, akhirnya Ranah Minang bisa juga dikuasai kaum ulama.

Selanjutnya, perjuangan Harimau Nan Salapan menghasilkan perdamaian antara kaum adat dan kaum agama di Minangkabau pada tahun

1834.

Peace is also known as the Mount Marapalam agreement that led to the term ABS-SBK (Indigenous Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Renceh Nan was not present in the peace effort because he was killed in battle against the Dutch in Dublin,

 

Original info

Perdamaian ini pula yang dikenal sebagai Kesepakatan Bukit Marapalam yang membuahkan istilah ABS-SBK (Adat Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Nan Renceh sendiri tidak hadir dalam upaya perdamaian ini karena dia gugur dalam pertempuran melawan Belanda di Bukittinggi,

1826.

Nan Salapan(the eight) lunge Tigers are also known in South Tapanuli area. Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau.

When examined, what do Tuangku Nan Renceh during the struggle, as well as history records, surely can not be separated from the presence Trio returned from the Hajj Mecca in the late 18th century.

They are Piobang Hajj, Hajj and Hajj Sumanik Poor. These three guys have their expertise in understanding embed Wahhabi Minang aspect.

A few notes, Piobang is a graduate of Al-Azhar who had become the Egyptian army and then joined the Turkish army against Napoleon. Last Piobang colonel.
Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, he Piobang colleagues at Al-Azhar, who also worked against Napoleon’s army. While Haji Miskin is a knowledgeable old mengambara Islam in the Arabian Peninsula.

These are the trio Haji kepualngan them to my hometown, accompanied Nan Renceh the struggle to uphold Islamic law in Minang aspect. They also are developing an army, and laid the foundation of the struggle against the invaders.

Padri formation of the Hajj Piobang, rather plebeian soldiers. But it is well-structured to the villages (villages-villages). Nagari is the head of the army commander in the country.

Some litelatur noted, the Minangkabau enforcing Islamic law at that time, each territory Tuangku in implementing the system see the stone foundation (the stamping last stone when it went up on the house).

What if in the examination in the morning the stone is not wet by water wuduk dawn prayer, the person in the house is considered not Islamic. Execution is run in place. Punishment varies, ranging from stroke to train law.

For areas LUHAK Land Data, the period known firmness Taungku Lintau (also known as Alim Tuangku Know). He is famous for a very active parajuritnya examine the stone foundation every morning in every homes. Tramp horse foot soldier in this very fear by those offenders religious Shari’a.

But all of this is the story of the past. Now only memories. Problem or not to wet the stone foundation in people’s homes before the morning prayer, no one else is going to check and remind him, except themselves respectively.

Original info

Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam serta taktik perang dengan Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau.

Jika dicermati, apa yang dilakukan Tuangku Nan Renceh selama perjuangannya, sebagaimana sejarah juga mencatat, tentulah tidak bisa dilepaskan dari keberadaan Trio Haji yang pulang dari Mekah di akhir abad ke 18.

 

Mereka adalah Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Miskin. Ketiga orang ini memiliki keahlian masing-masing dalam menanamkan paham wahabi di Ranah Minang.

Beberapa catatan menyebutkan, Piobang adalah seorang lulusan Universitas Al-Azhar yang sempat menjadi tentara Mesir kemudian bergabung dengan tentara Turki melawan Napoleon. Terakhir Piobang berpangkat kolonel.

Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, dia kawan Piobang di Al-Azhar yang juga ikut melawan tentara Napoleon. Sedangkan Haji Miskin merupakan seorang berpengetahuan luas tentang Islam lama mengambara di Jazirah Arab.

Trio Haji inilah yang sejak kepualngan mereka ke kampung halaman, mendampingi Nan Renceh dalam berjuang menegakkan syariat Islam di Ranah Minang. Mereka pula yang membina angkatan perang, serta meletakkan fondasi perjuangan melawan kaum penjajah.

Tentara padri bentukan Haji Piobang, bukannya tentara kampungan. Tetapi sudah terstruktur rapi hingga ke desa (nagari-nagari). Kepala Nagari merupakan komandan tentara di pedesaan.

Beberapa litelatur mencatat, dalam menegakkan syariat Islam di Minangkabau masa itu, masing-masing Tuangku di daerah kekuasaannya menerapkan sistem lihat batu tapakan (batu yang menjadi injakan terakhir ketika naik ke atas rumah).

Apa bila dalam pemeriksaan di pagi hari batu ini tidak basah oleh air wuduk shalat subuh, maka orang yang ada di atas rumah itu dianggap tidak Islam. Eksekusi pun dijalankan di tempat. Hukumannya beragam, mulai dari cambukan sampai hukum pancung.

Untuk daerah Luhak Tanah Data, masa itu dikenal ketegasan Taungku Lintau (atau disebut juga Tuangku Alim Tahu). Beliau ini terkenal dengan parajuritnya yang sangat aktif memeriksa batu tapakan setiap pagi di setiap rumah-rumah penduduk. Derap langkah kaki kuda prajurit ini sangat di takuti oleh orang-orang pelanggar syariat agama.

Tapi, semua ini adalah cerita masa lalu. Kini hanya tinggal kenangan. Soal basah atau tidaknya batu tapakan di rumah-rumah penduduk menjelang sembahyang subuh, tidak ada lagi yang akan memeriksa dan mengingatkannya, keculai diri mereka masing-masing.

*A.S. Patimarajo

 

 

 

 

Pongki Na Ngol-Ngolan (3)

Cerita Rakyat – Posted by admin on March 9, 2012

 

Ya jalaran bab mau Pongki kang mula  dadi  wong kang ahli, tliti, ngati-ati lan premati marang bab underane pagawe­yan open-open jaran banjur ditresnani dening Raja Baum Siregar. Lan uga ban­jur katambahan ayahan minangka pamonge Umcok, putrane Raja Baum Siregar sing lagi umur setaun. Umcok ditetah, digawekake dolanan, dijak do­lanan. Umcok diwijiki, dilela-lela yen wa­yahe bubuk. Didongengake do­ngeng-dongeng kang tau dirungu. Lan ora kawistara, kadhang kala dido­ngeng­ake dongeng-dongeng lelakon sanyata, kang tau dialami ing dina-dina kang wis ditinggalake. Ora arang Um­cok disirami lan dikeloni. Nganti umur 6 taun Umcok lagi gelem turu yen di­keloni lan dirungrum dening Pongki. Pongki dhewe kerep diwenehi pepa­nganan kang mirasa enak-enak kang dadi jatahe Umcok. Ing antara lelorone tuwuh memitran kang kenthel lan lang­geng-abadi. Memitran wiwit bocah-bayi tumeka pati.

(Cathetan: Ing tembe, lelorone padha seda pahlawan ing papra­ngan Air Bangis, rikala 5-9-1821. Be­suke Pongkinangolngolan man­jilma dadi Tuanku Rao. Lan Umcok menjilma dadi Tuanku Patuan Sari­pada. Perlu kacathet uga mungguh rikala tanggal 22 Jumadilakir 1234 H/1819 M, Cavalery Devision bawahane Tuanku Patuan Saripada kang kaba­wah Comando Tuanku Rao, The Ge­neral Field Marshal Padri Army kasil ngrebut Benteng Bakhara (Toba).)

***

 

 

Lelakone Pongki kuwi diweruhi Tuanku Nan Renceh kang nedheng-nedhengi nyusun rancangan kanggo ngislamake wong Batak sing isih pagan sarana migunakake tentara Islam

Nganti sawiji wektu. Angine midit, ke­kayon padha mobah, gegodhongan ami­yuk-miyuk sineling pang-pang pinangkri­ngan podhang lan prenjak; tetukur se­sautan padha manggung. Srengenge kang sumunar rinasa nikmat dening Pongki angater tumlawunge rasa bali ma­rang lelakon dina-dina kawuri, kang nuli jugar kaya sinamber bledheg ing mangsa ketiga rikala Pongki krungu swarane wong angaruh-aruhi dheweke. Swara iki dumeling ing kuping, kaya nggugah pe­ngimpi kang lagi dipecaki. Swara iki tau rinungu biyen rikala dheweke isih ana ka­na ing bumi Bakhara. Swara kang ga­we gorehing ati. Gusti Allah ngatur tine­mune paraga sakloron ing kono. Kagu­ngan rantaman apa Allah tumrap si Pong­ki. Rantaman sinandi. Kagem Ngarsa Dalem Gusti Allah sajak paraga Pongki kang manggon lan ndherek raja Baum Siregar wis cukup suwe, kang lawase watara limang taun. Lan wektu iku umure Pongki wis 16 taun. Umur kang mungguhe Allah becik banget kanggo nampani piwulang anyar.

Bengine Pongki ora bisa turu. Pi­kirane ngganjret-munyer. Kedadeyan mau awan dadi underane gagasan. Nin­tingi bab-bab kang bakal kelakon. Ngrantam golek dalan ngedohi pati. Miturut penemune Pongki ora wurung kabar anane Pongki ing Sipirok, sesuk utawa emben, gelis utawa suwe, mes­thi bakal tumeka marang salah siji saka Dhatu tetelu. Lan Dhatu tetelu mesthi ngupadi dalan piye carane supaya Pongki bisa dipateni embuh sarana kongkonan ngracun, apa nganggo cara liya. Jalaran saka anane keyakinan yen Pongki bakal mrajaya pamane, ya Sisi­ngamangaraja X.

Esuke, Pongki ngulati kahanan. Me­tani kalamangsa, ngupadi titi wanci kang becik kanggo nglairake niyate kang wus gilig. Nanging dina iku ora tinemu wektu kang becik. Lagi bengine ana kalodhangan kang dianggep ba­nget prayogane.

Ing pendhapa kraton Sipirok. Leng­gahe Panguwasa Raja Baum Siregar jejeg-njegreg. Mung ayang-ayange kang gedhe ireng metu saka urupe da­mar kadhang kala mobah nguripake ayang-ayang ing temboke kraton.

Sawuse ngempos nyuntak hawa kang seseg ngebeki jaja, nuli ngen­dika

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tuanku Nan Renceh, Penegak Syariat Islam di Ranah Minang

     

 

 

 

COMMANDER of the vicar who firmly and with dignity. Successfully carrying out the purification of Islam to every districts in Minang aspect, to the extent that liability pray controlled very tightly

The triumph of Islam in the domains Minang (West Sumatra)
 had reached its peak when the cleric (cleric) was led by ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh.

 Stabbing his power to government agencies authorized autonomous villages by Minangkabau kingdom. The kingdom was then centered on Pagaruyung.

Centers of power are in the chaplain himself LUHAK territorial (district) Nan Tuo, namely LUHAK Agam, Tanah Datar, and Nan LUHAK Limopuluah Dikoto. Or, as large areas of government administration Agam District, Tanah Datar, and District 50 Cities now.

At that time, the vicar really holds the reins of government and society to practice Islamic law. Conditions are not much different when it ruled the Arab Wahhabis, led by Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab (1703-1787).

The history of the movement born cleric in Minang aspect is not removable from the Wahhabi movement in the Arabian peninsula.
Movement began in 1802 when “the Three” returned from Mecca, the Hajj Miskin from Sikek Smart (Smart Brush) LUHAK Agam, Haji Muhammad Arief from Sumanik, LUHAK Tanah Datar (known as Haji Sumanik), and Haji Abdurrahman from Piobang, LUHAK Limopuluah Dikoto (known as Haji Piobang). All three are known as Haji Nan Tigo. They are steeped in the Wahabi teachings while studying in the holy land of Mecca nearly 10 years.

Commander Padri

‘Abdullah was the son of Incik Rahmah, tribal leaders Kamang Homecoming Nagari Koto, who was born in Jorong Bansa, Nagari Kamang Homecoming, LUHAK Agam, in 1762. Since childhood, Abdullah always keen to deepen the science of religion.

He felt not enough just to learn to tutor nagari level as is the tradition at that young age. Abdullah made a breakthrough by studying in another village, precisely at the surau lord Tuo in Cangkiang, LUHAK Agam.

The End of the educational model of surau, ‘Abdullah was still not satisfied. He instead Kambali to my hometown, but went on to Ulakan, Padang Pariaman.

Nearly five years studying, then ‘Abdullah returned to Jorong Bansa. Once in the village, ‘Abdullah was heard on Clever Sikek great scholar who had just returned from Mecca. His name is Haji Poor. ‘Abdullah, who was newly arrived in the home straight just go to Clever Sikek.

Once there, how disappointed ‘by Haji Abdullah Miskin not found. He was more disappointed to learn of the new poor Haji brought home was only briefly in Clever Sikek. Apparently he figures it should go quickly because his message is not accepted by the village community itself.

For ‘Abdullah, word “expulsion” Poor Haji actually intriguing. He thought, even if it is what brought Haji Miskin not too special, surely opposition from the village itself is not that great.

It was true. Once found Haji Poor in places of refuge, Nagari Ampek Angkek (Four Lift), Abdullah got a lesson about the purification of the Islamic movement. This teaching is similar to that driven by the Wahabis in Arabia.

Poor Haji provide continuous recitation, aided by the two best friend Haji and Haji Piobang Sumanik. Then, joined by several other Islamic figures, such as Lord Kubu Sanang, Lintau my lord, my lord Laweh Field (Field Area), lord Dikoto Lua Padang (Padang Foreign), lord Galung, Dikoto Ambalau lord, and my lord Dilubuk Aua (Lubuk Aur). They each are scholars in the village.

The scholars then to Haji berbai’at poor to move forward with enforcement of Islamic law which they named the movement of the vicar. They became known as the Leadership Council Padri nicknamed “Nan Salapan Tiger” (Tiger Eight). ‘Abdullah was appointed as head of the warlord concurrently with a degree Tuanku Nan Renceh Al-Mujaddid. While Haji Poor was appointed as a judge.

According Parlindungan Anga in his Tuanku Rao, head of Nan Renceh Padri movement is systemic movement similar army Turkish army. Indeed, Nan Renceh several times to send some of his best soldiers to learn to fight in the Turkish Empire.

At that time science has advanced warfare Turkish Empire. Jenitsar Cavalary Turkish troops ever banish and destroy the army of Napoleon Bonaparte. Among the army chaplain who was lord Kulawat sent. He even had to fight with the Turkish army against Napoleon’s army in 1809 until 1812. Then, my lord Gapuak (1809-183), Tuanku Rao (1812-1815), and Lord Tambusai (1817-1821).

The struggle of the vicar, as noted by Haji Piobang, phase three targets. Firstly, the term of seven years has had to seize the entire island and the Malay peninsula Andalas. Second, term three years later was to seize power in Java and small islands in the eastern. Third, all the land of Jawi (Nusantara), and in collaboration with the troops Dato ‘Onn Haji. The latter forces have reportedly captured power in the southern Philippines, North Borneo, and Sangihe.

Firmly Enforce Islamic Law

During his leadership of ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh (1762-1825), according to historian Salim Ampera, the vicar successfully implement Islamic purification and into each nagari scope of government. To the extent that liability pray in people’s lives every districts strictly controlled.

After prayers at the surau Shubuh-surau, Nan Renceh lower Padri Warriors around the village. Their job is to inspect the stone foundation that has been provided at each entrance to the house. If the rock was wet, it transpired that the occupants of the house are fulfilling their prayers Shubuh. But if not, residents will be directly interrogated.

If not pray for sleeping, then ordered immediately prayed. If three times is found nor pray – marked by the stone foundation that is not wet – then the household must repent to Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala. However, if later proven to leave the prayer again, the residents have to leave the villages.

Nan Renceh also managed to cultivate a white robe clothing for men and veils for women. For those who will be elected as mayor villages (villages pemeritahan head) should be able to become priests pray in congregation.

Islamic law enforced in the leadership of the Padri Nan Renceh very firm and authoritative. Ampera Salim also said, had once Etek (sister mom / dad) Nan Renceh himself did not heed the rules of the State Government imposed Darul Islam Minangkabau. He was feeling just continue drinking wine and smoked opium.

Indeed, the near Nan Renceh, namely Hassan Nasution, had rebuked the Etek to stop the habit. But he still refused. Even when offered to be evacuated to Kuantan, the Etek firmly rejected.

Legal authority for the sake of Islam, the Etek sentenced to death. Executions carried out with a sword by Haji and Haji Hassan Idris. This incident took place in a calm gaze Tuanku Nan Renceh. For him, the law enforcement authority of Islam is more than your own peting who would deny it.

Original info

PANGLIMA kaum paderi yang tegas dan penuh wibawa. Berhasil melaksanakan pemurnian Islam ke setiap nagari di Ranah Minang, sampai-sampai kewajiban menunaikan shalat dikontrol sangat ketat

Kejayaan Islam di Ranah Minang (Sumatera Barat)

pernah mencapai puncaknya ketika kaum paderi (ulama) dipimpin oleh ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh.

 

Kekuasaannya menghunjam sampai lembaga pemerintahan nagari yang diberi hak otonom oleh Kerajaan Minangkabau. Kerajaan tersebut kala itu berpusat di Pagaruyung.

Pusat kekuasaan kaum paderi sendiri berada di teritorial Luhak (Kabupaten) Nan Tuo, yakni Luhak Agam, Tanah Datar, dan Luhak Nan Limopuluah Dikoto. Atau, seluas wilayah administrasi pemerintahan Kabupaten Agam, Tanah Datar, dan Kabupaten 50 Kota sekarang.

Pada masa itu, kaum paderi benar-benar memegang kendali pemerintahan dan kemasyarakatan untuk mengamalkan syariat Islam. Kondisinya tak jauh berbeda ketika jazirah Arab dikuasai kaum Wahabi yang dipelopori oleh Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab (1703-1787).

Sejarah kelahiran pergerakan kaum paderi di Ranah Minang memang tak dapat dilepas dari pergerakan kaum Wahabi di jazirah Arab.

Pergerakannya berawal pada tahun 1802 ketika “Tiga Serangkai” pulang dari Makkah, yakni Haji Miskin dari Pandai Sikek (Pandai Sikat) Luhak Agam, Haji Muhammad Arief dari Sumanik, Luhak Tanah Datar (dikenal dengan Haji Sumanik), dan Haji Abdurrahman dari Piobang, Luhak Limopuluah Dikoto (dikenal dengan Haji Piobang). Ketiganya dikenal dengan sebutan Haji Nan Tigo. Mereka mendalami ajaran Wahabi saat belajar di tanah suci Makkah hampir 10 tahun lamanya.

Panglima Paderi

‘Abdullah adalah putra dari Incik Rahmah, pemuka suku Koto Nagari Kamang Mudik, yang lahir di Jorong Bansa, Nagari Kamang Mudik, Luhak Agam, tahun 1762. Sejak kecil, Abdullah senantiasa giat memperdalam ilmu agama.

Ia merasa tidak cukup hanya belajar pada guru mengaji tingkat nagari sebagaimana tradisi anak muda seusianya kala itu. Abdullah melakukan terobosan dengan belajar di kampung lain, tepatnya di surau Tuanku Tuo di Cangkiang, Luhak Agam.

Tamat dari pendidikan model surau, ‘Abdullah masih belum merasa puas. Dia bukannya kambali ke kampung halaman, tetapi meneruskan perjalanan ke Ulakan, Padang Pariaman.

Hampir lima tahun menuntut ilmu, barulah ‘Abdullah kembali ke Jorong Bansa. Begitu sampai di kampung, ‘Abdullah mendengar kabar ada ulama besar di Pandai Sikek yang baru pulang dari Makkah. Namanya Haji Miskin. ‘Abdullah yang saat itu baru tiba di rumah langsung saja berangkat ke Pandai Sikek.

Sesampai di sana, betapa kecewanya ‘Abdullah karena Haji Miskin tak ditemukan. Dia lebih kecewa lagi ketika mengetahui bawa Haji Miskin yang baru pulang itu hanya sebentar berada di Pandai Sikek. Ternyata tokoh yang ia buru itu harus pergi lagi karena dakwahnya tak diterima oleh masyarakat kampungnya sendiri.

Bagi ‘Abdullah, kabar “diusirnya” Haji Miskin justru membuat penasaran. Pikirnya, kalaulah apa yang dibawa Haji Miskin tak terlalu istimewa, tentulah perlawanan dari orang kampung sendiri tidak sehebat itu.

Ternyata benar. Begitu ketemu Haji Miskin di tempat pengungsiannya, Nagari Ampek Angkek (Empat Angkat), Abdullah mendapat pelajaran tentang pemurnian gerakan Islam. Ajaran ini sama dengan yang digerakan oleh kaum Wahabi di jazirah Arab.

Haji Miskin memberikan pengajian secara berkesinambungan, dibantu oleh dua karibnya yakni Haji Piobang dan Haji Sumanik. Lalu, bergabung pula beberapa tokoh Islam lainnya, seperti Tuanku Kubu Sanang, Tuanku Lintau, Tuanku Ladang Laweh (Ladang Luas), Tuanku Dikoto Padang Lua (Padang Luar), Tuanku Galung, Tuanku Dikoto Ambalau, dan Tuanku Dilubuk Aua (Lubuk Aur). Mereka masing-masing adalah ulama di kampungnya.

Para ulama itu kemudian berbai’at kepada Haji Miskin untuk melancarkan gerakan penegakan syariat Islam yang mereka beri nama gerakan kaum paderi. Mereka ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Dewan Pimpinan Paderi dengan julukan “Harimau Nan Salapan” (Harimau yang Delapan). ‘Abdullah ditunjuk sebagai pimpinan merangkap panglima perang dengan gelar Tuanku Nan Renceh Al-Mujaddid. Sementara Haji Miskin diangkat sebagai hakim.

Menurut Angga Parlindungan dalam bukunya Tuanku Rao, gerakan Paderi pimpinan Nan Renceh adalah gerakan sistemik dengan angkatan perang yang mirip angkatan perang Turki. Memang, Nan Renceh beberapa kali mengirimkan beberapa prajurit terbaiknya untuk belajar bertempur di Kesultanan Turki.

Kala itu ilmu peperangan Kesultanan Turki sudah maju. Pasukan Jenitsar Cavalary Turki pernah menghalau dan menghancurkan tentara Napoleon Bonaparte. Di antara tentara paderi yang dikirim tersebut adalah Tuanku Kulawat. Ia malah sempat berperang bersama tentara Turki melawan tentara Napoleon tahun 1809 sampai 1812. Kemudian, Tuanku Gapuak (1809-183), Tuanku Rao (1812-1815), dan Tuanku Tambusai (1817-1821).

Perjuangan kaum paderi, seperti dicatat oleh Haji Piobang, memiliki tiga target fase. Pertama, jangka tujuh tahun sudah harus merebut seluruh pulau Andalas dan Semenanjung Malaya. Kedua, jangka tiga tahun kemudian sudah harus merebut kekuasaan di Pulau Jawa dan pulau-pulau kecil di timurnya. Ketiga, merebut seluruh tanah Jawi (Nusantara), kemudian bekerjasama dengan pasukan Dato’ Haji Onn. Pasukan yang terakhir ini kabarnya sudah berhasil merebut kekuasaan di Filipina Selatan, Kalimantan Utara, dan Kepulauan Sangihe.

Tegas Tegakkan Hukum Islam

Selama masa kepemimpinan ‘Abdullah Tuanku Nan Renceh (1762-1825), menurut sejarawan Ampera Salim, kaum paderi berhasil melaksanakan pemurnian Islam dan masuk ke setiap ruang lingkup pemerintahan nagari. Sampai-sampai kewajiban menunaikan shalat dalam kehidupan masyarakat setiap nagari dikontrol dengan sangat ketat.

Usai shalat Shubuh di surau-surau, Nan Renceh menurunkan Laskar Paderi keliling kampung. Mereka bertugas memeriksa batu tapakan yang sudah disediakan di setiap pintu masuk rumah penduduk. Apabila batu itu basah, diketahuilah bahwa penghuni rumah sudah melaksakan shalat Shubuh. Tapi bila tidak, penghuni rumah akan langsung diinterogasi.

Andai belum shalat karena tertidur, maka diperintahkan segera menunaikan shalat. Bila tiga kali didapati tidak juga menunaikan shalat–ditandai dengan batu tapakan yang tidak basah–maka penghuni rumah harus bertaubat kepada Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala. Akan tetapi bila kemudian terbukti meninggalkan shalat kembali, maka penghuni rumah harus meninggalkan nagari.

Nan Renceh juga berhasil membudayakan pakaian jubah putih bagi laki-laki dan kerudung bagi perempuan. Bagi mereka yang akan dipilih menjadi wali nagari (kepala pemeritahan nagari) harus mampu menjadi imam shalat berjamaah.

Hukum Islam yang ditegakkan kaum Paderi dalam masa kepemimpinan Nan Renceh sangat tegas dan berwibawa. Ampera Salim juga menyebutkan, pernah suatu kali etek (adik ibu/ayah) Nan Renceh sendiri tak mengindahkan aturan yang diberlakukan Pemerintah Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau. Dia enak saja meneruskan kebiasaan minum tuak dan menghisap candu.

Memang, orang dekat Nan Renceh, yakni Hassan Nasution, pernah menegur si etek agar menghentikan kebiasaannya. Tapi dia tetap menolak. Bahkan ketika ditawarkan agar diungsikan ke Kuantan, si etek tegas-tegas menolak.

Demi tegaknya wibawa hukum Islam, si etek divonis hukuman mati. Eksekusi dilakukan dengan pedang oleh Haji Idris dan Haji Hassan. Kejadian ini berlangsung dalam tatapan tenang seorang Tuanku Nan Renceh. Baginya, penegakan wibawa hukum Islam lebih peting daripada saudara sendiri yang mengingkarinya.

Panji Islam

hidayatullah.com

 

 

 

 

Nan Tigers Football lunge Salapan also known in South Tapanuli area. Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics to Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau. ‘
Named as Tiger Nan Salapan because the number of eight members, namely:
(1) – Tuangku Nan Renceh,
(2) – Tuangku Kubu Sanang,
(3) – Tuangku Laweh field,
(4) – Padang Tuangku Lua,
(5) – Tuangku Galuang,
(6) – Tuangku Koto Ambalau,
(7) – Tuangku Pamansingan
(8) – and Tuangku Haji Poor.
According to DP Asral, an observer of history Bukittinggi Minangkabau origin, degree tuangku their clothing not only because they know and understand and practice Islam properly. But more because they dare to struggle led an army to fight the invaders. This means they were leading, or just called scholars that time.
Onggang Parlindungan Tuangku Rao said in the book, Nan Salapan Tigers, also known as Darul Islam Minangkabau Presedium State at the time. Nan Tuangku Renceh they appoint as Chairman Presedium. Nan ideals Renceh enormous. He wanted to liberate the Land Jawi (Nusantara) Islam is of the darkness and grip invaders.
As a first step, the Group of Eight is a black blanket Minangkabau. Minang society at that time was carried away with the habit of rejoicing, enjoying life to the hustle gambling and cockfighting, the main target to be cleaned.
History records, cleaning business is not as easy as turning the palm of the hand. Therefore, the indigenous who likes to enjoy worldly life, feel pleasure disturbed. Therefore, they also held a resistance movement against the white-led Nan Renceh. Thanks to the firmness and maturity of the plan is also white, finally Minang aspect could also be the parson.
Further, the struggle Tigers Nan Salapan bring about peace between the peoples and the religious in Minangkabau in 1834. Peace is also known as the Mount Marapalam agreement that led to the term ABS-SBK (Indigenous Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).
Tuangku Renceh Nan was not present in the peace effort because he was killed in battle against the Dutch in Dublin, 1826.
Nan Salapan lunge Tigers are also known in South Tapanuli area. Tapsel society which at that time still adhered to the majority of the Pagan (sort of animism), managed by Pongkinangolngolan diislamkan Sinambela Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar Tuanku Ali Way and a number of other young men who studied religion Islam and war tactics to Tuangku Nan Renceh in Kamang, LUHAK Agam, Minangkabau.
When examined, what do Tuangku Nan Renceh during the struggle, as well as history records, surely can not be separated from the presence Trio returned from the Hajj Mecca in the late 18th century. They are Piobang Hajj, Hajj and Hajj Sumanik Poor. These three guys have their expertise in understanding embed Wahhabi Minang aspect.
A few notes, Piobang is a graduate of Al-Azhar who had become the Egyptian army and then joined the Turkish army against Napoleon. Last Piobang colonel. Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, he Piobang colleagues at Al-Azhar, who also worked against Napoleon’s army. While Haji Miskin is a knowledgeable about Islam, long mengambara in the Arabian Peninsula.
These are the trio Haji their return to their hometown, accompanied Nan Renceh in the struggle to enforce Islamic law in Minang aspect. They also are developing an army, and laid the foundation of the struggle against the invaders.
Army chaplain Haji Piobang formation, rather than the plebeian soldiers. But it is well-structured to the villages (villages-villages). Nagari is the head of the army commander in the country.
Some litelatur noted, the Minangkabau enforcing Islamic law at that time, each territory Tuangku in implementing the system see the stone foundation (the stamping last stone when it went up on the house).
When the examination in the morning the stone is not wet by water wuduk dawn prayer, the person in the house is considered not Islamic. Execution is run in place. Punishment varies, ranging from stroke to train law.
For areas LUHAK Land Data, the period known firmness Taungku Lintau (also known as Alim Tuangku Know). He is famous for a very active parajuritnya examine the stone foundation every morning in every homes. Tramp horse foot soldier in this very fear by those offenders religious Shari’a.
But all of this is the story of the past. Now only memories. Problem or not to wet the stone foundation in people’s homes before the morning prayer, no one else is going to check and remind him, except themselves respectively.
* U.S. only Patimarajo
Other Sources: Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan Siregar, “Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela title Tuanku Rao, Hanbali School of Islamic Terror in Batak”, Publisher Cape of Good Hope, Jakarta, 1964.
Pongkinagolngolan born of a family dynasty SM Raja. Due to family conflict and fierce then animism life, making them victims, stranded as an orphan and a floater in the various regions.
Mother of Pongkinangolngolan is Gana Sinambela, daughter of Singamangaraja IX, while his father was the younger brother of Prince Gindoporang Sinambela Singamangaraja IX. Singamangaraja Gindoporang and IX are the sons Singamangaraja VIII. Thus, the child is Pongkinangolngolan affair between Princess Gana Sinambela uncle, Prince Gindoporang Sinambela.
Gana Sinambela itself is the brother of Singamangaraja X. Although as a child born out of wedlock, Singamangaraja X is very loved and spoiled nephew. To name the genus, it is not possible given Sinambela clan, because his mother surnamed Sinambela. But the clan is very important for the Batak, so Singamangaraja X find a solution to this problem. Singamangaraja X has another sister, Princess Sinambela Sere, who is married to Jongga Simorangkir, a district chief. In a traditional ceremony, the pro forma Pongkinangolngolan “sold” to Jongga Simorangkir, and Pongkinangolngolan now surnamed Simorangkir.
But illegitimacy is known by 3 people Datu (spiritual leaders), led by Datu Amantagor Manurung. They predict that Pongkinangolngolan will one day kill his uncle, Singamangaraja X. Therefore, Pongkinangolngolan be killed.
Appropriate law, Singamangaraja X had condemned his beloved niece. However, he decided, that Pongkinangolngolan not beheaded, but will be drowned in Lake Toba. He was tied to a tree and his body weighed down with stones that sink.
On the shores of Lake Toba, Singamangaraja X pretending to review the past, but using densely packed Elephants keris he loosened the rope that binds Pongkinangolngolan, slipping a leather pouch containing silver currency to dress Pongkinangolngola. This act was not known by the Datu, because in addition to covered her body, also covered body Gana Sinambela daughter hugging and crying over her beloved son.
Pongkonangolngolan body bound raft timber brought to the Lake and then to dispose of the water. After the successful release stones from his body, by holding on to the wood shavings Pongkinangolngolan reached the river, where the then near Narumonda, he was rescued by a fisherman, Lintong Marpaung.
After many years in the area and Sipirok Angkola, Pongkinangolngolan decided to go to the Minangkabau, as always worried that one day will be recognized as a person who has been sentenced to death by the King of Batak

Original info

“Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam dan taktik perang kepada Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau. “

Disebut sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan karena jumlah anggotanya delapan orang, yaitu :

(1) – Tuangku Nan Renceh,

(2) – Tuangku Kubu Sanang,

(3) – Tuangku Ladang Laweh,

(4) – Tuangku Padang Lua,

(5) – Tuangku Galuang,

(6) – Tuangku Koto Ambalau,

(7) – Tuangku Pamansingan

(8) – dan Tuangku Haji Miskin.

Menurut DP Asral, seorang pengamat sejarah Minangkabau asal Bukittinggi, gelar tuangku mereka sandang bukan semata karena mereka paham dan mengerti serta mengamalkan ajaran Islam dengan baik. Tetapi lebih disebabkan mereka berani berjuang memimpin pasukan menyerang kaum penjajah. Artinya merekalah orang-orang terkemuka, atau disebut saja sarjana masa itu.

Onggang Parlindungan berkata dalam buku Tuangku Rao, Harimau Nan Salapan, juga dikenal sebagai Presedium Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau pada masanya. Tuangku Nan Renceh mereka tunjuk sebagai Ketua Presedium. Cita-cita Nan Renceh sangat besar. Dia ingin membebaskan Tanah Jawi (Nusantara) ini dari kegelapan Islam dan cengkraman penjajah.

Sebagai langkah awal, Kelompok Delapan ini membuka selimut hitam yang mengatapi Minangkabau. Masyarakat Minang yang pada masa itu terlena dengan kebiasaan bersuka ria, menikmati hidup dengan keramaian judi dan sabung ayam, menjadi sasaran utama untuk dibersihkan.

Sejarah mencatat, usaha pembersihan ini tidak semudah membalik telapak tangan. Sebab, kaum adat yang suka menikmati hidup duniawi, merasa kesenangannya terusik. Karena itu mereka pun mengadakan perlawanan terhadap gerakan kaum putih yang dipimpin Nan Renceh. Berkat ketegasan dan kematangan rencana dari kaum putih ini pula, akhirnya Ranah Minang bisa juga dikuasai kaum ulama.

Selanjutnya, perjuangan Harimau Nan Salapan menghasilkan perdamaian antara kaum adat dan kaum agama di Minangkabau pada tahun 1834. Perdamaian ini pula yang dikenal sebagai Kesepakatan Bukit Marapalam yang membuahkan istilah ABS-SBK (Adat Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Nan Renceh sendiri tidak hadir dalam upaya perdamaian ini karena dia gugur dalam pertempuran melawan Belanda di Bukittinggi, 1826.

Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam dan taktik perang kepada Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau.

Jika dicermati, apa yang dilakukan Tuangku Nan Renceh selama perjuangannya, sebagaimana sejarah juga mencatat, tentulah tidak bisa dilepaskan dari keberadaan Trio Haji yang pulang dari Mekah di akhir abad ke 18. Mereka adalah Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Miskin. Ketiga orang ini memiliki keahlian masing-masing dalam menanamkan paham Wahabi di Ranah Minang.

Beberapa catatan menyebutkan, Piobang adalah seorang lulusan Universitas Al-Azhar yang sempat menjadi tentara Mesir kemudian bergabung dengan tentara Turki melawan Napoleon. Terakhir Piobang berpangkat kolonel. Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, dia kawan Piobang di Al-Azhar yang juga ikut melawan tentara Napoleon. Sedangkan Haji Miskin merupakan seorang berpengetahuan luas tentang Islam, lama mengambara di Jazirah Arab.

Trio Haji inilah yang sejak kepulangan mereka ke kampung halaman, mendampingi Nan Renceh dalam berjuang menegakkan syariat Islam di Ranah Minang. Mereka pula yang membina angkatan perang, serta meletakkan fondasi perjuangan melawan kaum penjajah.

Tentara paderi bentukan Haji Piobang, bukannya tentara kampungan. Tetapi sudah terstruktur rapi hingga ke desa (nagari-nagari). Kepala Nagari merupakan komandan tentara di pedesaan.

Beberapa litelatur mencatat, dalam menegakkan syariat Islam di Minangkabau masa itu, masing-masing Tuangku di daerah kekuasaannya menerapkan sistem lihat batu tapakan (batu yang menjadi injakan terakhir ketika naik ke atas rumah).

Bila dalam pemeriksaan di pagi hari batu ini tidak basah oleh air wuduk shalat subuh, maka orang yang ada di atas rumah itu dianggap tidak Islam. Eksekusi pun dijalankan di tempat. Hukumannya beragam, mulai dari cambukan sampai hukum pancung.

Untuk daerah Luhak Tanah Data, masa itu dikenal ketegasan Taungku Lintau (atau disebut juga Tuangku Alim Tahu). Beliau ini terkenal dengan parajuritnya yang sangat aktif memeriksa batu tapakan setiap pagi di setiap rumah-rumah penduduk. Derap langkah kaki kuda prajurit ini sangat di takuti oleh orang-orang pelanggar syariat agama.

Tapi, semua ini adalah cerita masa lalu. Kini hanya tinggal kenangan. Soal basah atau tidaknya batu tapakan di rumah-rumah penduduk menjelang sembahyang subuh, tidak ada lagi yang akan memeriksa dan mengingatkannya, keculai diri mereka masing-masing.

*A.S. Patimarajo

Sumber Lain: Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan Siregar, “Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela gelar Tuanku Rao, Terror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak”, Penerbit Tanjung Pengharapan, Jakarta, 1964.

Pongkinagolngolan lahir dari keluarga Dinasti SM Raja. Akibat konflik keluarga dan ganasnya kehidupan animisme saat itu, membuatnya menjadi korban, terdampar sebagai yatim piatu dan menjadi pengembara di berbagai daerah.

Ibu dari Pongkinangolngolan adalah Gana Sinambela, putri dari Singamangaraja IX sedangkan ayahnya adalah Pangeran Gindoporang Sinambela adik dari Singamangaraja IX. Gindoporang dan Singamangaraja IX adalah putra-putra Singamangaraja VIII. Dengan demikian, Pongkinangolngolan adalah anak hasil hubungan gelap antara Putri Gana Sinambela dengan Pamannya, Pangeran Gindoporang Sinambela.

Gana Sinambela sendiri adalah kakak dari Singamangaraja X. Walaupun terlahir sebagai anak di luar nikah, Singamangaraja X sangat mengasihi dan memanjakan keponakannya. Untuk memberikan nama marga, tidak mungkin diberikan marga Sinambela, karena ibunya bermarga Sinambela. Namun nama marga sangat penting bagi orang Batak, sehingga Singamangaraja X mencari jalan keluar untuk masalah ini. Singamangaraja X mempunyai adik perempuan lain, Putri Sere Sinambela, yang menikah dengan Jongga Simorangkir, seorang hulubalang. Dalam suatu upacara adat, secara pro forma Pongkinangolngolan “dijual” kepada Jongga Simorangkir, dan Pongkinangolngolan kini bermarga Simorangkir.

Namun kelahiran di luar nikah ini diketahui oleh 3 orang Datu (tokoh spiritual) yang dipimpin oleh Datu Amantagor Manurung. Mereka meramalkan, bahwa Pongkinangolngolan suatu hari akan membunuh pamannya, Singamangaraja X. Oleh karena itu, Pongkinangolngolan harus dibunuh.

Sesuai hukum adat, Singamangaraja X terpaksa menjatuhkan hukuman mati atas keponakan yang disayanginya. Namun dia memutuskan, bahwa Pongkinangolngolan tidak dipancung kepalanya, melainkan akan ditenggelamkan di Danau Toba. Dia diikat pada sebatang kayu dan badannya dibebani dengan batu-batu supaya tenggelam.

Di tepi Danau Toba, Singamangaraja X pura-pura melakukan pemeriksaan terakhir, namun dengan menggunakan keris pusaka Gajah Dompak ia melonggarkan tali yang mengikat Pongkinangolngolan, sambil menyelipkan satu kantong kulit berisi mata uang perak ke balik pakaian Pongkinangolngola. Perbuatan ini tidak diketahui oleh para Datu, karena selain tertutup tubuhnya, juga tertutup tubuh Putri Gana Sinambela yang memeluk dan menangisi putra kesayangannya.

Tubuh Pongkonangolngolan yang terikat kayu dibawa dengan rakit ke tengah Danau dan kemudian di buang ke air. Setelah berhasil melepaskan batu-batu dari tubuhnya, dengan berpegangan pada kayu Pongkinangolngolan berhasil mencapai sungai Asahan, di mana kemudian di dekat Narumonda, ia ditolong oleh seorang nelayan, Lintong Marpaung.

Setelah bertahun-tahun berada di daerah Angkola dan Sipirok, Pongkinangolngolan memutuskan untuk pergi ke Minangkabau, karena selalu kuatir suatu hari akan dikenali sebagai orang yang telah dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh Raja Batak.

Haji Miskin ( 1770 – 1830)

Haji Miskin (Poor) derived
Thickness of Stone, Ampek Angkek, has participated with Tuanku Nan Tuo improve security in rural Minangkabau traders.
 He set the pilgrimage in 1803 with Hajj and Hajj Sumanik Piobang.
 When in Mecca, he became acquainted with the flow Zahiriyah pioneered Muhammad Ibn Abdul Wahab (1703-1792), as a continuation of the thought of Ibn Taymiyyah (1263-1308). This movement is known as the Wahhabi movement can use family influence Su’ud of Nejd.
The three pilgrimage that describes their experience while in Mecca to my master-my master and scholars in LUHAK Agam, Tanah Datar and Fifty. On each occasion, Haji Miskin explains Wahabi school in Mecca in implementing religious reform. He along Tuanku Nan Tuo advocating a return to the Shari’a by the Quran. They are opposed to the interests of jurisprudence interpreting the world. Oppose heresy and superstition are incorporated into Islam. Back to the pure doctrine, according to Wahabi doctrine, is to oppose the fatwas scholars who based it on the Qur an and the Hadith. In the jurisprudence, the Wahhabis oppose all kinds of qiyas. In everyday life, they are opposed to the sacred cult. The statute equated with idolatry. They opposed drink alcohol, wear clothes of silk and wearing gold jewelry.
After returning from Mecca, Hajj Poor complementary ideas for the renewal of Minangkabau society with the teachings of the Qur’an as a source of law. He moved to the area IV Koto bordering the southern Agam, a prosperous village on the slopes of Mount Singgalang. He applied the guiding principles based on religious life in every way of life.
Poor Haji Clever Sikek left and moved to Laweh Koto, a village of the net, on the slopes of Mount Singgalang (1805). In this village lived Fakih Saghir. Together Haji Poor, Fakih Saghir Sharia law applies traditional Minangkabau companion. Laweh Koto, a village located at the crossroads of trade to the coast via Malalak continue to Naras, the seat of lord nan Cadiak. Tuanku Nan Cadiak, a scholar protector cooking salt traders and trading in Naras.
From Koto Laweh, Haji went to Bukit Kamang poor. Then he lived with Tuanku Nan Renceh in Surau Bansa (1807-1811 Haji Poor and Tuanku Nan Renceh began to organize comprehensive reform plan to implement Islamic law in complementing trade Minangkabau customary law. Merchants can accept it, either living in or Kamang and the came there. they promised to help each other in transactions between merchants. During his Surau Bansa, Kamang, Datuk Bandaro and Malin Mudo of Alahan Long to hear updates from the idea originators, Haji Poor. Returning from Kamang, Malin Mudo Bonjol as a place to build the reformers. Soon Malin Mudo inducted into Tuanku Imam Bonjol * (1807). He has developed an update to get to Tapanuli Rao, Sosa and Tambusai. Eastward Mahek, Kuok Bangkingkinang, Salo, and Air Tiris.
Tuanku Nan Salapan area formed with Tuanku nan Renceh consists of Kamang, Candung, Ampek Angkek, Kubu Sanang, Banuhampu, Puar River, and Padang Laweh. In this area exudes welfare of the population. Violence and fights that occur due to the development of an update to restore the villages implementing Islamic law.
Then negotiate with the lord Haji Poor Nan Salapan. They agreed to appoint Tuanku Nan Renceh Renewal Movement leader, and look for an effect to protect the reform effort. The choice fell to their teachers, Tuanku Nan Tuo
Tuanku Nan Tuo approve their intentions, but do not approve of violence committed in the implementation. If the noble work done by force, would cause chaos. This method is considered to deviate from the spirit of Muhammad wise. This is the teaching contained in the ‘Taufah Mursala ila ruhun prophet.’
While Tuanku Nan Renceh want to implement reform ideas are different from the way he did before with Tuanku Nan Tuo.
Haji Poor continuing reform effort in LUHAK Fifty. In 1811, he left this realm to inspire young scholars, Malin White Water adieu, to perform the update.
 He did well. AiaTabit, a fertile region at the foot of Mount Sago. Saghir Fakih came to this area to help Malin White then Tuanku Nan Bitter.
They built a fort Mount Kawi. Hajj. Poor moved to the Mosque in nagari Aia Lundi River adieu. sermon managed to cause birth plan changes.
Updates launched Haji Poor in Aia hail echoed Halaban. A cleric who follow the teachings of Lord Badger was recently in Halaban ..
Poor Haji spreader ideals and ideas that terhunjam updates Minangkabau society strong in the hearts of every lord-lord or Younger scholars in the Land of Minangkabau. In a noisy environment Haji Miskin killed and buried on the Mount Kawi. (1830).
 Poor lord Haji considered a seed spreader updates Minangkabau society. Complement traditional Minangkabau Islamic law, such as the sale and purchase (an traddin), property search, inheritance law.
Sources: Drs. Sjafnir Aboe Nain, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Intellectual History of Islam in Minangkabau (1784-1832), publisher of the ESA, Padang 1988
——-, Manuscript Fagih Saghir, over write, tt
Stein Parve, HA, The Army Padri in Padang Sumatra, translation LIPI, the
Taufik Abdullah (ed.), Local History, Gajah Mada University Press, 1981
Sources Reading: Scribd.com
Inevitably, Padri forces in Minangkabau, West Sumatra (Sumatra) now, which contributed greatly to the spread of Islam in the Mandailing, North Sumatra (North Sumatra).

 The movement itself began to appear in 1803,

when the return of the three pilgrimage of Mecca, Hajj Miskin from Clever Sikek, Haji Sumanik of Eight Cities and Haji Piobang of Tanah Datar.

Third Haj embraced Wahhabism, a sect of Islam that is running fanatic Islamic law developed by Shaykh Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in Saudi Arabia. The movement is stuck in 1205 Hijri or AD 1790 war with Mecca Sharif.

The trigger ban pilgrimage for some reason that is applied Sharif of Mecca so invite wrath Shaykh Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab who bermazhab Hambali. Post-war, there is no ban on pilgrimage.

Upon arrival at Minangkabau, the three pilgrimage Minangkabau is astonished by the teachings of Islam, especially the Sea Port Tiku and surrounding areas, have been far off the mark. Most of the people of that time, though accepting Islam, but still well done disobedience.

 Starting from drinking wine, gambling and shirk. Pakemnya much different than the early days of the development of Islam in Minangkabau around the 16th century, mainly due to broadcast Sheik Burhanuddin, a disciple of Sheikh Abdurrauf a great scholar of Aceh.

Armed with the knowledge of religion during studied in Mecca, the three agreed to restore the community to run the moral values ​​of Islam in a pure and intact. But how likely anarchists.

Haji poor example by explicitly told that a hall in the Smart Brush, burned. Because according to the customs hall which is where the prince met, even be a place to gamble and risking sinner.

In the development of this movement became known actor by the name of Tiger nan Silapan (eight tigers). Respectively, in Kerbu Sinang lord, lord Ambalu City, lord in Field Lawas, in Padang Foreign lord, lord in Galung, in Lubuk Aur lord, my lord and my lord Haji Nan Renceh poor themselves.

They were all dressed in white and holding a change in the society by way of a radical and in many cases also using violent means. Tuanku Nan Renceh leading purification impatient so quickly to pure Islam in Minangkabau terujud.

The option to run it in a violent purification partly due consideration of the need for the task done quickly and thought that he was destined to live and die to keep God’s commandments.

Tuanku Nan Renceh opinion, fiqh law, those who do not pray and do not follow God’s commands, as appropriate, may be deprived of life and property.

Imam Bonjol

The movement was quickly known purification. A number of people feel the need to explore Islam through Padri, including Datuk Bendaharo, a traditional ruler of Alahan Panjang. He came with aides Peto Sharif, who later became known as Tuanku Imam Bonjol, learn to Tuanku Nan Tuo in Koto Ampat Lift.

After learning, Datuk Bendaharo and Peto Sharif returned to Alahan Panjang. Unfortunately they then opposite opinion with other indigenous princes. Finally driven with about 30 followers.

Along with the death of Datuk Bendaharo, Peto Sharif had Tuanku Young led this small group. Take them to open new settlements in the region Bonjol.

“The fort was established to defend Islam against all forms of ignorance and all actions and do enjoining unjust,” says Peto Sharif.

But the attacks still coming from the opponents. Tuanku Nan Renceh finally arrived with the help of the following forces commander Padri of Agam. During that Peto Tuanku Imam Sharif holds because it is considered more capable of leading the four lord, lord Kaluat, My Lord and my Lord Black pockmarked.

Around the year 1812, Bonjol achieve progress as a center of trade. Until the year 1821 the Dutch army led by Colonel Raaf track Minangkabau. Wars with the Dutch case. Until the end of the peace agreement reached in 1830 between the Netherlands and Padri.

But the Dutch acted fraudulently, the agreement is violated. The war continued until 1837. Bonjol Imam was arrested on October 28 after promising to meet with the Resident Padang to negotiate, but it turns out he was arrested and then taken to Padang.

Then he was exiled to Cianjur (West Java), then to Ambon (Maluku) up to Manado (North Sulawesi) and died there on November 6, 1864 at the age of 92 years.

Original info

Haji Miskin berasal

dari Batu Tebal, Ampek Angkek, telah ikut serta bersama Tuanku nan Tuo memperbaiki keamanan para pedagang di pedalaman Minangkabau.

Ia berangkat menunaikan ibadah haji pada tahun 1803 bersama Haji Sumanik dan Haji Piobang.

Pada saat berada di Mekah, ia berkenalan dengan aliran Zahiriyah yang dipelopori Muhammad Abdul Ibnu Wahab ( 1703-1792), sebagai lanjutan dari pemikiran Ibnu Taimiyah (1263- 1308). Gerakan ini dikenal dengan nama Gerakan Wahabi yang dapat mempergunakan pengaruh keluarga Su’ud dari Nejd.

Ketiga haji itu menerangkan pengalaman mereka masing-masing selama di Mekah kepada tuanku-tuanku dan alim ulama di Luhak Agam, Tanah Datar dan Lima Puluh. Pada setiap kesempatan, Haji Miskin menjelaskan aliran Wahabi di Mekah dalam melaksanakan pembaruan agama. Ia bersama Tuanku Nan Tuo menganjurkan kembali ke syariat berdasarkan al Quran. Mereka menentang menafsirkan fikih untuk kepentingan dunia. Menentang bid’ah dan khurafat yang dimasukkan ke dalam Islam. Kembali ke ajaran yang murni, menurut ajaran Wahabi, ialah menentang fatwa-fatwa ulama yang mendasarkannya pada Qur an dan Hadis. Di dalam fikih, kaum Wahabi menentang segala macam qiyas. Di dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, mereka menentang pemujaan orang keramat. Hukumnya disamakan dengan menyembah berhala. Mereka menentang minum khamar, memakai pakaian dari sutra dan memakai perhiasan emas.

Sekembali dari Mekah, Haji Miskin melengkapi gagasan-gagasan pembaruan untuk masyarakat Minangkabau dengan ajaran-ajaran Al Quran sebagai sumber hukumnya. Ia pindah ke daerah IV Koto yang berbatasan dengan Agam bagian selatan, suatu desa makmur di lereng Gunung Singgalang. Ia menerapkan tuntunan hidup berlandaskan kaidah agama dalam setiap sikap hidup.

Haji Miskin meninggalkan Pandai Sikek dan pindah ke Koto Laweh, suatu desa yang bersih, di lereng Gunung Singgalang( 1805). Di desa ini tinggal Fakih Saghir. Bersama Haji Miskin, Fakih Saghir menerapkan hukum syariat pendamping adat Minangkabau. Koto Laweh, sebuah desa yang terletak di persimpangan jalan dagang ke pantai melalui Malalak terus ke Naras, tempat kedudukan Tuanku nan Cadiak. Tuanku Nan Cadiak, seorang ulama pelindung pedagang yang menanak garam dan berdagang di Naras.

Dari Koto Laweh, Haji Miskin berangkat ke Bukit Kamang. Kemudian ia tinggal bersama Tuanku Nan Renceh di Surau Bansa (1807-1811 Haji Miskin dan Tuanku Nan Renceh mulai mengatur rencana pembaruan secara menyeluruh untuk menerapkan hukum perdagangan Islam dalam melengkapi hukum adat Minangkabau. Para pedagang dapat menerimanya, baik yang tinggal di Kamang atau maupun yang datang ke sana. Mereka berjanji saling membantu dalam transaksi antar pedagang. Selama berada di Surau Bansa, Kamang, Datuk Bandaro dan Malin Mudo dari Alahan Panjang mendengar langsung ide pembaruan dari pencetusnya, Haji Miskin. Sekembali dari Kamang, Malin Mudo membangun Bonjol sebagai tempat kaum pembaru. Tidak lama kemudian Malin Mudo dilantik menjadi Tuanku Imam Bonjol* (1807). Ia berhasil mengembangkan pembaruan ke Rao sampai ke Tapanuli Selatan, Sosa dan Tambusai. Ke timur Mahek, Kuok Bangkingkinang, Salo, dan Air Tiris.

Daerah Tuanku Nan Salapan dibentuk bersama Tuanku nan Renceh terdiri dari Kamang, Candung, Ampek Angkek, Kubu Sanang, Banuhampu, Sungai Puar, dan Padang Laweh. Di daerah ini memancarkan kesejahteraan penduduknya. Kekerasan dan perkelahian yang terjadi akibat pengembangan pembaruan untuk mengembalikan desa-desa melaksanakan syariat Islam.

Kemudian Haji Miskin berunding dengan Tuanku Nan Salapan. Mereka sepakat menunjuk Tuanku Nan Renceh sebagai pemimpin Gerakan Pembaruan, dan mencari seorang yang berpengaruh untuk melindungi usaha pembaruan. Pilihan jatuh kepada guru mereka, Tuanku Nan Tuo

Tuanku Nan Tuo menyetujui maksud mereka, tetapi tidak menyetujui kekerasan yang dilakukan dalam pelaksanaannya. Kalau pekerjaan mulia dilakukan dengan kekerasan, akan menimbulkan kekacauan. Cara ini dianggap menyimpang dari roh Muhammad yang bijaksana. Inilah ajaran yang tertera dalam ‘Taufah mursala ila ruhun nabi.’

Sedangkan Tuanku Nan Renceh ingin menerapkan gagasan-gagasan pembaruan yang berbeda dengan cara yang dilakukannya dahulu bersama Tuanku Nan Tuo.

Haji Miskin melanjutkan usaha pembaruan di Luhak Lima Puluh. Pada tahun 1811, ia berangkat ke ranah ini untuk menggugah ulama muda, Malin Putih di Air Tabik, untuk melakukan pembaruan.

Ia berhasil baik. AiaTabit, suatu daerah subur di kaki Gunung Sago. Fakih Saghir datang ke daerah ini membantu Malin Putih yang kemudian bergelar Tuanku Nan Pahit.

Mereka mendirikan sebuah benteng Bukit Kawi. Haji. Miskin pindah ke Mesjid Sungai Lundi di nagari Aia Tabik. khutbahnya berhasil menjadi sebab lahirnya rencana perubahan.

Pembaruan yang dilancarkan Haji Miskin di Aia Tabik bergema ke Halaban. Seorang ulama yang mengikuti ajaran baru ini ialah Tuanku Luak di Halaban..

Haji Miskin penyebar cita-cita dan ide pembaruan masyarakat Minangkabau yang terhunjam kuat dalam hati setiap tuanku-tuanku atau ulama Muda di Tanah Minangkabau. Dalam suasana ribut Haji Miskin mati terbunuh dan dikuburkan di atas Bukit Kawi. (1830).

Tuanku Haji Miskin dianggap seorang penebar benih pembaruan masyarakat Minangkabau. Hukum Islam melengkapi adat Minangkabau, seperti jual beli (an traddin), harta pencarian, hukum waris.

Sumber: Drs. Sjafnir Aboe Nain, Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Sejarah Intelektual Islam di Minangkabau (1784-1832), Penerbit ESA, Padang 1988

——-, Naskah Fagih Saghir, alih tulis, tt

Stein Parve, H.A, Kaum Padri di Padang Darat Pulau Sumatra, terjemahan LIPI, dalam

Taufik Abdullah (ed.), Sejarah Lokal, Gajah mada University Press, 1981

Sumber Bacaan : Scribd.com

Tidak bisa dipungkiri, Pasukan Paderi di Minangkabau, Sumatera Barat (Sumbar) sekarang, memberi andil yang sangat besar dalam proses penyebaran Islam di Mandailing, Sumatera Utara (Sumut).

 

Gerakan ini sendiri mulai muncul pada tahun 1803,

 

ketika kembalinya tiga haji dari Mekkah, Haji Miskin dari Pandai Sikek, Haji Sumanik dari Delapan Kota dan Haji Piobang dari Tanah Datar.

 

Ketiga haji ini menganut paham Wahhabi, sebuah aliran Islam yang menjalankan syariat Islam secara kaffah yang dikembangkan Syaikh Muhammad bin Abdil Wahhab di Arab Saudi. Gerakan itu mencuat pada tahun 1205 Hijriah atau 1790 Masehi karena perang dengan Syarif Mekkah.

 

Pemicunya larangan menunaikan ibadah haji karena alasan tertentu yang diterapkan Syarif Mekkah sehingga mengundang amarah Syaikh Muhammad bin Abdil Wahhab yang bermazhab Hambali. Pasca perang itu, larangan berhaji tidak ada lagi.

 

Setibanya di Minangkabau, ketiga haji Minangkabau ini tercengang karena ajaran Islam, terutama kawasan Pelabuhan Laut Tiku dan sekitarnya, telah jauh melenceng. Sebagian besar umat masa itu, kendati memeluk Islam, tetapi tetap pula melakukan kemaksiatan.

 

Mulai dari minum arak, judi dan perbuatan syirik. Pakemnya jauh berbeda dibanding masa-masa awal berkembangnya Islam di Minangkabau sekitar abad 16, terutama berkat siar Syekh Burhanuddin, salah satu murid Syekh Abdurrauf seorang ulama besar dari Aceh.

 

Dengan bekal pengetahuan agama selama berguru di Mekkah, ketiganya sepakat mengembalikan masyarakat untuk menjalankan nilai-nilai ajaran Islam secara murni dan utuh. Namun caranya cenderung anarkhis.

 

Haji Miskin misalnya dengan tegas menyuruh agar sebuah balairung di Pandai Sikat, dibakar saja. Sebab balairung yang menurut adat merupakan tempat bertemu para penghulu, malah dijadikan tempat berbuat maksiat berjudi dan menyabung.

 

Dalam perkembangannya pelaku pergerakan ini kemudian dikenal dengan nama Harimau nan Silapan (delapan harimau). Masing-masing, Tuanku di Kerbu Sinang, Tuanku di Kota Ambalu, Tuanku di Ladang Lawas,  Tuanku di Padang Luar, Tuanku di Galung, Tuanku di Lubuk Aur, Tuanku Nan Renceh dan Tuanku Haji Miskin sendiri.

 

Mereka semua berpakaian serba putih dan mengadakan perubahan di masyarakat dengan cara yang radikal dan dalam banyak kasus juga menggunakan cara kekerasan. Tuanku Nan Renceh yang memimpin permurnian tidak sabar agar ajaran Islam murni secepatnya dapat terujud di Minangkabau.

 

Pilihan untuk menjalankan permurnian itu dengan cara kekerasan antara lain disebabkan pertimbangan perlunya tugas itu dilakukan dengan cepat dan beranggapan bahwa dirinya adalah orang yang ditakdirkan hidup dan mati untuk menjalankan perintah Allah.

 

Tuanku Nan Renceh berpendapat, berdasarkan hukum fiqh, mereka yang tidak melakukan sholat dan tidak mengikuti perintah Allah sebagaimana mestinya, boleh dirampas jiwa dan hartanya.

 

Imam Bonjol

 

Gerakan permurnian ini dengan cepat terkenal. Sejumlah kalangan merasa perlu mendalami Islam melalui Paderi, termasuk Datuk Bendaharo, seorang penghulu adat dari Alahan Panjang. Dia datang bersama pembantunya Peto Syarif, yang kemudian dikenal dengan sebutan Tuanku Imam Bonjol, belajar kepada Tuanku Nan Tuo di Koto Ampat Angkat.

 

Usai belajar, Datuk Bendaharo dan Peto Syarif kembali ke Alahan Panjang. Sayangnya mereka kemudian berseberangan pendapat dengan penghulu adat yang lain. Akhirnya terusir bersama sekitar 30 pengikutnya.

 

Bersamaan dengan meninggalnya Datuk Bendaharo, Peto Syarif yang sudah bergelar Tuanku Muda memimpin kelompok kecil ini. Membawa mereka membuka perkampungan baru di kawasan Bonjol.

 

“Benteng ini didirikan untuk mempertahankan Islam, melawan semua bentuk kejahilan dan semua perbuatan yang mungkar dan mengerjakan amar ma’ruf,” kata Peto Syarif.

 

Namun serangan tetap datang dari kelompok penentang. Akhirnya Tuanku Nan Renceh datang membawa bantuan pasukan berikut hulubalang Paderi dari Agam. Pada masa itulah Peto Syarif mendapat gelar Tuanku Imam karena dianggap lebih mampu memimpin di antara empat tuanku, Tuanku Kaluat, Tuanku Capuk dan Tuanku Hitam.

 

Sekitar tahun 1812, Bonjol mencapai kemajuannya sebagai pusat perdagangan. Hingga pada tahun 1821 tentara Belanda dipimpin Kolonel Raaf menjejak Minangkabau. Berbagai peperangan dengan Belanda terjadi. Hingga akhirnya pada tahun 1830 dicapai kesepakatan damai antara Belanda dan Paderi.

 

Namun Belanda bertindak curang, perjanjian dilanggar. Perang terus berlanjut hingga tahun 1837. Imam Bonjol ditangkap pada 28 Oktober setelah dijanjikan akan bertemu dengan Residen Padang untuk melakukan perundingan, namun ternyata dia ditangkap lantas dibawa ke Padang.

 

Lalu dia diasingkan ke Cianjur (Jawa Barat), lantas ke Ambon (Maluku) hingga ke Manado (Sulawesi Utara) dan meninggal di sana pada 6 Nopember 1864 dalam usia 92 tahun.

 

Hadji Piobang

Many heroic stories of the great scholars while spreading Islam in West Sumatra. Call it a tale of Sheikh Piyobang.
 The story of these scholars associated with the ‘geeks Cukua Sabalah’ (parents who have not completed shaved hair).

Search VIVAnews, stories circulated of all ages, and spread not in one place.
A middle-aged mother, claimed to have heard the story of ‘geeks Cukua Sabalah’ since I was in Grade 3 Teacher of Religious Education, Sawahlunto, West Sumatra.

“My teacher, Mr. Azhar, who told him,” said Zur, 54, a housewife who lives in the complex Belimbing Permai. The story is remembered Zur, Sheikh Piyobang is highly knowledgeable scholars, and has karama.

From a number of literature, with two friends, Haji and Haji Sumanik poor, known as cleric Sheikh Piyobang reformer. In the 18th century, Sheikh Piyobang juxtaposed against the implementation of Islamic teachings and culture.

How is the story of a legend geeks Cukua Sabalah Sheikh Piyobang?
Mentioned this story begins when the cleric was shaved in one place. When the hair is not finished cut, these scholars rushed to the back, and said she saw fire Makkah. “From the legendary story, he rushed off to Mecca (Kaaba) to extinguish the fire,” said Zur.

The same tale is told, Romi, Padang State University graduate student. “He said the old man Sheikh Piyobang currently tomb is in Piyobang, Payakumbuh District, District 50 City,” said Romi.
 
According to the story, Sheikh Piyobang while putting out a fire in Mecca met a number of people who are Payakumbuh pilgrimage. “They told me to meet new parents whose hair is shaved door, and he took to extinguish the fire in Makkah,” said Romi.

The story of ‘geeks Cukua Sabalah’ which is believed to be Sheikh Piyobang fire fighting in Makkah is not recorded in the literature. This story is only passed down through generations by parents to their children.

According to historian Andalas University, Prof Gusti Asnan, this story is developing in the Minang. The extent to which the truth? “I can assure the parents are said to have karama (sacred) Allah wali par, this could possibly happen,” he said.
 
He also admitted it is difficult to prove whether these parents Haji Piyobang. “But many who relate to him (Sheikh Piyobang),” Gusti said

Original info

Banyak cerita heroik para ulama besar saat menyebarkan Islam di Sumatera Barat. Sebut saja kisah Syekh Piyobang.

Cerita tentang ulama ini terkait dengan ‘Gaek Cukua Sabalah’ (orang tua yang belum selesai bercukur rambut).

Penelusuran VIVAnews, kisah ini  beredar pada semua umur, dan menyebar tak di satu tempat.

Seorang ibu separuh baya, mengaku telah mendengar cerita ‘Gaek Cukua Sabalah’ sejak masih duduk di kelas 3 Pendidikan Guru Agama, Sawahlunto, Sumatera Barat.

“Guru saya, Pak Azhar, yang menceritakannya,” ujar Zur, 54 tahun, seorang ibu rumah tangga yang tinggal di Kompleks Belimbing Permai. Kisah yang dikenang Zur, Syekh Piyobang adalah ulama berilmu tinggi, dan memiliki karomah.

Dari sejumlah literatur, bersama dua temannya, Haji Miskin dan Haji Sumanik, Syekh Piyobang dikenal sebagai ulama pembaru. Di abad 18, Syekh Piyobang menentang pelaksanaan ajaran Islam disandingkan dengan budaya.

Bagaimana kisah Gaek Cukua Sabalah menjadi legenda Syekh Piyobang?

Disebutkan cerita ini dimulai saat sang ulama sedang bercukur di sebuah tempat. Saat rambutnya belum selesai dipotong, ulama ini bergegas ke belakang, dan mengaku melihat Makkah terbakar. “Dari cerita yang melegenda, beliau bergegas pergi ke Makkah (Ka’bah) untuk memadamkan api,” cerita Zur.

Kisah sama juga dituturkan, Romi, mahasiswa pascasarjana Universitas Negeri Padang. “Katanya orang tua itu Syekh Piyobang yang saat ini makamnya ada di Piyobang, Kecamatan Payakumbuh, Kabupaten 50 Kota,” ujar Romi.
 
Menurut cerita, Syekh Piyobang saat memadamkan api di Makkah bertemu sejumlah orang Payakumbuh yang sedang naik haji. “Mereka bilang bertemu orang tua yang rambutnya baru dicukur sebelah, dan dia ikut memadamkan api di Makkah,” kata Romi.

Kisah ‘Gaek Cukua Sabalah’ yang diyakini sebagai Syekh Piyobang memadamkan kebakaran di Makkah memang tak tercatat pada literatur. Kisah ini hanya diceritakan turun-temurun oleh orangtua pada anak-anaknya. 

Menurut sejarawan Universitas Andalas, Prof Gusti Asnan, cerita ini memang berkembang di masyarakat Minang. Sejauh mana kebenarannya? “Saya tak bisa memastikan ini, orang tua ini katanya memiliki karomah (keramat) setara wali Allah, mungkin saja bisa ini terjadi,” katanya.
 
Ia juga mengaku sulit membuktikan apakah orang tua ini Haji Piyobang. “Tapi banyak yang menghubungkannya dengannya (Syekh Piyobang),” kata Gusti.

Laporan Eri Naldi|Padang

Tanggapan tentang Tuanku Rao alias Pongki nangolngolan Sinambela.

Syi’ah vs Wahabi di Minangkabau
 

 

In 1803,

three prominent Wahhabi wing bermazhab Hambali, Haji Piobang, Sumanik Haji and Haji Poor, forming a religious cleansing.

 

 

Their movement sponsored by Abdullah ibn Saud in Riyadh. For the record, the three pilgrimage had been a soldier in Turkey. Tensions arose between the indigenous groups menganutaliran Shia and followers of the Wahhabi movement.

 

Eventually they managed to eradicate the Shiites in Minangkabau, almost nothing left. In Iraq, in 1801, the Wahhabi movement too busy combating the Shiites, and captured Karbala. Shiite mosques and tombs of descendants of Hasan Hussein, grandson of Prophet Muhammad, burned

 

. In 1802, the Wahhabi army under the command of Abdullah ibn Saud, son of Abdul Aziz Saud ib, captured the city of Mecca and Medina, as well as expel the Turks from Arabia. Since the liberation of the city of Mecca and Medina from the Turks that wing Hanafi, then the Wahhabi movement into international fame.


Third pilgrimage Minangkabau origin who participated in the Turkish army occupied Mecca and Medina, the Wahhabis arrested. Because they are foreigners, not the Turks, they were not killed. The three men immediately indoctrinated in the Wahhabi movement, and took off his Hanafi school. Upon his return from Mecca in 1803, they formed the Wahhabi movement in Minangkabau.

 


Tensions arose between the indigenous groups menganutaliran Shia and followers of the Wahhabi movement. Peak, Padri War erupted. Eventually they managed to eradicate the Shiites in Minangkabau, almost nothing left.


Spread Hambali School began in 1804 with the destruction of the royal family in Suroaso Pagarruyung, who rejected the new flow.

 

Almost the entire royal family Pagarruyung beheaded by forces led by Lord Lelo, whose original name was Idris Nasution. Only a few people can save themselves, among which are The lordship Arifin Muning Alamsyah Kuantan who fled to the Netherlands and then ask for help. His daughter,

Urungkan pengeditan

Alpha

 

Original info
Pada 1803, tiga tokoh beraliran Wahabi bermazhab Hambali, Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik, dan Haji Miskin, membentuk gerakan pembersihan agama. Gerakan mereka disponsori oleh Abdullah ibn Saud di Riyadh. Sebagai catatan, ketiga haji tersebut pernah menjadi tentara di Turki. Timbullah ketegangan antara golongan kaum adat yang menganut aliran Syi’ah dan para pengikut gerakan Wahabi. Akhirnya mereka berhasil membasmi kaum Syi’ah di Minangkabau, nyaris tak tersisa. Di Irak, pada 1801, gerakan Wahabi juga sibuk memberantas kaum Syi’ah, dan berhasil merebut Karbala. Masjid masjid Syi’ah dan makam-makam keturunan Hasan Husein, cucu Nabi Muhammad, dibumihanguskan. Pada 1802, tentara Wahabi di bawah pimpinan Abdullah ibn Saud, putra Abdul Aziz ib Saud, berhasil merebut kota Makah dan Madinah, serta mengusir tentara Turki dari jazirah Arab. Karena pembebasan kota Makah dan Madinah dari kekuasaan Turki yang beraliran Hanafi itu, maka gerakan Wahabi menjadi terkenal di dunia internasional.
Ketiga haji asal Minangkabau yang ikut dalam pasukan Turki yang menduduki Makah dan Madinah, ditangkap kelompok Wahabi. Karena mereka adalah orang asing, bukan orang Turki, mereka tidak dibunuh. Ketiga orang tersebut segera diindoktrinasi dalam gerakan Wahabi, lalu melepas aliran Hanafi-nya. Sekembalinya dari Makah pada 1803, mereka membentuk gerakan Wahabi di Minangkabau.
Timbullah ketegangan antara golongan kaum adat yang menganut aliran Syi’ah dan para pengikut gerakan Wahabi. Puncaknya, meletuslah Perang Padri. Akhirnya mereka berhasil membasmi kaum Syi’ah di Minangkabau, nyaris tak tersisa.
Penyebaran Mazhab Hambali dimulai tahun 1804 dengan pemusnahan keluarga Kerajaan Pagarruyung di Suroaso, yang menolak aliran baru tersebut. Hampir seluruh keluarga Raja Pagarruyung dipenggal kepalanya oleh pasukan yang dipimpin oleh Tuanku Lelo, yang nama asalnya adalah Idris Nasution. Hanya beberapa orang saja yang dapat menyelamatkan diri, di antaranya adalah Yang Dipertuan Arifin Muning Alamsyah yang melarikan diri ke Kuantan dan kemudian meminta bantuan Belanda. Juga putrinya,

 

The cruelty of the Wahhabis bermazhab Hambali in Minangkabau
Since the late nineteenth century, the region has initiated efforts Agam return movement back to the shari’ah which was pioneered by Tuanku Nan Tuo seems to be a poor fit for the Hajj in channeling ideas renewal. Protective Haji poor here are fellow seperguruannya, the lord Nan Renceh. Both stores are student Padri Tuanku Nan Tuo and both also involved in the initial renewal gerkan pioneered by teachers at the end of the eighteenth century. For Tuanku Nan Renceh meeting with Haji Miskin triggered his desire to make a move back to the shari’ah After a long vacuum. Tuanku Nan Renceh disappointment over the attitude of the teacher in the soft launch a return to sharia a major factor in poor Haji easily get support and sympathy of the figure is known to be very fierce. Before meeting with Haji Miskin, Tuanku Nan Renceh reform movement does not have a clear purpose and form.
So when Haji Poor convey ideas renewal, Tuanku Nan Renceh immediately expressed support. Purpose of his struggle was clearer and seemed more radical. After receiving guidance and counsel of Haji Miskin, Tuanku Nan Renceh increasingly convinced that the business renewal will have the support of other religious elites in Agam. In fact, Tuanku Nan Renceh also eager to expand his movement throughout the entire region on the island of Sumatra. The second meeting of this character in turn becomes the renewal ideas Padri can run intensively. But in its development, the most prominent is the Tuanku Nan Renceh to begin the work of Agam district. Meanwhile, Haji poor, although it is not got a chance to play further he always tried to play the role available to him. In this respect it more as preachers who invite people to accept the teachings of Padri. Tuanku Nan Renceh start lobbying efforts by scholars who have great influence in support of its motion. In the not long, seven lord of Candung, Sungai Puar, and Banuhampu expressed support. To organize their movements, Tuanku Nan Renceh form an alliance with the lord-lord.
Fellowship is what is known in history as the Tigers Nan Minankabau Salapan, they are: My lord Lubuk Aur (Candung), lord Volcano on the Mount (Candung), lord Galong (Puar River), lord Padang Laweh (Banuhampu), lord Banesa (Agam) , lord Kapau (Agam), and Tuanku Nan Renceh own (Kamang). The presence of Tiger Salapan in turn ideas renewal Padri can run intensively. Before starting movements, Lord Nan Renceh and friends Tuanku Nan Tuo came to implore the blessing of this charismatic cleric. In front of teachers who have brought Islam to know more profound, Tuanku Nan Renceh outlining ideas renewal based on the Qur’an and Hadith and oppose all practices that are contrary to the teachings of Islam. The means to be used to achieve this goal, the act of violence against those who are described at length. Unexpectedly meeting turns religious elites would lead to heated debates. Tuanku Nan Tuo who was the teacher of several members of the Tigers Nan Salapan basically approve renewal ideas Tuanku Nan Renceh and friends but balked violent means in practice. For Tuanku Nan Tuo, preaching is done in ways other than violence unwise also contrary to Islamic teachings.

Tuanku Nan Tuo argued that “…
. Prophet spirited peaceable and forgiving, emphasizing that people deserve to die are those who consciously disavow Islam, and that the village has a Mu’min (believer) can not be attacked “.

Tuanku Nan Tuo therefore unwilling to join his former student’s.

 However, Tuanku Nan Renceh remain at its founding. For The Padri, killing people who do not obey the rules of religion is not a sin.

Recognizing that it is difficult to get the blessing of the great scholars Agam, the poor Haji Renceh invite Tuanku Nan and his friends went to Koto Mansiangan Laweh to meet my lord.

To these scholars the Tigers Nan Salapan asked as protectors and leaders of the movement. Cleric known for extensive knowledge and influence in this Laweh Koto expressed willingness.

 Willingness lord Mansiangan willing to join Padri seems more based on the consideration that he was well known and had been a poor Haji patron that he was not familiar with the ideas of Islamic renewal that carried The Padri.

Besides, my lord Mansiangan is a snobby, while not covering popularity Tuanku Nan Tuo who also was a disciple of his father.

 Its popularity was limited Koto Laweh, while Tuanku Nan Tuo not only throughout Agam but also to other areas outside of Agam. His decision to join and be a leader Padri Tribe is expected to boost the popularity and can raise its prestige in kapangan scholars especially in Agam.

As a token of gratitude for their willingness to join the Tribe Padri, Tuanku Nan Renceh him a priest.

Although leadership is in the hands of the lord Padri Mansiangan but the actor is actually Renceh Tuanku Nan. The person who called then this is more prominent in determining the direction of travel Tribe Padri movement.

In a meeting with the community in Kamang Tuanku Nan Renceh menagajak community to help support its renewal movement.

 To the public were ordered to run Islamic law and Sholah 5 times should be run. Chewing betel nut, smoking, drinking alcohol, and opium is forbidden.

To the men are encouraged to wear white clothes and beards.

Wearing clothes of silk and gold jewelry are only allowed to women.

 The mother is also required to wear a veil.

For those who were innocent of breaking the rules will be subject to the death penalty and their property confiscated.

Seriousness Tuanku Nan Renceh give the death penalty for those who break the rules are made exemplified by killing her aunt because her younger brother was caught chewing betel.

The murder was apparently invited many scholars from a variety of places to merge with Renceh Tuanku Nan.

Tuanku Nan Renceh violence is considered as a form of seriousness in implementing Islamic law.

 Whoever is guilty should be punished even his own family. Support for The Padri also increasingly widespread.

At this moment the Padari started trying to overhaul the Padang ground, while Tuanku Nan Renceh gain greater public support so that it appears a good time for him to continue the implementation of the point.

 His own village was placed under the authority of scholars. In a matter of days many villages-villages which recognize the Tribe Padri and follow his teachings.

The whole force area Agam be Padri territory. The Padri emerged as a new political force in Minangkabau hinterland.

The success of the Padri controlled areas are point history Agam start making the nagari government is patterned religion (nagari a-la Padri / rule a-la Padri) and focuses on the teachings of Islam as understood by the Padri.

 At every districts which had been occupied by the Padri, two scholars appointed as the head (head) to the lord calls Imam (Imam) and lord Qadhi (Qadi).

 When connected to a variety of political theory and sociological theory, it appears clearly that the religious authorities, in general they can not escape politics.

In the case of Padri movement, marginality influence in social reality led many theologians feel you can not improvise extensively in social reality.

 So the best way is to seize or create their own system of political authority. Case Wahabi movement in Hejaz soil can also be seen from this perspective.

Although, in the case of Padri, religious elites only want to restore their social position and role in the Minangkabau social entities that align with the traditional elite.

However, within the leadership, the leadership structure alignment is very difficult to be realized, there must be in a position of hegemony.

In the case of the Padri, the religious elite who have been marginalized, to restore its role as an authority in the field of religion, parallel to the prince of the power of government as the holder shoots villages.

However, if we look at the theoretical, in the history of intellectual thought Minangkabau, religious authority has existed since Islam in Minangkabau, never be separated from the religious elite, and was never taken over by the indigenous elites, for example, as an elite custom feel they have the authority and capability of science .

However, the reduction of the effect can occur. Every elite has its own domain of knowledge or authority, but the authority can influence other authorities across domains. For example, the traditional elite that has authority in the field of customs and religious elite in the field of religion. That their respective domains.
But it could happen, not only has the traditional elite influence in their respective domains, but their influence can be up to other elite domain, even sometimes their influence is far greater than in the domain of scientific authority concerned. This is what happened before the Padri movement emerged.

 Each elite has its own domain. However, in all aspects of life, even elite custom domains is much greater.

Even in the domain of religion that should influence the religious elite is much larger, can be reduced by the indigenous elite. The Padri aware of this. Mastering society is not control of the area, but the most important thing is to master the effect.

 Their role as a religious elite that had been reduced by the indigenous elites want them to return. And they also want to establish leadership system a-la their own. This shows that they want to reproduce the social conditions of time, to reduce the influence of indigenous elites.

By forming the values ​​manifested in the political order established a-la Padri then the Padri will have flexibility and discretion in carrying out the mission and motivation of their own movement.

In this sense of the word, the values ​​established or aspire will only work effectively if the political order established or captured. Political order correlated with the effect (at least legal-formal influence). Thus, the change will be effective and has an endorsement if the pressure and power (even more effective when a hegemonic power) is held. Furthermore, the values ​​will be established in accordance with the values ​​that became a fad the holders of power.

 In this context, it is assumed Padri movement construct or create their own pattern of leadership which is based on religion (Islam).
Formed values ​​are, theoretically, the maximum will be supported by the manufacturer and sympathy as well as individuals who have an interest in these values.

 However, it would be minimally acceptable to the fullest even opposed by groups who feel aggrieved by the presence of the new values. This thrust could have been caused by two things, namely because of the presence of the new values ​​to reduce the values ​​that they have so far and this is correlated with the existence as well as their self-esteem.

Then the presence of the new values ​​will be rejected if they can no longer make a run activities in accordance with the values ​​they hold or has been allowed by the value system in which they live and active.

Ordinary people who had the freedom of action and activities in accordance with the will of their own hearts, because the presence of a new value system that could potentially curb “safe and comfortable conditions” that have them feel, can not accept the rules that have been established (read: forced) by the Padri.

Reaction occurs, or in the language of sociological, social resistance. In these circumstances, the indigenous elites would be the most appropriate place for a shelter for the common people.

In theory it is said that the political leadership of a social group (feel) defeated will be affiliated to the social group which they believe was also defeated, although the pre-conditions before, social groups were initially opposed to the social group in which they were affiliated.

As a person who has the ultimate authority in the villages and tribal leaders in the course Indigenous elites do not want such a condition is.
 Coupled with the presence of system leadership (priest and Qadhi) introduced by the Padri course traditional elites feel their influence would be reduced during this dominant hegemonic even. As customs officers in charge of caring for the child as well as all members of his clan cousin would not let kids niece and all members of his clan are victims of violence the Padri.

 To that end, the prince agreed to maintain their hegemony, power preserve those who have been “captured” by the Padri.

Eventually they find the momentum to “blow” their anger against the Padri.

After successfully embed their influence in Agam district, and governance laid a-la Padri (optimally functioning and role of Imam Qadhi), then attempt the next Padri feudalism scrape out the influence of the Kingdom personified Pagaruyung they consider to have great potential in blocking Islamic reform they do.

 Attacks on several villages-were introduced. Anarchist-radical approach-destructive thought patterns, and effective best thing to do. So many people indigenous surrendered or fled to other areas. Even Tuanku Nan Tuo, “the ideological teacher” who has been a tendency persuasive, is not spared from attack “ideological disciples”.

 Mosque where he taught burned. The Hall-hall tradition that became too much debris. Burned by the Padri.

In each penalukkan, the automatic Padri laid a-la their leadership, in addition to the primordial Islamic approach to society.

Some leaders of the Padri, like Haji Sumanik also move radically in area, Tanah Datar.

However, in the central area of ​​this Minangkabau royal, Haji Sumanik not get the maximum results, it can even be said to fail. This is because (due), the customary (in this case the prince) converge to prevent the spread Haji Sumanik effect.

 In Minangkabau cultural area, the powers of the primus interpares, still has great influence in the community. The success of the Padri embed their influence in areas Agam, have been aware of the customs at Tanah Datar Padri in principle that the ambition to wrest power from the prince. Due to the social conditions that are different areas in Agam, then finally Haji Sumanik Lintau forced to move to the area.

 

Original info
Kekejaman kelompok Wahabi bermazhab Hambali di Minangkabau
Sejak akhir abad ke sembilan belas, daerah Agam telah memulai usaha gerakan kembali kembali ke syari’at yang dipelopori oleh Tuanku Nan Tuo agaknya menjadi tempat yang cocok bagi Haji Miskin dalam menyalurkan ide-ide pembaharuannya. Pelindung Haji Miskin di sini adalah rekan seperguruannya, yakni Tuanku Nan Renceh. Kedua toko Padri ini adalah murid Tuanku Nan Tuo dan keduanya juga ikut terlibat dalam gerkan pembaharuan awal yang dipelopori oleh gurunya pada akhir abad ke delapan belas. Bagi Tuanku Nan Renceh pertemuan dengan Haji Miskin menjadi pemicu keinginannya untuk kembali melakukan gerakan ke syari’at setalah vakum cukup lama. Kekecewaan Tuanku Nan Renceh atas sikap lunak gurunya dalam melancarkan gerakan kembali kepada syari’at menjadi faktor utama mudahnya Haji Miskin mendapat dukungan dan simpati dari tokoh yang dikenal sangat garang ini. Sebelum bertemu dengan Haji Miskin, gerakan pembaharuan Tuanku Nan Renceh masih belum mempunyai tujuan dan wujud yang jelas.
Maka ketika Haji Miskin menyampaikan ide-ide pembaharuannya, Tuanku Nan Renceh segera menyatakan dukungannya. Tujuan perjuangannya pun lebih jelas dan tampak lebih radikal. Setelah mendapat petunjuk dan nasehat dari Haji Miskin, Tuanku Nan Renceh semakin yakin bahwa usaha pembaharuannya akan mendapat dukungan dari elit-elit agama lainnya di Agam. Bahkan, Tuanku Nan Renceh juga berambisi untuk meluaskan gerakannya hingga ke seluruh wilayah di Pulau Sumatera. Pertemuan kedua tokoh ini pada gilirannya menjadi ide-ide pembaharuan kaum Padri dapat dijalankan secara intensif. Akan tetapi dalam perkembangannya, yang paling menonjol adalah Tuanku Nan Renceh yang memulai pekerjaan dari daerah Agam. Sementara ini, Haji Miskin, meskipun tidak mendapat kesempatan untuk berperan lebih jauh ia selalu berusaha untuk memainkan peranan yang tersedia baginya. Dalam hal ini ia lebih berperan sebagai juru dakwah yang mengajak orang-orang untuk menerima ajaran-ajaran Padri. Tuanku Nan Renceh memulai usahanya dengan melobi ulama-ulama yang mempunyai pengaruh besar untuk mendukung gerakannya. Dalam waktu yang tidak lama, tujuh Tuanku dari Candung, Sungai Puar, dan Banuhampu menyatakan dukungannya. Untuk mengorganisir gerakan mereka, Tuanku Nan Renceh membentuk persekutuan dengan Tuanku-Tuanku tersebut.
Persekutuan inilah yang dalam sejarah Minankabau dikenal sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan, mereka itu adalah: Tuanku Lubuk Aur (Candung), Tuanku Berapi di Bukit (Candung), Tuanku Galong (Sungai Puar), Tuanku Padang Laweh (Banuhampu), Tuanku Banesa (Agam), Tuanku Kapau (Agam), dan Tuanku Nan Renceh sendiri (Kamang). Keberadaan Harimau Salapan pada gilirannya menjadi ide-ide pembaharuan kaum Padri dapat dijalankan secara intensif. Sebelum memulai gerakannya, Tuanku Nan Renceh dan kawan-kawan mendatangi Tuanku Nan Tuo untuk memohon restu dari ulama kharismatik ini. Dihadapan guru yang telah membawanya untuk mengenal Islam lebih mendalam lagi, Tuanku Nan Renceh menjabarkan ide-ide pembaharuannya yang didasarkan pada Al-Qur’an dan Hadis dan menentang segala praktek-praktek yang bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam. Cara-cara yang akan dipakai untuk mencapai tujuan itu, yakni tindakan kekerasan bagi yang menentang, juga dipaparkan secara panjang lebar. Tanpa diduga ternyata pertemuan elit-elit agama itu justru menimbulkan perdebatan yang sengit. Tuanku Nan Tuo yang merupakan guru dari beberapa anggota Harimau Nan Salapan pada dasarnya menyetujui ide-ide pembaharuan Tuanku Nan Renceh dan kawan-kawan tetapi menolak keras cara-cara kekerasan dalam pelaksanaannya. Bagi Tuanku Nan Tuo, dakwah yang dilakukan dengan cara-cara kekerasan selain tidak bijaksana juga bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam.

 

Tuanku Nan Tuo mengajukan argumentasi bahwa ”…

.Nabi berjiwa suka damai dan suka mengampuni, yang menekankan bahwa orang patut dihukum mati adalah orang yang dengan sadar mengingkari Islam, dan bahwa desa yang mempunyai seorang mu’min (orang beriman) pun tidak boleh diserang”.

 

Oleh karenanya Tuanku Nan Tuo tidak bersedia untuk bergabung dengan mantan muridnya itu.

 

Akan tetapi Tuanku Nan Renceh tetap pada pendiriannya. Bagi Kaum Padri, membunuh orang yang tidak mematuhi aturan-aturan agama bukanlah perbuatan dosa.

 

Menyadari bahwa sulit untuk mendapat restu dari ulama besar Agam itu, Haji Miskin mengajak Tuanku Nan Renceh dan kawan-kawan pergi ke Koto Laweh untuk menemui Tuanku Mansiangan.

 

Kepada ulama ini kelompok Harimau Nan Salapan memintanya sebagai pelindung dan pemimpin gerakan. Ulama yang terkenal karena pengetahuannya yang luas dan cukup berpengaruh di Koto Laweh ini menyatakan kesediaannya.

 

Kesediaan Tuanku Mansiangan bersedia untuk bergabung dengan kaum Padri agaknya lebih didasarkan atas pertimbangan bahwa ia telah mengenal secara baik Haji Miskin dan pernah menjadi pelindungnya sehingga ia tidak merasa asing dengan ide-ide pembaharuan Islam yang diusung Kaum Paderi.

 

Kecuali itu, Tuanku Mansiangan adalah orang yang gila hormat, sementara popularitasnya tidak seluas Tuanku Nan Tuo yang juga adalah murid dari ayahnya.

 

Popularitasnya hanya sebatas Koto Laweh, sedangkan Tuanku Nan Tuo tidak hanya di seluruh Agam tetapi juga ke wilayah lain di luar Agam. Keputusannya untuk bergabung dan menjadi pemimpin Kaum Padri diharapkan dapat mendongkrak popularitas dan dapat menaikkan gengsinya di kapangan ulama khususnya di Agam.

 

Sebagai tanda terima kasih atas kesediaannya bergabung dengan Kaum Padri, Tuanku Nan Renceh memberinya gelar Imam Besar.

 

Meskipun pimpinan kaum Padri berada di tangan Tuanku Mansiangan namun aktor sesungguhnya adalah Tuanku Nan Renceh. Orang yang disebut kemudian inilah yang lebih menonjol dalam menentukan arah perjalanan gerakan Kaum Padri.

 

Dalam suatu pertemuan dengan masyarakat di Kamang Tuanku Nan Renceh menagajak masyarakat untuk ikut mendukung gerakan pembaharuannya.

 

Kepada masyarakat diperintahkan untuk menjalankan syari’at Islam dan sholah 5 waktu harus dijalankan. Makan sirih, merokok, minum minuman keras, dan madat diharamkan.

 

Kepada kaum laki-laki dianjurkan untuk memakai pakaian putih dan memelihara jenggot.

 

Memakai pakaian dari sutera dan perhiasan emas hanya dibolehkan kepada kaum perempuan.

 

Kaum ibu juga diharuskan memakai cadar.

 

Bagi yang bersalah atau melanggar sebuah dari aturan-aturan tersebut akan dikenakan hukuman mati dan harta bendanya dirampas.

 

 

 

Keseriusan Tuanku Nan Renceh memberikan hukuman mati bagi yang melanggar aturan-aturan yang dibuatnya dicontohkan dengan membunuh bibinya lantaran adik kandung ibunya itu kedapatan sedang mengunyah sirih.

 

Peristiwa pembunuhan tersebut ternyata mengundang banyak ulama dari berbagai tempat untuk menggabungkan diri dengan Tuanku Nan Renceh.

 

Tindakan kekerasan Tuanku Nan Renceh dianggap sebagai wujud dari keseriusan dalam menjalankan syari’at Islam.

 

Siapapun yang bersalah harus dihukum meski itu keluarga sendiri. Dukungan terhadap Kaum Padri juga semakin luas.

 

Pada saat inilah kaum Padari mulai berusaha merombak masyarakat Padang darat, sementara Tuanku Nan Renceh memperoleh dukungan masyarakat yang makin besar sehingga tampaklah saat yang baik bagi dia untuk melanjutkan pelaksanaan maksudnya.

 

Desanya sendiri sudah diletakkannya di bawah kekuasaan alim ulama. Dalam hitungan hari banyak nagari-nagari yang mengakui kekuasaan Kaum Padri dan mengikuti ajaran-ajarannya.

 

Seluruh kekuatan wilayah Agam menjadi daerah kekuasaan Padri. Kaum Paderi muncul sebagai kekuatan politik baru di pedalaman Minangkabau.

 

Keberhasilan kaum Paderi menguasai wilayah Agam merupakan point history dimulainya penyusunan pemerintahan nagari yang bercorak agama (nagari a-la Paderi/pemerintahan a-la Paderi) dan menitikberatkan pada ajaran Islam sebagaimana yang dipahami oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Pada setiap nagari yang telah dikuasai oleh kaum Paderi, diangkat dua orang ulama sebagai pimpinan (kepala) dengan panggilan Tuanku Imam (Imam) dan Tuanku Qadhi (Qadhi).

 

Bila dihubungkan dengan berbagai teori politik maupun teori sosiologi, terlihat secara gamblang bahwa pemegang otoritas agama, pada umumnya tidak bisa melepaskan diri mereka dengan politik.

 

Dalam kasus gerakan Paderi, keterpinggiran pengaruh dalam realitas sosial membuat kalangan agamawan merasa tidak bisa berimprovisasi secara luas dalam realitas sosial.

 

Maka jalan yang paling baik adalah merebut atau menciptakan sistem otoritas politik sendiri. Kasus Gerakan Wahabi di tanah Hejaz juga bisa dilihat dari perspektif ini.

 

Walaupun, untuk kasus Paderi, kalangan elit agama ini hanya ingin mengembalikan posisi dan peran sosial mereka dalam entitas sosial masyarakat Minangkabau yang sejajar dengan elit adat.

 

Namun dalam sistem kepemimpinan, kesejajaran dalam struktur kepemimpinan tersebut sangat sulit terwujud, pasti ada yang berada dalam posisi hegemoni.

 

Dalam kasus kaum Paderi ini, elit agama yang selama ini terpinggirkan, ingin mengembalikan peranannya sebagai pemegang kekuasaan dalam bidang agama, sejajar dengan kekuasaan penghulu sebagai pemegang pucuk pemerintahan nagari.

 

Namun bila kita lihat secara teoritik, dalam sejarah pemikiran intelektual Minangkabau, pemegang otoritas agama sejak Islam sudah eksis di Minangkabau, tidak pernah lepas dari elit agama, dan tidak pernah diambil alih oleh elit adat misalnya, karena elit adat merasa tidak memiliki otoritas dan kapabilitas keilmuan.

 

Akan tetapi reduksi pengaruh bisa terjadi. Setiap elit memiliki domain keilmuan atau otoritas sendiri, akan tetapi otoritas pengaruh bisa melintasi domain otoritas lain. Misalnya, elit adat yang memiliki otoritas dalam bidang adat dan elit agama dalam bidang agama. Itu domain mereka masing-masing.
Tapi bisa saja terjadi, elit adat tidak saja memiliki pengaruh dalam domain mereka masing-masing, namun pengaruh mereka bisa saja hingga ke domain elit lain, bahkan terkadang pengaruh mereka itu jauh lebih besar dibandingkan pemegang otoritas keilmuan dalam domain bersangkutan. Hal inilah yang terjadi sebelum gerakan Paderi muncul.

 

Masing-masing elit memiliki domain sendiri-sendiri. Akan tetapi, dalam seluruh aspek kehidupan, justru domain elit adat jauh lebih besar.

 

Bahkan dalam domain agama yang seharusnya pengaruh elit agama jauh lebih besar, bisa direduksi oleh elit adat. Kaum Paderi menyadari hal ini. Menguasai masyarakat bukanlah menguasai wilayah, akan tetapi yang paling penting adalah menguasai pengaruh.

 

Peran mereka sebagai elit agama yang selama ini tereduksi oleh elit adat ingin mereka kembalikan. Dan mereka juga ingin membentuk sistem kepemimpinan a-la mereka sendiri. Hal ini memperlihatkan bahwa mereka ingin mereproduksi kondisi sosial yang lama, ingin mereduksi pengaruh elit adat.

 

Dengan membentuk tata nilai yang termanifestasi dalam tata politik yang dibentuk a-la Paderi maka kaum Paderi akan memiliki fleksibelitas dan keleluasaan dalam menjalankan misi dan motivasi dari gerakan mereka sendiri.

 

Dalam arti kata, tata nilai yang dibentuk atau dicita-citakan hanya akan berjalan secara efektif bila tata politik dibentuk atau direbut. Tata politik berkorelasi dengan pengaruh (minimal pengaruh legal-formal). Jadi, merubah masyarakat akan efektif dan memiliki daya pressure and endorse apabila kekuasaan (bahkan lebih efektif bila kekuasaan yang hegemonik) dipegang. Selanjutnya nilai-nilai akan dibentuk sesuai dengan nilai-nilai yang menjadi anutan si pemegang kekuasaan.

 

 

 

Dalam konteks inilah, diasumsikan gerakan Paderi menyusun atau membuat pola kepemimpinan sendiri yang berbasiskan agama (Islam).
Tata nilai yang terbentuk tersebut, secara teoritis, akan didukung secara maksimal oleh pembuat dan individu yang simpati serta memiliki kepentingan dengan tata nilai tersebut.

 

Namun, akan diterima secara minimal bahkan ditentang secara maksimal oleh kelompok yang merasa dirugikan akan kehadiran tata nilai baru tersebut. Daya tolak ini bisa saja disebabkan oleh dua hal, yaitu karena kehadiran tata nilai baru tersebut mereduksi tata nilai yang mereka miliki selama ini dan ini berkorelasi dengan eksistensi serta harga diri mereka.

 

Kemudian kehadiran tata nilai baru itu akan ditolak apabila membuat mereka tidak bisa lagi menjalankan aktifitas sesuai dengan nilai yang selama ini mereka anut atau diperbolehkan oleh tata nilai dimana mereka hidup dan beraktifitas.

 

Rakyat awam yang selama ini mendapat kebebasan dalam bertindak dan beraktifitas sesuai dengan kehendak hati mereka masing-masing, karena kehadiran tata nilai baru yang berpotensi mengekang ”kondisi aman dan nyaman” yang selama ini telah mereka rasakan, tidak dapat menerima aturan-aturan yang telah ditetapkan (baca: dipaksakan) oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Terjadi reaksi, atau dalam bahasa sosiologisnya, resistensi sosial. Dalam keadaan seperti ini, maka elit-elit adat akan menjadi tempat yang paling tepat untuk berlindung bagi rakyat awam.

 

Dalam teori kepemimpinan politik dikatakan bahwa suatu kelompok sosial yang (merasa) dikalahkan akan berafiliasi kepada kelompok sosial yang mereka yakini juga dikalahkan, walaupun pra-kondisi sebelumnya, kelompok sosial tersebut awalnya bertentangan dengan kelompok sosial tempat mereka berafiliasi itu.

 

Sebagai orang yang memiliki otoritas tertinggi dalam nagari dan pemimpin suku dalam kaum, tentu saja elit-elit adat tidak menginginkan kondisi yang demikian tersebut.

Ditambah lagi dengan kehadiran tata kepemimpinan (Imam dan Qadhi) yang diperkenalkan oleh kaum Paderi tentu elit-elit adat merasa akan tereduksi pengaruh mereka yang selama ini dominan bahkan hegemonik. Sebagai petinggi adat yang bertugas memelihara anak kemenakan serta seluruh warga sukunya tidak akan membiarkan anak kemenakan serta seluruh warga sukunya menjadi korban kekerasan kaum Paderi.

 

Untuk itu, para penghulu sepakat untuk mempertahankan hegemoni mereka, mempertahankan kekuasaan mereka yang telah ”direbut” oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Akhirnya mereka mencari momentum untuk ”meledakkan” kemarahan mereka terhadap kaum Paderi.

 

Setelah berhasil menanamkan pengaruh mereka di daerah Agam, dan meletakkan tata pemerintahan a-la Paderi (memfungsikan secara maksimal peran Imam dan Qadhi), maka usaha kaum Paderi berikutnya adalah mengikis habis feodalisme yang dipersonifikasikan pada pengaruh Kerajaan Pagaruyung yang mereka anggap memiliki potensi besar dalam menghalangi pembaharuan Islam yang mereka lakukan.

 

Penyerangan-penyerangan terhadap beberapa nagari-pun mulai dilakukan. Pendekatan anarkis-radikal-destruktif dianggap pola terbaik dan efektif yang harus dilakukan. Maka banyak kalangan adat yang menyerahkan diri atau melarikan diri ke daerah-daerah lain. Bahkan Tuanku Nan Tuo, ”sang guru ideologis” yang selama ini cenderung persuasif, tidak luput dari penyerangan ”murid-murid ideologisnya”.

 

Surau tempat ia mengajar dibakar. Balairung-balairung adat pun banyak yang menjadi puing-puing. Dibakar oleh kaum Paderi.

 

Dalam setiap penalukkan, kaum Paderi otomatis meletakkan dasar kepemimpinan a-la mereka, disamping tentunya pendekatan Islam yang primordial kepada masyarakat.

 

Beberapa pimpinan kaum Paderi, seperti Haji Sumanik juga bergerak radikal di wilayahnya, Tanah Datar.

 

Akan tetapi, di daerah pusat kerajaan Minangkabau ini, Haji Sumanik tidak mendapat hasil yang maksimal, bahkan bisa dikatakan gagal. Hal ini dikarenakan(disebabkan) , kalangan adat (dalam hal ini penghulu) bersatu menghambat pengaruh yang disebarkan Haji Sumanik.

 

Di daerah kultural Minangkabau ini, penghulu yang primus interpares tersebut, masih memiliki pengaruh besar di tengah-tengah masyarakat. Keberhasilan kaum Paderi menanamkan pengaruh mereka di daerah-daerah Agam, telah menyadarkan kaum adat di Tanah Datar bahwa kaum Paderi pada prinsipnya berambisi untuk merebut kekuasaan dari penghulu. Karena kondisi sosial yang berbeda dengan daerah-daerah di Agam, maka akhirnya Haji Sumanik terpaksa hijrah ke daerah Lintau.

 


Meanwhile, in other areas such as in Lintau, lord Pasaman Padri movement capable of disseminating mission to the community.

Community acceptance is quite good, because my lord Pasaman focus only on improvement of public morality and socialization patterns more persuasive, not radical-destructive as in Agam district.
 

On the initiative eventually he is also the
 in 1815,
 negotiations held between the Padri with family and Minangkabau royal princes.

In the negotiations, there was a difference of opinion in the end a fight between the Minangkabau royal family and princes with figures Padri.

The whole family and Minangkabau royal princes were killed, except the king and his grandson who can escape to Kuantan in Lubuk jambi. This event put an end to the king’s power of nature Minangkabau.

The central political-cultural Minangkabau undermined by the Padri. Nagari-other villages gradually surrendered much.

Some princes who do not submit to the Padri, many who fled to Batipuh, a village who do not submit to the Padri. Although the Padri got rid of Minangkabau power, they do not immediately take over the central cultural power. Looks here, the desire of the Padri in principle is to increase their political bargaining power in the middle of the community and not purely to power an-sich.

Minangkabau practical at this time, hegemonic authority in the hands of the religious elite (read: the Padri).

Traditional elites who had been felt that the social authority in their hands, was not happy with the condition.

Especially after the fall of the kingdom of nature Minangkabau, an institution that is culturally supra protect their existence. Finally, the “sun” other than the out-group they bring, the colonial Dutch.
 They asked for help from the Netherlands to restore their power usurped by Padri.

 The request was immediately accepted by the De Puy and then continue or recommend it to Batavia.

 The first request was rejected because given the number of Dutch military forces in Minangkabau is not so great. Then,

in 1821,

 agreement was made between the traditional and the Netherlands. Of the Netherlands signed by De Puy, while the indigenous signed by Sutan Bagagarsyah, King Tangsir Nature and Natural kingdom Sutan and many princes from different parts of Tanah Datar LUHAK.

Application for this relief seems to be done in total. This is evident from who those who join the group signing the agreement.

According to historical data, the group as a whole amounted to 20 103 people in the name of the prince in LUHAK Tanah Datar, outside of the royal family and relatives Alam Minangkabau.

Dutch East Indies government at that time had just received a small portion of the western coast of Sumatra while the British government immediately agreed to request such assistance.

Moreover, the group promises to return to the Netherlands. The agreement known as the Treaty February 10, 1821 was later confirmed.

Some key points of the agreement include:

(1). The heads of government (prince) of the Kingdom of Minangkabau, formally and absolutely handed Pagaruyung, Sungai Tarab and Saruaso so are the areas around the Minangkabau Kingdom of the Netherlands Indies government.

 (2). Powers of the prince promised to obey and not against any command of Dutch.

 (3). In order to bring the areas that have been submitted to the Netherlands, to protect people from the Padri, to destroy the Padri and create peace in Minangkabau, the Dutch Government provide an army of 100 people and two guns.

(4). The prince was required to provide the coolies in the amount of food needed and take care of the soldiers as well as possible.

(5). Customs and old habits and relationship with the prince will be retained and will not be violated as long as not contrary to the articles of the treaty.

Further

, The Padri face vis a vis against the Netherlands. Padri War began to be recorded in the history.

The movement is then
 
in 1838

defeated by the Dutch.

Meanwhile, the purpose of the prince asked for help to the Dutch that their position as the elite people and restore their influence back that has been taken by the religious elite, would be counterproductive due

Agreements they signed with the Netherlands. They became the “melting” in the Dutch colonial government power engines and are increasingly active in the successful exploitation of the Dutch economy.

Consequently, the defeat Padri not necessarily eliminate their influence. Precisely what happens is winning elite custom make them go down in history as “sycophants” and degrading the Minangkabau.

Political elite custom revenge against former follower of the Padri actually makes a lot of the Minangkabau people are disgusted with the doings of them, especially the Dutch government did not seek to distance themselves from the religious elite, even those trying to keep him.
+ Disari from multiple sources
Posted by TtuaPardede

 

original info
Sementara itu, di daerah-daerah lain seperti di Lintau, Tuanku Pasaman mampu mensosialisasikan misi gerakan Paderi kepada masyarakat.

 

Penerimaan masyarakat cukup baik, karena fokus Tuanku Pasaman hanya kepada perbaikan moralitas masyarakat dan pola sosialisasinya lebih persuasif, bukan radikal-destruktif sebagaimana yang terjadi di daerah Agam.

 

 

Atas inisiatif beliau pulalah akhirnya

pada tahun 1815,

diadakan perundingan antara kaum Paderi dengan keluarga dan pembesar-pembesar kerajaan Minangkabau.

 

Dalam perundingan tersebut, terjadi perbedaan pendapat yang pada akhirnya terjadi perkelahian antara keluarga dan pembesar kerajaan Minangkabau dengan tokoh-tokoh Paderi.

 

Seluruh keluarga dan pembesar kerajaan Minangkabau tewas, kecuali raja beserta cucunya yang dapat meloloskan diri ke Kuantan di Lubuk jambi. Peristiwa ini mengakhiri kekuasaan raja alam Minangkabau.

 

Sentral politik-kultural Minangkabau diruntuhkan oleh kaum Paderi. Nagari-nagari lain secara berangsur-angsur banyak yang menyerahkan diri.

 

Beberapa penghulu yang tidak mau tunduk dengan kaum Paderi, banyak yang lari ke Batipuh, sebuah nagari yang tidak mau tunduk dengan kaum Paderi. Meskipun kaum Paderi berhasil menyingkirkan kekuasaan Minangkabau, mereka tidak segera mengambil alih sentral kekuasaan kultural tersebut. Tampak disini, keinginan kaum Paderi pada prinsipnya adalah ingin menaikkan daya tawar politik mereka di tengah-tengah masyarakat dan tidak murni meraih kekuasaan an-sich.

 

Praktis di Minangkabau pada waktu ini, otoritas hegemonik berada di tangan elit agama (baca: kaum Paderi).

 

Elit adat yang selama ini merasa bahwa otoritas sosial berada di tangan mereka, merasa tidak senang dengan kondisi ini.

 

Apalagi setelah kejatuhan kerajaan alam Minangkabau, sebuah institusi supra yang secara kultural melindungi eksistensi mereka. Akhirnya, ”matahari” lain dari kalangan out-group mereka datangkan, kolonial Belanda.

Mereka meminta bantuan kepada Belanda untuk memulihkan kembali kekuasaan mereka yang dirampas oleh Paderi.

 

Permintaan tersebut langsung diterima oleh De Puy dan kemudian melanjutkan atau merekomendasikannya ke Batavia.

 

Permintaan pertama ditolak karena mengingat jumlah kekuatan militer Belanda di Minangkabau tidak begitu besar. Kemudian,

 

pada tahun 1821,

 

dibuatlah perjanjian antara kaum adat dengan Belanda. Dari pihak Belanda ditandatangani oleh De Puy, sementara di pihak adat ditandatangani oleh Sutan Bagagarsyah, Raja Tangsir Alam dan Sutan Kerajaan Alam serta berbagai penghulu dari berbagai daerah di Luhak Tanah Datar.


Permohonan bantuan ini nampaknya dilakukan secara total. Hal ini terlihat dari siapa-siapa saja yang ikut dalam rombongan penandatangan perjanjian tersebut.

 

Menurut data sejarah, rombongan secara keseluruhan berjumlah 20 orang yang mengatasnamakan 103 penghulu di Luhak Tanah Datar, diluar keluarga dan kerabat kerajaan Alam Minangkabau.

 

Pemerintah Hindia Belanda yang waktu itu baru saja menerima sebagian kecil wilayah pantai barat Sumatera dari pemerintah sementara Inggris dengan segera menyetujui permintaan bantuan tersebut.

 

Apalagi rombongan tersebut menjanjikan imbalan kepada Belanda. Perjanjian yang dikenal dengan Perjanjian 10 Februari 1821 tersebut kemudian dikukuhkan.

 

Beberapa point-point penting dari perjanjian tersebut antara lain :

 

(1). Kepala-kepala pemerintahan (penghulu) dari kerajaan Minangkabau, secara formal dan mutlak menyerahkan Pagaruyung, Sungai Tarab dan Saruaso begitu juga daerah-daerah sekeliling Kerajaan Minangkabau kepada pemerintah Hindia Belanda.

 

(2). Penghulu-penghulu tersebut berjanji untuk patuh dan tidak menentang perintah apapun dari Belanda.

 

(3). Dalam rangka menguasai daerah-daerah yang telah diserahkan kepada Belanda, untuk melindungi rakyat dari kaum Paderi, untuk menghancurkan kaum Paderi dan menciptakan perdamaian di Minangkabau, pemerintah Hindia Belanda menyediakan satuan tentara sebanyak 100 orang dan dua pucuk meriam.

 

(4). Para penghulu diharuskan menyediakan kuli-kuli dalam jumlah yang dibutuhkan dan mengurus makanan tentara sebaik-baiknya.

 

(5). Adat dan kebiasaan lama dan hubungan penghulu dengan penduduk akan dipertahankan dan tidak akan dilanggar selama tidak bertentangan dengan pasal-pasal dalam perjanjian.

 

Selanjutnya

 

, kaum Paderi berhadapan vis a vis melawan Belanda. Perang Paderi pun mulai dicatat dalam sejarah.

 

Gerakan ini kemudian

 

pada tahun 1838

 

dikalahkan oleh Belanda.

 

 

 

Sementara itu, tujuan penghulu meminta bantuan kepada Belanda agar posisi mereka sebagai elit adat dan mengembalikan pengaruh mereka kembali yang telah diambil oleh elit agama, justru kontraproduktif akibat

 

Perjanjian yang telah mereka tanda tangani dengan Belanda. Mereka menjadi ”lebur” dalam mesin kekuasaan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dan semakin aktif dalam menyukseskan eksploitasi ekonomi Belanda.

 

Akibatnya, kekalahan Paderi tidak serta merta menghilangkan pengaruh mereka. Justru yang terjadi adalah kemenangan elit adat membuat mereka tercatat dalam sejarah sebagai ”penjilat” dan merendahkan martabat orang Minangkabau.

 

Politik balas dendam elit adat terhadap bekas pengikut kaum Paderi justru membuat banyak kalangan masyarakat Minangkabau merasa muak dengan tingkah polah mereka, apalagi pemerintah Belanda tidak berupaya menjauhkan diri dari elit agama, bahkan mereka berusaha untuk selalu mendekatinya.
+disari dari beberapa sumber

Diposkan oleh TtuaPardede

 

 

in 1832
 Tuanku Imam fatwa ishlah Bonjol provide the basis for the development of Indigenous Teachings Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan, Syarak Mangato mamakai Indigenous (ABS SBK) – which is then fitted with a ‘Natural Takambang So the teacher – as a basic value in managing the Minangkabau society. Tuanku Imam Bonjol fatwa was later confirmed in Bukit Marapalam Oath Satie

 

 

1834
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

Awak-Sungai

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1835


Batavia

 

 

The city began to move further south, as epidemics in 1835 and 1870[clarification needed]

 

1835 1865

Sultan Alam Bidar III

 

1836

 

On February 3, 1836, the first government steamboat, Willem I, arrived at the Batavia shipyard of Island Onrust. (wiki)

 

 

in 1837

at the Bukit Pato, Lintau,near  Batusangkar.

Because then the whole Minangkabau colonized by the Dutch East Indies colonial government launched pitting politics and political cultivation, followed by two World Wars, two War of Independence, and a series of protracted conflicts in the country,

 

The Doctrine of Primary and Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan has not had time to put together in an integrated and assembled in a document that was passed along by the Minangkabau

 

The Dutch took the opportunity to occupy the Minangkabau
  after envoy Pagaruyung Kingdom asking for help to beat Padri.

 

War between the Netherlands and Padri lasted for 17 years. Although Padri been defeated, but the position of headman in each nagarinya decline.


At first the government structure nagari, position the prince is a leader in all aspects of life.

 

The position of the clergy, the legend called malin (propagator) just so the device of the prince.

 

Since the movement Padri clerical position no longer be the ruler tool. The sphere of influence beyond its borders scholars an entry into the villages or many villages. While the prince is limited to nagarinya respectively.

 

 

1838

Padri the face vis a vis against the Netherlands. Padri War began to be recorded in the history. The movement is then in 1838 defeated by the Dutch.

Meanwhile, the purpose of the prince asked for help to the Dutch that their position as the elite people and restore their influence back that has been taken by the religious elite, would be counterproductive due

Agreements they signed with the Netherlands.

They became the “melting” in the Dutch colonial government power engines and are increasingly active in the successful exploitation of the Dutch economy.

Consequently, the defeat Padri not necessarily eliminate their influence. Precisely what happens is winning elite custom make them go down in history as “sycophants” and degrading the Minangkabau.

 

 


1838

31/03/1838 – 10/03/1851 C.J. Smulders
C.J. Smulders, the Secretary of the Javasche Bank, succeeded de Haan as President by decision of the Commissioner General on March 31, 1838. 
In November 1846, Smulders bought 1/2 share in the sugar factory Langsee. On January 7, 1851, Smulders requested to be honorably discharged because of his weakening health. By decree of March 4, 1851, Smulders was honorably discharged. He decided to dedicate his time to his interest in the Langsee sugar factory. His successor E. Francis, took over presidency during the board meeting of March 10, 1851.

 

1841

Earliest Nederland and South Holland revenue handstamped (1841) on law magazine from nederland sent to Indonesia.

 

 

 

 

1841

 

 

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

PADA tahun 1841, Thaha Syaifuddin diangkat sebagai Perdana Menteri oleh Sultan Abdurachman.

Sejak itu pulalah dia selalu menunjukkan sikap menentang terhadap kekuasaan Belanda di Jambi.

Setelah diangkat menjadi Sultan, ia malah menolak menandatangani perjanjian yang menyatakan bahwa Jambi adalah milik Belanda dan Sultan Jambi hanya meminjam dari Belanda.

 

1843

 

Richard Jan Kellerman (18161890) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der artillerie, onder meer officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Kellerman volgde als cadet-sergeant de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, werd op 16 juni 1834 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het Leger in Oost-Indië, op 27 augustus aldaar bij de artillerie geplaatst en op 8 augustus 1838 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het personeel van eerder genoemd wapen, waar hij op 18 april 1843 benoemd werd tot kapitein. Tijdens de derde expeditie naar Bali werd hij aangewezen als commandant van de zesde compagnie.

 

1845

 

 

Straits Settlements. Copper ¼ cent, ½ cent, above; 1cent below.
Coins based on the dollar standard were finally struck by the EIC’s Calcutta mint in 1845.

The matrix dies were engraved by William Wyon at the Royal Mint and his initials appear on the truncation of the Queen’s bust on the ½ cent only.

 

1846

 

Willem Karel van Gennep (Den Haag, 1823 – aldaar, 10 juli 1900) was een Nederlands viceadmiraal, onder meer directeur en commandant der Marine te Willemsoord, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en commandeur in de Orde van de Eikenkroon. Van Gennep werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 20 augustus 1842 nummer 53 benoemd tot adelborst der eerste klasse bij de Nederlandse Marine; hij was toen elève op het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine te Medemblik. Hij werd op 7 december 1845 benoemd tot luitenant-ter-zee tweede klasse, werd in september 1846 geplaatst op de schoener Zephir en in oktober van dat jaar overgeplaatst van de Castor op Zr. Ms. schoener Aruba, bestemd voor Oost-Indië. Aldaar werd hij belast met opnemingen van onder meer de rede van Banda Nera, het Lonthoirs-gat, het zonnegat en het oostgat. Grote verrassingen werden niet gevonden.

1848

 

Petrus Joannes Eduardus Hartsteen

(1822Princenhage, 19 maart 1901)

was een Nederlands majoor van het Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en bezitter van de Eresabel. Hartsteen vertrok in de rang van sergeant-majoor op 17 november 1842 per Princes Sophia naar Oost Indië en werd op 28 oktober 1848 in de rang van tweede luitenant overgeplaatst van het eerste bataljon bij het