PAMERAN KOLEKSI UNIK SOMALIA

Driwancybermuseum’s Blog

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                          SELAMAT DATANG KOLEKTOR INDONESIA DAN ASIAN

                                                AT DR IWAN CYBERMUSEUM

                                          DI MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA DR IWAN S.

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 *ill 001

                      *ill 001  LOGO MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA DR IWAN S.*ill 001

                                THE FIRST INDONESIAN CYBERMUSEUM

                           MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA PERTAMA DI INDONESIA

                                 @HAKCIPTA Dr IWAN SUWANDY 2010

                 DALAM PROSES UNTUK MENDAPATKAN SERTIFIKAT MURI

                                        PENDIRI DAN PENEMU IDE

                                                     THE FOUNDER

                                            Dr IWAN SUWANDY, MHA

                                            

                 WELCOME TO THE  HALL OF HUMAN HERITAGE

          SELAMAT DATANG DI RUANGAN PAMERAN KHUSUS

SHOWCASE : PAMERAN KOLEKSI UNIK SOMALIA

FRAME SATU : INTRODUKSI   

Berdasarkan informasi dari buku kuno milik penulis, ternyata Para pedagang Indonesia dengan kapal layar kuno seperti relief candi Borobudur , berdagang sampai ke Somalia Afrika, barang dagangan yang dijual adalah Kayu Manis  ( Cinamon)  dan dari Somalia di bawa pulang ke Indonesia gading , minyak wangi  dan emas , lihatlah peta jalur sutera perdagangan dari asia Ke Afrika baik liwat jalur sutera  liwat lautan*ill 001, dengan kapal layar phinisi kuno, jalur inilah banyak ditempuh pedagang termasuk dari  Indonesia setelah jalur liwat darat kurang aman.

*ill 001 jalur kapal phinisi dari pulau Jawa ke Somalia

Jalur Sutra mencapai Eropa Selatan melalui Arab,Somalia,Mesir,Persia,India dan Jawa (Indonesia) sampai mencapai Tiongkok

Struktur piramid kuno , makam dan sisa kota dan dinding batu  Wargaade yang tersebar di Somalia merupakan bukti  adanya Masyarakat  kuno yang berkuasa di Semenanjung Somalia. Temuan arkeologis dan penelitian di Somalia membuktikan bahwa  msyarakat di sana memiliki sistem tulisan dengan aksara sendiri  yang sampai saat ini  belum dapat diterjemahkan . Wilayah ini memiliki hubungan dagang dengan Mesir  dan Junani Kuno dua abad sebelum masehi.

 Telah ditemukan  bukti adanya suatu kerajaan yang dinamakan ” Kingdom of Punt“. Kerajaan Punti tidak hanya berdagang hasil produksinya sendiri seperti dupa ,kayu eben dan tanduk binatang, tetapi juga barang-barang dari negara tetangga meliputi emas, gading dan kulit binatang.Berdasarkan peningalan relief candi di  Deir el-Bahari, Tanah punti dibawah kekusaan Raja  Parahu dan ratu  Ati.(mungkin ada hubungan dengan patung ratu kunti di candi dieng,perlu diteliti lebih lanjut oleh pakar arkeologi Indonesia-pen)

Penduduk Somalia kuno sudah memanfaatkan trasportasi dengan atara milenium ke tiga dan kedua sebelum masehi yang bergerak ke Mesir kuno dan afrika Utara. 

Pad periode klasik , kota di somalia seperti Mossylon, Opone, Malao, Mundus dan Tabae  mengembangkan suatu jaringan perdagangan dengan pedagang  dariPhoenicia, Ptolemaic Egypt, Greece, Parthian Persia, Saba, Nabataea dan Kerajaan  Romawi. Mereka mengunakan jalur maritim somalia kuno untuk mengangkut kargo mereka.

runtuhan banguna kuno  Qa’ableh.

Cinamon Trader Information

Cinnamon Oil(MINYAK KAYU MANIS)

Cinnamon Oil – Directory & Reference Resources

Cinnamon – From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaCinnamon

Cinnamon foliage and flowers

Scientific classification

Kingdom: Plantae

Division: Magnoliophyta

Class: Magnoliopsida

Order: Laurales

Family: Lauraceae

Genus: Cinnamomum

Species: C. verum

 Binomial name

Cinnamomum verum

J.Presl

Cassia (“Indonesian cinnamon”) is also commonly called (and sometimes sold as) cinnamon.

For other uses, see Cinnamon (disambiguation).

Cinnamon (Cinnamomum verum, synonym C. zeylanicum) is a small evergreen tree 10-15 meters (32.8-49.2 feet) tall, belonging to the family Lauraceae, native to Sri Lanka and Southern India. The bark is widely used as a spice. The leaves are ovate-oblong in shape, 7-18 cm (2.75-7.1 inches) long. The flowers, which are arranged in panicles, have a greenish color, and have a rather disagreeable odor. The fruit is a purple one-centimetre berry containing a single seed.

Its flavor is due to an aromatic essential oil which makes up 0.5 to 1% of its composition. This oil is prepared by roughly pounding the bark, macerating it in sea-water, and then quickly distilling the whole. It is of a golden-yellow colour, with the characteristic odour of cinnamon and a very hot aromatic taste. The pungent taste and scent come from cinnamic aldehyde or cinnamaldehyde and, by the absorption of oxygen as it ages, it darkens in colour and develops resinous compounds. Chemical components of the essential oil include ethyl cinnamate, eugenol, cinnamaldehyde, beta-caryophyllene, linalool and methyl chavicol.

The name cinnamon comes from Greek kinnámōmon, from Phoenician and akin to Hebrew qinnâmôn, itself ultimately from a Malaysian language, cf. Malay and Indonesian kayu manis “sweet wood”.

 Contents

1 History

2 Cultivation

3 Cinnamon and cassia

4 Uses

5 See also

6 References

 History

Cinnamon has been known from remote antiquity, and it was so highly prized among ancient nations that it was regarded as a gift fit for monarchs and other great potentates. It was imported to Egypt from China as early as 2000 BC, and is mentioned in the Bible in Exodus 30:23, where Moses is commanded to use both sweet cinnamon (Hebrew קִנָּמוֹן, qinnāmôn) and cassia, and in Proverbs 7:17-18, where the lover’s bed is perfumed with myrrh, aloe and cinnamon. It is also alluded to by Herodotus and other classical writers. It was commonly used on funeral pyres in Rome, and the Emperor Nero is said to have burned a year’s supply of cinnamon at the funeral for his wife Poppaea Sabina, in 65 AD.

In the Middle Ages, the source of cinnamon was a mystery to the Western world. Arab traders brought the spice via overland trade routes to Alexandria in Egypt, where it was bought by Venetian traders from Italy who held a monopoly on the spice trade in Europe. The disruption of this trade by the rise of other Mediterranean powers such as the Mameluk Dynasties and the Ottoman Empire was one of many factors that led Europeans to search more widely for other routes to Asia.

Portuguese traders finally discovered Ceylon (Sri Lanka) at the end of the fifteenth century, and restructured the traditional production of cinnamon by the salagama caste. The Portuguese established a fort on the island in 1518, and protected their own monopoly for over a hundred years.

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Dutch traders finally dislodged the Portuguese by allying with the inland Ceylon kingdom of Kandy. They established a trading post in 1638, took control of the factories by 1640, and expelled all remaining Portuguese by 1658. “The shores of the island are full of it”, a Dutch captain reported, “and it is the best in all the Orient: when one is downwind of the island, one can still smell cinnamon eight leagues out to sea” (Braudel 1984, p. 215).

The Dutch East India Company continued to overhaul the methods of harvesting in the wild, and eventually began to cultivate its own trees.

The British took control of the island from the Dutch in 1796. However, the importance of the monopoly of Ceylon was already declining, as cultivation of the cinnamon tree spread to other areas, the more common cassia bark became more acceptable to consumers, and coffee, tea, sugar and chocolate began to outstrip the popularity of traditional spices.

  Cultivation

Cinnamomum verum, from Koehler’s Medicinal-Plants (1887)Cinnamon is harvested by growing the tree for two years and then coppicing it. The next year a dozen or so shoots will form from the roots. These shoots are then stripped of their bark which is left to dry. Only the thin (0.5 mm) inner bark is used; the outer woody portion is removed, leaving metre long cinnamon strips that curl into rolls (“quills”) on drying; each dried quill comprises strips from numerous shoots packed together. These quills are then cut to 5-10 cm long pieces for sale.

Cinnamon comes from Sri Lanka, and the tree is also grown commercially at Tellicherry in southern India, Java, Sumatra, the West Indies, Brazil, Vietnam, Madagascar, Zanzibar, and Egypt. Sri Lanka cinnamon is a very thin smooth bark, with a light-yellowish brown colour, a highly fragrant odor.

  Cinnamon and cassia

The name cinnamon is correctly used to refer to Ceylon Cinnamon, also known as “true cinnamon” (from the botanical name C. verum). However, the related species Cassia (Cinnamomum aromaticum) and Cinnamomum burmannii are sometimes sold labeled as cinnamon, sometimes distinguished from true cinnamon as “Indonesian cinnamon” or, at least for Cassia, “Bastard cinnamon”. Ceylon cinnamon, using only the thin inner bark, has a finer, less dense and more crumbly texture, and is considered to be less strong than cassia. Cassia is generally a medium to light reddish brown, is hard and woody in texture, and is thicker (2-3 mm thick), as all of the layers of bark are used. Most of the cinnamon sold in supermarkets in the United States is actually cassia. European health agencies have recently warned against consuming high amounts of cassia, due to a toxic component called coumarin.[1]This is contained in much lower dosages in Ceylon cinnamon and in Cinnamomum burmannii. Coumarin is known to cause liver and kidney damage in high concentrations.

The two barks when whole are easily distinguished, and their microscopic characteristics are also quite distinct. Cinnamon sticks (or quills) have many thin layers and can easily be made into powder using a coffee or spice grinder whereas cassia sticks are much harder, made up of one thick layer, capable of damaging a spice or coffee grinder. It is a bit harder to tell powdered cinnamon from powdered cassia. When powdered bark is treated with tincture of iodine (a test for starch), little effect is visible in the case of pure cinnamon of good quality, but when cassia is present a deep-blue tint is produced, the intensity of the coloration depending on the proportion of cassia.

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Cinnamon is also sometimes confused with Malabathrum (Cinnamomum tamala) and Saigon Cinnamon (Cinnamomum loureiroi).

 Uses

Quills of true cinnamon barkCinnamon bark is widely used as a spice. It is principally employed in cookery as a condiment and flavouring material, being largely used in the preparation of some kinds of desserts, chocolate, spicy candies, tea, hot cocoa and liqueurs. In the Middle East, it is often used in savoury dishes of chicken and lamb. In the United States, cinnamon and sugar are often used to flavour cereals, bread-based dishes, and fruits, especially apples; a cinnamon-sugar mixture is even sold separately for such purposes. Cinnamon can also be used in pickling. Cinnamon bark is one of the few spices which can be consumed directly.

In medicine it acts like other volatile oils and once had a reputation as a cure for colds. It has also been used to treat diarrhea and other problems of the digestive system[1]. Cinnamon is high in antioxidant activity (PMID 16190627, PMID 10077878). The essential oil of cinnamon also has antimicrobial properties (PMID 16104824). This property may allow cinnamon to extend the shelf life of foods.[citation needed]

In the media, “cinnamon” has been reported to have remarkable pharmacological effects in the treatment of type II diabetes. However, the plant material used in the study (PMID 14633804) was actually cassia, as opposed to true cinnamon. Please refer to cassia’s medicinal uses for more information about its health benefits. Cinnamon has traditionally been used to treat toothache and fight bad breath and its regular use is believed to stave off common cold and aid digestion.[2]

Cinnamon is used in the system of Thelemic Magick for the invocation of Apollo, according to the correspondences listed in Aleister Crowley’s work Liber 777.

Cinnamon is also used as an insect repellent. It is widely used when a manufactured insecticide is not wanted or cannot be used because of possible health side effects or allergies.[citations needed]

 See also

Cinnamon bun

 References

Wikibooks Cookbook has an article on

CinnamonWikimedia Commons has media related to:

Cinnamomum verumThis article incorporates text from the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition, a publication now in the public domain.

^ http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=6672644

^ Chillies Are the Spice of Life By ALICE HART-DAVIS

Braudel, Fernand (1984). The Perspective of the World, Vol III of Civilization and Capitalism.

Corn, Charles (1998). The Scents of Eden: A Narrative of the Spice Trade. New York: Kodansha International.

“Cinnamon Extracts Boost Insulin Sensitivity” (2000). Agricultural Research magazine, July 2000.

Alan W. Archer (1988). “Determination of cinnamaldehyde, coumarin and cinnamyl alcohol in cinnamon and cassia by high-performance liquid chromatography”. Journal of Chromatography 447: 272-276. DOI:10.1016/0021-9673(88)90035-0. 

Medicinal Seasonings, The Healing Power Of Spices Book by Dr. Keith Scott

ROMAWI MENAKLUKAN KERAJAAN NABATAEAN

Sesudah Kerajaan romawi menaklukan Kerajaan Nabataean , Angkatan Laut Romawi menuju   Aden untuk membasmi bajklaut dan Pedagang Somalia dengan perjanjian menghambat kapal dari India untuk berdagang di pelabuhan bebas disemenanjung Arab untuk melindungi pedagang Somalia dan Arab dari perdanagan di Laut Merah-lautan Mediteriana. Kedatipun pedagang India (termasuk Indonesia) tetap berdagang di kota pelabuhan somalia yang bebas dari intervensi Romawi.

Pedagang India beberapa abad membawa dalm jumlah besar cinnamon dari Sri Lanka dan Indonesia ke Somalia dan Arabia. Menurut informasi, Pedagang Arab dan somalia menyimpan rahasia tentang perdagangan mereka dengan dunia Romawi dan Junani. Pedagang Romawi dan Junani percaya bahwa asal dari Cinamon dari semenanjung somalia, yang sebenarnya kebayakan produk tersebut dibawa ke Somalia oleh kapal India. Melalui perjanjian kerjasma oleh pedagang somalia dan Arab, Cinamon dari India/tiongkok ,termasuk dari indonesia dieksport dengan harga tinggi ke Afrika Utara, Asia Timur dan Eropa, yang membuat perdagangan cinamon menghasilkan keuntungan luar biasa terutama untuk pedagang Somalia yang melalui tangannya di kirim liwat rute darat dan  laut kuno  .Demianlah cerdiknya para pedagang dari somalia dan arab tersebut,juga dari buku kuno lain juga dikatakan mereka menakuti-nakuti para pedagang dari asia bahwa sangat sulit dan berbahaya bila berdagang ke eropa liwat lautan mediterania sehingga mereka memenagkan monopoli sebagai pedagang perantara diantara komuditi asia dan eropa,hal yang sama juga dilakukan tempo dulu oleh kerajaan Sriwijaya dan Aceh dengan  strategi berbeda yaitu memanfaatkan monopili dagang liwat laut dengan mengandalkan kekuatan armada laut mereka tetapi para pedagang dari pedalaman Sumatera lebih cerdik lagi dengan membuat jalur baru yang tidak dpat dipantau oleh armada kerajaan yang berkuasa saat itu..Sistem seperti ini secara rahasia masih digunakan saat ini,termasuk oleh bajak Laut di Teluk Somalia dan Selat Malaka.

 Untuk lebih mengenal Somalia yang umumnya saat ini populer dengan bajak lautnya, Museum dunia maya penulis telah mengadakan pameran koleksi terkait Somalia, beberapa cuplikannya dapt dilihat dibawah ini.

FRAME DUA :. BANGUNAN DAN RELIEF KUNO SOMALIA

1. Lukisan di batu Karang goa masa Paleolitik

.2. Piramid di Somalia era Abad Pertengahan

3.  Mesjid yang dibangun oleh Saad  ad -Din di Mogadishu  yang menjadi pusat agama Islam. pada abad ke tigabelas masehi

.

FRAME TIGA . SOMALIA ABAD KE SEMBILAN BELAS MASEHI

1. SOMALIA PROTEKTORAT ITALIA

Somalia menjadi Proktetorat Italia dari tahun 1888 to 1927, meliputi lautan hindia dari teluk Aden sampai sungai Juba ,lihatlah Prangko Pendudukan Italia di Somalia.

2. SOMALIA DIBAWAH KEKUASAAN INGGRIS( BRITISH SOMALILAND)

Somalia ingris di bentuk pada abad ke- 19 masehi didaerah utara-barat.lihatlah beberapa prangko jajahan Ingris di Somalia. 

Pada tahun 1940 Italia menaklukan Somalia Inggris( British Somaliland), tetapi tahun 1941 Inggris menaklukan kembali Somalia, lihatlah prangko jajahan Inggris tahun 1941 dibawah ini
 

Pada saat perang dunia kedua , tahun 1943 Somalia Pemerintahan Militer British   yang disingkat  BMA (Britis Military Administration).

FRAME EMPAT :PENGUASA SOMALIA ABAD KE DUAPULUH

1.Periode sesudah Perang Dunia Kedua

Monumen SYL

Sesudah perang dunia kedua, British secara gradual mengurangi pengawasannya di Somalia, dan berusaha mengenalkan demokrasi. dan sejumlah partai politik penduduk alsi somalia membentuk  Somali Youth League (SYL) pada tahun 1945.

Perjanjian Potsdam tidak menetapkan apa yang akan dilakukan terhadap Somalia,tetapi tidak mengizinkan  Inggris untuk tetap menduduki negeri itu, mengembalikan pengawasan kepada Italia yang jumlah warganya cukup memmadia bermukim atau menjanjikan kemerdekaan. disana, beberapa tahun menjadi perdebatan politik di somalia dalam beberapa tahun kemudian. Banyak yang ingin merdeka, tetutama penduduk rural di bagian barat dan utara.Pendudk bagian selatan lebih senang terhadap kekayaan ekonomi yang diberikan Italia dan menyenangi pimpian mereka, serta satu faksi kecil tetap ingin dibawah Inggris.

2. Ogaden Diserahkan  Kepada Ethiopia

Pada tahun 1948 suatu komisi yang dinentuk oleh Sekutu Bangsa-bangsa yang menang pernang ingin untuk memutuskan suatu pertanyaan satu untuk semua. Mereka membuat keputusan menyerahkan Ogaden kepada ethiopia.Setelah berbulan-bulan timbul perdebatan di PBB, tahun 1949 demi untuk perbaikan ekonomi, Italia tetap berkuasa dalam bentuk kerjasama (trusteeship) dengan Somalia untuk sepuluh tahun yang akan datang.setealh itu akan diberikan kemerdekaan.

SYL, partai pertama dan amat berkuasa , menentang keras keputusan tersebut, mereka mengharapkan segera merdeka , dan membuat situasi tidak tenang untuk tahun-tahun berikutnya.

3.Somalia Dibawah Administrator Italia

Pada tahun 1950, suatu masa keemasan bagi somalia, dengan kuncuran dana dari PBB, dan adminsitrator Italia yang melihat soamlaia sebagai rumah mereka, pembanguna infrastruktur dan pendidikanberkembang.Dekade ini diliwati relatif tanpa insiden dan ditandai dengan perkembangan segala aspek kehidupan. Sesuai rencana. tahun 1960, Somalia diberikan Kemerdekaan , dan kekuasaan di pindahkan dari adsministrator Italia kepada kultur politik somalia yang bagus.

.4. Somalia Merdeka

Hawo Tako  adalah wanita yang berperanan dalam perjuangan kemerdekaan Somalia

Negara somalia yang baru merdeka menyenangi politik. Setiap penduduk mendengarkan pidato politik liwat  radio  , dan walaupun sebagai negara muslim Afrika, Wanita juga berperan aktif . hanya mendapat tantangan dari masyarakat konservatif yang jumalhnya realitif kecil. Pada saat permulaan terdapat permasalahan yang signifikan, terutama di wilayah perbatasa utara-selatan dan masalah Ogaden . Juga tekanan lama  Ethiopia dan kepercayaan bahwa Ogaden adalah wilayah somalia , menjadi maslah sebelum merdeka. Bahasa di wilayah Utara dan Selatan berbeda Inggris vs Italia dan terdapat perbedaan mata uang.

Mulai awal  1960s, timbul trend masalah dimana bagian Utara menolak  referendum yang dimenagi oleh mayoritas  pemilih, berdasarkan pada kemenangan terhadap favorit  warga Selatan . Hal ini membuat sakit kepala pada tahun  1961 ketika warga Utara mengorganisir revolusi paramiliter ketika wilayah tersebut dibawah komando warga Selatan. Partai Poltik tersbesar nomor dua di Utara mulai secara terbuka melaksanakan  secession. Berusaha menghiolanghkan perbepecahan dengan memebentuk suatu Partai  Pan-Somalian yang tidak efektif ; Suatu kesempatan usaha partai untuk mempersatukan wilayah dengan mengarahkan mereka terhadap musuh bersama  Ethiopia dan menyebabkan Ogaden direbut kembali.Partai nasionalis lainnya mengininkan agar kemerdekaaan termasuk wilayah utara . Kenyan dari Kenya  yang dikuasai Italia. Wilayah ini sebagian bedar bermukim etnis Somalia yang ingin dibawah kekuasaan   Italian , dan dihalangi oleh regim yang berbeda bentuknya di Kenya.

5.SOMALIA RAYA (Greater Somalia)

Rayat somalia di belalai Afrika dibagi dalam beberapa teritorial yang merupakan perbedaan dari masa penjajahan. disamping kekayaan  Somalia, secara historis dan hampir di seluruh belalai afrika di urus oleh negara tetangga.seperti wilayah  Somali di Ethiopia dand prpinsi Utara timur (the North Eastern Province =NFD) di Kenya.
Pan Somalism adalah suatu ideologi yang dapt menyatukan seluruh ethnik somalia dibawah satu bendera dan satu bangsa . Hal ini menimbulkan pemberontakan lintas batas oleh ” Somali insurgents and violent crackdowns” oleh pasukan  Ethiopian troops dari  1960  sampai  1964,ketika konflik terbuka muncul antara   Ethiopia dan Somalia. Setealh beberapa bulan sampa lpeletakan senjata ” cease fire” ditanda tangani pada tahun yang sama. . Kemudian  Ethiopia dan Kenya menanda tangani pakta pertahanan urtnuk melindungi teritotri baru mereka dari separatis somalia.
 

Aden Abdullah Osman Daar , Presiden pertama Somalia.

Walaupun Somalia secara politis dipengaruhi oleh British dan Italia pada periode setelah perang , parai sosialis menolak secara keseluruhan dari Namgsa  Europa, dan menginginkan hubungan dengan  Soviet Union dan the People’s Republic of China. Pada pertengahan 1960s, Somali mengadakan hubungan militer dengan  Soviet Union dimana  Soviets menyediakan   material dan training kepada angkatan perang  Somali dengan tukaran dapt mengunakan pangkalan Angkatan laut  Somalia. Mereka juga saling  program pertukaran beberapa ratus tentara dari satu negara kepada negara lain untuk mengikuti latihan atau dilatih. Hasilnya kontak dengan  militer Soviet , banyak perwira   Somali tertarik dengan pandangan dunia Marxist . China juga  mensuplai banyak projek industri non militer.

Italia ,untuk wilayah yang dikuasainya, secar kontiniu membantu pedudukuk expatriat di wilayah Tanduk Afrika” Horn of Africa“. Hubungan dengan pemerintah somalia berkembang dengan cepat dan pemerintah Italia tetap menjadi pusat kekuasaan .

Somalia,kendatipun, telah berkembang menjadi permata kumala dengan  Amerika serikat, yang telah mengirim bantuan militer kepada Negara Tetangga , Ethiopia, untuk meng-atasi   indoktrinasi anti Barat dari teman baru mereka Russia .

Pada akhir tahun 1960s, Demokrasi sudah meninggalkan Somalia menjadi permulaan dari dimulainya suatu gerakan penuh harapan ( enthuastik) dalam waktu sepuluh tahun  , Somalia mulai jadi kacau . Pada pemilu   1967 , akibat pengaruh klan yang loyal, pemenang tidak segera menemukannya ,malah suatu pemilu rahasia telah dilaksnakan dengan  memilih senator dari ” National Assemblymen” . Pemilu terpusat memanfaatkan kekuatan militer untuk memperoleh impian negara  kesatuan pan-Somalism, yang berarti perang dengan  Ethiopia dan Kenya serta mungkin dengan Djibouti.

Pada tahun 1968 terjadi sedikit perkembangan ketika suatu perjanjian perdagangan  dengan  Ethiopia ,  yang sangat menguntungkan terutama bagi penduduk diperbatasan yang hidup  dalam suatu negara darurat de fakto sejak gejatan senjata  tahun 1964 .

Pada tahun 1969 di somalia banyak terjadi kolusi , koluburator dan pengkhianatan  partai secara politis  terhadap pemerintah somalia . Pada kelompok utama ,  SYL dan beberapa partai pendukungnya  bekerja sama , yang memperoleh120 dari 123  kursi di DPR , dipotong kekuasaannya menjadi 46 kursi saja.akibatnya timbuol kemarahan terhadap hasil Pemilu yang mengantikan hegomoni  SYL, dan mereka  yang masih  sebagai anggota DPR tetap berupaya melakukan sesuatu sebab militer  pendukung  SYL, ketika partai tersebut selalu dibantu ketika invasi ke  Ethiopia dan Kenya, sebagai alasan bagi militer untuk muncul dalm gelangang politik. 

6. Regim Barre

Coup d’etat tahun 1969

Major General Salaad Gabeyre Kediye memimpin revolusi tak berdarah (  Bloodless revolution ) tahun  1969.

Revolusi berupa suatu  coup d’état, tetapi tanpa suatu perencanaan . pada tanggal  15 Oktober 1969, seorang pengawal ” bodyguard” membunuh  presiden Shermarke ketika perdana menteri  Igaal sedang  keluar negeri  (pembunuhan karena perilaku presiden yang jelek sehingga pemerintah revolusione berusaha dan berhasil) meneksekusinya)  Igaal kembali ke Mogadishu untuk menyusun pemilihan  presiden baru oleh  ” National Assembly”. Ia memilih  Shermarke, seorang dari klan famili  Daarood  (Igaal  adalh sebagai seorang  Isaaq). Pemerintah protes, terutama oleh sejumlah kelompok Perwira Militer , karen atidak melihat adanya perbaikan situasi didalam negeri . Para Kritikus juga melihat proses suatu korupsi dengan calon presiden yang akan dipilih , tawaran tertinggi yang diajukan sampai 55,000 Somali Shillings (lebih kurang $8,000) bagi setiap yang memilih  Hagi Musa Bogor.

Pada  21 October 1969, ketika DPR “assembly” somalia  akan mendukung pilihan  Igaal , Unit Militer , dengan bantuan polisis , mengambil alih tempat strategis di Mogadishu dan mengelilingi pejabat Pemerintah dan figur politik yang menonjol lainnya.

 Kendatipun sebagai dalang pengambil alihan kekuasaan oleh  militer,Panglima Tentara  Major General Salad Gabeire Kediye dan Mahammad Siad Barre berpendapat Pimpinan Pemrintah harus ditangan Pemerintah  .

Badan Pemerintahan baru, pemimpin “Supreme Revolutionary Council ” Salad Gabeire, menetapakan  Siad Barre sebagai  presiden. SRC  danregime demokratis di Istana kepresidenan , termasuk Igaal. Partai politik  SRC dinyatakan partai terlarang dan dibubarkan.

Sasaran regime baru adlah mengakhiri  “tribalism, nepotism, corruption, and misrule”. Perjanjian yang tealh dibuat tetap dihormati ,tetapi gerakan  Pembebasan Nasional  dan Unifikasi  Somali akan di dukung . Negara ini diberikan nama baru “Somali Democratic Republic.”

Kisah selanjutnya tentang situasi konflik di Somalia sampai timbulnya bajak laut Somalia dpat dibaca di Web blog penulis, tetapi bila bnayk yang emminta untuk dilanjutkan akan dikirim tulisan lanjutan.

7.Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC)

The SRC also gave priority to rapid economic and social development through “crash programs”, efficient and responsive government, and creation of a standard written form of Somali as the country’s single official language. The régime pledged continuance of regional détente in its foreign relations without relinquishing Somali claims to disputed territories.

The SRC’s domestic program, known as the First Charter of the Revolution, appeared in 1969. Along with Law Number 1, an enabling instrument promulgated on the day of the military takeover, the First Charter provided the institutional and ideological framework of the new regime. Law Number 1 assigned to the SRC all functions previously performed by the president, the National Assembly, and the Council of Ministers, as well as many duties of the courts. The role of the twenty-five-member military junta was that of an executive committee that made decisions and had responsibility to formulate and execute policy. Actions were based on majority vote, but deliberations rarely were published. SRC members met in specialized committees to oversee government operations in given areas. A subordinate fourteen-man secretariat—the Council of the Secretaries of State (CSS)– functioned as a cabinet and was responsible for day-to-day government operation, although it lacked political power. The CSS consisted largely of civilians, but until 1974 several key ministries were headed by military officers who were concurrently members of the SRC. Existing legislation from the previous democratic government remained in force unless specifically abrogated by the SRC, usually on the grounds that it was “incompatible… with the spirit of the Revolution.” In February 1970, the democratic constitution of 1960, suspended at the time of the coup, was repealed by the SRC under powers conferred by Law Number 1.

Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) poster.

Although the SRC monopolized executive and legislative authority, Siad Barre filled a number of executive posts: titular head of state, chairman of the CSS (and thereby head of government), commander in chief of the armed forces, and president of the SRC. His titles were of less importance, however, than was his personal authority, to which most SRC members deferred, and his ability to manipulate the clans.

Military and police officers, including some SRC members, headed government agencies and public institutions to supervise economic development, financial management, trade, communications, and public utilities. Military officers replaced civilian district and regional officials. Meanwhile, civil servants attended reorientation courses that combined professional training with political indoctrination, and those found to be incompetent or politically unreliable were fired. A mass dismissal of civil servants in 1974, however, was dictated in part by economic pressures.

The legal system functioned after the coup, subject to modification. In 1970 special tribunals, the National Security Courts (NSC), were set up as the judicial arm of the SRC. Using a military attorney as prosecutor, the courts operated outside the ordinary legal system as watchdogs against activities considered to be counterrevolutionary. The first cases that the courts dealt with involved Shermaarke’s assassination and charges of corruption leveled by the SRC against members of the democratic regime. The NSC subsequently heard cases with and without political content. A uniform civil code introduced in 1973 replaced predecessor laws inherited from the Italians and British and also imposed restrictions on the activities of sharia courts. The new regime subsequently extended the death penalty and prison sentences to individual offenders, formally eliminating collective responsibility through the payment of diyya or blood money.

The SRC also overhauled local government, breaking up the old regions into smaller units as part of a long-range decentralization program intended to destroy the influence of the traditional clan assemblies and, in the government’s words, to bring government “closer to the people.” Local councils, composed of military administrators and representatives appointed by the SRC, were established under the Ministry of Interior at the regional, district, and village levels to advise the government on local conditions and to expedite its directives. Other institutional innovations included the organization (under Soviet direction) of the National Security Service (NSS), directed initially at halting the flow of professionals and dissidents out of the country and at counteracting attempts to settle disputes among the clans by traditional means. The newly formed Ministry of Information and National Guidance set up local political education bureaus to carry the government’s message to the people and used Somalia’s print and broadcast media for the “success of the socialist, revolutionary road.” A censorship board, appointed by the ministry, tailored information to SRC guidelines.

The SRC took its toughest political stance in the campaign to break down the solidarity of the lineage groups. Tribalism was condemned as the most serious impediment to national unity. Siad Barre denounced clanism in a wider context as a “disease” obstructing development not only in Somalia, but also throughout the Third World. The government meted out prison terms and fines for a broad category of proscribed activities classified as clanism. Traditional headmen, whom the democratic government had paid a stipend, were replaced by reliable local dignitaries known as “peacekeepers” (nabod doan), appointed by Mogadishu to represent government interests. Community identification rather than lineage affiliation was forcefully advocated at orientation centers set up in every district as the foci of local political and social activity. For example, the SRC decreed that all marriage ceremonies should occur at an orientation center. Siad Barre presided over these ceremonies from time to time and contrasted the benefits of socialism to the evils he associated with clanism.

To increase production and control over the nomads, the government resettled 140,000 nomadic pastoralists in farming communities and in coastal towns, where the erstwhile herders were encouraged to engage in agriculture and fishing. By dispersing the nomads and severing their ties with the land to which specific clans made collective claim, the government may also have undercut clan solidarity. In many instances, real improvement in the living conditions of resettled nomads was evident, but despite government efforts to eliminate it, clan consciousness as well as a desire to return to the nomadic life persisted. Concurrent SRC attempts to improve the status of Somali women were unpopular in a traditional Muslim society, despite Siad Barre’s argument that such reforms were consistent with Islamic principles.

Siad Barre and scientific socialism

Somalia’s adherence to socialism became official on the first anniversary of the military coup when Siad Barre proclaimed that Somalia was a socialist state, despite the fact that the country had no history of class conflict in the Marxist sense. For purposes of Marxist analysis, therefore, clanism was equated with class in a society struggling to liberate itself from distinctions imposed by lineage group affiliation. At the time, Siad Barre explained that the official ideology consisted of three elements: his own conception of community development based on the principle of self-reliance, a form of socialism based on Marxist principles, and Islam. These were subsumed under “scientific socialism,” although such a definition was at variance with the Soviet and Chinese models to which reference was frequently made. The theoretical underpinning of the state ideology combined aspects of the Qur’an with the influences of Marx, Lenin, and Mao, but Siad Barre was pragmatic in its application. “Socialism is not a religion,” he explained; “It is a political principle” to organize government and manage production. Somalia’s alignment with communist states, coupled with its proclaimed adherence to scientific socialism, led to frequent accusations that the country had become a Soviet satellite. For all the rhetoric extolling scientific socialism, however, genuine Marxist sympathies were not deep-rooted in Somalia. But the ideology was acknowledged—partly in view of the country’s economic and military dependence on the Soviet Union—as the most convenient peg on which to hang a revolution introduced through a military coup that had supplanted a Western-oriented parliamentary democracy.

More important than Marxist ideology to the popular acceptance of the revolutionary regime in the early 1970s were the personal power of Siad Barre and the image he projected. Styled the “Victorious Leader” (Guulwaadde), Siad Barre fostered the growth of a personality cult. Portraits of him in the company of Marx and Lenin festooned the streets on public occasions. The epigrams, exhortations, and advice of the paternalistic leader who had synthesized Marx with Islam and had found a uniquely Somali path to socialist revolution were widely distributed in Siad Barre’s little blue-and-white book. Despite the revolutionary regime’s intention to stamp out the clan politics, the government was commonly referred to by the code name MOD. This acronym stood for Marehan (Siad Barre’s clan), Ogaden (the clan of Siad Barre’s mother), and Dulbahante (the clan of Siad Barre son-in-law Colonel Ahmad Sulaymaan Abdullah, who headed the NSS). These were the three clans whose members formed the government’s inner circle. In 1975, for example, ten of the twenty members of the SRC were from the Daarood clan-family, of which these three clans were a part, while the Digil and Rahanweyn, sedentary interriverine clan-families, were totally unrepresented.

FRAME ENAM.:

” KONFLIK DAN BAJAKLAUT SOMALIA DI  AWAL MILENIUM KEDUA”

The SRC’s domestic program, known as the First Charter of the Revolution, appeared in 1969. Along with Law Number 1, an enabling instrument promulgated on the day of the military takeover, the First Charter provided the institutional and ideological framework of the new regime. Law Number 1 assigned to the SRC all functions previously performed by the president, the National Assembly, and the Council of Ministers, as well as many duties of the courts. The role of the twenty-five-member military junta was that of an executive committee that made decisions and had responsibility to formulate and execute policy. Actions were based on majority vote, but deliberations rarely were published. SRC members met in specialized committees to oversee government operations in given areas. A subordinate fourteen-man secretariat—the Council of the Secretaries of State (CSS)– functioned as a cabinet and was responsible for day-to-day government operation, although it lacked political power. The CSS consisted largely of civilians, but until 1974 several key ministries were headed by military officers who were concurrently members of the SRC. Existing legislation from the previous democratic government remained in force unless specifically abrogated by the SRC, usually on the grounds that it was “incompatible… with the spirit of the Revolution.” In February 1970, the democratic constitution of 1960, suspended at the time of the coup, was repealed by the SRC under powers conferred by Law Number 1.

Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) poster.

Although the SRC monopolized executive and legislative authority, Siad Barre filled a number of executive posts: titular head of state, chairman of the CSS (and thereby head of government), commander in chief of the armed forces, and president of the SRC. His titles were of less importance, however, than was his personal authority, to which most SRC members deferred, and his ability to manipulate the clans.

Military and police officers, including some SRC members, headed government agencies and public institutions to supervise economic development, financial management, trade, communications, and public utilities. Military officers replaced civilian district and regional officials. Meanwhile, civil servants attended reorientation courses that combined professional training with political indoctrination, and those found to be incompetent or politically unreliable were fired. A mass dismissal of civil servants in 1974, however, was dictated in part by economic pressures.

The legal system functioned after the coup, subject to modification. In 1970 special tribunals, the National Security Courts (NSC), were set up as the judicial arm of the SRC. Using a military attorney as prosecutor, the courts operated outside the ordinary legal system as watchdogs against activities considered to be counterrevolutionary. The first cases that the courts dealt with involved Shermaarke’s assassination and charges of corruption leveled by the SRC against members of the democratic regime. The NSC subsequently heard cases with and without political content. A uniform civil code introduced in 1973 replaced predecessor laws inherited from the Italians and British and also imposed restrictions on the activities of sharia courts. The new regime subsequently extended the death penalty and prison sentences to individual offenders, formally eliminating collective responsibility through the payment of diyya or blood money.

The SRC also overhauled local government, breaking up the old regions into smaller units as part of a long-range decentralization program intended to destroy the influence of the traditional clan assemblies and, in the government’s words, to bring government “closer to the people.” Local councils, composed of military administrators and representatives appointed by the SRC, were established under the Ministry of Interior at the regional, district, and village levels to advise the government on local conditions and to expedite its directives. Other institutional innovations included the organization (under Soviet direction) of the National Security Service (NSS), directed initially at halting the flow of professionals and dissidents out of the country and at counteracting attempts to settle disputes among the clans by traditional means. The newly formed Ministry of Information and National Guidance set up local political education bureaus to carry the government’s message to the people and used Somalia’s print and broadcast media for the “success of the socialist, revolutionary road.” A censorship board, appointed by the ministry, tailored information to SRC guidelines.

The SRC took its toughest political stance in the campaign to break down the solidarity of the lineage groups. Tribalism was condemned as the most serious impediment to national unity. Siad Barre denounced clanism in a wider context as a “disease” obstructing development not only in Somalia, but also throughout the Third World. The government meted out prison terms and fines for a broad category of proscribed activities classified as clanism. Traditional headmen, whom the democratic government had paid a stipend, were replaced by reliable local dignitaries known as “peacekeepers” (nabod doan), appointed by Mogadishu to represent government interests. Community identification rather than lineage affiliation was forcefully advocated at orientation centers set up in every district as the foci of local political and social activity. For example, the SRC decreed that all marriage ceremonies should occur at an orientation center. Siad Barre presided over these ceremonies from time to time and contrasted the benefits of socialism to the evils he associated with clanism.

To increase production and control over the nomads, the government resettled 140,000 nomadic pastoralists in farming communities and in coastal towns, where the erstwhile herders were encouraged to engage in agriculture and fishing. By dispersing the nomads and severing their ties with the land to which specific clans made collective claim, the government may also have undercut clan solidarity. In many instances, real improvement in the living conditions of resettled nomads was evident, but despite government efforts to eliminate it, clan consciousness as well as a desire to return to the nomadic life persisted. Concurrent SRC attempts to improve the status of Somali women were unpopular in a traditional Muslim society, despite Siad Barre’s argument that such reforms were consistent with Islamic principles.

Siad Barre and scientific socialism

Somalia’s adherence to socialism became official on the first anniversary of the military coup when Siad Barre proclaimed that Somalia was a socialist state, despite the fact that the country had no history of class conflict in the Marxist sense. For purposes of Marxist analysis, therefore, clanism was equated with class in a society struggling to liberate itself from distinctions imposed by lineage group affiliation. At the time, Siad Barre explained that the official ideology consisted of three elements: his own conception of community development based on the principle of self-reliance, a form of socialism based on Marxist principles, and Islam. These were subsumed under “scientific socialism,” although such a definition was at variance with the Soviet and Chinese models to which reference was frequently made. The theoretical underpinning of the state ideology combined aspects of the Qur’an with the influences of Marx, Lenin, and Mao, but Siad Barre was pragmatic in its application. “Socialism is not a religion,” he explained; “It is a political principle” to organize government and manage production. Somalia’s alignment with communist states, coupled with its proclaimed adherence to scientific socialism, led to frequent accusations that the country had become a Soviet satellite. For all the rhetoric extolling scientific socialism, however, genuine Marxist sympathies were not deep-rooted in Somalia. But the ideology was acknowledged—partly in view of the country’s economic and military dependence on the Soviet Union—as the most convenient peg on which to hang a revolution introduced through a military coup that had supplanted a Western-oriented parliamentary democracy.

More important than Marxist ideology to the popular acceptance of the revolutionary regime in the early 1970s were the personal power of Siad Barre and the image he projected. Styled the “Victorious Leader” (Guulwaadde), Siad Barre fostered the growth of a personality cult. Portraits of him in the company of Marx and Lenin festooned the streets on public occasions. The epigrams, exhortations, and advice of the paternalistic leader who had synthesized Marx with Islam and had found a uniquely Somali path to socialist revolution were widely distributed in Siad Barre’s little blue-and-white book. Despite the revolutionary regime’s intention to stamp out the clan politics, the government was commonly referred to by the code name MOD. This acronym stood for Marehan (Siad Barre’s clan), Ogaden (the clan of Siad Barre’s mother), and Dulbahante (the clan of Siad Barre son-in-law Colonel Ahmad Sulaymaan Abdullah, who headed the NSS). These were the three clans whose members formed the government’s inner circle. In 1975, for example, ten of the twenty members of the SRC were from the Daarood clan-family, of which these three clans were a part, while the Digil and Rahanweyn, sedentary interriverine clan-families, were totally unrepresented.

 The language and literacy issue

One of the principal objectives of the revolutionary regime was the adoption of a standard orthography of the Somali language. Such a system would enable the government to make Somali the country’s official language. Since independence Italian and English had served as the languages of administration and instruction in Somalia’s schools. All government documents had been published in the two European languages. Indeed, it had been considered necessary that certain civil service posts of national importance be held by two officials, one proficient in English and the other in Italian. During the Husseen and Igaal governments, when a number of English-speaking northerners were put in prominent positions, English had dominated Italian in official circles and had even begun to replace it as a medium of instruction in southern schools. Arabic—or a heavily arabized Somali—also had been widely used in cultural and commercial areas and in Islamic schools and courts. Religious traditionalists and supporters of Somalia’s integration into the Arab world had advocated that Arabic be adopted as the official language, with Somali as a vernacular. A few months after independence, the Somali Language Committee was appointed to investigate the best means of writing Somali. The committee considered nine scripts, including Arabic, Latin, and various indigenous scripts. Its report, issued in 1962, favored the Latin script, which the committee regarded as the best suited to represent the phonemic structure of Somali and flexible enough to be adjusted for the dialects. Facility with a Latin system, moreover, offered obvious advantages to those who sought higher education outside the country. Modern printing equipment would also be more easily and reasonably available for Latin type. Existing Somali grammars prepared by foreign scholars, although outdated for modern teaching methods, would give some initial advantage in the preparation of teaching materials. Disagreement had been so intense among opposing factions, however, that no action was taken to adopt a standard script, although successive governments continued to reiterate their intention to resolve the issue.

The Borama script for the Somali language

On coming to power, the SRC made clear that it viewed the official use of foreign languages, of which only a relatively small fraction of the population had an adequate working knowledge, as a threat to national unity, contributing to the stratification of society on the basis of language. In 1971 the SRC revived the Somali Language Committee and instructed it to prepare textbooks for schools and adult education programs, a national grammar, and a new Somali dictionary. However, no decision was made at the time concerning the use of a particular script, and each member of the committee worked in the one with which he was familiar. The understanding was that, upon adoption of a standard script, all materials would be immediately transcribed.

On the third anniversary of the 1969 coup, the SRC announced that a Latin script had been adopted as the standard script to be used throughout Somalia beginning January 1, 1973. There were 18 varying scripts brought to the Language Committee. Of these, 11 were new Somali scripts invented by aspiring linguists. Of the remaining seven, 4 were Arabic and 3 Latin. There were over a dozen linguists and Shire Jama Ahmed‘s Latin version which he already used to print pamphlets won over the council. It is the Somali script or written Af Soomaali used today. The Somali script has 21 consonants and five vowels. As a prerequisite for continued government service, all officials were given three months (later extended to six months) to learn the new script and to become proficient in it. During 1973 educational material written in the standard orthography was introduced in elementary schools and by 1975 was also being used in secondary and higher education.

Somalia’s literacy rate was estimated at only 5 percent in 1972. After adopting the new script, the SRC launched a “cultural revolution” aimed at making the entire population literate in two years. The first part of the massive literacy campaign was carried out in a series of three-month sessions in urban and rural sedentary areas and reportedly resulted in several hundred thousand people learning to read and write. As many as 8,000 teachers were recruited, mostly among government employees and members of the armed forces, to conduct the program.

The campaign in settled areas was followed by preparations for a major effort among the nomads that got underway in August 1974. The program in the countryside was carried out by more than 20,000 teachers, half of whom were secondary school students whose classes were suspended for the duration of the school year. The rural program also compelled a privileged class of urban youth to share the hardships of the nomadic pastoralists. Although affected by the onset of a severe drought, the program appeared to have achieved substantial results in the field in a short period of time. Nevertheless, the UN estimate of Somalia’s literacy rate in 1990 was only 24 percent.

Creation of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party

One of the SRC’s first acts was to prohibit the existence of any political association. Under Soviet pressure to create a communist party structure to replace Somalia’s military regime, Siad Barre had announced as early as 1971 the SRC’s intention to establish a one-party state. The SRC already had begun organizing what was described as a “vanguard of the revolution” composed of members of a socialist elite drawn from the military and the civilian sectors. The National Public Relations Office (retitled the National Political Office in 1973) was formed to propagate scientific socialism with the support of the Ministry of Information and National Guidance through orientation centers that had been built around the country, generally as local selfhelp projects.

Supreme Revolutionary Council poster

The SRC convened a congress of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP) in June 1976 and voted to establish the Supreme Council as the new party’s central committee. The council included the nineteen officers who composed the SRC, in addition to civilian advisers, heads of ministries, and other public figures. Civilians accounted for a majority of the Supreme Council’s seventy-three members. On July 1, 1976, the SRC dissolved itself, formally vesting power over the government in the SRSP under the direction of the Supreme Council.

In theory the SRSP’s creation marked the end of military rule, but in practice real power over the party and the government remained with the small group of military officers who had been most influential in the SRC. Decision-making power resided with the new party’s politburo, a select committee of the Supreme Council that was composed of five former SRC members, including Siad Barre and his son-in-law, NSS chief Abdullah. Siad Barre was also secretary general of the SRSP, as well as chairman of the Council of Ministers, which had replaced the CSS in 1981. Military influence in the new government increased with the assignment of former SRC members to additional ministerial posts. The MOD circle also had wide representation on the Supreme Council and in other party organs. Upon the establishment of the SRSP, the National Political Office was abolished; local party leadership assumed its functions.

 Ogaden War

Main article: Ogaden War

Poster showing the Ogaden as part of Greater Somalia.

In 1977 the Somali president, Siad Barre, was able to muster 35,000 regulars and 15,000 fighters of the Western Somali Liberation Front. His forces began infiltrating into the Ogaden in May-June 1977, and overt warfare began in July. By September 1977 Mogadishu controlled all of the Ogaden and had followed retreating Ethiopian forces into non-Somali regions of Harerge, Bale, and Sidamo.

After watching Ethiopian events in 1975-76, the Soviet Union concluded that the revolution would lead to the establishment of an authentic Marxist-Leninist state and that, for geopolitical purposes, it was wise to transfer Soviet interests to Ethiopia. To this end, Moscow secretly promised the Derg military aid on condition that it renounce the alliance with the United States. Mengistu Haile Mariam, believing that the Soviet Union’s revolutionary history of national reconstruction was in keeping with Ethiopia’s political goals, closed down the U.S. military mission and the communications centre in April 1977. In September, Moscow suspended all military aid to Somalia, and began to openly deliver weapons to its new ally, and reassigned military advisers from Somalia to Ethiopia. This Soviet volte-face also gained Ethiopia important support from North Korea, which trained a People’s Militia, and from Cuba and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, which provided infantry, pilots, and armoured units. Somalia renounced the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union expelled all Soviet advisers, broke diplomatic relations with Cuba, and ejected all Soviet personnel from Somalia

By March 1978, Ethiopia and its allies regained control over the Ogaden. Siad Barre proved unable to return the Ogaden to Somali rule, and the people grew restive; in northern Somalia, rebels destroyed administrative centres and took over major towns. Both Ethiopia and Somalia were unable to surmount droughts and famines that afflicted the Horn during the 1980s. In 1988 Siad and Mengistu agreed to withdraw their armies from further confrontation in the Ogaden.

Somalia, 1980-90

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Repression

Faced with shrinking popularity and an armed and organized domestic resistance, Siad Barre unleashed a reign of terror against the Majeerteen, the Hawiye, and the Isaaq, carried out by the Red Berets (Duub Cas), a special unit recruited from the president’s Marehan clansmen. Thus, by the beginning of 1986, Siad Barre’s grip on power seemed secure, despite the host of problems facing the regime. The president received a severe blow from an unexpected quarter, however. On the evening of May 23, he was severely injured in an automobile accident. Astonishingly, although at the time he was in his early seventies and suffered from chronic diabetes, Siad Barre recovered sufficiently to resume the reins of government following a month’s recuperation. But the accident unleashed a power struggle among senior army commandants, elements of the president’s Marehan clan, and related factions, whose infighting practically brought the country to a standstill. Broadly, two groups contended for power: a constitutional faction and a clan faction. The constitutional faction was led by the senior vice president, Brigadier General Mahammad Ali Samantar; the second vice president, Major General Husseen Kulmiye; and generals Ahmad Sulaymaan Abdullah and Ahmad Mahamuud Faarah. The four, together with president Siad Barre, constituted the politburo of the SRSP.

Opposed to the constitutional group were elements from the president’s Marehan clan, especially members of his immediate family, including his brother, Abdirahmaan Jaama Barre; the president’s son, Colonel Masleh Siad, and the formidable Mama Khadiija, Siad Barre’s senior wife. By some accounts, Mama Khadiija ran her own intelligence network, had well-placed political contacts, and oversaw a large group who had prospered under her patronage.

In November 1986, the dreaded Red Berets unleashed a campaign of terror and intimidation on a frightened citizenry. Meanwhile, the ministries atrophied and the army’s officer corps was purged of competent career officers on suspicion of insufficient loyalty to the president. In addition, ministers and bureaucrats plundered what was left of the national treasury after it had been repeatedly skimmed by the top family.

The same month, the SRSP held its third congress. The Central Committee was reshuffled and the president was nominated as the only candidate for another seven-year term. Thus, with a weak opposition divided along clan lines, which he skillfully exploited, Siad Barre seemed invulnerable well into 1988. The regime might have lingered indefinitely but for the wholesale disaffection engendered by the genocidal policies carried out against important lineages of Somali kinship groupings. These actions were waged first against the Majeerteen clan (of the Darod clan-family), then against the Isaaq clans of the north, and finally against the Hawiye, who occupied the strategic central area of the country, which included the capital. The disaffection of the Hawiye and their subsequent organized armed resistance eventually caused the regime’s downfall.

 Somali Civil War

Main article: Somali Civil War

With worsening conditions in Somalia, rebels of the United Somali Congress (USC) led by Mohamed Farrah Aidid attacked Mogadishu and on January 26, 1991, Barre’s government was taken out of power.

In May 1991, the northernwestern Somaliland region of Somalia declared its independence. This Isaaq-dominated governing zone is not recognized by any major international organization or country, although it has remained more stable and certainly more peaceful than the rest of Somalia, neighboring Puntland notwithstanding.[45][46]

US Army helicopter shortly before Battle of Mogadishu in 1993.

UN Security Council Resolution 794 was unanimously passed on December 3, 1992, which approved a coalition of United Nations peacekeepers led by the United States to form UNITAF, tasked with ensuring humanitarian aid being distributed and peace being established in Somalia until the humanitarian efforts were transferred to the UN. The UN humanitarian troops landed in 1993 and started a two-year effort (primarily in the south), known as UNOSOM II, to alleviate famine conditions.

Many Somalis opposed the foreign presence. In October, several gun battles in Mogadishu between local gunmen and peacekeepers resulted in the death of 24 Pakistanis and 19 US soldiers (total US deaths were 31). Most of the Americans were killed in the Battle of Mogadishu. The incident later became the basis for the book and movie Black Hawk Down. The UN withdrew on March 3, 1995, having suffered more significant casualties. Order in Somalia still has not been restored.

Yet again another secession from Somalia took place in the northeastern region. The self-proclaimed state took the name Puntland after declaring “temporary” independence in 1998, with the intention that it would participate in any Somali reconciliation to form a new central government.

A third secession occurred in 1998 with the declaration of the state of Jubaland. The territory of Jubaland is now encompassed by the state of Southwestern Somalia and its status is unclear.

A fourth self-proclaimed entity led by the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA) was set up in 1999, along the lines of the Puntland. That “temporary” secession was reasserted in 2002. This led to the autonomy of Southwestern Somalia. The RRA had originally set up an autonomous administration over the Bay and Bakool regions of south and central Somalia in 1999.

FRAME FIVE-LIMA :”THE SOMALIAN REVOLUTION AND CONFILCT 1969-2000″

Somalias first President O.Daar
Maj.Gen. Salaad



1. 1969
(1) October,15th
Coup d’etat led by Major General Sahad Gabeire , pressident Shermade was killed.
(2) October,21th
On October,21.1969 , a SRC (Supreme Revlutionary Council) seized power in bloodless Army and Police coup, named a mainly civilian cabinet to aid it. and abolished the assembly. it made Somali, a Hamitic language spoken by most of the population became the official language, and decreed a standardized spelling using latin letters.
(3) October,28th
Maj.gen. Shad Gabeire and Mohamas Saad Barre assumed the Civilian Gvernment.

2. 1970
(1)in May ,1970 ,several foreign companies were nationalized,
(2) NSC (National Security Courts) were set up as the Judicial arm of the States. The SRC alomoverhauled the Local Government move important then Marxis ideolgy to the republic acceptance of the revlution reign in this country.

3. 1971
SRC creation the somali revolutionary Socialisst party as one party State

4 1975-1976
Ogaden war.

5.1976
SRC dissolved itself, formally vesting power ver government in The SRSP under the direction of Supreme Council.

Somalia stamp 1977
Somalia stamp 1981
Somalian Pirate now
cute Somalian Now

 

6.1978
Ethiopia and US aliiies regained control over Ogaden.

7.1981
SRSP secretary were Saad barre and his son in law Abdullah as the NSS chief

Somalia stamp 1981

8.1986
President Saad Barre grips the power.

9.1988
Saad Barre and
engisten agreed to withdrawal their armies from futher confrontation in the Ogaden

10.1991
(1) in this year begun the Somali Civil war
(2) Jan.25th
USC(Union Somali Group) led by Mohammad Farah Aided attack Mogadishu.
(3) Jan.26th
Saad barre gvernment was taken out of power and the Nothern westren Somaliland hill. region of Somalia declare its Independence led by Isaaq.

11. 1992
UN Securiy Council Resolution approved a coalition of UN peacekepers led by US to form UNITAF , tasking with ensuring human security, the troops landed in 1993.

12. 1993
the battle of Mogadishu

13.1995
UN withdrew in march 3rd 1995.

14. 1997
Saad Barre of Westren somalia liberation Front infiltratin the Ogaden

15.1998
(1)The Self proclaimed State took the name Puntland afterd declaring temprary independence in this year.
(20 In this year als declared the State of Jubulaid at the southern West of Somalia.

16. 1999
RRA(Rahaweyn Resistantance Army) self proclaimed in this year along the lines of the Puntland.
.
FRAME SIX-ENAM .” THE SOMALIAN NOW “SAAT INI” 2001-2010″

1.2000
Abdiqasin Salad Hassan was selected to led the TISG armistic Nation government.

2.2002
The Temporary Sucessor was reasseted.

3.2004
Abdulah Jusuf Ahmed , the former presiden of Puntland was selected as the next President of Somalia.

4. 2006
TFG support in Somalia until US armies back in this year
The rival ICU (Islamic Courts Ubion) in Mogadishu .

5. 2007-2008
ICU splintered into several different faction.
Al Shabaan Score Military victory as the end f 2008, the group had captured Baitor but not Mogadishu.

6. 2008
(1)In this year following of the Transitinal Federal goverment to the President of the cuncil asking assistance from the International Community in its efforts to address act off Piracy and armed roberry against Ship off.

 
Somalian Pirate
cute Somalian

(2) Nov.21th 2o8
BBC reprt that India Navy had reciceived UN apprved to enter Smalian water to combat piracy/
7.2009
(1)In January 2009, Al Sahaab and the militants had managed the force and the ethipian trops withdrew from the cuntry leaving behind an underequipped AU (african Union) peacekeeping force
(2)The new president was elected.
(3) February 2009
TFG (Trasitition federal Gouvernment) with the help of AUT(African Union Troops) began a counter offensive to retake control of Southern half of the country.
(4) March 2009
Somalia newly established Coalition Government announced that it would used the Sharia system as the Natinal official Justice system.
(5)somalian pirates


(6)October 2010

The Modern Islamic Army Camp at Baled Hawo city

storybild 

Zum Thema

Somalische Regierungstruppen haben gemäss Medienberichten einen strategischen Erfolg gegen radikalislamische Kämpfer errungen. Die Soldaten der Regierung eroberten demnach die Stadt Beled Hawo an der Grenze zu Äthiopien und Kenia.

 Infografik Somalia Die Al-Shabaab-Miliz, die die Stadt bisher kontrolliert hatte, habe Beled Hawo am Sonntag verlassen, berichtete das Onlineportal Garowe Online. Zahlreiche Einwohner seien vor den Kämpfen aus der Stadt geflohen.

Al-Shabaab, eine Miliz mit Verbindungen zum Al-Kaida-Terrornetz, hatte die Grenzstadt länger als ein Jahr kontrolliert und unter anderem an den Schulen das Verbot von Englisch- und Mathematikunterricht durchgesetzt.

Islamisten kontrollieren grosse Gebiete

Die Islamisten, die die Übergangsregierung des gemässigten Islamisten Sheik Sharif Ahmed stürzen wollen, kontrollieren grosse Teile des Südens und Zentrums Somalias.

In den vergangenen Monate hatten die Regierungstruppen eine Offensive gegen die Rebellen begonnen. Somalia hat seit 1991 keine funktionierende Regierung mehr und ist von Bürgerkrieg und Clankämpfen zerrissen.

The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is the current internationally recognized federal government of Somalia. It was established as one of the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) of government as defined in the Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) adopted in November 2004 by the Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP). The Charter outlines a five-year mandate leading toward the establishment of a new constitution and a transition to a representative government after national elections. The TFG is the most recent attempt to restore national institutions to Somalia after the 1991 collapse of the Siad Barre regime and the ensuing Somali Civil War.[2]

In 2006, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), an Islamist organization, assumed control of much of the southern part of the country and promptly imposed Shari’a law. The Transitional Federal Government sought to reestablish its authority, and, with the assistance of Ethiopian troops, African Union peacekeepers and air support by the United States, managed to drive out the rival ICU and solidify its rule.[86]

Following this defeat, the Islamic Courts Union splintered into several different factions. Some of the more radical elements, including Al-Shabaab, regrouped to continue their insurgency against the TFG and oppose the Ethiopian military’s presence in Somalia. Throughout 2007 and 2008, Al-Shabaab scored military victories, seizing control of key towns and ports in both central and southern Somalia. At the end of 2008, the group had captured Baidoa but not Mogadishu. By January 2009, Al-Shabaab and other militias had managed to force the Ethiopian troops to withdraw from the country, leaving behind an under-equipped African Union peacekeeping force to assist the Transitional Federal Government’s troops.[87]

On December 29, 2008, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed announced before a united parliament in Baidoa his resignation as President of Somalia. In his speech, which was broadcast on national radio, Yusuf expressed regret at failing to end the country’s seventeen year conflict as his government had mandated to do.[88] He also blamed the international community for its failure to support the government, and said that the speaker of parliament would succeed him in office per the charter of the Transitional Federal Government.[89]

Over the next few months, a new President was elected from amongst the more moderate Islamists,[90] and Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, the son of slain former President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, was selected as the nation’s new Prime Minister. The Transitional Federal Government, with the help of a small team of African Union troops, also began a counteroffensive in February 2009 to retake control of the southern half of the country. To solidify its control of southern Somalia, the TFG formed an alliance with the Islamic Courts Union, other members of the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia, and Ahlu Sunna Waljama’a, a moderate Sufi militia.[91] Furthermore, Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam, the two main Islamist groups in opposition, began to fight amongst themselves in mid-2009.[92]

As a truce, in March 2009, Somalia’s newly established coalition government announced that it would re-implement Shari’a as the nation’s official judicial system.[93] However, conflict continues in the southern and central parts of the country between government troops and extremist Islamist militants with links to al-Qaeda.[94]

Embassy of Somalia in Paris, France.

In 2009, Transparency International ranked Somalia in last place on its annual Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI),[95] a metric that purports to show the prevalence of corruption in a country’s public sector. In the decade since its launch, the CPI has drawn increasing criticism, specifically with regard to the methodologies it uses to obtain its averages; the varying definitions of corruption that are employed; the reliance on the views of a small number of people to obtain data; the inclusion of up to three years of data, which serve to obscure more recent reductions in corruption; the inability of the index to take into account recent anti-corruption reforms, the latter of which can take a while to take effect; and the reliability of the actual sources on which the CPI’s rankings are based. These various shortcomings have significantly limited the usefulness and accuracy of the index, and lead to calls for it to be abandoned.[96][97][98][99]

In 2010, the UN International Monitoring Group (IMG) published a report accusing the Somali government’s security forces of being ineffective and corrupt, and claimed that up to half of the food aid that was destined for the conflict-stricken parts of the country were being misdirected. It also accused Somali officials of collaborating with pirates, UN contractors of helping insurgents, and the Eritrean government of still supporting rebel groups in southern Somalia despite earlier sanctions imposed on the former. Somalia’s government and local businessmen, as well as United Nations officials and the Eritrean government all emphatically rejected the report’s claims.[100][101] Additionally, the government of the autonomous Puntland region in northeastern Somalia indicated that the writers of the report drafted it without ever having actually traveled to the region, a fact which was also confirmed by the paper’s authors.[102] Puntland’s president also stated that the report was “politically motivated” and an attempt “to discredit Puntland as a way of achieving another hidden goal” — an apparent reference to the report’s principal author who has familial ties with the dominant clan in Somaliland, a secessionist region in northwestern Somalia for which the author is known to have actively sought diplomatic recognition.[102] This was echoed in an official press release by the region’s Ministry of Information, Communication, Culture and Heritage, which indicated that the charges were “made by certain elements in the IMG” with a history of making such claims “in other organizations in the past but [who] now have infiltrated this UN mission (International Monitoring Group).” The Ministry also enumerated a number of reforms that Puntland’s administration has recently enacted as a part of its officially declared anti-piracy campaign, including the arrest, trial and conviction of pirate gangs, as well as raids on suspected pirate hideouts and confiscation of weapons and equipment; ensuring the adequate coverage of the regional authority’s anti-piracy efforts by both local and international media; sponsoring a social campaign led by Islamic scholars and community activists aimed at discrediting piracy and highlighting its negative effects; and partnering with the NATO alliance to combat pirates at sea.[103]

 Reforms

Somalia’s new coalition government has enacted numerous political reforms since taking office in 2009, with an emphasis on transparency and accountability. One of its first changes involved ensuring that all government institutions, which had previously been spread out in various areas throughout the country, were now based in Mogadishu, the nation’s capital. The Central Bank of Somalia was also re-established, and a national plan as well as an effective anti-corruption commission were put into place.[104] In July 2009, Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government hired Pricewaterhousecoopers (PwC), one of the world’s largest professional services companies and the largest of the Big Four auditing firms, to monitor development funding, with PwC now serving as a trustee of an account in Mogadishu earmarked for the security, healthcare and education sectors.[105] This was followed in November of that year with a $2 million agreement between the government and the African Development Bank (AfDB), which saw Somalia re-engage with the AfDB after nearly two decades of interruption. The grant is aimed at providing financial and technical assistance; specifically, to develop a sound legal framework for monetary and fiscal institutions and human and institutional capacity building, as well as to establish public financial systems that are transparent.[104] While its institutions still have room for improvement, the Transitional Federal Government continues to reach out to both Somali and international stakeholders to help grow the administrative capacity of the Transitional Federal Institutions and to work toward eventual national elections in 2011, when the interim government’s mandate expires.[2]

An event banner in Garowe for the Puntland Agency for Social Welfare (PASWE).

Similarly, the autonomous Puntland region’s new administration, which took office in early 2009, has also implemented numerous reforms such as the expansion and improvement of its security and judicial sectors. According to Garowe Online, to bolster the region’s justice system, numerous new prosecutors, judges and other court personnel as well as additional prison guards were hired and trained. In July 2010, the Puntland Council of Ministers unanimously approved a new anti-terrorism law to more efficiently handle terror suspects and their accomplices; a special court is also expected to be established within the region’s existing criminal courts system to facilitate the task.[106] Fiscally, a transparent, budget-based public finance system was established, which has reportedly helped increase public confidence in government. In addition, a new regional constitution was drafted and later passed on June 15, 2009, which is believed to represent a significant step toward the eventual introduction of a multi-party political system to the region for the first time;[107] such a system already exists in the adjacent Somaliland region.[108] More modest reforms were also put into motion in the social sector, particularly in the education and healthcare fields. The regional government has hired more healthcare workers and teachers, with major plans underway for school and hospital renovations.[107] One of the most significant new reforms enacted by the incumbent Puntland administration is the launching in May 2009 of the Puntland Agency for Social Welfare (PASWE), the first organization of its kind in Somali history. The agency provides medical, educational and counseling support to vulnerable groups and individuals such as orphans, the disabled and the blind. PASWE is overseen by a Board of Directors, which consists of religious scholars (ulema), businesspeople, intellectuals and traditional elders.[109]

 Law

Following the outbreak of the civil war and the ensuing collapse of the central government, Somalia’s residents reverted to local forms of conflict resolution, either secular, traditional or Islamic law, with a provision for appeal of all sentences. The legal structure in Somalia is thus divided along three lines: civil law, religious law and customary law.[2]

Civil law

While Somalia’s formal judicial system was largely destroyed after the fall of the Siad Barre regime, it has been rebuilt and is now administered under different regional governments such as the autonomous Puntland and Somaliland macro-regions. In the case of the Transitional Federal Government, a new interim judicial structure was formed through various international conferences.

Despite some significant political differences between them, all of these administrations share similar legal structures, much of which are predicated on the judicial systems of previous Somali administrations. These similarities in civil law include: a) a charter which affirms the primacy of Muslim shari’a or religious law, although in practice shari’a is applied mainly to matters such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, and civil issues. The charter guarantees respect for universal standards of human rights to all subjects of the law. It also assures the independence of the judiciary, which in turn is protected by a judicial committee; b) a three-tier judicial system including a supreme court, a court of appeals, and courts of first instance (either divided between district and regional courts, or a single court per region); and c) the laws of the civilian government which were in effect prior to the military coup d’état that saw the Barre regime into power remain in force until the laws are amended.[110]

Shari’a

Islamic shari’a has traditionally played a significant part in Somali society. In theory, it has served as the basis for all national legislation in every Somali constitution. In practice, however, it only applied to common civil cases such as marriage, divorce, inheritance and family matters. This changed after the start of the civil war, when a number of new shari’a courts began to spring up in many different cities and towns across the country. These new shari’a courts serve three functions; namely, to pass rulings in both criminal and civil cases, to organize a militia capable of arresting criminals, and to keep convicted prisoners incarcerated.[110]

The shari’a courts, though structured along simple lines, feature a conventional hierarchy of a chairman, vice-chairman and four judges. A police force that reports to the court enforces the judges’ rulings, but also helps settle community disputes and apprehend suspected criminals. In addition, the courts manage detention centers where criminals are kept. An independent finance committee is also assigned the task of collecting and managing tax revenue levied on regional merchants by the local authorities.[110]

In March 2009, Somalia’s newly established coalition government announced that it would implement shari’a as the nation’s official judicial system.[93]

Xeer

Somalis have for centuries practiced a form of customary law, which they call Xeer. Xeer is a polycentric legal system where there is no monopolistic institution or agent that determines what the law should be or how it should be interpreted.

The Xeer legal system is assumed to have developed exclusively in the Horn of Africa since approximately the 7th century. There is no evidence that it developed elsewhere or was greatly influenced by any foreign legal system. The fact that Somali legal terminology is practically devoid of loan words from foreign languages suggests that Xeer is truly indigenous.[111]

The Xeer legal system also requires a certain amount of specialization of different functions within the legal framework. Thus, one can find odayal (judges), xeer boggeyaal (jurists), guurtiyaal (detectives), garxajiyaal (attorneys), murkhaatiyal (witnesses) and waranle (police officers) to enforce the law.[112]

Xeer is defined by a few fundamental tenets that are immutable and which closely approximate the principle of jus cogens in international law: These precepts include a) payment of blood money (locally referred to as diya) for libel, theft, physical harm, rape and death, as well as supplying assistance to relatives; b) assuring good inter-clan relations by treating women justly, negotiating with “peace emissaries” in good faith, and sparing the lives of socially protected groups (e.g. children, women, the pious, poets and guests); c) family obligations such as the payment of dowry, and sanctions for eloping; d) rules pertaining to the management of resources such as the use of pasture land, water, and other natural resources; e) providing financial support to married female relatives and newlyweds; and f) donating livestock and other assets to the poor.[110]

 Cities

Cities of the Republic of Somalia
Mogadishu
Mogadishu
Bosaso
Bosaso
Kismayo
Kismayo
Borama
Borama
Rank Core City Division Pop.
view • talk • edit

Hargeisa
Hargeisa
Merka
Merka
Barawa
Barawa
Garowe
Garowe

1 Mogadishu Banadir Ca. 2,000,000 [113]
2 Hargeisa W.Galbeed Ca. 2,000,000 [114]
3 Bosaso Bari Ca. 950,000 [115]
4 Gaalkacyo Mudug Ca. 545,000 [116]
5 Berbera W.Galbeed Ca. 232,500 [117]
6 Merca Shabeellaha Hoose Ca. 230,100 [117]
7 Jamaame Jubbada Hoose Ca. 224,700 [117]
8 Kismayo Jubbada Hoose Ca. 183,300 [117]
9 Baidoa Bay Ca. 157,500 [117]
10 Burao Togdheer Ca. 120,400 [117]
11 Afgooye Shabeellaha Hoose Ca. 79,400 [117]
12 Beledweyne Hiiraan Ca. 67,200 [117]
13 Qoryoley Shabeellaha Hoose Ca. 62,700 [117]
14 Garowe Nugaal Ca. 57,300 [117]
15 Jowhar Shabeellaha Dhexe Ca. 57,100 [117]
16 Bardera Gedo Ca. 51,300 [117]
17 Qardho Bari Ca. 47,400 [117]

Regions and districts

Main article: Regions and Districts of Somalia

Prior to the civil war, Somalia was divided into eighteen regions (gobollada, singular gobol), which were in turn subdivided into districts. The regions are:

1 Awdal
2 Bakool
3 Banaadir
4 Bari
5 Bay
6 Galguduud
  7 Gedo
8 Hiiraan
9 Jubbada Dhexe
10 Jubbada Hoose
11 Mudug
12 Nugaal
  13 Sanaag
14 Shabeellaha Dhexe
15 Shabeellaha Hoose
16 Sool
17 Togdheer
18 Woqooyi Galbeed
 

On a de facto basis, northern Somalia is now divided up among the quasi-independent states of Puntland, Somaliland, and Galmudug. The south is at least nominally controlled by the Transitional Federal Government, although it is in fact controlled by Islamist groups outside Mogadishu. Under the de facto arrangements there are now 27 regions.

 Geography

Main article: Geography of Somalia

 Location and habitat

The Cal Madow mountain range in northern Somalia features the nation’s highest peak, Shimbiris.

Somalia is bordered by Djibouti to the northwest, Kenya to the southwest, the Gulf of Aden with Yemen to the north, the Indian Ocean to the east, and Ethiopia to the west. Strategically located at the mouth of the Bab el Mandeb gateway to the Red Sea and the Suez Canal, the country occupies the tip of a region that, due to its resemblance on the map to a rhinoceros‘ horn, is commonly referred to as the Horn of Africa.[2][118]

Somalia has the longest coastline on the continent,[4] with a seaboard that stretches 3,025 kilometers.[2] Its terrain consists mainly of plateaus, plains and highlands. The nation has a total area of 637,657 square kilometres (6.37657×1011 m2), 627,337 square kilometres (6.27337×1011 m2) of which constitutes land, with 10,320 square kilometres (1.032×1010 m2) of water.[2] Somalia’s land boundaries extend to about 2,340 kilometres (2,340,000 m); 58 kilometres (58,000 m) of that is shared with Djibouti, 682 kilometres (682,000 m) with Kenya, and 1,600 kilometres (1,600,000 m) with Ethiopia. Its maritime claims include territorial waters of 200 nautical miles (370 km; 230 mi).[2]

In the north, a scrub-covered, semi-desert plain referred as the Guban lies parallel to the Gulf of Aden littoral. With a width of twelve kilometers in the west to as little as two kilometers in the east, the plain is bisected by watercourses that are essentially beds of dry sand except during the rainy seasons. When the rains arrive, the Guban’s low bushes and grass clumps transform into lush vegetation.[118] This coastal strip is part of the Ethiopian xeric grasslands and shrublands ecoregion.

The Jubba river.

Cal Madow is a mountain range in the northeastern part of the country. Extending from several kilometers west of the city of Bosaso to the northwest of Erigavo, it features Somalia’s highest peak, Shimbiris, which sits at an elevation of about 2,416 metres (7,927 ft).[2] The rugged east-west ranges of the Karkaar Mountains also lie to the interior of the Gulf of Aden littoral.[118]

In the central regions, the country’s northern mountain ranges give way to shallow plateaus and typically dry watercourses that are referred to locally as the Ogo. The Ogo’s western plateau, in turn, gradually merges into the Haud, an important grazing area for livestock.[118]

Somalia has only two permanent rivers, the Jubba and the Shabele, both of which begin in the Ethiopian highlands. These rivers mainly flow southwards, with the Jubba River entering the Indian Ocean at Kismayo. The Shabele River at one time apparently used to enter the sea near Merca, but now reaches a point just southwest of Mogadishu. After that, it consists of swamps and dry reaches before finally disappearing in the desert terrain east of Jilib, near the Jubba River.[118]

 Climate

Arabian horses, referred to as faras, seen here in the arid plains of Dhahar.

Due to Somalia’s proximity to the equator, there is not much seasonal variation in its climate. Hot conditions prevail year-round along with periodic monsoon winds and irregular rainfall. Mean daily maximum temperatures range from 30 to 40 °C (86 to 104 °F), except at higher elevations and along the eastern seaboard, where the effects of a cold offshore current can be felt. In Mogadishu, for instance, average afternoon highs range from 28 °C (82 °F) to 32 °C (90 °F) in April. Some of the highest mean annual temperatures in the world have been recorded in the country; Berbera on the northwestern coast has an afternoon high that averages more than 38 °C (100 °F) from June through September. Nationally, mean daily minimums usually vary from about 15 to 30 °C (59 to 86 °F).[118] The greatest range in climate occurs in northern Somalia, where temperatures sometimes surpass 45 °C (113 °F) in July on the littoral plains and drop below the freezing point during December in the highlands.[118][119] In this region, relative humidity ranges from about 40 percent in the mid-afternoon to 85 percent at night, changing somewhat according to the season.[118]

Unlike the climates of most other countries at this latitude, conditions in Somalia range from arid in the northeastern and central regions to semiarid in the northwest and south. In the northeast, annual rainfall is less than 4 inches (100 mm); in the central plateaus, it is about 8 to 12 inches (200 to 300 mm). The northwestern and southwestern parts of the nation, however, receive considerably more rain, with an average of 20 to 24 inches (510 to 610 mm) falling per year. Although the coastal regions are hot and humid throughout the year, the hinterland is typically dry and hot.[118]

There are four main seasons around which pastoral and agricultural life revolve, and these are dictated by shifts in the wind patterns. From December to March is the Jilal, the harshest dry season of the year. The main rainy season, referred to as the Gu, lasts from April to June. This period is characterized by the southwest monsoons, which rejuvenate the pasture land, especially the central plateau, and briefly transform the desert into lush vegetation. From July to September is the second dry season, the Xagaa (pronounced “Hagaa”). The Dayr, which is the shortest rainy season, lasts from October to December.[118] The tangambili periods that intervene between the two monsoons (October–November and March–May) are hot and humid.[118]

Climate data for Somalia
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Average high °C (°F) 30
(86)
30
(86)
40
(104)
40
(104)
40
(104)
40
(104)
40
(104)
30
(86)
30
(86)
30
(86)
30
(86)
30
(86)
30
(86)
Average low °C (°F) 15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
15
(59)
Precipitation mm (inches) 40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
50
(1.97)
50
(1.97)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
40
(1.57)
500
(19.69)
Source: Country Studies – Somalia[119]

 Health

Until the collapse of the federal government in 1991, the organizational and administrative structure of Somalia’s healthcare sector was overseen by the Ministry of Health. Regional medical officials enjoyed some authority, but healthcare was largely centralized. The socialist government of former President of Somalia Siad Barre had put an end to private medical practice in 1972.[120] Much of the national budget was devoted to military expenditure, leaving few resources for healthcare, among other services.[19]

Edna Adan Maternity Hospital in Hargeisa, one of Somalia’s many new private healthcare facilities.

Although Somalia’s public healthcare system was largely destroyed during the ensuing civil war, general living conditions have significantly improved in the intervening years, both in absolute terms and relative to other countries in Africa. As with other previously nationalized sectors, informal providers have filled the vacuum and replaced the former government monopoly over healthcare, with access to facilities witnessing a significant increase.[19][20] Many new healthcare centers, clinics, hospitals and pharmacies have in the process been established through home-grown Somali initiatives.[121] While the state of medicine remains quite basic, medical consultations in these facilities are very affordable ($0.50/visit).[19]

Comparing the 2000–2005 period with the half-decade just prior to the outbreak of the conflict (1985–1990), life expectancy actually increased from 46 to 48.5 years;[19] by 2010, it had risen to 50 years on average.[2] The number of one-year-olds fully immunized against measles rose 10% from 30% to 40%,[19] and for tuberculosis, it grew nearly 20% from 31% to 50%.[19] In keeping with the trend, the number of infants with low birth weight fell from 16 per 1000 to 0.3 (almost none), a 15% drop in total.[19] Infant mortality per 1,000 births also fell from 152 to 114.9, a 24% improvement;[19] by 2010, it had plummeted to 107.42 deaths/1,000 live births.[2] Significantly, maternal mortality per 100,000 births fell from 1,600 to 1,100, a drop of over 30%.[19] The number of physicians per 100,000 people also rose from 3.4 to 4.[19] Additionally, the percentage of the population with access to sanitation services increased 8% from 18% to 26%, and the percentage of the population with access to at least one health facility almost doubled from 28% to 54.8%.[19]

A Somali boy receiving a polio vaccination.

According to a 2005 World Health Organization estimate, about 97.9% of Somalia’s women and girls have undergone female circumcision,[122] a pre-marital custom mainly endemic to Northeast Africa and parts of the Near East that has its ultimate origins in Ancient Egypt.[123][124] Encouraged by women in the community, it is primarily intended to deter promiscuity and to offer protection from assault.[125] About 93% of Somalia’s male population is also reportedly circumcised.[126]

Somalia has one of the lowest HIV infection rates on the continent. This is attributed to the Muslim nature of Somali society and adherence of Somalis to Islamic morals.[127] While the estimated HIV prevalence rate in Somalia in 1987 (the first case report year) was 1% of adults,[127] a more recent estimate from 2007 now places it at only 0.5% of the nation’s adult population despite the ongoing civil strife.[2]

Although healthcare is now largely concentrated in the private sector, the country’s public healthcare system is in the process of being rebuilt, and is overseen by the Ministry of Health. The current Minister of Health is Qamar Adan Ali.[128] The autonomous Puntland region maintains its own Ministry of Health, which is headed by Dr. Mohamed Bashir Ali Bihi,[129] as does the Somaliland region in northwestern Somalia, with its Ministry of Health led by Osman Bile Ali.[130]

Some of the prominent healthcare facilities in the country are East Bardera Mothers and Children’s Hospital, Abudwak Maternity and Children’s Hospital, Edna Adan Maternity Hospital and West Bardera Maternity Unit.

 Education

Main article: Education in Somalia

Following the outbreak of the civil war in 1991, the task of running schools in Somalia was initially taken up by community education committees established in 94% of the local schools.[131] Numerous problems had arisen with regard to access to education in rural areas and along gender lines, quality of educational provisions, responsiveness of school curricula, educational standards and controls, management and planning capacity, and financing. To address these concerns, educational policies are being developed which are aimed at guiding the scholastic process as the nation embarks on the path of reconstruction and economic development. In the autonomous Puntland region, the latter includes a gender sensitive national education policy compliant with world standards, such as those outlined in the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).[132] Examples of this and other educational measures at work are the regional government’s enactment of legislation aimed at securing the educational interests of girls,[133] promoting the growth of an Early Childhood Development (ECD) program designed to reach parents and care-givers in their homes as well as in the ECD centers for 0-5 year old children,[134] and introducing incentive packages to encourage teachers to work in remote rural areas.[135]

The Hammar Jab Jab School in Mogadishu.

The Ministry of Education is officially responsible for education in Somalia, and oversees the nation’s primary, secondary, technical and vocational schools, as well as primary and technical teacher training and non-formal education. About 15% of the government’s budget is allocated toward scholastic instruction.[136] The autonomous Puntland and Somaliland macro-regions maintain their own Ministries of Education.

In 2006, Puntland was the second territory in Somalia after Somaliland to introduce free primary schools, with teachers now receiving their salaries from the Puntland administration.[137] From 2005/2006 to 2006/2007, there was a significant increase in the number of schools in Puntland, up 137 institutions from just one year prior. During the same period, the number of classes in the region increased by 504, with 762 more teachers also offering their services.[138] Total student enrollment increased by 27% over the previous year, with girls lagging only slightly behind boys in attendance in most regions. The highest class enrollment was observed in the northernmost Bari region, and the lowest was observed in the under-populated Ayn region. The distribution of classrooms was almost evenly split between urban and rural areas, with marginally more pupils attending and instructors teaching classes in urban areas.[138]

Entrance to Amoud University in Borama.

Higher education in Somalia is now largely private. Several universities in the country, including Mogadishu University, have been scored among the 100 best universities in Africa in spite of the harsh environment, which has been hailed as a triumph for grass-roots initiatives.[21] Other universities also offering higher education in the south include Benadir University, the Somalia National University, Kismayo University and the University of Gedo. In Puntland, higher education is provided by the Puntland State University and East Africa University. In Somaliland, it is provided by Amoud University, the University of Hargeisa, Somaliland University of Technology and Burao University.

Qu’ranic schools (also known as duqsi) remain the basic system of traditional religious instruction in Somalia. They provide Islamic education for children, thereby filling a clear religious and social role in the country. Known as the most stable local, non-formal system of education providing basic religious and moral instruction, their strength rests on community support and their use of locally made and widely available teaching materials. The Qu’ranic system, which teaches the greatest number of students relative to other educational sub-sectors, is often the only system accessible to Somalis in nomadic as compared to urban areas. A study from 1993 found, among other things, that about 40% of pupils in Qur’anic schools were girls. To address shortcomings in religious instruction, the Somali government on its own part also subsequently established the Ministry of Endowment and Islamic Affairs, under which Qur’anic education is now regulated.[139]

 Economy

Main article: Economy of Somalia

Air Somalia Tupolev Tu-154 in Sharjah, United Arab Emirates. Somalia today has a thriving private airline industry.

According to the CIA and the Central Bank of Somalia, despite experiencing civil unrest, Somalia has maintained a healthy informal economy, based mainly on livestock, remittance/money transfer companies and telecommunications.[2][22] Due to a dearth of formal government statistics and the recent civil war, it is difficult to gauge the size or growth of the economy. For 1994, the CIA estimated the GDP at $3.3 billion.[140] In 2001, it was estimated to be $4.1 billion.[141] By 2009, the CIA estimated that the GDP had grown to $5.731 billion, with a projected real growth rate of 2.6%.[2] According to a 2007 British Chambers of Commerce report, the private sector also grew, particularly in the service sector. Unlike the pre-civil war period when most services and the industrial sector were government-run, there has been substantial, albeit unmeasured, private investment in commercial activities; this has been largely financed by the Somali diaspora, and includes trade and marketing, money transfer services, transportation, communications, fishery equipment, airlines, telecommunications, education, health, construction and hotels.[142] Libertarian economist Peter T. Leeson attributes this increased economic activity to the Somali customary law (referred to as Xeer), which he suggests provides a stable environment to conduct business in.[19]

The Central Bank of Somalia indicates that the country’s GDP per capita is $333, which is lower than that of Kenya at $350, but better than that of Tanzania at $280 as well as Eritrea at $190 and Ethiopia at $100. About 43% of the population live on less than 1 US dollar a day, with about 24% of those found in urban areas and 54% living in rural areas.[22]

Cans of Las Qoray brand tuna fish made in Las Khorey.

As with neighboring countries, Somalia’s economy consists of both traditional and modern production, with a gradual shift in favor of modern industrial techniques taking root. According to the Central Bank of Somalia, about 80% of the population are nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralists, who keep goats, sheep, camels and cattle. The nomads also gather resins and gums to supplement their income.[22]

Agriculture is the most important economic sector. It accounts for about 65% of the GDP and employs 65% of the workforce.[142] Livestock contributes about 40% to GDP and more than 50% of export earnings.[2] Other principal exports include fish, charcoal and bananas; sugar, sorghum and corn are products for the domestic market.[143] According to the Central Bank of Somalia, imports of goods total about $460 million per year, and have recovered and even surpassed aggregate imports prior to the start of the civil war in 1991. Exports, which total about $270 million annually, have also surpassed pre-war aggregate export levels but still lead to a trade account deficit of about $190 million US dollars per year. However, this trade deficit is far exceeded by remittances sent by Somalis in the diaspora, which have helped sustain the import level.[22]

With the advantage of being located near the Arabian Peninsula, Somali traders have increasingly begun to challenge Australia‘s traditional dominance over the Gulf Arab livestock and meat market, offering quality animals at very low prices. In response, Gulf Arab states have started to make strategic investments in the country, with Saudi Arabia building livestock export infrastructure and the United Arab Emirates purchasing large farmlands.[144] Somalia is also a major world supplier of frankincense and myrrh.[145]

Bosaso port.

The modest industrial sector, based on the processing of agricultural products, accounts for 10% of Somalia’s GDP.[2] Up to 14 private airline firms operating 62 aircraft now also offer commercial flights to international locations, including Daallo Airlines. With competitively priced flight tickets, these companies have helped buttress Somalia’s bustling trade networks.[21]

Prior to the outbreak of the civil war in 1991, the roughly 53 state-owned small, medium and large manufacturing firms were foundering, with the ensuing conflict destroying many of the remaining industries. However, primarily as a result of substantial local investment by the Somali diaspora, many of these small-scale plants have re-opened and newer ones have been created. The latter include fish-canning and meat-processing plants in the northern regions, as well as about 25 factories in the Mogadishu area, which manufacture pasta, mineral water, confections, plastic bags, fabric, hides and skins, detergent and soap, aluminum, foam mattresses and pillows, fishing boats, carry out packaging, and stone processing.[21] In 2004, an $8.3 million Coca-Cola bottling plant also opened in the city, with investors hailing from various constituencies in Somalia.[146] The robust private sector has also attracted foreign investment from the likes of General Motors and Dole Fruit.[147]

 Payment system

The Central Bank of Somalia is the official monetary authority of Somalia.[22] In terms of financial management, it is in the process of assuming the task of both formulating and implementing monetary policy.[148]

A Dahabshiil franchise outlet in Columbus, Ohio.

Owing to a lack of confidence in the local currency, the US dollar is widely accepted as a medium of exchange alongside the Somali shilling. Dollarization notwithstanding, the large issuance of the Somali shilling has increasingly fueled price hikes, especially for low value transactions. This inflationary environment, however, is expected to come to an end as soon as the Central Bank assumes full control of monetary policy and replaces the presently circulating currency introduced by the private sector.[148]

Although Somalia has had no central monetary authority for upwards of 15 years between the outbreak of the civil war in 1991 and the subsequent re-establishment of the Central Bank of Somalia in 2009, the nation’s payment system is actually fairly advanced due primarily to the widespread existence of private money transfer operators (MTO) that have acted as informal banking networks.[149]

These remittance firms (hawalas) have become a large industry in Somalia, with an estimated $1.6 billion USD annually remitted to the region by Somalis in the diaspora via money transfer companies.[2] Most are credentialed members of the Somali Money Transfer Association (SOMTA), an umbrella organization that regulates the community’s money transfer sector, or its predecessor, the Somali Financial Services Association (SFSA).[150][151] The largest of the Somali MTOs is Dahabshiil, a Somali-owned firm employing more than 2000 people across 144 countries with branches in London and Dubai.[151][152]

As the reconstituted Central Bank of Somalia fully assumes its monetary policy responsibilities, some of the existing money transfer companies are expected in the near future to seek licenses so as to develop into full-fledged commercial banks. This will serve to expand the national payments system to include formal cheques, which in turn is expected to reinforce the efficacy of the use of monetary policy in domestic macroeconomic management.[149]

Energy

The World Bank reports that electricity is now in large part supplied by local businesses, using generators purchased abroad. By dividing Somalia’s cities into specific quarters, the private sector has found a manageable method of providing cities with electricity. A customer is given a menu of choices for electricity tailored to his or her needs, such as evenings only, daytime only, 24 hour-supply or charge per lightbulb.[142]

Oil blocks in Puntland.

Somalia has untapped reserves of numerous natural resources, including uranium, iron ore, tin, gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt and natural gas.[2] Due to its proximity to the oil-rich Gulf Arab states such as Saudi Arabia and Yemen, the nation is also believed to contain substantial unexploited reserves of oil. A survey of Northeast Africa by the World Bank and U.N. ranked Somalia second only to Sudan as the top prospective producer.[153] American, Australian and Chinese oil companies, in particular, are excited about the prospect of finding petroleum and other natural resources in the country. An oil group listed in Sydney, Range Resources, anticipates that the Puntland province in the north has the potential to produce 5 billion to 10 billion barrels of oil.[154] As a result of these developments, the Somali Petroleum Company was created by the federal government.

According to surveys, uranium is also found in large quantities in the Buurhakaba region. A Brazilian company in the 1980s had invested $300 million for a uranium mine in central Somalia, but no long-term mining took place.[155]

Additionally, the Puntland region under the Farole administration has since sought to refine the province’s existing oil deal with Range Resources. The Australian oil firm, for its part, indicated that it looked forward to establishing a mutually beneficial and profitable working relationship with the region’s new government.[156][157]

In mid-2010, Somalia’s business community also pledged to invest $1 billion in the national gas and electricity industries over the following five years. Abdullahi Hussein, the director of the just-formed Trans-National Industrial Electricity and Gas Company, predicted that the investment strategy would create 100,000 jobs, with the net effect of stimulating the local economy and discouraging unemployed youngsters from turning to vice. The new firm was established through the merger of five Somali companies from the trade, finance, security and telecommunications sectors. The first phase of the project is scheduled to start within six months of the establishment of the company, and will train youth to supply electricity to economic areas and communities. The second phase, which is slated to begin in mid-to-late 2011, will see the construction of factories in specially designated economic zones for the fishing, agriculture, livestock and mining industries.[158][159]

According to the Central Bank of Somalia, as the nation embarks on the path of reconstruction, the economy is expected to not only match its pre-civil war levels, but also to accelerate in growth and development due to Somalia’s untapped natural resources.[22]

 Telecommunications and media

The Hormuud Telecom building in Mogadishu.

Somalia now offers some of the most technologically advanced and competitively priced telecommunications and internet services in the world.[152] After the start of the civil war, various new telecommunications companies began to spring up and compete to provide missing infrastructure. Funded by Somali entrepreneurs and backed by expertise from China, Korea and Europe, these nascent telecommunications firms offer affordable mobile phone and internet services that are not available in many other parts of the continent. Customers can conduct money transfers and other banking activities via mobile phones, as well as easily gain wireless internet access.[160]

After forming partnerships with multinational corporations such as Sprint, ITT and Telenor, these firms now offer the cheapest and clearest phone calls in Africa.[19] Installation time for a landline is just three days, while in Kenya to the south, waiting lists are many years long.[20] These Somali telecommunication companies also provide services to every city, town and hamlet in Somalia. There are presently around 25 mainlines per 1,000 persons, and the local availability of telephone lines (tele-density) is higher than in neighboring countries; three times greater than in adjacent Ethiopia.[21] Prominent Somali telecommunications companies include Golis Telecom Group, Hormuud Telecom, Somafone, Nationlink, Netco, Telcom and Somali Telecom Group. Hormuud Telecom alone grosses about $40 million a year. Despite their rivalry, several of these companies signed an interconnectivity deal in 2005 that allows them to set prices, maintain and expand their networks, and ensure that competition does not get out of control.[160]

Investment in the telecom industry is one of the clearest signs that Somalia’s economy has continued to grow despite the ongoing civil strife in parts of the southern half of the country.[160] Although in need of some regulation, the sector provides invaluable communication services, and in the process, greatly facilitates job creation and income generation.[21]

As of 2005, there were also 20 privately-owned Somali newspapers, 12 radio and television stations, and numerous internet sites offering information to the public. Several local satellite-based television services transmit international news stations, such as CNN.[19] In addition, one of Somalia’s upstart media firms recently established a partnership with the BBC.[19]

 Military

Main article: Military of Somalia

A Spoon Rest A (P-12) early warning radar unit, part of radar installation operated by Somali troops at the Berbera airport.

Prior to the outbreak of the civil war in 1991 and the subsequent disintegration of the Armed Forces, Somalia’s friendship with the Soviet Union and later partnership with the United States enabled it to build the largest army in Africa.[61] The creation of the Transitional Federal Government in 2004 saw the re-establishment of the Military of Somalia, which now maintains a force of 10,000 troops.

The Ministry of Defense is responsible for the Armed Forces. The Somali Navy is also being re-established, with 500 Marines currently training in Mogadishu out of an expected 5,000-strong force.[161] In addition, there are plans for the re-establishment of the Somali Air Force, with six combat and six transport planes already purchased. A new police force was also formed to maintain law and order, with the first police academy to be built in Somalia for several years opening on December 20, 2005 at Armo, 100 kilometers south of Bosaso, the commercial capital of the northeastern Puntland region.[162] Additionally, construction began in May 2010 on a new naval base in the town of Bandar Siyada, located 25 km west of Bosaso. The new naval base is funded by the Puntland administration in conjunction with Saracen International, a UK-based security company. It will include a center for training recruits, and a command post for the naval force.[163]

 Environment

Somalia’s coral reefs, ecological parks and protected areas.

Somalia is a semi-arid country with about 1.64% arable land.[2] The first local environmental organizations were ECOTERRA Somalia and the Somali Ecological Society, both of which helped promote awareness about ecological concerns and mobilized environmental programs in all governmental sectors as well as in civil society. From 1971 onwards, a massive tree-planting campaign on a nationwide scale was introduced by the Siad Barre government to halt the advance of thousands of acres of wind-driven sand dunes that threatened to engulf towns, roads and farm land.[164] By 1988, 265 hectares of a projected 336 hectares had been treated, with 39 range reserve sites and 36 forestry plantation sites established.[118] In 1986, the Wildlife Rescue, Research and Monitoring Centre was established by ECOTERRA Intl., with the goal of sensitizing the public to ecological issues. This educational effort led in 1989 to the so-called “Somalia proposal” and a decision by the Somali government to adhere to the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), which established for the first time a worldwide ban on the trade of elephant ivory.

Later, Fatima Jibrell, a prominent Somali environmental activist, mounted a successful campaign to salvage old-growth forests of acacia trees in the northeastern part of Somalia.[165] These trees, which can grow up to 500 years old, were being cut down to make charcoal since this so-called “black gold” is highly in demand in the Arabian Peninsula, where the region’s Bedouin tribes believe the acacia to be sacred.[165][166][167] However, while being a relatively inexpensive fuel that meets a user’s needs, the production of charcoal often leads to deforestation and desertification.[167] As a way of addressing this problem, Jibrell and the Horn of Africa Relief and Development Organization (Horn Relief), an organization of which she is a co-founder and Executive Director, trained a group of adolescents to educate the public on the permanent damage that producing charcoal can create. In 1999, Horn Relief coordinated a peace march in the northeastern Puntland region of Somalia to put an end to the so-called “charcoal wars.” As a result of Jibrell’s lobbying and education efforts, the Puntland government in 2000 prohibited the exportation of charcoal. The government has also since enforced the ban, which has reportedly led to an 80% drop in exports of the product.[168] Jibrell was awarded the Goldman Environmental Prize in 2002 for her efforts against environmental degradation and desertification.[168] In 2008, she also won the National Geographic Society/Buffett Foundation Award for Leadership in Conservation.[169]

Environmentalist Fatima Jibrell.

Following the massive tsunami of December 2004, there have also emerged allegations that after the outbreak of the Somali Civil War in the late 1980s, Somalia’s long, remote shoreline was used as a dump site for the disposal of toxic waste. The huge waves which battered northern Somalia after the tsunami are believed to have stirred up tonnes of nuclear and toxic waste that was illegally dumped in the country by several European firms.[170]

The European Green Party followed up these revelations by presenting before the press and the European Parliament in Strasbourg copies of contracts signed by two European companies — the Italian Swiss firm, Achair Partners, and an Italian waste broker, Progresso — and representatives of the then “President” of Somalia, the faction leader Ali Mahdi Mohamed, to accept 10 million tonnes of toxic waste in exchange for $80 million (then about £60 million).[170]

According to reports by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the waste has resulted in far higher than normal cases of respiratory infections, mouth ulcers and bleeding, abdominal haemorrhages and unusual skin infections among many inhabitants of the areas around the northeastern towns of Hobyo and Benadir on the Indian Ocean coast — diseases consistent with radiation sickness. UNEP adds that the current situation along the Somali coastline poses a very serious environmental hazard not only in Somalia, but also in the eastern Africa sub-region.[170]

Demographics

A Somali girl.

Somalia has a population of around 10,112,453 inhabitants, about 85% of whom are ethnic Somalis.[2] The total population according to the 1975 census was 3.3 million.[171] Civil strife in the early 1990s greatly increased the size of the Somali diaspora, as many of the best educated Somalis left for the Middle East, Europe and North America.[172]

Non-Somali ethnic minority groups make up the remainder of the nation’s population, and are largely concentrated in the southern regions.[173] They include Benadiri, Bravanese, Bantus, Bajuni, Ethiopians, Indians, Persians, Italians and Britons. Most Europeans left after independence.

The country’s population is expanding at a growth rate of 2.809% per annum and a birth rate of 43.33 births/1,000 people.[2] Most local residents are young, with a median age of 17.6 years; about 45% of the population is between the ages of 0–14 years, 52.5% is between the ages of 15–64 years, and only 2.5% is 65 years of age or older.[2] The gender ratio is roughly balanced, with proportionally about as many men as women.[2]

There is little reliable statistical information on urbanization in Somalia. However, rough estimates have been made indicating a rate of urbanization of 4.2% per annum (2005-10 est.), with many towns quickly growing into cities. As of 2008, 37% of the nation’s population live in towns and cities, with the percentage rapidly increasing.[2]

Languages

Main article: Languages of Somalia

The Somali language is the official language of Somalia.[1] It is a member of the Cushitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family, and its nearest relatives are the Afar and Saho languages.[174] Somali is the best documented of the Cushitic languages,[175] with academic studies of it dating from before 1900.

The Osmanya writing script

Somali dialects are divided into three main groups: Northern, Benadir and Maay. Northern Somali (or Northern-Central Somali) forms the basis for Standard Somali. Benadir (also known as Coastal Somali) is spoken on the Benadir coast from Cadale to south of Merca, including Mogadishu, as well as in the immediate hinterland. The coastal dialects have additional phonemes which do not exist in Standard Somali. Maay is principally spoken by the Digil and Mirifle (Rahanweyn) clans in the southern areas of Somalia.[176]

Since Somali had long lost its ancient script,[177] a number of writing systems have been used over the years for transcribing the language. Of these, the Somali alphabet is the most widely used, and has been the official writing script in Somalia since the government of former President of Somalia Siad Barre formally introduced it in October 1972.[178]

The script was developed by the Somali linguist Shire Jama Ahmed specifically for the Somali language, and uses all letters of the English Latin alphabet except p, v and z. Besides Ahmed’s Latin script, other orthographies that have been used for centuries for writing Somali include the long-established Arabic script and Wadaad’s writing. Indigenous writing systems developed in the 20th century include the Osmanya, Borama and Kaddare scripts, which were invented by Osman Yusuf Kenadid, Sheikh Abdurahman Sheikh Nuur and Hussein Sheikh Ahmed Kaddare, respectively.[179]

In addition to Somali, Arabic is an official national language in Somalia.[1] Many Somalis speak it due to centuries-old ties with the Arab World, the far-reaching influence of the Arabic media, and religious education.

English is also widely used and taught. Italian used to be a major language, but its influence significantly diminished following independence. It is now most frequently heard among older generations. Other minority languages include Bravanese, a variant of Swahili that is spoken along the coast by the Bravanese people.

Religion

With very few exceptions, Somalis are entirely Muslims,[180] the majority belonging to the Sunni branch of Islam and the Shafi`i school of Islamic jurisprudence, although some are also adherents of the Shia Muslim denomination.[181] Sufism, the mystical dimension of Islam, is also well-established, with many local jama’a (zawiya) or congregations of the various tariiqa or Sufi orders.[182] The constitution of Somalia likewise defines Islam as the religion of the Somali Republic, and Islamic sharia as the basic source for national legislation.[183]

Eid celebrations at the Mosque of Islamic Solidarity in Mogadishu (2006).

Islam entered the region very early on, as a group of persecuted Muslims had, at Prophet Muhammad‘s urging, sought refuge across the Red Sea in the Horn of Africa. Islam may thus have been introduced into Somalia well before the faith even took root in its place of origin.[184]

In addition, the Somali community has produced numerous important Islamic figures over the centuries, many of whom have significantly shaped the course of Muslim learning and practice in the Horn of Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, and well beyond. Among these Islamic scholars is the 14th century Somali theologian and jurist Uthman bin Ali Zayla’i of Zeila, who wrote the single most authoritative text on the Hanafi school of Islam, consisting of four volumes known as the Tabayin al-Haqa’iq li Sharh Kanz al-Daqa’iq.

Christianity is a minority religion in Somalia, with no more than 1,000 practitioners in a population of over eight million inhabitants.[185] There is one diocese for the whole country, the Diocese of Mogadishu, which estimates that there were only about 100 Catholic practitioners in Somalia in 2004.[186]

In 1913, during the early part of the colonial era, there were virtually no Christians in the Somali territories, with only about 100-200 followers coming from the schools and orphanages of the few Catholic missions in the British Somaliland protectorate.[187] There were also no known Catholic missions in Italian Somaliland during the same period.[188] In the 1970s, during the reign of Somalia’s then Marxist government, church-run schools were closed and missionaries sent home. There has been no archbishop in the country since 1989, and the cathedral in Mogadishu was severely damaged during the civil war.

Some non-Somali ethnic minority groups also practice animism, which represents (in the case of the Bantu) religious traditions inherited from their ancestors in southeastern Africa.[189]

 Culture

Main article: Culture of Somalia

Cuisine

Main article: Somali cuisine

Various types of popular Somali dishes.

The cuisine of Somalia varies from region to region and consists of an exotic mixture of diverse culinary influences. It is the product of Somalia’s rich tradition of trade and commerce. Despite the variety, there remains one thing that unites the various regional cuisines: all food is served halal. There are therefore no pork dishes, alcohol is not served, nothing that died on its own is eaten, and no blood is incorporated. Qaddo or lunch is often elaborate.

Varieties of bariis (rice), the most popular probably being basmati, usually serve as the main dish. Spices like cumin, cardamom, cloves, cinnamon and sage are used to aromatize these different rice dishes. Somalis serve dinner as late as 9 pm. During Ramadan, dinner is often served after Tarawih prayers – sometimes as late as 11 pm.

Xalwo or halva is a popular confection served during special occasions such as Eid celebrations or wedding receptions. It is made from sugar, corn starch, cardamom powder, nutmeg powder and ghee. Peanuts are also sometimes added to enhance texture and flavor.[190] After meals, homes are traditionally perfumed using frankincense (lubaan) or incense (cuunsi), which is prepared inside an incense burner referred to as a dabqaad.

Music

Main article: Music of Somalia

Somali singer Aar Maanta performing with his band.

Somalia has a rich musical heritage centered on traditional Somali folklore. Most Somali songs are pentatonic; that is, they only use five pitches per octave in contrast to a heptatonic (seven note) scale such as the major scale. At first listen, Somali music might be mistaken for the sounds of nearby regions such as Ethiopia, Sudan or Arabia, but it is ultimately recognizable by its own unique tunes and styles. Somali songs are usually the product of collaboration between lyricists (midho), songwriters (lahan) and singers (‘odka or “voice”).[191]

 Literature

Main article: Somali literature

Somali scholars have for centuries produced many notable examples of Islamic literature ranging from poetry to Hadith. With the adoption of the Latin alphabet in 1972 as the nation’s standard orthography, numerous contemporary Somali authors have also released novels, some of which have gone on to receive worldwide acclaim. Of these modern writers, Nuruddin Farah is probably the most celebrated. Books such as From a Crooked Rib and Links are considered important literary achievements, works which have earned Farah, among other accolades, the 1998 Neustadt International Prize for Literature.[192] Farah Mohamed Jama Awl is another prominent Somali writer who is perhaps best known for his Dervish era novel, Ignorance is the enemy of love.

Architecture

Eyl castle.

Somali architecture is a rich and diverse tradition of engineering and designing multiple different construction types such as stone cities, castles, citadels, fortresses, mosques, temples, aqueducts, lighthouses, towers and tombs during the ancient, medieval and early modern periods in Somalia, as well as the fusion of Somalo-Islamic architecture with Occidental designs in contemporary times.

In ancient Somalia, pyramidical structures known in Somali as taalo were a popular burial style, with hundreds of these drystone monuments scattered around the country today. Houses were built of dressed stone similar to the ones in Ancient Egypt,[9] and there are examples of courtyards and large stone walls such as the Wargaade Wall enclosing settlements.

The adoption of Islam in the early medieval era of Somalia’s history brought Islamic architectural influences from Arabia and Persia, which stimulated a shift from drystone and other related materials in construction to coral stone, sundried bricks, and the widespread use of limestone in Somali architecture. Many of the new architectural designs such as mosques were built on the ruins of older structures, a practice that would continue over and over again throughout the following centuries.[193]

2.BAJAK LAUT SOMALIA

Piracy in Somalia

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Pirates holding the crew of the Chinese fishing vessel Tian Yu No. 8, guarding the crew on the bow

Piracy off the Somali coast has been a threat to international shipping since the second phase of the Somali Civil War in the early 21st century.[1] Since 2005, many international organizations, including the International Maritime Organization and the World Food Programme, have expressed concern over the rise in acts of piracy.[2] Piracy has contributed to an increase in shipping costs and impeded the delivery of food aid shipments. Ninety percent of the World Food Programme’s shipments arrive by sea, and ships into this area now require a military escort.[3]

A United Nations report and several news sources have suggested that piracy off the coast of Somalia is caused in part by illegal fishing and the dumping of toxic waste in Somali waters by foreign vessels that have, according to Somali fishermen, severely constrained the ability of locals to earn a living and forced many to turn to piracy instead.[4][5] Other articles allege that many coastline villagers say given the choice between foreign-vessel collection of Somali sea life and the actions of the pirates, they support the pirates.[citation needed] Some pirates have suggested that, in the absence of an effective national coastguard following the outbreak of the Somali Civil War and the subsequent disintegration of the Armed Forces, they became pirates in order to protect their waters. This belief is also reflected in the names taken on by some of the pirate networks, such as the National Volunteer Coast Guard (NVCG).[5] The UK’s Department for International Development (DFID) issued a report in 2005 stating that, between 2003–2004, Somalia lost about $100 million dollars in revenue due to illegal tuna and shrimp fishing in the country’s exclusive economic zone by foreign trawlers.[4]

As a consequence of the pirate attacks, some shipping companies have hired private security outfits for assistance. One such firm is Espada Logistics and Security Group based in San Antonio, Texas, whose security officers provide on-board protection from a ship’s point of entry to its point of destination. They also offer anti-piracy training en route to the Gulf of Aden,[6] and have teamed up with African Shipping Lines, a leading international shipping line company, to provide security to vessels traveling along the coast of East Africa.[7]

Combined Task Force 150, a multinational coalition task force, took on the role of fighting Somali piracy by establishing a Maritime Security Patrol Area (MSPA) within the Gulf of Aden.[8] The increasing threat posed by piracy has also caused concern in India since most of its shipping trade routes pass through the Gulf of Aden. The Indian Navy responded to these concerns by deploying a warship in the region on 23 October 2008.[9][10] In September 2008, Russia announced that it too would join international efforts to combat piracy.[11] Some reports have also accused certain government officials in Somalia of complicity with the pirates,[12] with authorities from the Galmudug administration in the north-central Hobyo district reportedly attempting to use pirate gangs as a bulwark against Islamist insurgents from the nation’s southern conflict zones.[13] However, according to UN secretary general Ban Ki Moon, both the former and current administrations of the autonomous Puntland region in northeastern Somalia appear to be more actively involved in combating piracy.[12] The latter measures include on-land raids on pirate hideouts,[14] and the construction of a new naval base in conjunction with Saracen International, a UK-based security company.[15] By the first half of 2010, these increased policing efforts by Somali government authorities on land and international naval vessels at sea reportedly contributed to a drop in pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden from 86 a year prior to 33, forcing pirates to shift attention to other areas such as the Somali Basin and the wider Indian Ocean.[14][16][17]

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[edit] History

During the Siad Barre regime, Somalia received aid from Denmark, Great Britain, Iraq, Japan, Sweden, USSR and West Germany to develop its fishing industry. Cooperatives had fixed prices for their catch, which was often exported due to the low demand for seafood in Somalia. Aid money improved the ships and supported the construction of maintenance facilities.[18] After the fall of the Barre regime, the income from fishing decreased due to the Somali Civil War.

Also, there was no coast guard to protect against fishing trawlers from other countries illegally fishing and big companies dumping waste which killed fish in Somali waters. This led to the erosion of the fish stock. Local fishermen started to band together to protect their resources.[19] Due to the clan-based organization of Somali society, the lack of a central government, and the country’s strategic location at the Horn of Africa, conditions were ripe for the growth of piracy in the early 1990s.

Armed pirates in the Indian Ocean near Somalia. After the picture was taken, the vessel’s crew members opened fire on U.S. Navy ships and the ship’s crew members returned fire. One suspected pirate was killed and 12 were taken into custody.

Precise data on the current economic situation in Somalia is scarce but with an estimated per capita GDP of $600 per year, it remains one of the world’s poorest countries.[20] Millions of Somalis depend on food aid and in 2008, according to the World Bank, as much as 73% of the population lived on a daily income below $2.[21][22] These factors and the lucrative success of many hijacking operations have drawn a number of young men toward gangs of pirates, whose wealth and strength often make them part of the local social and economic elite. Abdi Farah Juha who lives in Garoowe (100 miles from the sea) told the BBC, “They have money; they have power and they are getting stronger by the day. […] They wed the most beautiful girls; they are building big houses; they have new cars; new guns.”[23]

Some pirates are former fishermen, whose livelihoods were hurt by foreign ships illegally fishing in Somali waters.[24] After seeing the profitability of piracy, since ransoms are usually paid, warlords began to facilitate pirate activities, splitting the profits with the pirates.[25] In most of the hijackings, the bandits have not harmed their prisoners.[26]

The Transitional Federal Government has made some efforts to combat piracy, occasionally allowing foreign naval vessels into Somali territorial waters.[27][citation needed] However, more often than not, foreign naval vessels chasing pirates were forced to break off when the pirates entered Somali territorial waters.[28][29] The government of Puntland has made more progress in combating piracy, evident in recent interventions.[30]

[edit] Summary of recent events

On 5 October 2008, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 1838[31] calling on nations with vessels in the area to apply military force to repress the acts of piracy.[32] At the 101st council of the International Maritime Organization, India called for a United Nations peacekeeping force under unified command to tackle piracy off Somalia.[33] (There has been a general and complete arms embargo against Somalia since 1992.)

On 21 November 2008, BBC News reported that the Indian Navy had received United Nations approval to enter Somali waters to combat piracy.[34]

In November 2008, Somali pirates began hijacking ships well outside the Gulf of Aden, perhaps targeting ships headed for the port of Mombasa, Kenya.[35] The frequency and sophistication of the attacks also increased around this time, as did the size of vessels being targeted. Large cargo ships, oil and chemical tankers on international voyages became the new targets of choice for the Somali hijackers. This is in stark contrast to the pirate attacks which were once frequent in the Strait of Malacca, another strategically important waterway for international trade, which were according to maritime security expert Catherine Zara Raymond, generally directed against “smaller, more vulnerable vessels carrying trade across the Straits or employed in the coastal trade on either side of the Straits.”[36]

On 8 April 2009, four Somali pirates seized the Maersk Alabama 240 nautical miles (440 km; 280 mi) southeast of the Somalia port city of Eyl.[37] The ship was carrying 17,000 metric tons of cargo, of which 5,000 metric tons were relief supplies bound for Somalia, Uganda, and Kenya.[38][39] On 12 April 2009, United States Navy SEAL snipers killed the three pirates that were holding Captain Richard Phillips hostage aboard a lifeboat from the Maersk Alabama after determining that Captain Phillips’ life was in immediate danger.[40][41][42] A fourth pirate, Abdul Wali Muse, surrendered and was taken into custody.[43][44] On May 18, a federal grand jury in New York returned a ten-count indictment against him.[45]

On 20 April 2009, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton commented on the capture and release of 7 Somali pirates by Dutch Naval forces who were on a NATO mission.[46] After an attack on the Handytankers Magic, a petroleum tanker, the Dutch frigate De Zeven Provinciën tracked the pirates back to a pirate “mother ship” and captured them.[46][47] They confiscated the pirates weapons and freed 20 Yemeni fishermen who the pirates had kidnapped and who had been forced to sail the pirate “mother ship”.[46][47] Since the Dutch Naval Forces were part of a NATO exercise, but not on an EU mission, they lacked legal jurisdiction to keep the pirates so they released them.[46] Clinton stated that this action “sends the wrong signal” and that additional coordination was needed among nations.[46]

On 23 April 2009, international donors pledged over $250 million for Somalia which include $134 million to increase the African Union peacekeeping mission from 4,350 troops to 8,000 troops and $34 million for Somali security forces.[48][49] Secretary-General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon told delegates at a donors’ conference sponsored by the U.N. that “Piracy is a symptom of anarchy and insecurity on the ground”, and that “More security on the ground will make less piracy on the seas.”[48][49] Somali President Sharif Ahmed pledged at the conference that he would fight piracy and to loud applause said that “It is our duty to pursue these criminals not only on the high seas, but also on terra firma,”.[48][49] The Somali government has not gone after pirates because pirate leaders currently have more power than the government.[48][49] It has been estimated by piracy experts that in 2008 the pirates gained about $80 million through ransom payments.[48][49]

On 8 November 2009, Somali pirates threatened that a kidnapped British couple would be “punished” if a German warship did not release seven pirates.[50] Omer, one of the pirates holding the British couple, claims that the seven men are fishermen, but a European Union Naval Force spokesman says that they were captured as they fired AK-47 assault rifles at a French fishing vessel.[50]

April 2010, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) alluded to possible covert and overt action against the pirates. CIA officials had been publicly warning of this potential threat for months. In a Harpers Magazine article, a CIA official said, “We need to deal with this problem from the beach side, in concert with the ocean side, but we don’t have an embassy in Somalia and limited, ineffective intelligence operations. We need to work in Somalia and in Lebanon, where a lot of the ransom money has changed hands. But our operations in Lebanon are a joke, and we have no presence at all in Somalia.”[51]

On 11 May 2010, Somali pirates seized a Bulgarian-flagged ship in the Gulf of Aden. The Panega, with 15 Bulgarian crew members aboard, was en route from the Red Sea to India or Pakistan. This was the first such hijacking of a Bulgarian-flagged ship.

On 12 May 2010, Athens announced that Somali pirates have seized a Greek vessel in the Gulf of Aden with at least 24 people onboard, including two Greek citizens and some Filipinos. The vessel, sailing under the Liberian flag, was transporting iron from Ukraine to China.

[edit] Pirates

[edit] Profile

A collage of pirates armed with AKM assault rifles, RPG-7 rocket-propelled grenade launchers and semi-automatic pistols.

Most pirates are aged 20–35 years old and come from the region of Puntland, in northeastern Somalia. The East African Seafarers’ Association estimates that there are at least five pirate gangs and a total of 1,000 armed men.[52] According to a BBC report, the pirates can be divided into three main categories:

  • Local Somali fishermen, considered the brains of the pirates’ operations due to their skill and knowledge of the sea. Most think that foreign boats have no rights to cruise next to the shore and destroy their boats.
  • Ex-militiamen who used to fight for the local clan warlords, or ex-military from the former Barre government used as the muscle.
  • Technical experts who operate equipment such as GPS devices.[23]

According to Globalsecurity.org, there are four main groups operating off the Somali coast. The National Volunteer Coast Guard (NVCG), commanded by Garaad Mohamed, is said to specialize in intercepting small boats and fishing vessels around Kismayo on the southern coast. The Marka group, under the command of Yusuf Mohammed Siad Inda’ade, is made up of several scattered and less organized groups operating around the town of Marka. The third significant pirate group is composed of traditional Somali fishermen operating around Puntland and referred to as the Puntland Group. The last set are the Somali Marines, reputed to be the most powerful and sophisticated of the pirate groups with a military structure, a fleet admiral, admiral, vice-admiral and a head of financial operations.[53]

[edit] Effects and perceptions

There have been both positive and negative effects of the pirates’ economic success. Local residents have complained that the presence of so many armed men makes them feel insecure, and that their free spending ways cause wild fluctuations in the local exchange rate. Others fault them for excessive consumption of alcoholic beverages and khat.[23]

On the other hand, many other residents appreciate the rejuvenating effect that the pirates’ on-shore spending and re-stocking has had on their impoverished towns, a presence which has oftentimes provided jobs and opportunity when there were none. Entire hamlets have in the process been transformed into veritable boomtowns, with local shop owners and other residents using their gains to purchase items such as generators — “allowing full days of electricity, once an unimaginable luxury.”[54]

Local fishermen in the Malindi area of Kenya to the south have reported their largest catches in forty years, catching hundreds of kilos of fish and earning fifty times the average daily wage as a result. They attribute the recent abundance of marine stock to the pirates scaring away the foreign fishing trawlers, which it is claimed have for decades deprived local dhows of a livelihood. Marine biologists agree, saying that the indicators are that the local fishery is recovering because of the lack of commercial scale fishing.[55]

The Somalian piracy appears to have a positive impact on the problem of overfishing in Somali waters by foreign vessels, as a comparison has been made with the situation in Tanzania further to the south, which suffers from the same problem, and also lacks the means to enforce the protection and regulation of its territorial waters. There, the catches have dropped to dramatic low levels, whereas in Somalia they have risen back to more acceptable levels since the beginning of the piracy.[56]

[edit] Weaponry and funding

The pirates get most of their weapons from Yemen, but a significant amount come from Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital. Weapons dealers in the capital receive a deposit from a hawala dealer on behalf of the pirates and the weapons are then driven to Puntland where the pirates pay the balance.[23] Various photographs of pirates in situ indicate that their weapons are predominantly AKMs, RPG-7‘s and semi-automatic pistols such as the TT-30.[57][58] Additionally, given the particular origin of their weaponry, they are likely to have hand grenades such as the RGD-5 or F1.

The funding of piracy operations is now structured in a stock exchange, with investors buying and selling shares in upcoming attacks in a bourse in Harardhere.[59] Pirates say ransom money is paid in large denomination US dollar bills. It is delivered to them in burlap sacks which are either dropped from helicopters or cased in waterproof suitcases loaded onto tiny skiffs. Ransom money has also been delivered to pirates via parachute, as happened in January 2009 when an orange container with $3 million cash inside it was dropped onto the deck of the supertanker MV Sirius Star to secure the release of ship and crew.[60] To authenticate the banknotes, pirates use currency-counting machines, the same technology used at foreign exchange bureaus worldwide. According to one pirate, these machines are, in turn, purchased from business connections in Dubai, Djibouti, and other areas.[54] Hostages seized by the pirates usually have to wait 45 days or more for the ships’ owners to pay the ransom and secure their release.[61]

Somali pirates allegedly get help from the Somali diaspora. Somali expatriates, including reputedly some among the 200,000 Somalis living in Canada, offer funds, equipment and information.[62]

[edit] Sovereignty and environmental protection

According to UNEP and other sources, foreign companies are dumping toxic and nuclear waste in the unpatrolled waters off the Somali coastline.[63] Many pirates have alleged that they are protecting Somalia’s territorial waters from exploitation, while the Somali federal government has suggested that the key to limiting pirate attacks is to help local authorities combat illegal fishing and toxic waste dumping on the part of foreign vessels.[64]

The UN envoy for Somalia, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, has stated that “because there is no (effective) government, there is … much irregular fishing from European and Asian countries,”[65] and that the UN has “reliable information” that European and Asian companies are dumping toxic and nuclear waste off the Somali coastline.[63] However, he stresses that “no government has endorsed this act, and that private companies and individuals acting alone are responsible.”[63] In addition, Ould-Abdallah told the press that he believes the toxic waste dumping is “a disaster off the Somali coast, a disaster (for) the Somali environment, the Somali population”, and that what he terms “this illegal fishing, illegal dumping of waste” helps fuel the civil war in Somalia since the illegal foreign fishermen pay off corrupt local officials or warlords for protection or to secure counterfeit licenses.[65] However, Ould-Abdallah noted that piracy will not prevent waste dumping: “The intentions of these pirates are not concerned with protecting their environment”, and “What is ultimately needed is a functioning, effective government that will get its act together and take control of its affairs.”[63]

Somali pirates which captured MV Faina, a Ukrainian ship carrying tanks and military hardware, accused European firms of dumping toxic waste off the Somali coast and declared that the $8m ransom for the return of the ship they will go towards cleaning up the waste. The ransom demand is a means of “reacting to the toxic waste that has been continually dumped on the shores of our country for nearly 20 years”, Januna Ali Jama, a spokesman for the pirates said. “The Somali coastline has been destroyed, and we believe this money is nothing compared to the devastation that we have seen on the seas.”[63]

These issues have generally not been reported in international media when reporting on piracy.[66][67]

Pirate leader Sugule Ali said their motive was “to stop illegal fishing and dumping in our waters… We don’t consider ourselves sea bandits. We consider sea bandits [to be] those who illegally fish and dump in our seas and dump waste in our seas and carry weapons in our seas.” Also, the independent Somalian news-site WardherNews found that 70 percent “strongly supported the piracy as a form of national defence of the country’s territorial waters”.[68]

[edit] Waste dumping

Following the Indian Ocean tsunami of December 2004, there have emerged allegations that after the outbreak of the Somali Civil War in late 1991, Somalia’s long, remote shoreline was used as a dump site for the disposal of toxic waste. The huge waves which battered northern Somalia after the tsunami are believed to have stirred up tonnes of nuclear and toxic waste that was illegally dumped in Somali waters by several European firms. The European Green Party followed up these revelations by presenting before the press and the European Parliament in Strasbourg copies of contracts signed by two European companies—the Italian Swiss firm, Achair Partners, and an Italian waste broker, Progresso—and representatives of the warlords then in power, to accept 10 million tonnes of toxic waste in exchange for $80 million (then about £60 million). According to a report by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) assessment mission, there are far higher than normal cases of respiratory infections, mouth ulcers and bleeding, abdominal haemorrhages and unusual skin infections among many inhabitants of the areas around the northeastern towns of Hobbio and Benadir on the Indian Ocean coast—diseases consistent with radiation sickness. UNEP continues that the current situation along the Somali coastline poses a very serious environmental hazard not only in Somalia but also in the eastern Africa sub-region.[69][70]

Under Article 9(1)(d) of the Basel Convention on the Control of Transboundary Movements of Hazardous Wastes and Their Disposal, it is illegal for “any transboundary movement of hazardous wastes or other wastes: that results in deliberate disposal (e.g. dumping) of hazardous wastes or other wastes in contravention of this Convention and of general principles of international law”.[71]

According to Nick Nuttall of the United Nations Environmental Programme, “Somalia has been used as a dumping ground for hazardous waste starting in the early 1990s, and continuing through the civil war there”, and “European companies found it to be very cheap to get rid of the waste, costing as little as $2.50 a tonne, where waste disposal costs in Europe are something like $1000 a tonne.” [63][72]

[edit] Illegal fishing

At the same time, foreign trawlers began illegally fishing Somalia’s seas, with an estimated $300 million of tuna, shrimp, and lobster being taken each year, depleting stocks previously available to local fishermen. Through interception with speedboats, Somali fishermen tried to either dissuade the dumpers and trawlers or levy a “tax” on them as compensation. In an interview, Sugule Ali, one of the pirate leaders explained “We don’t consider ourselves sea bandits. We consider sea bandits (to be) those who illegally fish and dump in our seas.Peter Lehr, a Somalia piracy expert at the University of St. Andrews says “It’s almost like a resource swap, Somalis collect up to $100 million a year from pirate ransoms off their coasts and the Europeans and Asians poach around $300 million a year in fish from Somali waters.[24][73]

According to Roger Middleton of Chatham House, “The problem of overfishing and illegal fishing in Somali waters is a very serious one, and does affect the livelihoods of people inside Somalia […] the dumping of toxic waste on Somalia’s shores is a very serious issue, which will continue to affect people in Somalia long after the war has ended, and piracy is resolved.”[74] To lure fish to their traps, foreign trawlers reportedly also use fishing equipment under prohibition such as nets with very small mesh sizes and sophisticated underwater lighting systems.[65]

Under Article 56(1)(b)(iii) of the Law of the Sea Convention:

“In the exclusive economic zone, the coastal State has jurisdiction as provided for in the relevant provisions of this Convention with regard to the protection and preservation of the marine environment”.

Article 57 of the Convention in turn outlines the limit of that jurisdiction:

“The exclusive economic zone shall not extend beyond 200 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured”.[75]

[edit] Weapons testing

In March 2010, the international environmental organization ECOTERRA also reported that newly-leaked information revealed that the anti-piracy activities in the Gulf of Aden also serve as a cover-up for the live testing of recently developed so-called non-lethal and sub-lethal weapons systems. The latter include Human Electro-Muscular Incapacitation (HEMI) Bioeffects devices that emit electrical waveforms for which it is not yet scientifically understood what are the long-term effects on a human body.[76]

[edit] Chronology of selected attacks

Somali pirates have attacked dozens of vessels with a fraction of those attacks resulting in a successful hijacking. In 2008, there were 111 attacks which included 42 successful hijackings.[77] The rate of attacks in January and February 2009 was about 10 times higher than during the same period in 2008 and “there have been almost daily attacks in March”,[77] with 79 attacks,[78] 21 successful, by mid April. Most of these attacks occur in the Gulf of Aden but the Somali pirates have been increasing their range and have started attacking ships as far south as off the coast of Kenya in the Indian Ocean.[79][80]

[edit] Anti-piracy measures

Ships of the multinational fleet Combined Task Force 150, March 2004.
From the left: DM F-213 Augsburg, JMSDF DD-106 Samidare, RNZN F-111 Te Mana, JMSDF DDG-175 Myōkō, MMI F-573 Scirocco, Spanish Navy Victoria (F82), US Navy USS Leyte Gulf, JMSDF AOE-422 Towada, USS Cushing

[edit] Military presence

The military response to pirate attacks has brought about a rare show of unity by countries that are either openly hostile to each other, or at least wary of cooperation, military or otherwise. Military counter-piracy operations are conducted by naval ships from the Combined Task Force 150 (CTF-150), Russia, China and India. Countries of the CTF-150 share information during the monthly Shared Awareness and Deconfliction (SHADE) meetings, a mechanism established in December 2008.[81] In response to the increased activity of the INS Tabar, India sought to augment its naval force in the Gulf of Aden by deploying the larger INS Mysore to patrol the area. Somalia also added India to its list of states, including the U.S. and France, who are permitted to enter its territorial waters, extending up to 12 nautical miles (22 km; 14 mi) from the coastline, in an effort to check piracy.[82] An Indian naval official confirmed receipt of a letter acceding to India’s prerogative to check such piracy. “We had put up a request before the Somali government to play a greater role in suppressing piracy in the Gulf of Aden in view of the United Nations resolution. The TFG government gave its nod recently.”[83] India also expressed consideration to deploy up to four more warships in the region.[84][85]

Similarly, Russia also chose to send more warships to combat piracy near Somalia. This announcement followed the International Maritime Bureau terming the menace as having gone “out of control.”[86] Germany said it was willing to add 1,400 troops to join an E.U. mission in the area that would begin in December. United States Africa Command (AFRICOM) commander, General William E. Ward, added that the United States was concerned about the rise in piracy, and was involved in multilateral efforts to provide security, “The United States is participating in those activities currently, but again, that is not specifically being controlled by the United States Africa Command.”[87]

European naval vessels have operated against piracy either independently, or as part of CTF-150. As a result of increased piracy, the European Union (EU) has established Operation Atalanta, to co-ordinate the European naval response to piracy and maintain international law in international waters in the region.

A maritime conference was also held in Mombasa to discuss the rising concern of regional piracy with a view to give regional and world governments recommendations to deal with the menace. The International Transport Workers Federation (ITWF) organised the regional African maritime unions’ conference, the first of its kind in Africa. Godfrey Matata Onyango, executive secretary of the Northern Corridor Transit Coordination Authority said that “We cannot ignore to discuss the piracy menace because it poses a huge challenge to the maritime industry and if not controlled, it threats to chop off the regional internal trade. The cost of shipping will definitely rise as a result of the increased war insurance premium due to the high risk off the Gulf of Aden.”[88] Pakistan offered the services of Pakistan Navy to the United Nations in order to help combat the piracy in Somalia “provided a clear mandate was given.”[89]

On 26 December 2008, China dispatched three warships (Haikou (171), Wuhan (169) and the supply ship Weishanhu) to the Gulf of Aden. A team of 16 Chinese Special Forces members from its Marine Corps armed with attack helicopters were on board.[90][91] Since then, China has maintained a three-ship flotilla of two warships and one supply ship in the Gulf of Aden by assigning ships from the South Sea Fleet and/or East Sea Fleet to the area on a three month basis.

Norway announced on 27 February 2009, that it would send the frigate HNoMS Fridtjof Nansen to the coast of Somalia to fight piracy. Royal Norwegian Navy Fridtjof Nansen joins EU’s international naval force in August.[92] As of 18 December 2008, naval ships from eleven NATO, four SCO, and 4 other countries have been deployed in the region in order to serve as escorts and to deter acts of piracy. As of 29 May 2009, Australia pledged its support, re-directing Australian Warship, HMAS Warramunga from duties in the Persian Gulf to assist in the fighting of Piracy.[93]

On 30 March 2010, a Seychelles patrol boat rescued 27 hostages and sunk two pirate vessels. On 1 April 2010, a skiff manned by pirates opened fire on the USS Nicholas off the coast of Kenya and Somalia, also in the vicinity of the Seychelles. The U.S. Navy ship returned fire, sinking the skiff, and captured a pirate mothership.[94]

[edit] Current fleet of vessels in operation

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Country Alliance Sailors Ships Cost [Mil of USD per annum] Start End
Australia Royal Australian Navy ANZUS[95][96] ~250 1 (HMAS Toowoomba)  ? June 2009  ?
Belgium Belgian Armed Forces [97] NATO 170 1 Frigate Louise-Marie  ? Sep 1st 2009 Dec 16th 2009
          Oct 20th 2010 Jan 20th 2011
Bulgaria Bulgarian Navy[98][99][100] NATO 130 Wielingen class frigate 41 Drazki  ?  ?  ?
Canada Canadian Navy NATO 240 HMCS Fredericton  ? November 2009 May 4, 2010
People's Republic of China People’s Liberation Army Navy[101] SCO ~800
including PLA marines
1st Flotilla: Haikou (Type 052C/DDG-171), Wuhan (Type 052B/DDG-169), Weishanhu (Qiandaohu Class/887)
2nd Flotilla: Shenzhen (Type 051B/DDG-167), Huangshan (Type 054A/FFG-570), Weishanhu (Qiandaohu Class/887)
3rd Flotilla: Zhoushan (Type 054A/FFG-529), Xuzhou (Type 054A/FFG-530), Qiandaohu (Qiandaohu Class/886)
4th Flotilla: Ma’anshan (Type 054/FFG-525), Wenzhou (Type 054/FFG-526), Qiandaohu (Qiandaohu Class/886), Chaohu (Type 054A/FFG-568)
5th Flotilla: Guangzhou (Type 052B/DDG-168), Chaohu (Type 054A/FFG-568)), Weishanhu (Qiandaohu Class/887)
6th Flotilla: Kunlun Shan (Type 071/LPD-998), Lanzhou (Type 052C/DDG-170), Weishanhu (Qiandaohu Class/887)
 ? Jan 6, 2009
Apr 15, 2009
Aug 1, 2009
Nov 27, 2009 (Chaohu Dec 21, 2009)
March 2010
July 2010
 ?
Denmark Royal Danish Navy[102] NATO 300 2 (Command and Support Ship HDMS Absalon (L16); Patrol Ship HDMS Thetis (F357)  ? February 2007 April 2009
France French Navy NATO  ? Germinal, Floréal, La Fayette, avisos, Améthyste  ?  ?  ?
Germany German Navy NATO 230[103] 1 (Frigate Emden (F210))[103] 60 (45 Mio. EUR) December 8, 2008[103] December 17, 2010[104]
Greece Greek Navy[105] NATO 176-196 1 (HS Themistokles)  ?  ?  ?
India Indian Navy[106]   540 2 (Destroyer INS Mysore (D60); Frigate INS Tabar)[82] 1[107]  ?  ?
Iran Islamic Republic of Iran Navy[108]    ?  ? 1[109]  ?  ?
Italy Italian Navy NATO 240 1 (D560 Durand de la Penne)  ?  ?  ?
 Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force[110]   400[111] DD-113 Sazanami
DD-106 Samidare[111]
OEF‐MIO Support
(DD-108 Akebono)
(AOE-423 Tokiwa)
DD-154 Amagiri[112]
Harusame[112]
 ?  ?  ?
South Korea Republic of Korea Navy[113]   300 1 Destroyer (Currently DDH 975 Chungmugong Yi Sun-sin) 1[114] April 16, 2009  ?
Malaysia Royal Malaysian Navy[115]   136 Support Ship KD Mahawangsa 3[116]  ?  ?
Netherlands Royal Netherlands Navy[117] NATO 174-202 HNLMS De Zeven Provinciën 1[118] March 26, 2009 August 2010
Pakistan Pakistan Navy[119]   ~500 PNS Badr  ?  ?  ?
Portugal Portuguese Navy[120] NATO  ? 1 (Frigate NRP Corte Real – NATO flotilla flagship)  ? June 2009 January 2010
Saudi Arabia Royal Saudi Navy[121]    ?  ?  ?  ?  ?
Russia Russian Navy[122] SCO ~350 3 (Destroyer Admiral Panteleyev (BPK 548), Salvage Tugboat, Tanker[123]  ? April 2009  ?
Singapore Republic of Singapore Navy[124]   240 LST RSS Persistence (209)  ? 24 April 2009[125]  ?
Spain Spanish Navy NATO 423 2 Frigates (F86 Canarias and F104 Méndez Núñez)  ?  ?  ?
Sweden Swedish Navy[126] 152[126] 3[126] (OPV HMS Carlskrona)  ? April 14, 2010[126] November 15, 2010[126]
Thailand Royal Thai Navy[127] ASEAN 371 including 20 marine special warefare task force 2 (OPV HTMS Pattani (OPV 511); Replenishment Ship HTMS Similan (871))[128] 8.757 (270 Mil THB)[128] September 10, 2010[128] December 12, 2010[128]
Turkey Turkish Navy[129] NATO 503 2 (Frigates TCG Giresun (F 491), TCG Gokova (F 496)[130]  ?  ?  ?
United Kingdom British Royal Navy NATO 250 1 HMS Cumberland[131]  ?  ?  ?
United States United States Navy NATO  ? US 5th Fleet  ?  ?

USS San Antonio, CTF-151 flagship.

As of 8 January 2009, Brian Murphy of the Associated Press reports that Rear Admiral Terence E. McKnight, U.S. Navy, is to command a new multi-national naval force to confront piracy off the coast of Somalia. This new anti-piracy force was designated Combined Task Force 151 (CTF-151), a multinational task force of the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF). The USS San Antonio was designated as the flagship of Combined Task Force 151, serving as an afloat forward staging base (AFSB) for the following force elements:

Initially, CTF-151 consisted of the San Antonio, USS Mahan (DDG-72), and HMS Portland (F79), with additional warships expected to join this force.[137]

Samidare (DD-106)

On 28 January 2009, Japan announced its intention of sending a naval task force to join international efforts to stop piracy off the coast of Somalia. The deployment would be highly unusual, as Japan’s non-aggressive constitution means Japanese military forces can only be used for defensive purposes. The issue has been controversial in Japan, although the ruling party maintains this should be seen as fighting crime on the high seas, rather than a “military” operation. The process of the Prime Minister of Japan, Taro Aso, giving his approval is expected to take approximately one month.[110] However, the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) and the Japanese government face legal problems on how to handle attacks by pirates against ships that either have Japanese personnel, cargo or are under foreign control instead of being under Japanese control as current Article 9 regulations would hamper their actions when deployed to Somalia.[138] It was reported on 4 February 2009, that the JMSDF was sending a fact-finding mission led by Gen Nakatani to the region prior to the deployment of the Murasame-class destroyer JDS DD-106 Samidare and the Takanami-class destroyer JDS DD-113 Sazanami to the coast of Somalia with a 13-man team composed of Japanese Ministry of Defense personnel, with members coming from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the JMSDF to visit Yemen, Djibouti, Oman, and Bahrain from February 8 to 20.[139][140] Both JMSDF vessels are units of the 8th Escort Division of the 4th Escort Flotilla based in Kure, Hiroshima Prefecture.[141] The JMSDF’s special forces unit, the Special Boarding Unit is also scheduled to potentially deploy to Somalia.[142][143] The SBU has been deployed alongside the two destroyers to Somalia on 14 March 2009.[144] According to JMSDF officials, the deployment would “regain the trust of the shipping industry, which was lost during the war.”[145] The JMSDF task force would be deployed in Somalia for 4 months.[146] In their first mission, the Takanami-class destroyer JDS DD-113 Sazanami was able to ward off pirates attempting to hijack a Singaporean cargo ship.[147] In addition, JMSDF P-3Cs are to be deployed in June from Djibouti to conduct surveillance on the Somali coast.[148][149] The House of Representatives of Japan has passed an anti-piracy bill, calling for the JMSDF to protect non-Japanese ships and nationals, though there are some concerns that the pro-opposition House of Councillors may reject it.[150] The Diet of Japan has passed an anti-piracy law that called for JMSDF forces to protect all foreign ships traveling off the coast of Somalia aside from protecting Japanese-owned/manned ships despite a veto from the House of Councillors, which the House of Representatives have overturned.[151] The destroyers Harusame and DD-154 Amagiri have recently left port from Yokusuka to replace the two destroyers that had been dispatched earlier on March 2009.[112] Under current arrangements, Japan Coast Guard officers would be responsible for arresting pirates since SDF forces are not allowed to have powers of arrest.[152]

The South Korean navy is also making plans to participate in anti-piracy operations after sending officers to visit the US Navy’s 5th Fleet in Bahrain and in Djibouti.[153] The South Korean cabinet had approved a government plan to send in South Korean navy ships and soldiers to the coast of Somalia to participate in anti-pirate operations.[113] The ROKN was sending the Chungmugong Yi Sun-sin class destroyer DDH 976 Munmu the Great to the coast of Somalia.[154] The Cheonghae Unit task force was also deployed in Somalia under CTF 151.[155]

The Swiss government calls for the deployment of Army Reconnaissance Detachment operators to combat Somali piracy with no agreement in Parliament[156] as the proposal was rejected after it was voted.[157] Javier Solana had said that Swiss soldiers could serve under the EU’s umbrella.[158]

The Philippine government has ordered the dispatch of a naval liaison officer to work with the US Navy’s 5th Fleet as part of its contribution against piracy.[159]

On 12 June 2009, Bulgaria has announced plans to join the anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden and protect Bulgarian shipping, by sending a frigate with a crew of 130 sailors.[160]

The Danish Institute for Military Studies has in a report proposed to establish a regionally-based maritime unit: a Greater Horn of Africa Sea Patrol, to carry out surveillance in the area to secure free navigation and take on tasks such as fishery inspection and environmental monitoring. A Greater Horn of Africa Sea Patrol would comprise elements from the coastal states – from Egypt in the north to Tanzania in the south. The unit would be established with the support of the states that already have a naval presence in the area.[161]

In February 2010, Danish special forces from the Absalon freed 25 people from the Antigua and Barbuda-flagged vessel Ariella after it was hijacked by pirates off the Somali coast. The crew members had locked themselves into a store-room.[162][163]

[edit] Change in best practices regarding self-protection

While the non-wartime 20th century tradition has been for merchant vessels not to be armed, the U.S. Government has recently changed the rules so that it is now “best practice” for vessels to embark a team of private security guards. This has given birth to a new breed of private security companies such as Argos International. These companies provide training and protection for crew members and cargo. The USCG leaves it to the shippers’ discretion to determine if those guards will be armed.[164][165]

[edit] Somalia

Between 2009 and 2010, the government of the autonomous Puntland region in northeastern Somalia enacted a number of reforms and pre-emptive measures as a part of its officially declared anti-piracy campaign. The latter include the arrest, trial and conviction of pirate gangs, as well as raids on suspected pirate hideouts and confiscation of weapons and equipment; ensuring the adequate coverage of the regional authority’s anti-piracy efforts by both local and international media; sponsoring a social campaign led by Islamic scholars and community activists aimed at discrediting piracy and highlighting its negative effects; and partnering with the NATO alliance to combat pirates at sea.[166] In May 2010, construction also began on a new naval base in the town of Bandar Siyada, located 25 km west of Bosaso, the commercial capital of Puntland.[15] The facility is funded by Puntland’s regional government in conjunction with Saracen International, a UK-based security company, and is intended to assist in more effectively combating piracy. The base will include a center for training recruits, and a command post for the naval force.[15] These numerous security measures appear to have borne fruit, as many pirates were apprehended in 2010, including a prominent leader.[14] Puntland’s security forces also reportedly managed to force out the pirate gangs from their traditional safe havens such as Eyl and Gar’ad, with the pirates now operating from only one main town, Harardhere.[167]

Government officials from the Galmudug administration in the north-central Hobyo district have also reportedly attempted to use pirate gangs as a bulwark against Islamist insurgents from southern Somalia’s conflict zones;[168] other pirates are alleged to have reached agreements of their own with the Islamist groups, although a senior commander from the Hizbul Islam militia vowed to eradicate piracy by imposing sharia law when his group briefly took control of Harardhere in May 2010 and drove out the local pirates.[168][169]

By the first half of 2010, these increased policing efforts by Somali government authorities on land along with international naval vessels at sea reportedly contributed to a drop in pirate attacks in the Gulf of Aden from 86 a year prior to 33, forcing pirates to shift attention to other areas such as the Somali Basin and the wider Indian Ocean.[14][16][17]

[edit] Arab League summit

Following the seizure by Somali pirates of an Egyptian ship and a Saudi oil supertanker worth $100 million of oil, the Arab League, after a meeting in Cairo, has called for an urgent summit for countries overlooking the Red Sea, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Somalia, Jordan, Djibouti and Yemen. The summit would offer several solutions for the piracy problem, in addition to suggesting different routes and looking for a more secure passageway for ships.

Another possible means of intervention by the Red Sea Arab nations’ navy might be to assist the current NATO anti-piracy effort as well as other navies.[170]

[edit] United Nations

In June 2008, following the letter of the Transitional Federal Government to the President of the Council asking for assistance from the international community in its efforts to address acts of piracy and armed robbery against ships off the coast of Somalia, the UN Security Council unanimously passed a declaration authorizing nations that have the agreement of the Transitional Federal Government to enter Somali territorial waters to deal with pirates.[171] The measure, which was sponsored by France, the United States and Panama, lasted six months. France initially wanted the resolution to include other regions with pirate problems, such as West Africa, but were opposed by Vietnam, Libya and most importantly by veto-holding China, who wanted the sovereignty infringement limited to Somalia.[172]

The UN Security Council adopted a resolution on 20 November 2008, that was proposed by Britain to introduce tougher sanctions against Somalia over the country’s failure to prevent a surge in sea piracy.[173] The US circulated the draft resolution that called upon countries having naval capacities to deploy vessels and aircraft to actively fight against piracy in the region. The resolution also welcomed the initiatives of the European Union, NATO and other countries to counter piracy off the coast of Somalia. US Alternate Representative for Security Council Affairs Rosemary DiCarlo said that the draft resolution “calls on the secretary-general to look at a long-term solution to escorting the safe passage of World Food Programme ships.”[174] Even Somalia’s Islamist militants stormed the Somali port of Harardheere in the hunt for pirates behind the seizure of a Saudi supertanker, the MV Sirius Star. A clan elder affiliated with the Islamists said “The Islamists arrived searching for the pirates and the whereabouts of the Saudi ship. I saw four cars full of Islamists driving in the town from corner to corner. The Islamists say they will attack the pirates for hijacking a Muslim ship.”[175]

On 17 December 2008, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted a tougher resolution, allowing for the first time international land and sea occupations in the pursuit of pirates.[176] Four ships, a Chinese fishing boat, a Turkish cargo ship, a Malaysian tug, and a private yacht were seized by pirates that same day.[177] Resolution 1851 takes current anti-piracy measures a step further.[178]

A Russian drafted resolution, Security Council Resolution 1918, adopted on 27 April 2010, called on all states to criminalise piracy and suggested the possibility of establishing a regional or international tribunal to prosecute suspected pirates.[179]

[edit] Trials

Many of the suspects arrested in military operations in the Gulf of Aden in recent years have had to be set free for lack of evidence. Nearby countries in Africa have been reluctant to take on the burden of trials. Moreover, in 2008, the Royal Navy was instructed by the Foreign Office not to arrest pirates for fear of breaching their human rights.[180]

In May 2010, a Yemeni court sentenced six Somali pirates to death and jailed six others for 10 years each for hijacking a Yemeni oil tanker, killing one cabin crew and leaving another missing in April 2009.[181]

Also in May 2010, another Somali, Abdiwali Abdiqadir Muse, pleaded guilty in a New York federal court to seizing a US ship Maersk Alabama and kidnapping its captain last year. He is expected to be sentenced in October 2010.

The first European trial of alleged Somali pirates opened in the Netherlands in May 2010. They were arrested in the Gulf of Aden in January 2009 when their high-speed boat was intercepted by a Danish frigate while allegedly preparing to board cargo ship Samanyolu registered in the Netherlands Antilles.[182] The pirates were sentenced to five years in prison, which was less than the maximum possible sentence. It is unlikely the men will be returned to Somalia after their sentence, as Somalia is considered too dangerous for deportation. One of the five has already applied for asylum in the Netherlands. Consequently, there are concerns that trials in European courts would encourage, rather than deter, pirates.[183]

The Somali government has also questioned the authority of foreign countries to try the pirates abroad. The European Union has attempted to focus the prosecutions locally by involving Somalia’s neighbors,[184] but Somali authorities have called for the pirates to be tried at home.

[edit] Private initiatives

There have been reports of pirates repelled by private initiatives. One such case would have occurred by the end of 2008, by armed personnel of transportation entrepreneur Barthe Cortes.[185][186]

Some shipping companies have also hired private security outfits for assistance. One such firm is Espada Logistics and Security Group based in San Antonio, Texas, whose security officers provide on-board protection from a ship’s point of entry to its point of destination. They also offer anti-piracy training en route to the Gulf of Aden,[6] and have teamed up with African Shipping Lines, a leading international shipping line company, to provide security to vessels traveling along the coast of East Africa.[7]

[edit] Proposed solutions

In November 2008, the International Association of Independent Tanker Owners, a group of ship-owners representing 75% of the world’s independent tanker fleet, asked for United Nations intervention. It called on the United Nations to co-ordinate anti-piracy patrols, and suggested the possibility of a naval blockade of Somalia and monitoring all vessels leaving the country’s coastline. However, NATO responded by saying that it would be impossible to effectively blockade Somalia’s vast coast.[187] It also suggested that all home ports of Somali pirates be blockaded, or that ground forces be inserted in Somalia itself to destroy pirate bases.[188]

Ultimately, many authors argue that the long term solution to Somali piracy is political securitisation. Governments would have to employ socioeconomic measures such as poverty alleviation and good governance in order to deal with piracy (and even terrorism) effectively. In particular, a sustainable solution requires the establishment not only of effective governance but also the rule of law, reliable security agencies, and alternative employment opportunities for the Somali people

selesai @hak cipta Dr Iwan Suwandy 2010

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