The Antique Indonesia Book Collections



Antique Indonesia Book


Part One


The East Indian adventure put on paper

Except curious objects, preserved animals, shells and other curiosities brought the returning East Indiamen also notes back. Notes in diaries, comprehensive reports, perhaps a copy logbook, in any case material which – supplemented with memories and texts from the published books – a new message could be made. That this is not always smoothly is illustrated by the example of Michael Hohreiter.

On January 22, 1624 Hans asked Hohreiter the ‘Pfarrkirchenbaupflegeamt’ Ulm Raißbuech whether he could spend his brother Michael. Michael, born in Ulm in 1591, was like his father trained in navigation on rafts, but did between 1614 and 1620 and served the VOC include Java, the Moluccas and Japan visited and described. Within a week Hohreiter Hans got a negative answer. From a publication could not have occurred. The notes were presented to an urban scholar, the deputy head and ‘Professor Historiarum “Johann Conrad Merckh, and had found that” solch raissbuch gar in Kainer ordnung unnd allererst inn Dass hochteutsch übersetzt were muesste’ .1 So easy that was not. The author apparently had traveled back to a bundle of notes taken Ulm who was not even written in good German, probably even in Dutch. He himself was in 1622 again returned to the Netherlands. From an edition is never materialized and the manuscript was lost.
How many similar cases will not have been of travel journals, sketchbooks, full or half-drawn notes, which were never published but preserved in the family and were finally disposed of as waste paper? There are several travel or incentive to do so narrated in handwriting, and sometimes one reads in the well-published travel stories between the lines something about the roads that had to be walked to a bundle of jottings a full book.

How did the final texts now come about? What was the work of the author, publisher or their appointed editor or editor?
Unfortunately there is no handwritten drafts of a
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VOC-known travel which can be compared with the printed editie.2 In answering the question must first be based on comments from the editors. They stood for the task to produce a text that was readable, entertaining and reliable, requirements that are not easily combined. Always they had to do with the three distinct main elements of the travel records existed: the actual journal kept from day to day, the actual details of the areas where they had gone through, and finally the personal observations, adventures and musings. Especially the latter two elements could take a considerable extent and the whole composition of its balance.
The editorial interventions consisted primarily of displaying the text in the High German. Probably lacked the East Indiamen sometimes the correct knowledge of High German language, perhaps their notes were too rudimentary, and some are known as Dutchified were that they had their notes in Dutch opgeschreven.3 Secondly, could the editor insert text elements. Facts that could have on residents and wildlife. Many additions therefore refer to a study of a book standing as a reliable scholar. Slotted facts are recognized and are often recognizable as such a manner, that is, as a footnote or margin text in a different font, or in a smaller font. To make the story more exciting adventures were also inserted which may not always really so had passed. In one case, that point to, namely where an official logbook or other sources of the same journey have been preserved. Another type of insertion is Christian, moralistic commentary.
The composition will often have been a problem. In the early travel is the apparent tension between the pure, from day to day journal kept one hand and the account details with the other thematic. Slowly but surely, those elements into one another and the travel narrative. The chronological structure is retained, but the narrative, thematic elements are becoming more organic in the text. Ernst Christoph Barchewitz writes in the preface of his Allerneueste und wahrhaffte Ost-India Essential Reise-Beschreibung (1730) that he never “Diarium” has tracked and that he was the principle of this book does not follow, “denn solches Thut eigentlich nichts zur history, au contraire, the es Fallet meisten Lesern verdrüslich ‘.4 He does so in the composition into the reader and bends the disadvantage of the lack of a journal into an advantage.
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In some cases the travel at the end shows traces of a family chronicle. Short is still listed how the traveler has perished after his return to Germany, whom he married and the children were born, what their names and who the godparents waren.5
Apart from failures and half-successful attempts went the route of the edition as follows: the text was compiled from the records and sometimes from the memories of the traveler, supplemented with information from other books and then streamlined editorial. There were orders, one for word and sometimes a few poems on the author submitted, prints were made and after that the whole to the drukker.6

The repatriated travelers could get to work with the development of his travel notes, but in several cases is known that an editor worked on the creation of the text. Reliability was a key concern of the author. A learned editor could provide the guarantee of reliability. Employee worked as a scholar of the great publishing house De Bry in Frankfurt, Zurich Arthus, the handwriting of Johann Explore. Explore was in 1607, sailed as a soldier on the fleet of Pieter Willemsz. Verhoef and returned after an adventurous period back in 1612. That same year appeared Ein kurtze Beschreibung einer Reyse as Part IX of Oriental Tours De Bry. The following year there was a sequel. Arthus was, says the title pages and the comments in the text, based on a ‘Kurtzer Verzeichnus “More of them and had numerous borrowings from earlier authors added, among others by Jan Huygen van Linschoten. In Nuremberg kept Christoph Arnold, professor of Greek, rhetoric, poetry and history in 1663 the Wahrhaftige Beschreibungen zweyer authorize Königreiche China und Japan for publishing Endter, containing the itinerary of the chief surgeon Johann Jacob Merklein.7 The Book of the surgeon Schreyer was significantly edited by his publisher, the Leipzig bookseller Johann Christian Wohlfahrt. The itinerary of Johann Gottlieb Worm is edited by a clergyman from the neighborhood, that a scholar but very dry introduction to added.


Frontispiece by Johann Sigmund Wurffbains Vierzehen Jährige Ost-India Essential Krieg und Ober-Kauffmanns-Dienste (Nuremberg 1686). Dutch Maritime Museum.
The winged figure on the left, which Fama suggests, holds a portrait of the author found.

 Between 1644 and 1660

he served the VOC and ‘auf everything fell Jahr von Tag zu Tag’ noted. He had hoped to continue until his return, but the writing was “durch Unglück zur See, leader!” Lost gegaan.


9 The book was now established on the basis of memory and Saars with dust from other “writers of the Orientalis Chen , Where, etc ‘. The editor was pastor of the St. Lorenz-Kirche in Neurenberg.10 The emphasis placed on the loss of the diary, or the announcement that the traveler had never tracked, can also be a hedge against possible criticism of errors.
In two cases, former VOC servants more or less forced to tell their experiences. That happened at the court of the aforementioned, culturally interested Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Gottorf, Friedrich III. In 1650 he learned that a man in Husum after six years had returned from the East Indies. This Jürgen Andersen did not feel that, as the Duke asked him, his experiences to paper to trust. Andersen then summoned the duke to the ducal castle in Schleswig, where the man him every day in the royal library for an hour to tell ‘von seiner Reise, und der Länder Einwohner Beschaffenheit’ .11 These stories were recorded by the scholar Adam Olearius hofbibliothecaris , who had concealed up. After this session asked the Duke Andersen again writing his story to record. This time, Andersen agreed to. The two descriptions were compared, without contradiction
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found and stored in the library ‘ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Years later, in 1669, combined Olearius this story with another travelogue of returning Holstein, the former VOC soldier Volquard Iversen become very popular in the oriental-Reise Beschreibunge.
Olearius had made efforts for the scientific level of the content and thereby did commit a kind of source criticism. He compared the two texts themselves and with other travel, he let the authors know each other and to verify certain things he corresponded additionally with Dutch in the East had been. In addition, he also attached to a good style in which the form should receive their itineraries. He was also a member of the most important German literary society, the ‘Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft, founded in Weimar in 1617. Their members, princes and scholars, strove to purify the German language, primarily of poetry, under the motto “Everything zu Nützen ‘.12 The books published by Olearius are a highlight in the seventeenth-century travelogues. The readership of both scholars and laymen could count on an excellent mix of information, and beautiful style of entertaining.
Posthumous publications
Not everyone wanted to publish his travel writings. Johann Sigmund Wurffbain example, returned in 1646 with a load of notes, there has always opposed, possibly because it was forbidden to publish trade secrets. He died in 1661. Two years later his oder Kurtzer Instruction Message, a presentation to business people by land or by sea to India wanted to travel. It was reissued in 1672 and in 1686. That last time that happened in his Vierzehen Jährige Ost-India Essential Krieg und Ober-Kaufmann-Dienste, a comprehensive account, based on his diaries and worried by his son Johann Paul, there are many details to added, taken from other books. So for example, he charged the whole dramatic story about the sinking of the VOC ship Batavia, a drama that is three years for Wurffbains trip had taken place. Wurffbain junior justify its own additions concerning animals and plants carefully.
Other travelogues were published posthumously. The widow of Johann Peter Reichart left shortly after the death of her husband’s extensive Zwanzigjährige Wanderschafft



Title page of Heinrich Muches itinerary, 1674.
Muche, from Breslau and trained as a painter, served as the military VOC in Java, the Moluccas and Japan. He verluchtte his itinerary with dozens of drawings.und Reisen at their own expense drukken.13 from two letter writers of the late eighteenth century, finally, Morgenstern and Von Wurmb, the letters from the East Indies, and edited it, published posthumously. The deliverers of Tomorrow Stern letters in the introduction that all the ‘Privatumstände’ concerns is omitted, as well as all the “trivial and unilateral ‘.14Unpublished
It could of course happen that never came to an edition. The surgeon was Ultzheimer after many trips back in 1610 in Tübingen and had described his travels from the head. Part of his luggage, including notes he ‘von zu Jahr Jahr und Tag zu Tag von “were kept, he had left behind in Amsterdam. Therefore it was not really writing now and not entirely in order and it included errors, as the author apologized at the end of the manuscript. He has written from memory and “Schreiber”, apparently a netschrijver and editor at the same time, also has not had time to better organize the text and styling. Ultzheimer a lover ever hoped it would help cover the costs needed for a better version. He had no doubt Friedrich, Duke of Wiirtemberg on the eye, to whom he also dedicated the manuscript. It never happened.
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A similar request for financial aid can be read in the catalog of the “Art and Natura Lien Kammer ‘by Conrad Raetzel. In the preface does Raetzel appeal to potential participants, ie ‘other Herschafft oder ein und von den Herrn jemand Buchführern. Perhaps they feel there is something for his Ostindisches Diarium to spend together with an illustrated version of his catalog. That would mean carvings to life must be made. Such an illustrated catalog would also be very practical for other collectors, Raetzel goes on, both of royal status of lower position. Despite this urgent request is Raetzels itinerary for nearly three centuries in a publisher waiting.
From the manuscript of Heinrich Muche is understandable that it never appeared in print. A former painter and VOC soldier from Breslau had one in his own eyes undoubtedly erudite writings composed, moreover, that he had provided drawings. He had his equipment taken from dozens of itineraries, descriptions and kosmografieën country and the whole interspersed with Dutch, German, French and Latin poems. But it was never issued. If he has already offered to a publisher, it will probably be too unbalanced and too wordy found.
Jörg Franz Müller returned in 1682 after thirteen years ago in Amsterdam. Are in rhyme and decorated with many colored drawings he travelogue here bind in a stamped leather band with his name erop.15 His notes he later worked in Rohrschach. In these writings he addresses the reader and the drawings he says that it will be beautiful engravings. This points to schedule publication, but also in this case, it did not happen.
A rare example of the struggle with substance gives Caspar Schmalkalden. He was between 1642 and 1652 in Dutch service successively in Brazil and in the East Indies soldier. In Forschungsbibliothek in Gotha is a clear, illustrated story of his travels. It is written in two hands: of himself and presumably his son. But elsewhere there are two bundles with other versions of this text, full of erasures and corrections, which shows how difficult the editorial is verlopen.16
The manuscript by Georg Naporra, written in 1757, is cool, divided into clear chapters, each beginning with a brief summary. It is in fact ready for the press. Why this has never been published is a mystery. Probability
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corpse, the Seven Years War, which broke out when and where this manuscript was completed in Gdansk has suffered, a spanner in the cast. Ten years after his return was Naporra in a good hit, he was married and had become a citizen of Gdansk. Maybe failed when the need for publication and the manuscript remained in the family. The long text of Gottfried Preller, finally, is probably only been intended for a small circle. The unbalanced composition, the absence of a division into sections, and the simple use of language all point in the direction of an intimate referred to text.
A comparison of the authors and do not have published during their life that those who are socially and financially the most successful in their lives were nothing autobiographical have published. One explanation could be that they best were aware of the commercial secrets of the Company and that they felt bound by their oath to publish anything about it. Moreover, they also do not need to travel through them to establish a position.
The public
For the manuscripts
Of the fourteen Indian travel texts that have survived only in manuscript, but few seem to have been intended for publication. These are written in fair-copy book, articulated in chapters and turning to a reader or refer to illustrations in the book would be included. But for some reason it never came to an edition. Other unpublished texts were intended for a small circle of family and friends, which the long travel time and time could be read or recited. It was the exotic variant of a familiekroniek.17 In some texts even expressly state that he has that little circle of friends. Most authors refer repeatedly to certain persons whom they had encountered on their journey and thus also indicates that public awareness must have been. This gave the reader or listener of the story then the possibility verifiëren.18
It was also suggested that the passenger’s personal handwriting offered to a prince. He wore the surgeon Andreas Ultzheimer his writing about his many trips to Friedrich, Duke of Wurttemberg, and Johann Wilhelm Vogel the manuscript of his travel to the Duke of Saxe-Gotha.19[P. 261]
For the printed travel
In the sixteenth century in Germany much travel in Latin published. They were intended for a scholarly audience. In the seventeenth century the number of Latin titles off percentage in favor of the German teksten.20 Not only the language, the price given to the public. In 1617 Johann Theodor de Bry wears his series on America to the German emperor. In the dedication he writes that publishing such books as many costs involved that their prices are high and almost the only books available for ‘Herrnstandts Persons, other unnd Vornehme und vermögliche Leute. There were also quite a few ‘guthertzige, und der Historien liebhabende Leute “which to him had called the’ Essential India Historien ‘short-form to geven.21 De Bry has indeed done that.
An impression of the functioning of the travel within a learned German intellectual environment one gets from one of the conversations of the literary society “Elbschwanenorden ‘, as it was described in 1668 by one of the members, the pastor Johann Rist.22 Four friends discuss the best and noblest way of ‘Zeit-Verkürzung, the typical name in the German baroque for the opportunity to be useful and enjoyable leisure time to spend. Conversation turns to travel. The host, “of quiet ‘as his nickname is, does an expose on a bundle of travel and discusses ten titles, which he always evaluates veracity, utility, style and reading. Many authors have only to los gefabuleerd, he says, and that amused him. “Ich Meines theils, when ich lese dergleichen Sachen, verwundere nirgends mehr über mich as Dass solche scribblers vermeinet haben, dass verständige Leute solchen ihren elenden Fabulen und lächerlichen Mährlein glauben zustellen wurden.” Der Quiet she reads so well, but is there to own words actually above. His friend Nobilidor thinks otherwise. “No,” he says, “that I waste my time with it, I like to read good Histories’, especially ‘frembde raisebeschreibungen” but he adds “nach solchen Possen ich habe kein grosses Desire’. And then he lists what he wise, that is useful travelogues understand. As an example he mentions the books that Adam Olearius has delivered. He tells them that “nichtes Partheyisches, nichtes Kindisches, nichtes Fabelhafftes, oder erdichtetes, probing his straight clean und Warheit nackende Durchaus ‘to find is.23 This shows that one makes the distinction between” sensible, true’ and ‘gefabuleerde’ travel. First, the utility, the second was purely a function as tijdpassering.24 In

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then very recent report by Nieuhof a Dutch delegation to Beijing, he notes that while a ‘gar feines nutzliches und Buch, “but that the embassy has followed just a straight road, often over water, making them as a kind of prisoners but little of the country gezien.25
The ‘true’ journey, as is repeatedly stated, had two functions: utility and entertainment, “Nußen und Vergnügen ‘.26 That utility had different meanings. Nut was informative, practical utility for the traveler who took advantage of such books. They could help travelers prepare for trips and merchants could benefit from them in defining their business strategies. A study of the subscribers of the German translation in 1777 by Engelbert Kaempfers book about Japan has shown that the buyers were mainly members of the upper crust of society, the higher middle class and professionals, doctors, clergy and landowners. In the port cities were mainly interested merchants. This suggests that interest in travel literature not only of philosophical or cultural but also economic in nature was.27
With utility was also meant the moral utility, the founding force of the text. Indeed, travelogues contributed to the knowledge of the world and thus to a good sense of the immensity and multiplicity of creation. The passenger was also an exemplary figure who by his steadfastness in the faith, gave an example. He proved the power of Providence.
The scientific usefulness is ingezien.28 the same time that the friends of the ‘Elbschwanenorden’ came together, wrote Leibniz, in his reflections on the systematization of education and research and storage of knowledge, that travel is necessary for historical research and that a set of all possible travel texts, letters and other written sources that are so often neglected by families, desired is.29 Paullini devoted Christian Franz in his Philosophical Lust-Stunden from 1706 contains a chapter on the usefulness of travel books and he also points to the ‘fremdes lustiges und ‘and on the morale useful. Theologians, lawyers, doctors, philosophers, politicians and ‘Liebhaber der Antiquitäten’ can benefit. They can decorate their own writings with historical trends and explain it, the physician can learn a lot about herbs and planten.30 The Kiel professor Daniel Georg Morhof in 1708 emphasized the multiform usefulness, “usum maximum ad res Varias” of travel .31

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A Dutch variant gives Peter Rabus, when he in his journal the Book Room of Europe in 1699, observes: “I do not know from what kind of writing more fun for inquisitive ingenuity to get is’ .32 Messages were also seen as a source of relaxation . One could read them as a pastime, comfortable home: they did not himself travel to gaan.33 But a few were so gripped by his home no longer be endured, and it went out for themselves the described Asian miracle countries to look to ‘tie Original oder zu sehen selbsten that Sach ‘.34
That travel not only for the upper classes were intended, is evident from the fact that more and more travel in the vernacular and that they also appeared on a modest size and therefore cheaper on the market. When Adam Olearius in 1658 the travel Von Mandelslo spend, he writes in the foreword that the book is to ‘Erlustigung des gemüths’ of ‘well learned as unlearned’ persons of high and low setting. The experienced men from practice, the actual travelers, which could then status and training or are at a lower level, they searched and found affiliation and recognition from the world of academics and literati. There also point to the words and the editorial guidance.
The sick comforter Isaac Sunderman, the only one of the 47 Germans in Dutch wrote it, did not so much for an academic audience, but for the “simple country blowing” that none of the seafaring life know how much has already been written about. He states his intended audience still with ‘myne Country ordinary people, in the Bergsche, Mark Nietzsche and Adhesive film CAL lands dwell, including those in Ontario Overyssel and the Moselle his’ .35 Sunderman was born in Westphalia, had six years on the Moselle a job before and after returning from the East in Deventer established. He focused so really acquaintances in the areas where he had lived. Winter Barley also calls himself in the same years ‘Landsman Nachbar und’ of the reader. Johann Peter Reichart, which a lot about life on board communicates, is aimed at the ‘in der ganz Schiffarth unerfahrne geneigte Leser’ .36
For whom and why travel useful, also describes CF Neickel, the author of a comprehensive book on art and rarities collections from 1727. The author emphasizes that knowledge is an asset, but that certainly not everyone has to have the university. Even ordinary fathers may in fact deepen their leisure hours in the sciences. Nothing is more useful for the proper Christian understanding than the study of nature, and
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therefor, other than nature walks in the spring or summer, ideally travelogues. Neickel public has in mind here as the fathers of the class of merchants and artisans after work or what to read by their wife or children read aloud. Again, the reading in this case already quite old travel an edifying functie.37
The above statements were made by authors, publishers and avid book readers. They say not many of whom, except persons in court circles and scholars actually read travelogues. About the German readership is little known. The book by Ludwig von Dies Horn, which in 1759 appeared and basically an East Indian lexicon, was intended for ‘der gemeine Mann oder auch sonsten Persons von lowly Power dergleichen’ .38 It also contained no engravings and not much personal about to inexpensive to maintain. In the second half of the eighteenth century was more read, including in civilian circles. Reading clubs flourished. The mayor of Bremen wrote in 1782 that the number of reading clubs in Lower Saxony increased from day to day, even in the smaller cities. Among the members were scholars and laymen, merchants, craftsmen, “Oekonomen, soldiers, old and young, men and vrouwen.39 A study of book ownership in Frankfurt around 1800 shows that 74 percent of the craft journeymen and 65 percent of master craftsmen no But the book bezaten.40 Liter Aryan Neue Zeitung of November 1802 indicates the “Unter den niedern Standings um sich immer mehr greif Lesewuth assignees. One thing is certain: some East Indiamen that they themselves have written about the East Indies have read before they left. Much more must they have read after their return. In their book they call because older titles, sometimes in the copying of information, sometimes scornfully at such naivety in earlier years.
From a book is known that the author has given to the city library of his residence. Johann Jacob Merklein wrote on the flyleaf of the book in which his travel was included, “Wohl-der Ehren Veste, Fürsichtige Kunstreiche und Herr Johann Jacob Merklein habe diese Reisbeschreibung of Windsheimischen Bibliothec am 13. August 1672 verehrt ‘.41 In a copy of the travel story of Elias Hesse state whose first owner was: a certain Georg Heinrich Hoeberlin in the sixth grade of the gymnasium of Stuttgart zat.42
About quantities and prices of treated Indian travel writings are largely unknown. From a letter of Jan Swammerdam in 1671 shows that two books of translations from German Dutch VOC 1 guilder and 16 travel together cost pennies. The one, the journey of Jürgen Andersen, had 168 pages, the other in which the travel of Saar, Iversen and Herport were combined, 204 pages. The same source shows how expensive a large folioboek was. The two-volume work Gedenckwaerdig Bedryf
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Of the Dutch East India Maetschappye of Olfert Dapper in 1670, in which two VOC embassies to China are described, it took 9 gulden.43 Some years later, a German edition. Only the book by Isaac Sunderman is known that the third edition in 1714 three hundred copies were printed for an amount of 45 gulden.44 This means that a total of perhaps 800 to 900 copies were printed.
Another indication for public circulation and gives the preface of the East Indian travelogue of Caspar Röhrig, the only portion that is known of this rare boek.45 Röhrig was, as noted earlier, in 1776 after three years as a sailor in Asia have worked, came back in Birkenfeld. He had married a rich woman and had started an inn, Zum Ostindische Schiff. In 1800 a publisher decided to give Röhrigs memoirs under the title Reisen und Fortunes, and put a sign-on purpose. The list shows that two bookstores (in Gotha in Rudolstadt) each have ordered 100 copies. A copy went to a library and read the rest, about 150 books, went to individuals in 45 towns and cities in Saxony. Among the bidders that their job tasks were many craftsmen, especially teachers, and further ducal officials and some merchants and military officers. It is striking that eight irish inn and seven ministers ordered the book. Maybe that inn irish felt an affinity with their fellow Röhrig – his occupation was stated in the title – perhaps even had ‘Gastwirten’ professionals are aware of travel and foreign countries with the towing business is to converse.
Summarized in the seventeenth century travelogues were read in the higher circles of the court, by scholars and writers, and in the eighteenth century increasingly by people from the middle classes. Artisans form a target group of the publisher and the case of Röhrig shows that the masters indeed read. The journeymen and servants read unlikely. If they have books in the house, then had that edifying werkjes.46

Reward for the story
As an exotic value had been present, as was also the story and certainly the story written some-thing. The returned traveler had a capital gain, which is perhaps the abject was as wild and inappropriate behavior, but for others it interesting. The commands in the
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Assignment of Johann Wilhelm Vogel to Friedrich, Duke of Saxe-Gotha. Forschungs-und Landesbibliothek Gotha.
Bird was on October 19, 1688 in Gotha returned after spending almost ten years in the East. On 23 August he signed this contract in the first calligraphed abridged version of his travelogue. It appeared six months later in print. Then followed two more comprehensive versions.

when he leaves the parental home to turn the wide world to explore, as his father had done forty years earlier, the city gives him three guilders travel money. Two years later, in the winter of 1730, receives its mother city legally still a bundle of wood. Three years later she also dies.
Another example may here the role of the sovereign illustrate. Johann Christoph Wolf thought in 1670 after eighteen years VOC service as assistant bookkeeper in Ceylon are quietly to enjoy his last years in his hometown Röbel in Mecklenburg. But after the first news of his return he was gone, according to his own words, to deal with a pesky parochial pride and love of his fellow townsmen. They tried him in a bad light and twelve years he had to be humiliated. How exactly tired of not clear, but in any case in 1782, Wolf published the first part of his Reise nach Zeilan. Apparently this book come face of Friedrich, Duke of Mecklenburg, who not only exonerated of ‘Accise’ and honored him with a gold medal, but actually did live in the ducal castle to Büsow. There he enjoyed life free lodging and free stoken.54 No wonder Wolf part two of his book Ceylon to the Duke commanded.

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Writing and publishing motives
No money, or honor
When all the words and commands would take literally, one might think that writing a travelogue came from a series of noble motives. The author has to describe God’s greatness, he would have wanted the readers can easily make their accurate and truthful mind to imagine how it toeging in distant countries, without having to step outside the door had to convert. The traveler had just put on the desk after long urging of good friends and influential people. In short, he was a noble, Christian, human and truthful, and especially modest man.
So it should not be interpreted literally. Although the combination of these traits should not be ruled out, we must understand the repeated reference to it as standard formulas. They served two purposes. The first was the recruitment to the address of the reader. He was led to believe how amazing this book is not there. The author did everything with my own eyes to the truth and he was therefore. Second, these texts have all more or less an undertone of self-justification. The author showcases black and white life, a life that is lived piously and wisely and in which he has not succumbed to the temptations of evil. His trust in God despite all fatalities and it has remained unshaken he owes his life. This behavior was good except for the words and poems to the author also emphasized by the inclusion of passports and letters of recommendation from the Company. They confirm that the owner of this paper the VOC has served faithfully for several years. The itinerary was thus a major recommendation of the author, an entertaining proof of good behavior. She became a means of returning to the East Indies Ganger his experience to its advantage. The book did not directly money, but functioned as a tool for social integration. A travelogue that was dedicated to an influential person could lead to an office, to income, to integration and therefore to respect. Publishing a book and certainly dedicate it to a king or an influential college increased the probability of an official status and could increases. It facilitated access to certain administrative, scientific or even nobility.
The desire to publish alone was not sufficient. An edition came about only when a publisher it was commercially viable. It was probably the author himself hardly financially wiser. A well-established lawyer in this field took it in 1675 as follows: “Those were the Schrifften derer Autorum Buchdruckern und

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Frontispiece of oriental-India Essential Der Kunst-und Lust-Gärtner Georg Meister (Dresden 1692). Dutch Maritime Museum.

Buchführern um einen Gewissen verkaufft Preiss, jedoch so, dass diese the profit, which Ehre jene aber davon Haben. ’55 Already in 1613 was Johann Explore, the first German of whom a report of his trip was pushed VOC, honored with a beautiful verse. He was “gloriose, full of honor, at his back and was able after so many lands and seas, crossing to and with many savage peoples fought to have ‘with glorious splendor the peaks of fame ascend’ .56 And in the order of Wurffbains itinerary from 1686 we read that distant travelers’ einen ewigen Ruhm ‘acquisition, even after their death, especially when they experience “aufrichtig und warhafftig’ to posterity have meegedeeld.57 A poem about the travels of Winter Barley describes his distant, long and difficult travel and praises him for the book he has written:
Sodann gereicht es Ihm sonderbahren zu Ehren,
There Dass ist der erste in unsrer Vatter-Stadt,
So long man und denckt Weist, von dem wir sagas hear
Dass there solches ein Buch in Truck gegeben hat … 58
If the author has received money, was it likely the person to whom the book was dedicated than the publisher. The only documented case of a reward for dedication is that of Martin Winter Barley, who in 1712 forty examples of his journal dedicated to the Board of Memmingen, for which he was conceived by 30 gulden.59 appeared of the same book copies with dedications to the boards of

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neighboring cities, doubtless with the expectation that there is also a financial gesture opposite would be. But the archives mention daarover.60
In one case writing a book a special, personal honor was. Elias Hesse, unlike many of his comrades with whom he had left Saxony, the experiment in Sumatra gold mine survived. Three years after returning, he writes on his experiences because his countrymen on their deathbed had begged him to disclose ‘who elendlich mission meist all sterben Erben und fl sparrows “and how dangerous such a journey, and everyone there to warn against. His book ends with a list of the sixteen on Sumatra deceased comrades.
It is remarkable that it was the inferiors in rank who have spent their experiences. The most successful candidates, as Wurffbain have made no effort. This is explained by a reluctance regarding the disclosure of vital VOC data. And perhaps it was precisely for them again beneath their station.
The prestige, the respect that the East India adventure yielded apparent from poems that were dedicated to the author and the book are placed in the front. A similar function has a portrait in the book, with a spell or a few lines of poetry. Of some authors is also known that they were commemorated their dead with respect. On the death in 1680 by Johann von der Behr, who had fought as a soldier in Ceylon, was the poet Heinrich von Bredelo commissioned a number of poems. In one of them he praises von der Behr roars like a fearless hero who marches forth to where
… Elephant in the hin der Sonne explains
Durch Donner und Bliz Bley, durch Tausend Sturm und Wetter.
Wellen und durch Wind Gehn, und nie auf ruhn Federn,
Vor Keiner Noth (bricht schon Mast, Anckerthau und Bretter)
Auch nur ein einzigs Mahl verzagte … 61
In the city museum in Ulm was located before the Second World War the tombstone of one Jacob Franck, who in 1625 was born in this city. The stone showed a ship on the rocks thrown and the text describing compressed Francks fifty lives. Originally baker and weaver, he was in service to Dutch East Indies traveled. He had in ’10 Jahr und Feuer Wassersgefahr in Schlachten,

Original info:

Titelprent van Der Orientalisch-Indianische Kunst- und Lust-Gärtner van Georg Meister (Dresden 1692). Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam.

Buchführern um einen gewissen Preiß verkaufft, jedoch so, daß diese den profit, jene aber die Ehre davon Haben.’55 Al in 1613 was Johann Verken, de eerste Duitser van wie een verslag van zijn voc-reis was gedrukt, vereerd met een fraai vers. Hij was ‘gloriose’, met roem beladen, bij de zijnen teruggekeerd en kon na zoveel landen en zeeën doorkruist te hebben en met zoveel woeste volkeren gevochten te hebben ‘met luisterrijke glorie de toppen van de roem bestijgen’.56 En in de opdracht van Wurffbains reisbeschrijving uit 1686 leest men dat verre reizigers ‘einen ewigen Ruhm’ verwerven, ook na hun dood, vooral wanneer ze hun ervaringen ‘aufrichtig und warhafftig’ aan het nageslacht hebben meegedeeld.57 Een gedicht over de reizen van Wintergerst beschrijft zijn verre, lange en moeizame reizen en prijst hem om het boek dat hij daarover heeft geschreven:

Sodann gereicht es Ihm zu sonderbahren Ehren,

daß Er der erste ist in unsrer Vatter-Stadt,

So lang man weist und denckt, von dem wir sagen hören,

Daß er ein solches Buch in Truck gegeben hat…58

Als de auteur al geld ontving, kwam dat waarschijnlijk eerder van degene aan wie het boek was opgedragen dan van de uitgever. Het enige aantoonbare geval van een beloning voor een dedicatie is dat van Martin Wintergerst, die in 1712 veertig exemplaren van zijn reisverslag opdroeg aan de raad van Memmingen, waarvoor hij werd bedacht met 30 gulden.59 Er verschenen van ditzelfde boek ook exemplaren met dedicaties aan de raden van

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naburige steden, ongetwijfeld met de verwachting dat daar ook een financieel gebaar tegenover zou staan. Maar de archieven zwijgen daarover.60In één geval is het schrijven van een boek een bijzondere, persoonlijke erezaak geweest. Elias Hesse heeft, anders dan zijn vele kameraden met wie hij uit Saksen vertrokken was, het goudmijnexperiment op Sumatra overleefd. Drie jaar na terugkeer schrijft hij zijn ervaringen op omdat zijn landgenoten hem op hun doodsbed hadden gesmeekt bekend te maken ‘wie elendlich sie meist alle sterben und verderben müssen’ en hoe gevaarlijk zo’n reis was, en een ieder daartegen te waarschuwen. Zijn boek eindigt met de lijst van de zestien op Sumatra overleden kameraden.Het is opvallend dat het juist de lageren in rang zijn die hun ervaringen hebben uitgegeven. De meest geslaagden, zoals Wurffbain, hebben er geen moeite voor gedaan. Dit valt te verklaren uit een terughoudendheid ten aanzien van het openbaarmaken van vitale voc-gegevens. En misschien was het voor hen nu juist weer beneden hun stand.Het aanzien, het respect dat het Oost-Indisch avontuur had opgeleverd blijkt uit gedichten die aan de auteur zijn opgedragen en die voorin het boek zijn geplaatst. Een zelfde functie heeft een portret voor in het boek, voorzien van een spreuk of een aantal dichtregels. Van enkele auteurs is ook bekend dat ze bij hun dood met respect werden herdacht. Op de dood in 1680 van Johann von der Behr, die als soldaat op Ceylon gevochten had, maakte de dichter Heinrich von Bredelo in opdracht een aantal gedichten. In een daarvan roemt hij Von der Behr ronkend als een held die onverschrokken voortmarcheert naar waar

… der Elephant hin in die Sonne legt

Durch Donner, Bliz und Bley, durch tausend Sturm und Wetter.

Durch Wind und Wellen gehn, und nie auf Federn ruhn,

Vor keiner Noth (bricht schon Mast, Anckerthau und Bretter)

Auch nur ein einzigs mahl verzagte…61

In het stadsmuseum van Ulm bevond zich voor de Tweede Wereldoorlog de grafsteen van een zekere Jacob Franck, die in 1625 in deze stad geboren was. De steen vertoonde een op de klippen geworpen schip en de tekst beschreef gecomprimeerd Francks vijftigjarige leven. Van oorsprong bakker en wever was hij in Hollandse dienst naar Oost-Indië gereisd. Hij had ‘10 Jahr in Feuer- und Wassersgefahr, in Schlachten,

60Lauchner 1986/86, p. 109.61Bredelo 1682.
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Frontispiece of the East Indian Travel description Elias Hesse (Dresden 1692). Dutch Maritime Museum.
HereIn Hesse describes the tragic fate of the Saxon Miners in 1680 under the Leadership of Benjamin Olitzsch to Sumatra traveled there in the gold mines of the Company to plants.

Hunger und Durst und brot ohne zugebracht Gefangenschafft fast. And its 128 companions he was with another the only one who had seen the home country again. Franck was married and had worn the rest of his life as landlord of the inn of The Red Lion and then plated Lam.62
In the cemetery of the East Frisian island Amrum are the graves of dozens of sailors. Also in this beautifully carved stone from some East Indiamen are the ship and the East India career immortalized.
For Caspar Schamberger, the successful surgeon at Deshima was a celeb rated funeral sermon was prepared All which detailed looks at his career. Martin Winter Barley was however no printed sermon, no tombstone, let alone an epitaph. However, his miraculous life recalled in the burial register or Martin Memmingen. At his funeral in 1728 They wrote: “Martin Wintergärst, Zeugwarth: (ein man or 22. Iahr gereiset 😉 starb in Christo, 58 iahr you. 2. Monat. RIP’63 His East Indian adventure was sixteen years after returning yet memorable .
Further the life of others is impossible to trace. Their story ends with the arrival home and the archives silent. A few adds to his East Indian adventure have anything about his family Circumstances
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present. David Tappe wrote Whom he married in any church, And Also mentions the names of his daughters and Where They are baptized. Preller Also writes on the last pages of his manuscript about his marriage, about The Difficult birth of his wife and the death of Their first daughter Within a week after birth. He then gets two songs and mentions the names of the godparents of his children.
Some were still decades in the memory thanks to reprints of Their books or fragments of it in bundles travelogues. Some enjoyed the honor to be Mentioned in a biographical dictionary or encyclopedieën.64

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present. David Tappe wrote whom he married in any church, and also mentions the names of his daughters and where they are baptized. Preller also writes on the last pages of his manuscript about his marriage, about the difficult birth of his wife and the death of their first daughter within a week after birth. He then gets two sons and mentions the names of the godparents of his children.
Some were still decades in the memory thanks to reprints of their books or fragments of it in bundles travelogues. Some enjoyed the honor to be mentioned in a biographical dictionary or encyclopedieën.64

The judgment of the East India adventure
How did the returnees back to their East Indian adventure? The main criteria by which success was judged, were amassed fortune and whether or not to retain health.
Some take the whole long travelogue and a cheerful tone to write a word about regret their vertrek.65 Most, however, look with mixed feelings on the Indian years ago. They explain their step many years ago from youthful daring curiosity, from ‘Fürwitz. They are, they write, in their youth been blinded by fancy, but misleading stories of soul vendors and others by travelogues and novels. Wurffbain warned in the middle of the seventeenth century. Those who have money and connections, it will be fine. Who goes out of poverty and has no connections, no matter how ingenious and hardworking too, will get heavy.
Johann von der Behr would remain there for seven years, but after his return he had to fix that instead of the proposed gold ‘nichts, denn Nichtige Kohle “had gathered. And he thanks the Lord that he “spoils” at least still has the lifetime teruggebracht.66 Elias Hesse is the first work for the Company to slavery vergelijkt.67 He summed it up shortly after his return in 1683 together. From most of the countries in the East Indies are said to be the cleanest, nicest and richest in the world. But the Dutch are masters and they are none to private trade, and without it you can not acquire wealth. Yet there are Company-servants along devious roads a large fortune. He has never since surrendered and he has returned, again with the biggest booty the leven.68 His travelogue, where-


Titelprent van de East Indian Travel description Elias van Hesse (Dresden 1692). Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum Amsterdam.
Hesse beschrijft herein de lotgevallen tragic van de Saksische Mijnwerkers onder the van in 1680 Leiding Benjamin Olitzsch naar de Sumatra reisden om daar in goudmijnen van de Compagnie te gaan plants.
Hunger und Durst und brot ohne zugebracht Gefangenschafft fast. And its 128 companions he was with another the only one who had seen the homeland again. Franck was married and had worn the rest of his life as landlord of the inn of The Red Lion and then plated Lam.62
In the cemetery of the East Frisian island Amrum are the graves of dozens of sailors. Also in this beautifully carved stone from some East Indiamen are the ship and the East India career immortalized.
For Caspar Schamberger, the successful surgeon at Deshima, was a celebrated funeral sermon was prepared which detailed looks at his career. Martin Winter Barley was however no printed sermon, no tombstone, let alone an epitaph. However, his miraculous life recalled in the burial register of Martinus Memmingen. At his funeral in 1728 they wrote: “Martin Wintergärst, Zeugwarth: (ein man of 22. Iahr gereiset 😉 starb in Christo, 58 iahr you. 2. monat. RIP’63 His East Indian adventure was sixteen years after returning yet memorable.
The further life of others is impossible to trace. Their story ends with the arrival home and the archives silent. A few adds to his East Indian adventure have anything about his family circumstances
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present. David Tappe wrote whom he married in any church, and also mentions the names of his daughters and where they are baptized. Preller also writes on the last pages of his manuscript about his marriage, about the difficult birth of his wife and the death of their first daughter within a week after birth. He then gets two sons and mentions the names of the godparents of his children.
Some were still decades in the memory thanks to reprints of their books or fragments of it in bundles travelogues. Some enjoyed the honor to be mentioned in a biographical dictionary or encyclopedieën.64


62Schmidlin 1934, pp. 61-62.63Lauchner 1985/86, p. 124.
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heden. David Tappe schrijft met wie hij trouwde en in welke kerk, en noemt ook de namen van zijn dochters en waar ze gedoopt zijn. Ook Preller schrijft op de laatste bladzijden van zijn handschrift over zijn huwelijk, over de moeizame bevalling van zijn vrouw en de dood van hun eerste dochtertje binnen een week na de geboorte. Hij krijgt daarna twee zoontjes en noemt de namen van de peetouders van zijn kinderen.Enkelen bleven nog decennia in de herinnering dankzij herdrukken van hun boek of door fragmenten ervan in bundels reisverhalen. Sommigen genoten de eer te worden vermeld in een biografisch woordenboek of in encyclopedieën.64 64Bijvoorbeeld Johann Beckmanns Litteratur der älteren Reisebeschreibungen (Göttingen 1807-1810), waarin Wurffbain, Hesse, Tappe, Langhansz, Wintergerst, Meister en Schwartz staan. In Heinrich Zedlers Großes vollständiges Universall-Lexikon aller Wissenschaften und Künste (Dresden 1732-1754) zijn Wagner, Meister, Vogel, Saar en Wintergerst opgenomen. Ook in Christian Gottlieb Jöchers Allgemeine Gelehrten Lexicon (Leipzig/Bremen 1705-1819) komen Oost-Indiëvaarders voor. In de Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (Berlijn 1875-) vinden we: Ultzheimer, Wurffbain, Wagner, Merklein, Von der Behr, Andersen, Saar, Tappe, Schreyer, Schweitzer, Hesse, Langhansz, Wintergerst, Kolb en Worm.

Het oordeel over het Oost-Indisch avontuur

Hoe keken de repatrianten terug op hun Oost-Indisch avontuur? De belangrijkste criteria waarop het succes beoordeeld werd, waren het vergaarde fortuin en de al of niet behouden gezondheid.

Enkelen houden het hele reisverhaal lang een opgewekte toon aan en schrijven met geen woord over spijt van hun vertrek.65 De meesten echter kijken met gemengde gevoelens op de Indische jaren terug. Ze verklaren hun stap van zoveel jaren geleden uit jeugdige overmoedige nieuwsgierigheid, uit ‘Fürwitz’. Ze zijn, schrijven ze, in hun jeugd verblind geweest door fraaie, maar misleidende verhalen van zielverkopers en anderen, door reisbeschrijvingen en romans. Wurffbain waarschuwde al in het midden van de zeventiende eeuw. Wie geld en connecties heeft, zal het wel redden. Wie uit armoede gaat en geen connecties heeft, hoe vernuftig en hardwerkend ook, zal het zwaar krijgen.

Johann von der Behr zou er zeven jaar blijven, maar na terugkeer moest hij vaststellen dat hij in plaats van het voorgestelde goud ‘nichts, denn nichtige Kohle’ had vergaard. En hij dankt de Heer dat hij ‘als buit’ ten minste nog het leven mee heeft teruggebracht.66 Elias Hesse is de eerste die het werk voor de Compagnie met slavernij vergelijkt.67 Hij vatte het kort na zijn terugkeer in 1683 samen. Van het grootste deel der landen in Oost-Indië zegt men dat ze tot de schoonste, prettigste en rijkste van de wereld behoren. Maar de Hollanders zijn hier heer en meester en ze staan niemand toe particuliere handel te drijven, en zonder dat kun je geen rijkdom verwerven. Toch zijn er Compagnie-dienaren die langs slinkse wegen een groot fortuin vergaren. Hij heeft zich daar nooit aan overgegeven en hij is teruggekeerd, eveneens met als grootste buit het leven.68 Zijn reisverslag, waar-

65Met name Müller, Barchewitz en Schröder.66Von der Behr, rdb xx, p. 13.67Hesse, rdb x, p. 178.68Idem, pp. 126-127.
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Tombstone Nahmens Nickels and his wife Mattje Nick Elsen, Amrum. Photo: Georg Quedens.
Nahmen Nickels (1715-1785) came from the East Frisian island Amrum and run twice in VOC service as captain for the East Indies. The first time in 1759 at the Zoo, the second time in 1761 on the Aschat. This ship is carved on this stone. In Dutch service he called himself Cornelis Nannings of Ameren.

the first of three editions in 1687 came out, nobody will have encouraged to go there. Christoph Langhansz also shows a serious warning to hear. The key word to him that so often flows from the pen when he talks about employment with the VOC has been ‘slavery’. In his preface to the reader, he writes in 1705 that all who desire to travel is to travel to East Indian hats, as they yield little more this time. Who still goes trades his freedom for slavery, and who will have escaped all danger, may still be lucky if his health has not suffered. He himself is glad he was able within three years ontkomen.69 And so we read numerous comments received from a little optimistic visionary. There is really no one who advises on an adventure.
Over the years versombert the tone. The many prefaces and dedications with their optimistic endorsements of travel in general and the trip to the East Indies in particular disappear. The motive for the many wonders of God’s creation to behold no longer occurs. The stories are businesslike and cynical. It also describes the more personal feelings, and that is a general trend in autobiographies and travelogues. Georg Naporra cursed in 1757 in his preface to the books as a youngster he had read about the East Indies. They have deceived him. They seemed so nice, but I do not believe in,
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he writes, “sonder verwerffe und mehr verfluche sion fell, weil mission einen anlaß giebt zur verleitung eines jungen men und ich habe es ganz befunden else. He describes the miserable lives of soldiers and sailors that none of his friends stupidity will commit to serve in the Company.
Johann Christoph Wolf, eighteen years as a clerk to Ceylon served, writes in the preface of his in 1782 published book that anyone who believes in the East Indies ‘lauter Gold und Silberberge’ to be found and that one “bald Schäß sammlen reich und könne were “seriously mistaken. Who lives and virtuous ‘geschicklichkeit’ shows it could make a fortune. And he wants than anyone discourage the trip maken.70 same message echoed from the letters of Morgenstern and the Baron von Wurmb. Morgenstern surprised in 1771 in a letter from Batavia on the strange ideas that people in Europe from the East Indies. It is thought that the money in the street and the pearls and jewels on the beach. No, the East Indies is no longer what it was twenty or thirty years ago. It makes fortune here only by a lucrative appointment, by trade or by both. And, it is monotonous, which is primarily accessible by means of good letters of recommendation. Of the thousands who come here remain barely fifty alive, and only five of them make fortunes. In similar terms in 1774 Baron von Wurmb writes in a letter: the times have passed that those who undertook this long journey, even in the lower ranks of soldier or sailor could hope to acquire any property. Who Indies only Barchewitz or other travelogues knows and therefore thinks that the money so gathered pickings, is equally disappointed as those who the world only know from romans.71 Here refers Von Wurmb so the itinerary of Ernst Christoph Barchewitz, which 1711 to 1722 had served in India and whose adventures were first published in 1730, after four reprints followed, the last in 1762. In the book by Otto Friedrich Mentzel, published in 1784, we read a recent complaint about the East to quote: “Remember these things, my friends, and do not go to the East. Teach yourself to maintain a fair trading and stay home in your homeland. “Elsewhere he writes that the hundred soldiers rarely more than thirty come back and that of the hundreds who remain rarely more than ten PhD or a grade get them enables to build a decent life. Of the thousand men who have made promotional find rarely, very rarely, one that really made fortune and returned to Europe as wealthy man.72
The entire period reads as key to the East Indies success: good connections, money and happiness. In principle,
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can make a career in Asia faster than in Germany or the Netherlands. But who has money will not be inclined to go to the East. Good relationships are equally important in the East Indies and in Europe. The whole life depends on patronage to one another. In the course of the eighteenth century curiosity gets as travel motif in the background, at least in the authors discussed here. The welcoming glow of the East is gone. Asia is in these descriptions are no longer the mythical land where the diamonds up for grabs, but for a cutthroat world of envy and corruption. Asia from the sixteenth century was known as a region with unprecedented opportunities, as the “Irdisches Paradis, in the eighteenth century began to shine to fade and they even spoke of the” Kirchhof der Europäer.
A number of East Indiamen has lived for decades after the adventure. Of mutual contacts between veterans after return of the VOC is virtually unknown. Trevennot press the repatriated East Indiaman on the heart to leave a fund for his “poor Ost-Indian Reijse Brüder” who have returned ill or fault of their impoverished vervallen.73 Twice describes someone in Europe towards home look up an old friend. Christian Burckhardt is in Leiden along the former VOC doctor Paul Hermann. Both were coming from Halle. Hermann, who was in charge of the hospital in Colombo, where Burckhardt had healed from a serious illness. He had been professor of botany at Leiden become. He had a huge collection of natural history brought back, consisting of dried plants, insects, lizards, snakes, echinoderms, fish, shells, corals and rocks. Part of it stood in the botanical gardens of the university, some in his own house, the Museum Indicum. The reception was very warm. Burckhardt writes that he, as used in India, “meliori modo emfangen und aufgenommen ‘werd.74
Christoph gets Frik years after his return visit from a former lieutenant from Constance, which he in the hospital of Bantam had a paralysis genezen.75 Johann Saar, who in 1660 had returned to Nuremberg, writes about his “Werther Freund, the Surgeon Merklein, forty miles further south in Windsheim lived seven years earlier and who was repatriated. It is likely that they sought out each other again. Zacharias Wagner for his departure from Batavia gemaakt.76 his will he bequeathed considerable sums to relatives in Saxony, but also forgot his friends in the Netherlands. His friend Joan Blaeu, the famous cartographer and publisher in Amsterdam, received a cash prize except a beautiful Bengali bedspread. Caspar Schamberger at Leipzig, who had been chief surgeon in Asia and Wagner on Deshima had met, was also conceived with money. Elias of the Broecke, which in the
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Coromandel had worked and lived again in Dordrecht, received a Japanese lacquered triktrakbord. Andreas Cleyer, surgeon in Batavia was 200 dollars. The overall legacy of Wagner was 31,625 guilders. Apart from this the existence of money from many Indian rarities as Japanese writing cabinets, chests’ opgesamelde rariteyten “and his book” Essential daer only brasil rariteyten in getekent staen, “his book or liber amicorum and several private geschriften.77
Who should we be happier deem VOC in the high ranks such as Wagner, Morgenstern and Von Wurmb who had succeeded in gaining a fortune, but who have not been able to enjoy a quiet, comfortable old age because they died before this could ? Or someone like Winter Barley, who have returned to the homeland, but his last years in poverty wear? Only a few of the 47 men can be said to be the full benefits of the East Indian adventure had. People like Bird, my inspector in Altenburg and Coburg, Meister, hofhovenier in Dresden, or Raetzel, member of the town in Halberstadt, all have still been in decent comfort lived, started a family and respect enjoyed, not least because of their East -Indian adventure.
All they had years earlier in a company which paid the implications they could not possibly overlook. For those already departing good recommendations possessed was all a little easier, but for many Schweitzer, Meisters, Birds and Prellers of Saxony, Thuringia and Wiirtemberg, from Silesia, Hesse and Mecklenburg, who do not have, was not it. These men on the ships and their positions in Asia countless fellow soldiers, comrades, compatriots die, men with the same hopes and expectations had been sailing, but who have not met. Others have returned, but have been unable to earn much, maybe they are robbed at sea, in the Netherlands or in Germany. They are ill, in Asia had an arm, leg or lost, or were so psychologically damaged that they could never function properly. It was these people along German roads attracted a paltry penny earned in an inn with the telling of their East Indian adventure or singing a song about the torrid India, perhaps wandering with a parrot or a motley cassowary on a rope , or simply begging. Their stories we will never read. It is only through the writings of their returning comrades in social origins and experiences were related, but the lucky and healthy
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with some capital returned, we were able to get an idea of what it has meant for a German youth to join the East Indian adventure.

Original info:

Grafsteen van Nickels Nahmens en zijn vrouw Mattje Nickelsen, Amrum. Foto: Georg Quedens.
Nickels Nahmen (1715-1785) kwam van het Oost-Friese eilandje Amrum en voer tweemaal in voc-dienst als schipper naar Oost-Indië. De eerste maal in 1759 op de Blijdorp, de tweede maal in 1761 op de Aschat. Dit schip is op deze steen uitgehouwen. In Nederlandse dienst noemde hij zich Cornelis Nannings van Ameren.

van de eerste van drie drukken in 1687 uitkwam, zal niemand hebben aangespoord om daarheen te gaan. Ook Christoph Langhansz laat een ernstige waarschuwing horen. Het kernwoord dat hem zo vaak uit de pen vloeit wanneer hij het over het dienstverband met de voc heeft is ‘slavernij’. In zijn voorwoord aan de lezer schrijft hij in 1705 dat ieder die lust heeft om te reizen zich voor Oost-Indische reizen moet hoeden, aangezien ze in deze tijd weinig meer opbrengen. Wie er toch heengaat verruilt zijn vrijheid voor slavernij, en wie daar aan alle gevaar ontkomen is, mag nog van geluk spreken als zijn gezondheid niet geleden heeft. Hijzelf is blij dat hij er binnen drie jaar aan heeft kunnen ontkomen.69 En zo lezen we talloze opmerkingen die van een weinig optimistische visie getuigen. Er is werkelijk niemand die een dergelijk avontuur aanraadt.

In de loop der jaren versombert de toon. De vele voorwoorden en dedicaties met hun optimistische aanprijzingen van het reizen in het algemeen en van de tocht naar Oost-Indië in het bijzonder verdwijnen. Het motief om de vele wonderen van Gods schepping te aanschouwen komt niet meer voor. De verhalen worden zakelijker en cynischer. Men beschrijft ook meer de persoonlijke gevoelens, en dat is een algemene ontwikkeling in autobiografieën en reisverslagen. Georg Naporra vervloekt in 1757 in zijn voorwoord de boeken die hij als jongeling over Oost-Indië gelezen had. Ze hebben hem misleid. Ze leken zo aardig, maar daar geloof ik niet meer in,

69Langhansz 1705, voorwoord.
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schrijft hij, ‘sonder verwerffe und verfluche sie vielmehr, weil sie einen anlaß giebt zur verleitung eines jungen menschen und ich es ganz anders befunden habe’. Hij beschrijft het ellendige leven van soldaten en matrozen opdat niemand van zijn vrienden de domheid zal begaan dienst te nemen bij de Compagnie.Johann Christoph Wolf, die achttien jaar als klerk op Ceylon gediend heeft, schrijft in het voorwoord van zijn in 1782 gepubliceerde boek dat degene die meent dat in Oost-Indië ‘lauter Gold und Silberberge’ te vinden zijn en dat men er ‘bald Schäß sammlen und reich werden könne’, zich ernstig vergist. Wie deugdzaam leeft en ‘geschicklichkeit’ toont kan er wel fortuin maken. En hij wil dan ook niemand afraden de reis te maken.70 Dezelfde boodschap klinkt door uit de brieven van Morgenstern en van de baron von Wurmb. Morgenstern verbaast zich in 1771 in een brief uit Batavia over de vreemde denkbeelden die men in Europa van Oost-Indië heeft. Men denkt dat het geld op straat ligt en de paarlen en juwelen op het strand. Nee, Oost-Indië is al lang niet meer wat het twintig of dertig jaar geleden was. Men maakt hier fortuin alleen door een lucratieve aanstelling, door handel of door beide tegelijk. En, het wordt eentonig, dat is toch vooral te bereiken door middel van goede aanbevelingsbrieven. Van de duizenden die hier komen blijven er nauwelijks vijftig in leven, en van hen maken er nauwelijks vijf fortuin. In soortgelijke bewoordingen schrijft in 1774 baron von Wurmb in een brief: de tijden zijn voorbij dat degenen die deze verre reis ondernamen, zelfs in de lagere rangen van soldaat of matroos, konden hopen enig vermogen te verwerven. Wie Indië alleen uit Barchewitz of andere reisbeschrijvingen kent en daardoor denkt dat het geld zo bijeen te rapen valt, wordt evenzo teleurgesteld als degenen die de wereld slechts kennen uit romans.71 Hier refereert Von Wurmb dus aan de reisbeschrijving van Ernst Christoph Barchewitz, die van 1711 tot 1722 in Indië gediend had en wiens belevenissen voor het eerst werden gepubliceerd in 1730, waarna nog vier herdrukken volgden, de laatste in 1762. In het boek van Otto Friedrich Mentzel, verschenen in 1784, lezen we, om een laatste klacht over de Oost aan te halen: ‘Onthoudt deze dingen, mijn vrienden, en ga niet naar de Oost. Leer jezelf te onderhouden door een eerlijke handel en blijf thuis in je vaderland.’ Elders schrijft hij dat van de honderd soldaten er zelden meer dan dertig terugkomen en dat van de honderd die blijven zelden meer dan tien promotie maken of in een rang komen die hen in staat stelt een behoorlijk bestaan op te bouwen. Van de duizend man die wel promotie maakten vind je er zelden, zeer zelden, één die werkelijk fortuin heeft gemaakt en die naar Europa terugkeerde als rijk man.72De hele periode door leest men als sleutel tot het Oost-Indisch succes: goede connecties, geld en geluk. In principe 70Wolf 1782, voorwoord.71Wurmb en Wollzogen 1794, p. 5.72Mentzel 1919, pp. 112 en 162.
[p. 278]  
kan men in Azië sneller carrière maken dan in Duitsland of Nederland. Maar wie geld heeft zal niet snel geneigd zijn naar de Oost te gaan. Goede relaties zijn in Oost-Indië even belangrijk als in Europa. Het hele leven hangt van patronage aan elkaar. In de loop van de achttiende eeuw raakt nieuwsgierigheid als reismotief op de achtergrond, althans bij de hier behandelde auteurs. De aantrekkelijke glans van het Oosten is verdwenen. Azië staat in deze beschrijvingen niet langer voor het mythische land waar de diamanten voor het oprapen liggen, maar voor een moordende wereld vol afgunst en corruptie. Stond Azië vanaf de zestiende eeuw te boek als een gebied met ongekende mogelijkheden, als het ‘Irdisches Paradis’, in de achttiende eeuw begon die glans te verbleken en sprak men zelfs van het ‘Kirchhof der Europäer’.Een aantal Oost-Indiëvaarders heeft na het avontuur nog decennia geleefd. Van onderlinge contacten na terugkeer tussen oudgedienden van de voc is vrijwel niets bekend. Trevennot drukt de gerepatrieerde Oost-Indiëvaarder op het hart een fonds na te laten voor zijn ‘arme Ost-Indische Reijse Brüder’, die ziek zijn teruggekeerd of buiten hun schuld tot armoede zijn vervallen.73 Tweemaal wordt beschreven dat iemand in Europa op weg naar huis een oude bekende opzoekt. Christian Burckhardt gaat in Leiden langs bij de voormalige voc-arts Paul Hermann. Beiden waren afkomstig uit Halle. Hermann, destijds belast met de leiding van het hospitaal te Colombo, had Burckhardt daar genezen van een zware ziekte. Hij was inmiddels hoogleraar in de botanie te Leiden geworden. Hij had een reusachtige collectie naturalia mee teruggenomen, bestaande uit gedroogde planten, insecten, hagedissen, slangen, echinodermen, vissen, schelpen, koralen en gesteentes. Een deel daarvan stond opgesteld in de Hortus Botanicus van de universiteit, een ander deel in zijn eigen huis, het Museum Indicum. De ontvangst was allerhartelijkst. Burckhardt schrijft dat hij, zoals vroeger in Indië, ‘meliori modo emfangen und aufgenommen’ werd.74Christoph Frik krijgt jaren na zijn terugkeer bezoek van een voormalige luitenant uit Konstanz, die hij in het hospitaal van Bantam van een verlamming had genezen.75 Johann Saar, die in 1660 in Neurenberg was teruggekeerd, schrijft over zijn ‘werther Freund’, de chirurgijn Merklein, die veertig kilometer zuidelijker in Windsheim woonde, en die zeven jaar eerder was gerepatrieerd. Het is aannemelijk dat ze elkaar nog eens opzochten. Zacharias Wagner had voor zijn vertrek uit Batavia zijn testament gemaakt.76 Hij legateerde aanzienlijke bedragen aan familieleden in Saksen, maar vergat ook zijn vrienden in Nederland niet. Zijn vriend Joan Blaeu, de beroemde cartograaf en uitgever in Amsterdam, kreeg behalve een geldbedrag een fraaie Bengaalse beddesprei. Caspar Schamberger te Leipzig, die opperchirurgijn in Azië was geweest en die Wagner op Deshima had leren kennen, werd ook bedacht met geld. Elias van den Broecke, die op de 73Trevennot, f. 284. In Nederland werd in 1750 voor armlastige voc-officieren een soort pensioenfonds opgericht.74Burckhardt 1693, p. 90. Herbaria van Hermann bevinden zich in de Rijksherbaria van Utrecht en Leiden, schelpen in het British Museum, Londen.75Frik 1692, p. 222.76Afschrift en codicil: Gemeentearchief Amsterdam, notaris J. d’Amour, Notarieel Archief 2157, 318-342. Met dank aan Jaap van der Veen, die mij hiervan een transcriptie bezorgde.
[p. 279]  
Coromandelkust had gewerkt en weer in Dordrecht woonde, ontving een Japans verlakt triktrakbord. Andreas Cleyer, chirurgijn in Batavia kreeg 200 rijksdaalders. De totale nalatenschap van Wagner bedroeg 31.625 gulden. Behalve uit geld bestond deze uit vele Indische zeldzaamheden als Japanse schrijfkabinetten, kisten met ‘opgesamelde rariteyten’ en zijn boek ‘daer enige brasilische rariteyten in getekent staen’, zijn stamboek of liber amicorum en nog verschillende eigen geschriften.77Wie moeten we gelukkiger achten, voc-dienaren in de hoge rangen zoals Wagner, Morgenstern of Von Wurmb die geslaagd waren in het vergaren van een fortuin, maar die niet hebben kunnen genieten van een rustige, comfortabele oude dag omdat ze stierven voor het zover was? Of iemand als Wintergerst, die wel terugkeerde in het vaderland, maar zijn laatste jaren in armoede sleet? Slechts van een paar van de 47 mannen kan worden gezegd dat ze het volle profijt van het Oost-Indisch avontuur hebben gehad. Mensen als Vogel, mijninspecteur in Altenburg en Coburg, Meister, hofhovenier in Dresden, of Raetzel, lid van het stadsbestuur in Halberstadt, hebben allen nog lang in behoorlijke welstand geleefd, een gezin gesticht en respect genoten, niet in de laatste plaats dankzij hun Oost-Indisch avontuur.Allen hadden ze zich jaren tevoren in een onderneming gestort waarvan ze de implicaties onmogelijk konden overzien. Voor degenen die al bij vertrek goede aanbevelingen bezaten was het allemaal iets gemakkelijker, maar voor de vele Schweitzers, Meisters, Vogels en Prellers uit Saksen, Thüringen en Wurtemberg, uit Silezië, Hessen of Mecklenburg, die er geen hadden, viel het niet mee. Deze mannen hebben op de schepen en op hun posten in Azië talloze medesoldaten, kameraden, landgenoten zien sterven, mannen die met dezelfde hoop en verwachtingen waren uitgevaren, maar die het niet hebben gehaald. Anderen zijn wel teruggekeerd, maar zijn niet bij machte geweest veel te verdienen, misschien zijn ze beroofd, op zee, in Nederland, of in Duitsland. Ze zijn ziek geworden, hadden in Azië een arm, been of oog verloren, of waren psychisch zo beschadigd dat ze nooit meer goed konden functioneren. Het waren deze mensen die langs de Duitse wegen trokken, een schamele duit verdienden in een herberg met het vertellen van hun Oost-Indisch avontuur of het zingen van een lied over het verzengende Indië, misschien rondtrekkend met een papegaai of een mottige casuaris aan een touw, of gewoon bedelend. Hun verhalen zullen we nooit lezen. Het is alleen dankzij de geschriften van hun teruggekeerde kameraden, die in sociale afkomst en ervaringen verwant waren, maar het geluk hebben gehad gezond en 77Dit Braziliaanse boek is het Thier-Buch in het Kupferstichkabinett te Dresden (Ca. 226a. m. (a) 7a).
[p. 280]  
met enig kapitaal te zijn teruggekeerd, dat we een beeld hebben kunnen krijgen van wat het voor een Duitse jongeman betekend heeft om zich in het Oost-Indisch avontuur te storten.  
[p. 281]  

Waste, wandering soldiers near Stuttgart.
  Drawing by Daniel Pfisterer, about 1720th Old Castle, Stuttgart.

  Throughout Germany roamed around old discharged soldiers who could not adapt to the civil society. This also applied to VOC soldiers. The poem quips the former unscrupulous behavior of these former ‘Marti’s son, “sons of the god of war Mars, and their miserable condition now.

  Martis hither your son, and behold who ends sichs,
  The peasants Volck her so long that labor and flaying;
  Your mission Achet at nothing, and even bad, hold
  Now, your mission and you are Lord your servant.

  In the mid verse set the former soldiers themselves. They now earn a living as a vermin pig, goose and goat herder and have to feed even with.

  I’m in a former war captain decay Deputy
  b swineherd I am a lieutenant was damned;

Original info:
  I c. Corporal will eat Ungeziffer tie fast;
  d musketeer hat I Ganss and goat UMBS food

Afgedankte, zwervende soldaten in de buurt van Stuttgart.
Tekening door Daniël Pfisterer, ca. 1720. Württembergisches Landesmuseum, Stuttgart.
In heel Duitsland zwierven oude, afgedankte soldaten rond die zich niet meer konden aanpassen aan de burgermaatschappij. Dat gold ook voor voc-soldaten. Het versje schimpt op het vroegere nietsontziende gedrag van deze voormalige ‘Martis Söhn’, zonen van de oorlogsgod Mars, en op hun inmiddels ellendige toestand.

Hieher Ihr Martis Söhn, und sehet wie sichs endet,
Die ihr das Bauren Volck so lange plagt und schindet;
Ihr achet Sie vor nichts, und haltet sie gar schlecht,
Nun sind sie eure Herrn und Ihr seid Ihre Knecht.

In het onderste versje stellen de voormalige militairen zich voor. Ze verdienen nu de kost als varkens-, ganzen- en geitenhoeder en moeten zich zelfs met ongedierte voeden.

a Ich hab in alten Krieg Rittmeisters stell verwesen
b Ich Sauhirt bin damals ein Lieutenant gewesen;
c Mich Corporal will fast das Ungeziffer freßen;
d Ich Musquetierer hüt die ganß und geiß umbs eßen;


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