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KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 16 (BERSAMBUNG)

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Dr Iwan Suwandy , MHA

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Southern Sulawesi, ca 1500

Minor states of northern Sulawesi, 16th century

From about 1530, the formerly small south Sulawesi state of Gowa began to grow in power, and its port, Makasar, became increasingly important as a centre of trade in the western archipelago. Gowa used military force to bring much of South Sulawesi under its domination, though the more distant and powerful states such as Wajo’ had the standing of slightly subordinate allies, rather than true vassals; only the Bugis state of Bone on the east coast successfully resisted Gowa’s campaigns. The port of Makasar became still more important in the early 17th century. Its ruler converted to Islam in 1605, making the port more attractive to Muslim traders, and it also became a centre for traders, both European and indigenous, excluded from Maluku by the monopoly practices of the VOC. Conversion to Islam led Gowa into a new bout of conquests in the region, including Wajo’ in 1610 and finally Bone in 1611. Further campaigns in the following decades took Gowa’s influence to Sumbawa, the east coast of Borneo and even the Kai and Aru Islands, though – except in Sumbawa and Butung – Makasar never exercised significant authority and in many areas, such as the northern parts of Sulawesi, the Makasar claim was a fiction supported only by the absence of significant local powers to question it.

1500

Kedatangan Portugis dan perang saudara

Di masa pemerintahan Sultan Bayanullah (1500-1521), Ternate semakin berkembang, rakyatnya diwajibkan berpakaian secara islami, teknik pembuatan perahu dan senjata yang diperoleh dari orang Arab dan Turki digunakan untuk memperkuat pasukan Ternate. Di masa ini pula datang orang Eropa pertama di Maluku, Loedwijk de Bartomo (Ludovico Varthema) tahun 1506. Tahun 1512 Portugis untuk pertama kalinya menginjakkan kaki di Ternate dibawah pimpinan Fransisco Serrao, atas persetujuan Sultan, Portugis diizinkan mendirikan pos dagang di Ternate. Portugis datang bukan semata – mata untuk berdagang melainkan untuk menguasai perdagangan rempah – rempah Pala dan Cengkih di Maluku. Untuk itu terlebih dulu mereka harus menaklukkan Ternate. Sultan Bayanullah wafat meninggalkan pewaris – pewaris yang masih sangat belia. Janda sultan, permaisuri Nukila dan Pangeran Taruwese, adik almarhum sultan bertindak sebagai wali. Permaisuri Nukila yang asal Tidore bermaksud menyatukan Ternate dan Tidore dibawah satu mahkota yakni salah satu dari kedua puteranya, pangeran Hidayat (kelak Sultan Dayalu) dan pangeran Abu Hayat (kelak Sultan Abu Hayat II). Sementara pangeran Tarruwese menginginkan tahta bagi dirinya sendiri. Portugis memanfaatkan kesempatan ini dan mengadu domba keduanya hingga pecah perang saudara. Kubu permaisuri Nukila didukung Tidore sedangkan pangeran Taruwese didukung Portugis. Setelah meraih kemenangan pangeran Taruwese justru dikhianati dan dibunuh Portugis. Gubernur Portugis bertindak sebagai penasihat kerajaan dan dengan pengaruh yang dimiliki berhasil membujuk dewan kerajaan untuk mengangkat pangeran Tabariji sebagai sultan. Tetapi ketika Sultan Tabariji mulai menunjukkan sikap bermusuhan, ia difitnah dan dibuang ke Goa – India.

Disana ia dipaksa Portugis untuk menandatangani perjanjian menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan Kristen dan vasal kerajaan Portugis, namun perjanjian itu ditolak mentah-mentah Sultan Khairun (1534-1570).

 

 

Kesultanan Bacan

1521

Kesultanan Bacan adalah suatu kerajaan yang berpusat di Pulau Bacan, Kepulauan Maluku. Raja Bacan pertama yang memeluk Islam adalah Raja Zainulabidin yang bersyahadat pada tahun 1521. Meski berada di Maluku, wilayahnya cukup luas hingga ke wilayah Papua. Banyak kepala suku di wilayah Waigeo, Misool dan beberapa daerah lain yang berada di bawah administrasi pemerintahan kerajaan Bacan

Makasar and the subordinate states of south Sulawesi, ca 1600

As the centre for trade which the Dutch regarded as smuggling, Makasar soon became the target for intermittent Dutch hostility, and Makasar responded by assisting the Company’s enemies in Maluku. In 1666, the Dutch decided to make an end once and for all to Makasar’s resistance. They made an alliance with Arung Palakka, a Bugis prince from Bone, who had been exiled by Makasar to Butung in 1660 after an abortive uprising. The combined force defeated Makasar in 1667, and forced the sultan to sign the Treaty of Bungaya in which Makasar relinquished all its vassals, both in south Sulawesi and abroad, and allowed the Dutch to build a fort in the heart of its main port. The treaty was decisive in ending Makasar’s power, but it took a further round of fighting until 1669 before Makasar was fully defeated. Arung Palakka became ruler of Bone and the dominant political force in the region, but his authoritarian rule and destructive military campaigns against rebellious vassals led to a massive exodus of Buginese and Makasar warriors seeking safer homes elsewhere in the archipelago. The northern arm of Sulawesi had come under Spanish influence from the nearby Philippines in the 16th century, but was incorporated in the Dutch sphere of influence after the Treaty of Bungaya.

Indonesia

During Dutch Colonial

 

Introductions

HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF ACHIN, FROM THE PERIOD OF ITS BEING VISITED BY EUROPEANS.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE.

The Portuguese, under the conduct of Vasco de Gama, doubled the Cape of Good Hope in the year 1497, and arrived on the coast of Malabar in the following year. These people, whom the spirit of glory, commerce, and plunder led to the most magnanimous undertakings, were not so entirely engaged by their conquests on the continent of India as to prevent them from extending their views to the discovery of regions yet more distant. They learned from the merchants of Guzerat some account of the riches and importance of Malacca, a great trading city in the farther peninsula of India, supposed by them the Golden Chersonnese of Ptolemy. Intelligence of this was transmitted to their enterprising sovereign Emanuel, who became impressed with a strong desire to avail himself of the flattering advantages which this celebrated country held out to his ambition.

1508.

He equipped a fleet of four ships under the command of Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, which sailed from Lisbon on the eighth day of April 1508 with orders to explore and establish connexions in those eastern parts of Asia.

 

1509.

After touching at Madagascar Sequeira proceeded to Cochin, where a ship was added to his fleet, and, departing from thence on the eighth of September 1509, he made sail towards Malacca; but having doubled the extreme promontory of Sumatra (then supposed to be the Taprobane of the ancients) he anchored at Pidir, a principal port of that island, in which he found vessels from Pegu, Bengal, and other countries. The king of the place, who, like other Mahometan princes, was styled sultan, sent off a deputation to him, accompanied with refreshments, excusing himself, on account of illness, from paying his compliments in person, but assuring him at the same time that he should derive much pleasure from the friendship and alliance of the Portuguese, whose fame had reached his ears. Sequeira answered this message in such terms that, by consent of the sultan, a monument of their amity was erected on the shore; or, more properly, as the token of discovery and possession usually employed by the European nations. He was received in the same manner at a place called Pase, lying about twenty leagues farther to the eastward on the same coast, and there also erected a monument or cross. Having procured at each of these ports as much pepper as could be collected in a short time he hastened to Malacca, where the news of his appearance in these seas had anticipated his arrival. Here he was near falling a sacrifice to the insidious policy of Mahmud, the reigning king, to whom the Portuguese had been represented by the Arabian and Persian merchants (and not very unjustly) as lawless pirates, who, under the pretext of establishing commercial treaties, had, at first by encroachments, and afterwards with insolent rapacity, ruined and enslaved the princes who were weak enough to put a confidence in them, or to allow them a footing in their dominions. He escaped the snares that were laid for him but lost many of his people, and, leaving others in captivity, he returned to Europe, and gave an account of his proceedings to the king.

1510

Before the building of the Suez Canal and the invention of steam it could take three years to get a message to Southeast Asia and to receive its reply.

The Seventeen Gentlemen, all frock coats, upright furniture and chilly winters, were well aware of this, and so, in 1510, they created the post of Governor-General for their head man in Indonesia.

The Governor-General was not supposed to be a colonial viceroy; he was supposed to be an area manager with executive powers, and for the first decade, from the VOC headquarters in Ambon in Maluku, that’s exactly what he was.

 

1510.

A fleet was sent out in the year 1510 under Diogo Mendez to establish the Portuguese interests at Malacca; but Affonso d’Alboquerque, the governor of their affairs in India, thought proper to detain this squadron on the coast of Malabar until he could proceed thither himself with a greater force.

 

1511.

And accordingly on the second of May 1511 he set sail from Cochin with nineteen ships and fourteen hundred men. He touched at Pidir, where he found some of his countrymen who had made their escape from Malacca in a boat and sought protection on the Sumatran shore. They represented that, arriving off Pase, they had been ill-treated by the natives, who killed one of their party and obliged them to fly to Pidir, where they met with hospitality and kindness from the prince, who seemed desirous to conciliate the regard of their nation. Alboquerque expressed himself sensible of this instance of friendship, and renewed with the sultan the alliance that had been formed by Sequeira. He then proceeded to Pase, whose monarch endeavoured to exculpate himself from the outrage committed against the Portuguese fugitives, and as he could not tarry to take redress he concealed his resentment. In crossing over to Malacca he fell in with a large junk, or country vessel, which he engaged and attempted to board, but the enemy, setting fire to a quantity of inflammable oleaginous matter, he was deterred from his design, with a narrow escape of the destruction of his own ship. The junk was then battered from a distance until forty of her men were killed, when Alboquerque, admiring the bravery of the crew, proposed to them that, if they would strike and acknowledge themselves vassals of Portugal, he would treat them as friends and take them under his protection. This offer was accepted, and the valiant defender of the vessel informed the governor that his name was Jeinal, the lawful heir of the kingdom of Pase; he by whom it was then ruled being a usurper, who, taking advantage of his minority and his own situation as regent, had seized the crown: that he had made attempts to assert his rights, but had been defeated in two battles, and was now proceeding with his adherents to Java, some of the princes of which were his relations, and would, he hoped, enable him to obtain possession of his throne.

1511.

Alboquerque promised to effect it for him, and desired the prince to accompany him to Malacca, where they arrived the first of July 1511. In order to save the lives of the Portuguese prisoners, and if possible to effect their recovery, he negotiated with the king of Malacca before he proceeded to an attack on the place; which conduct of his Jeinal construed into fear, and, forsaking his new friend, passed over in the night to the Malayan monarch, whose protection he thought of more consequence to him. When Alboquerque had subdued the place, which made a vigorous resistance, the prince of Pase, seeing the error of his policy, returned, and threw himself at the governor’s feet, acknowledged his injurious mistrust, and implored his pardon, which was not denied him. He doubted however it seems of a sincere reconciliation and forgiveness, and, perceiving that no measures were taking for restoring him to his kingdom, but on the contrary that Alboquerque was preparing to leave Malacca with a small force, and talked of performing his promise when he should return from Goa, he took the resolution of again attaching himself to the fortunes of the conquered monarch, and secretly collecting his dependants fled once more from the protection of the Portuguese. He probably was not insensible that the reigning king of Pase, his adversary, had for some time taken abundant pains to procure the favour of Alboquerque, and found an occasion of demonstrating his zeal. The governor, on his return from Malacca, met with a violent storm on the coast of Sumatra near the point of Timiang, where his ship was wrecked. Part of the crew making a raft were driven to Pase, where the king treated them with kindness and sent them to the coast of Coromandel by a merchant ship. Some years after these events Jeinal was enabled by his friends to carry a force to Pase, and obtained the ascendency there, but did not long enjoy his power.

Upon the reduction of Malacca the governor received messages from several of the Sumatran princes, and amongst the rest from the king of a place called Kampar, on the eastern coast, who had married a daughter of the king of Malacca, but was on ill terms with his father-in-law. He desired to become a vassal of the Portuguese crown, and to have leave to reside under their jurisdiction. His view was to obtain the important office of bandhara, or chief magistrate of the Malays, lately vacant by the execution of him who possessed it. He sent before him a present of lignum-aloes and gum-lac, the produce of his country, but Alboquerque, suspecting the honesty of his intentions, and fearing that he either aspired to the crown of Malacca or designed to entice the merchants to resort to his own kingdom, refused to permit his coming, and gave the superintendence of the natives to a person named Nina Chetuan.

1514.

After some years had elapsed, at the time when Jorge Alboquerque was governor of Malacca, this king (Abdallah by name) persisting in his views, paid him a visit, and was honourably received. At his departure he had assurances given him of liberty to establish himself at Malacca, if he should think proper, and Nina Chetuan was shortly afterwards removed from his office, though no fault was alleged against him. He took the disgrace so much to heart that, causing a pile to be erected before his door, and setting fire to it, he threw himself into the flames.*

(*Footnote. This man was not a Mahometan but one of the unconverted natives of the peninsula who are always distinguished from the Moors by the Portuguese writers.)

The intention of appointing Abdallah to the office of bandhara was quickly rumoured abroad, and, coming to the knowledge of the king of Bintang, who was driven from Malacca and now carried on a vigorous war against the Portuguese, under the command of the famous Laksamana, he resolved to prevent his arrival there. For this purpose he leagued himself with the king of Lingga, a neighbouring island, and sent out a fleet of seventy armed boats to block up the port of Kampar. By the valour of a small Portuguese armament this force was overcome in the river of that name, and the king conducted in triumph to Malacca, where he was invested in form with the important post he aspired to. But this sacrifice of his independence proved an unfortunate measure to him; for although he conducted himself in such a manner as should have given the amplest satisfaction, and appears to have been irreproachable in the execution of his trust, yet in the following year the king of Bintang found means to inspire the governor with diffidence of his fidelity, and jealousy of his power.

1515.

He was cruelly sentenced to death without the simplest forms of justice and perished in the presence of an indignant multitude, whilst he called heaven to witness his innocence and direct its vengeance against his interested accusers. This iniquitous and impolitic proceeding had such an effect upon the minds of the people that all of any property or repute forsook the place, execrating the government of the Portuguese. The consequences of this general odium reduced them to extreme difficulties for provisions, which the neighbouring countries refused to supply them with, and but for some grain at length procured from Siak with much trouble the event had proved fatal to the garrison.

1516.

Fernando Perez d’Andrade, in his way to China, touched at Pase in order to take in pepper. He found the people of the place, as well as the merchants from Bengal, Cambay, and other parts of India, much discontented with the measures then pursuing by the government of Malacca, which had stationed an armed force to oblige all vessels to resort thither with their merchandise and take in at that place, as an emporium, the cargoes they were used to collect in the straits. The king notwithstanding received Andrade well, and consented that the Portuguese should have liberty to erect a fortress in his kingdom.

1520.

Extraordinary accounts having been related of certain islands abounding in gold, which were reported by the general fame of India to lie off the southern coast of Sumatra, a ship and small brigantine, under the command of Diogo Pacheco, an experienced seaman, were sent in order to make the discovery of them. Having proceeded as far as Daya the brigantine was lost in a gale of wind. Pacheco stood on to Barus, a place renowned for its gold trade, and for gum benzoin of a peculiar scent, which the country produced. It was much frequented by vessels, both from the neighbouring ports in the island, and from those in the West of India, whence it was supplied with cotton cloths. The merchants, terrified at the approach of the Portuguese, forsook their ships and fled precipitately to the shore. The chiefs of the country sent to inquire the motives of his visit, which he informed them were to establish friendly connexions and to give them assurances of unmolested freedom of trade at the city of Malacca. Refreshments were then ordered for his fleet, and upon landing he was treated with respect by the inhabitants, who brought the articles of their country to exchange with him for merchandise. His chief view was to obtain information respecting the situation and other circumstances of the ilhas d’Ouro, but they seemed jealous of imparting any. At length, after giving him a laboured detail of the dangers attending the navigation of the seas where they were said to lie, they represented their situation to be distant a hundred leagues to the south-east of Barus, amidst labyrinths of shoals and reefs through which it was impossible to steer with any but the smallest boats. If these islands, so celebrated about this time, existed anywhere but in the regions of fancy,* they were probably those of Tiku, to which it is possible that much gold might be brought from the neighbouring country of Menangkabau. Pacheco, leaving Barus, proceeded to the southward, but did not make the wished-for discovery. He reached the channel that divides Sumatra from Java, which he called the strait of Polimban, from a city he erroneously supposed to lie on the Javan shore, and passing through this returned to Malacca by the east; being the first European who sailed round the island of Sumatra. In the following year he sailed once more in search of these islands, which were afterwards the object of many fruitless voyages; but touching again at Barus he met with resistance there and perished with all his companions.

(*Footnote. Linschoten makes particular mention of having seen them, and gives practical directions for the navigation, but the golden dreams of the Portuguese were never realized in them.)

A little before this time a ship under the command of Gaspar d’Acosta was lost on the island of Gamispola (Pulo Gomez) near Achin Head, when the people from Achin attacked and plundered the crew, killing many and taking the rest prisoners. A ship also which belonged to Joano de Lima was plundered in the road, and the Portuguese which belonged to her put to death. These insults and others committed at Pase induced the governor of Malacca, Garcia de Sa, to dispatch a vessel under Manuel Pacheco to take satisfaction; which he endeavoured to effect by blocking up the ports, and depriving the towns of all sources of provision, particularly their fisheries. As he cruised between Achin and Pase a boat with five men, going to take in fresh water at a river nigh to the latter, would have been cut off had not the people, by wonderful efforts of valour, overcome the numerous party which attacked them. The sultan, alarmed for the consequences of this affray, sent immediately to sue for reconciliation, offering to make atonement for the loss of property the merchants had sustained by the licentiousness of his people, from a participation in whose crimes he sought to vindicate himself. The advantage derived from the connexion with this place induced the government of Malacca to be satisfied with his apology, and cargoes of pepper and raw silk were shortly after procured there; the former being much wanted for the ships bound to China.

Jeinal, who had fled to the king of Malacca, as before mentioned, followed that monarch to the island of Bintang, and received one of his daughters in marriage. Six or seven years elapsed before the situation of affairs enabled the king to lend him any effectual assistance, but at length some advantages gained over the Portuguese afforded a proper opportunity, and accordingly a fleet was fitted out, with which Jeinal sailed for Pase. In order to form a judgment of the transactions of this kingdom it must be understood that the people, having an idea of predestination, always conceived present possession to constitute right, however that possession might have been acquired; but yet they made no scruple of deposing and murdering their sovereigns, and justified their acts by this argument; that the fate of concerns so important as the lives of kings was in the hands of God, whose vicegerents they were, and that if it was not agreeable to him and the consequence of his will that they should perish by the daggers of their subjects it could not so happen. Thus it appears that their religious ideas were just strong enough to banish from their minds every moral sentiment. The natural consequence of these maxims was that their kings were merely the tyrants of the day; and it is said that whilst a certain ship remained in the port no less than two were murdered, and a third set up: but allowance should perhaps be made for the medium through which these accounts have been transmitted to us.

The maternal uncle of Jeinal, who, on account of his father’s infirmities, had been some time regent, and had deprived him of the succession to the throne, was also king of Aru or Rou, a country not far distant, and thus became monarch of both places. The caprices of the Pase people, who submitted quietly to his usurpation, rendered them ere long discontented with his government, and being a stranger they had the less compunction in putting him to death. Another king was set up in his room, who soon fell by the hands of some natives of Aru who resided at Pase, in revenge for the assassination of their countryman.

1519.

A fresh monarch was elected by the people, and in his reign it was that Jeinal appeared with a force from Bintang, who, carrying everything before him, put his rival to death, and took possession of the throne. The son of the deceased, a youth of about twelve years of age, made his escape, accompanied by the Mulana or chief priest of the city, and procured a conveyance to the west of India. There they threw themselves at the feet of the Portuguese governor, Lopez Sequeira, then engaged in an expedition to the Red Sea, imploring his aid to drive the invader from their country, and to establish the young prince in his rights, who would thenceforth consider himself as a vassal of the crown of Portugal. It was urged that Jeinal, as being nearly allied to the king of Bintang, was an avowed enemy to that nation, which he had manifested in some recent outrages committed against the merchants from Malacca who traded at Pase. Sequeira, partly from compassion, and partly from political motives, resolved to succour this prince, and by placing him on the throne establish a firm interest in the affairs of his kingdom. He accordingly gave orders to Jorge Alboquerque, who was then proceeding with a strong fleet towards Malacca, to take the youth with him, whose name was Orfacam,* and after having expelled Jeinal to put him in possession of the sovereignty.

(*Footnote. Evidently corrupted, as are most of the country names and titles, which shows that the Portuguese were not at this period much conversant in the Malayan language.)

When Jeinal entered upon the administration of the political concerns of the kingdom, although he had promised his father-in-law to carry on the war in concert with him, yet, being apprehensive of the effects of the Portuguese power, he judged it more for his interest to seek a reconciliation with them than to provoke their resentment, and in pursuance of that system had so far recommended himself to Garcia de Sa, the governor of Malacca, that he formed a treaty of alliance with him. This was however soon interrupted, and chiefly by the imprudence of a man named Diogo Vaz, who made use of such insulting language to the king, because he delayed payment of a sum of money he owed him, that the courtiers, seized with indignation, immediately stabbed him with their krises, and, the alarm running through the city, others of the Portuguese were likewise murdered. The news of this affair, reaching Goa, was an additional motive for the resolution taken of dethroning him.

1521.

Jorge d’Alboquerque arrived at Pase in 1521 with Prince Orfacam, and the inhabitants came off in great numbers to welcome his return. The king of Aru had brought thither a considerable force the preceding day, designing to take satisfaction for the murder of his relation, the uncle of Jeinal, and now proposed to Alboquerque that they should make the attack in conjunction, who thought proper to decline it. Jeinal, although he well knew the intention of the enemy, yet sent a friendly message to Alboquerque, who in answer required him to relinquish his crown in favour of him whom he styled the lawful prince. He then represented to him the injustice of attempting to force him from the possession of what was his, not only by right of conquest but of hereditary descent, as was well known to the governor himself; that he was willing to consider himself as the vassal of the king of Portugal, and to grant every advantage in point of trade that they could expect from the administration of his rival; and that since his obtaining the crown he had manifested the utmost friendship to the Portuguese, for which he appealed to the treaty formed with him by the government of Malacca, which was not disturbed by any fault that could in justice be imputed to himself. These arguments, like all others that pass between states which harbour inimical designs, had no effect upon Alboquerque, who, after reconnoitring the ground, gave orders for the attack. The king was now sensible that there was nothing left for him but to conquer or die, and resolved to defend himself to extremity in an entrenchment he had formed at some distance from the town of Pase, where he had never yet ventured to reside as the people were in general incensed against him on account of the destruction of the late king of their choice; for though they were ever ready to demolish those whom they disliked, yet were they equally zealous to sacrifice their own lives in the cause of those to whom they were attached. The Portuguese force consisted but of three hundred men, yet such was the superiority they possessed in war over the inhabitants of these countries that they entirely routed Jeinal’s army, which amounted to three thousand, with many elephants, although they fought bravely. When he fell they became dispirited, and, the people of Aru joining in the pursuit, a dreadful slaughter succeeded, and upwards of two thousand Sumatrans lay dead, with the loss of only five or six Europeans; but several were wounded, among whom was Alboquerque himself.

The next measure was to place the young prince upon the throne, which was performed with much ceremony. The mulana was appointed his governor, and Nina Cunapan, who in several instances had shown a friendship for the Portuguese, was continued in the office of Shabandar. It was stipulated that the prince should do homage to the crown of Portugal, give a grant of the whole produce of pepper of his country at a certain price, and defray the charges of a fortress which they then prepared to erect in his kingdom, and of which Miranda d’Azeuedo was appointed captain, with a garrison of a hundred soldiers. The materials were mostly timber, with which the ruins of Jeinal’s entrenchment supplied them. After Alboquerque’s departure the works had nearly fallen into the hands of an enemy, named Melek-el-adil, who called himself sultan of Pase and made several desultory attacks upon them; but he was at length totally routed, and the fortifications were completed without further molestation.

1521.

A fleet which sailed from the west of India a short time after that of Alboquerque, under the command of Jorge de Brito, anchored in the road of Achin, in their way to the Molucca Islands. There was at this time at that place a man of the name of Joano Borba, who spoke the language of the country, having formerly fled thither from Pase when Diogo Vaz was assassinated. Being afterwards intrusted with the command of a trading vessel from Goa, which foundered at sea, he again reached Achin, with nine men in a small boat, and was hospitably received by the king, when he learned that the ship had been destined to his port. Borba came off to the fleet along with a messenger sent by the king to welcome the commander and offer him refreshments for his fleet, and, being a man of extraordinary loquacity, he gave a pompous description to Brito of a temple in the country in which was deposited a large quantity of gold: he mentioned likewise that the king was in possession of the artillery and merchandise of Gaspar d’Acosta’s vessel, some time since wrecked there; and also of the goods saved from a brigantine driven on shore at Daya, in Pacheco’s expedition; as well as of Joano de Lima’s ship, which he had caused to be cut off. Brito, being tempted by the golden prize, which he conceived already in his power, and inflamed by Borba’s representation of the king’s iniquities, sent a message in return to demand the restitution of the artillery, ship, and goods, which had been unlawfully seized. The king replied that, if he wanted those articles to be refunded, he must make his demand to the sea which had swallowed them up. Brito and his captains now resolved to proceed to an attack upon the place, and so secure did they make themselves of their prey that they refused permission to a ship lately arrived, and which did not belong to their squadron, to join them or participate in the profits of their adventure. They prepared to land two hundred men in small boats; a larger, with a more considerable detachment and their artillery, being ordered to follow. About daybreak they had proceeded halfway up the river, and came near to a little fort designed to defend the passage, where Brito thought it advisable to stop till the remainder of their force should join them; but, being importuned by his people, he advanced to make himself master of the fort, which was readily effected. Here he again resolved to make his stand, but by the imprudence of his ensign, who had drawn some of the party into a skirmish with the Achinese, he was forced to quit that post in order to save his colours, which were in danger. At this juncture the king appeared at the head of eight hundred or a thousand men, and six elephants. A desperate conflict ensued, in which the Portuguese received considerable injury. Brito sent orders for the party he had left to come up, and endeavoured to retreat to the fort, but he found himself so situated that it could not be executed without much loss, and presently after he received a wound from an arrow through the cheeks. No assistance arriving, it was proposed that they should retire in the best manner they could to their boats; but this Brito would not consent to, preferring death to flight, and immediately a lance pierced his thighs, and he fell to the ground. The Portuguese, rendered desperate, renewed the combat with redoubled vigour, all crowding to the spot where their commander lay, but their exertions availed them nothing against such unequal force, and they only rushed on to sacrifice. Almost every man was killed, and among these were near fifty persons of family who had embarked as volunteers. Those who escaped belonged chiefly to the corps-de-reserve, who did not, or could not, come up in time to succour their unfortunate companions. Upon this merited defeat the squadron immediately weighed anchor, and, after falling in with two vessels bound on the discovery of the Ilhas d’Ouro, arrived at Pase, where they found Alboquerque employed in the construction of his fortress, and went with him to make an attack on Bintang.

STATE OF ACHIN IN 1511.

At the period when Malacca fell into the hands of the Portuguese Achin and Daya are said by the historians of that nation to have been provinces subject to Pidir, and governed by two slaves belonging to the sultan of that place, to each of whom he had given a niece in marriage. Slaves, it must be understood, are in that country on a different footing from those in most other parts of the world, and usually treated as children of the family. Some of them are natives of the continent of India, whom their masters employ to trade for them; allowing them a certain proportion of the profits and permission to reside in a separate quarter of the city. It frequently happened also that men of good birth, finding it necessary to obtain the protection of some person in power, became voluntary slaves for this purpose, and the nobles, being proud of such dependants, encouraged the practice by treating them with a degree of respect, and in many instances they made them their heirs. The slave of this description who held the government of Achin had two sons, the elder of whom was named Raja Ibrahim, and the younger Raja Lella, and were brought up in the house of their master. The father being old was recalled from his post; but on account of his faithful services the sultan gave the succession to his eldest son, who appears to have been a youth of an ambitious and very sanguinary temper. A jealousy had taken place between him and the chief of Daya whilst they were together at Pidir, and as soon as he came into power he resolved to seek revenge, and with that view entered in a hostile manner the district of his rival. When the sultan interposed it not only added fuel to his resentment but inspired him with hatred towards his master, and he showed his disrespect by refusing to deliver up, on the requisition of the sultan, certain Portuguese prisoners taken from a vessel lost at Pulo Gomez, and which he afterwards complied with at the intercession of the Shabandar of Pase. This conduct manifesting an intention of entirely throwing off his allegiance, his father endeavoured to recall him to a sense of his duty by representing the obligations in which the family were indebted to the sultan, and the relationship which so nearly connected them. But so far was this admonition from producing any good effect that he took offence at his father’s presumption, and ordered him to be confined in a cage, where he died.

1521.

Irritated by these acts, the sultan resolved to proceed to extremities against him; but by means of the plunder of some Portuguese vessels, as before related, and the recent defeat of Brito’s party, he became so strong in artillery and ammunition, and so much elated with success, that he set his master at defiance and prepared to defend himself. His force proved superior to that of Pidir, and in the end he obliged the sultan to fly for refuge and assistance to the European fortress at Pase, accompanied by his nephew, the chief of Daya, who was also forced from his possessions.

1522.

Ibrahim had for some time infested the Portuguese by sending out parties against them, both by sea and land; but these being always baffled in their attempts with much loss, he began to conceive a violent antipathy against that nation, which he ever after indulged to excess. He got possession of the city of Pidir by bribing the principal officers, a mode of warfare that he often found successful and seldom neglected to attempt. These he prevailed upon to write a letter to their master, couched in artful terms, in which they besought him to come to their assistance with a body of Portuguese, as the only chance of repelling the enemy by whom they pretended to be invested. The sultan showed this letter to Andre Henriquez, then governor of the fort, who, thinking it a good opportunity to chastise the Achinese, sent by sea a detachment of eighty Europeans and two hundred Malays under the command of his brother Manuel, whilst the sultan marched overland with a thousand men and fifteen elephants to the relief of the place. They arrived at Pidir in the night, but, being secretly informed that the king of Achin was master of the city, and that the demand for succour was a stratagem, they endeavoured to make their retreat; which the land troops effected, but before the tide could enable the Portuguese to get their boats afloat they were attacked by the Achinese, who killed Manuel and thirty-five of his men.

Henriquez, perceiving his situation at Pase was becoming critical, not only from the force of the enemy but the sickly state of his garrison, and the want of provisions, which the country people now withheld from him, discontinuing the fairs that they were used to keep three times in the week, dispatched advices to the governor of India, demanding immediate succours, and also sent to request assistance of the king of Aru, who had always proved the steadfast friend of Malacca, and who, though not wealthy, because his country was not a place of trade, was yet one of the most powerful princes in those parts. The king expressed his joy in having an opportunity of serving his allies, and promised his utmost aid; not only from friendship to them, but indignation against Ibrahim, whom he regarded as a rebellious slave.

1523.

A supply of stores at length arrived from India under the charge of Lopo d’Azuedo, who had orders to relieve Henriquez in the command; but, disputes having arisen between them, and chiefly on the subject of certain works which the shabandar of Pase had been permitted to erect adjoining to the fortress, d’Azuedo, to avoid coming to an open rupture, departed for Malacca. Ibrahim, having found means to corrupt the honesty of this shabandar, who had received his office from Alboquerque, gained intelligence through him of all that passed. This treason, it is supposed, he would not have yielded to but for the desperate situation of affairs. The country of Pase was now entirely in subjection to the Achinese, and nothing remained unconquered but the capital, whilst the garrison was distracted with internal divisions.

After the acquisition of Pidir the king thought it necessary to remain there some time in order to confirm his authority, and sent his brother Raja Lella with a large army to reduce the territories of Pase, which he effected in the course of three months, and with the more facility because all the principal nobility had fallen in the action with Jeinal. He fixed his camp within half a league of the city, and gave notice to Ibrahim of the state in which matters were, who speedily joined him, being anxious to render himself master of the place before the promised succours from the king of Aru could arrive. His first step was to issue a proclamation, giving notice to the people of the town that whoever should submit to his authority within six days should have their lives, families, and properties secured to them, but that all others must expect to feel the punishment due to their obstinacy. This had the effect he looked for, the greater part of the inhabitants coming over to his camp. He then commenced his military operations, and in the third attack got possession of the town after much slaughter; those who escaped his fury taking shelter in the neighbouring mountains and thick woods. He sent a message to the commander of the fortress, requiring him to abandon it and to deliver into his hands the kings of Pidir and Daya, to whom he had given protection. Henriquez returned a spirited answer to this summons, but, being sickly at the time, at best of an unsteady disposition, and too much attached to his trading concerns for a soldier, he resolved to relinquish the command to his relation Aires Coelho, and take passage for the West of India.

1523.

He had not advanced farther on his voyage than the point of Pidir, when he fell in with two Portuguese ships bound to the Moluccas, the captains of which he made acquainted with the situation of the garrison, and they immediately proceeded to its relief. Arriving in the night they heard great firing of cannon, and learned next morning that the Achinese had made a furious assault in hopes of carrying the fortress before the ships, which were descried at a distance, could throw succours into it. They had mastered some of the outworks, and the garrison represented that it was impossible for them to support such another shock without aid from the vessels. The captains, with as much force as could be spared, entered the fort, and a sally was shortly afterwards resolved on and executed, in which the besiegers sustained considerable damage. Every effort was likewise employed to repair the breaches and stop up the mines that had been made by the enemy in order to effect a passage into the place. Ibrahim now attempted to draw them into a snare by removing his camp to a distance and making a feint of abandoning his enterprise; but this stratagem proved ineffectual. Reflecting then with indignation that his own force consisted of fifteen thousand men whilst that of the Europeans did not exceed three hundred and fifty, many of whom were sick and wounded, and others worn out with the fatigue of continual duty (intelligence whereof was conveyed to him), he resolved once more to return to the siege, and make a general assault upon all parts of the fortification at once. Two hours before daybreak he caused the place to be surrounded with eight thousand men, who approached in perfect silence. The nighttime was preferred by these people for making their attacks as being then most secure from the effect of firearms, and they also generally chose a time of rain, when the powder would not burn. As soon as they found themselves perceived they set up a hideous shout, and, fixing their scaling ladders, made of bamboo and wonderfully light, to the number of six hundred, they attempted to force their way through the embrasures for the guns; but after a strenuous contest they were at length repulsed. Seven elephants were driven with violence against the paling of one of the bastions, which gave way before them like a hedge, and overset all the men who were on it. Javelins and pikes these enormous beasts made no account of, but upon setting fire to powder under their trunks they drew back with precipitation in spite of all the efforts of their drivers, overthrew their own people, and, flying to the distance of several miles, could not again be brought into the lines. The Achinese upon receiving this check thought to take revenge by setting fire to some vessels that were in the dockyard; but this proved an unfortunate measure to them, for by the light which it occasioned the garrison were enabled to point their guns, and did abundant execution.

1524.

Henriquez, after beating sometime against a contrary wind, put back to Pase, and, coming on shore the day after this conflict, resumed his command. A council was soon after held to determine what measures were fittest to be pursued in the present situation of affairs, and, taking into their consideration that no further assistance could be expected from the west of India in less than six months, that the garrison was sickly and provisions short, it was resolved by a majority of votes to abandon the place, and measures were taken accordingly. In order to conceal their intentions from the enemy they ordered such of the artillery and stores as could be removed conveniently to be packed up in the form of merchandise and then shipped off. A party was left to set fire to the buildings, and trains of powder were so disposed as to lead to the larger cannon, which they overcharged that they might burst as soon as heated. But this was not effectually executed, and the pieces mostly fell into the hands of the Achinese, who upon the first alarm of the evacuation rushed in, extinguished the flames, and turned upon the Portuguese their own artillery, many of whom were killed in the water as they hurried to get into their boats. They now lost as much credit by this ill conducted retreat as they had acquired by their gallant defence, and were insulted by the reproachful shouts of the enemy, whose power was greatly increased by this acquisition of military stores, and of which they often severely experienced the effects. To render their disgrace more striking it happened that as they sailed out of the harbour they met thirty boats laden with provisions for their use from the king of Aru, who was himself on his march overland with four thousand men: and when they arrived at Malacca they found troops and stores embarked there for their relief. The unfortunate princes who had sought an asylum with them now joined in their flight; the sultan of Pase proceeded to Malacca, and the sultan of Pidir and chief of Daya took refuge with the king of Aru.

1525.

Raja Nara, king of Indragiri, in conjunction with a force from Bintang, attacked the king of a neighbouring island called Lingga, who was in friendship with the Portuguese. A message which passed on this occasion gives a just idea of the style and manners of this people. Upon their acquainting the king of Lingga, in their summons of surrender, that they had lately overcome the fleet of Malacca, he replied that his intelligence informed him of the contrary; that he had just made a festival and killed fifty goats to celebrate one defeat which they had received, and hoped soon to kill a hundred in order to celebrate a second. His expectations were fulfilled, or rather anticipated, for the Portuguese, having a knowledge of the king of Indragiri’s design, sent out a small fleet which routed the combined force before the king of Lingga was acquainted with their arrival, his capital being situated high up on the river.

1526.

In the next year, at the conquest of Bintang, this king unsolicited sent assistance to his European allies.

1527.

However well founded the accounts may have been which the Portuguese have given us of the cruelties committed against their people by the king of Achin, the barbarity does not appear to have been only on one side. Francisco de Mello, being sent in an armed vessel with dispatches to Goa, met near Achin Head with a ship of that nation just arrived from Mecca and supposed to be richly laden. As she had on board three hundred Achinese and forty Arabs he dared not venture to board her, but battered her at a distance, when suddenly she filled and sunk, to the extreme disappointment of the Portuguese, who thereby lost their prize; but they wreaked their vengeance on the unfortunate crew as they endeavoured to save themselves by swimming, and boast that they did not suffer a man to escape. Opportunities of retaliation soon offered.

1528.

Simano de Sousa, going with a reinforcement to the Moluccas from Cochin, was overtaken in the bay by a violent storm, which forced him to stow many of his guns in the hold; and, having lost several of his men through fatigue, he made for the nearest port he could take shelter in, which proved to be Achin. The king, having the destruction of the Portuguese at heart, and resolving if possible to seize their vessel, sent off a message to De Sousa recommending his standing in closer to the shore, where he would have more shelter from the gale which still continued, and lie more conveniently for getting off water and provisions, at the same time inviting him to land. This artifice not succeeding, he ordered out the next morning a thousand men in twenty boats, who at first pretended they were come to assist in mooring the ship; but the captain, aware of their hostile design, fired amongst them, when a fierce engagement took place in which the Achinese were repulsed with great slaughter, but not until they had destroyed forty of the Portuguese. The king, enraged at this disappointment, ordered a second attack, threatening to have his admiral trampled to death by elephants if he failed of success. A boat was sent ahead of this fleet with a signal of peace, and assurances to De Sousa that the king, as soon as he was made acquainted with the injury that had been committed, had caused the perpetrators of it to be punished, and now once more requested him to come on shore and trust to his honour. This proposal some of the crew were inclined that he should accept, but being animated by a speech that he made to them it was resolved that they should die with arms in their hands in preference to a disgraceful and hazardous submission. The combat was therefore renewed, with extreme fury on the one side, and uncommon efforts of courage on the other, and the assailants were a second time repulsed; but one of those who had boarded the vessel and afterwards made his escape represented to the Achinese the reduced and helpless situation of their enemy, and, fresh supplies coming off, they were encouraged to return to the attack. De Sousa and his people were at length almost all cut to pieces, and those who survived, being desperately wounded, were overpowered, and led prisoners to the king, who unexpectedly treated them with extraordinary kindness, in order to cover the designs he harboured, and pretended to lament the fate of their brave commander. He directed them to fix upon one of their companions, who should go in his name to the governor of Malacca, to desire he would immediately send to take possession of the ship, which he meant to restore, as well as to liberate them. He hoped by this artifice to draw more of the Portuguese into his power, and at the same time to effect a purpose of a political nature. A war had recently broken out between him and the king of Aru, the latter of whom had deputed ambassadors to Malacca, to solicit assistance, in return for his former services, and which was readily promised to him. It was highly the interest of the king of Achin to prevent this junction, and therefore, though determined to relax nothing in his plans of revenge, he hastened to dispatch Antonio Caldeira, one of the captives, with proposals of accommodation and alliance, offering to restore not only this vessel, but also the artillery which he had taken at Pase. These terms appeared to the governor too advantageous to be rejected. Conceiving a favourable idea of the king’s intentions, from the confidence which Caldeira, who was deceived by the humanity shown to the wounded captives, appeared to place in his sincerity, he became deaf to the representations that were made to him by more experienced persons of his insidious character. A message was sent back, agreeing to accept his friendship on the proposed conditions, and engaging to withhold the promised succours from the king of Aru. Caldeira, in his way to Achin, touched at an island, where he was cut off with those who accompanied him. The ambassadors from Aru being acquainted with this breach of faith, retired in great disgust, and the king, incensed at the ingratitude shown him, concluded a peace with Achin; but not till after an engagement between their fleets had taken place, in which the victory remained undecided.

In order that he might learn the causes of the obscurity in which his negotiations with Malacca rested, Ibrahim dispatched a secret messenger to Senaia Raja, bandhara of that city, with whom he held a correspondence; desiring also to be informed of the strength of the garrison. Hearing in answer that the governor newly arrived was inclined to think favourably of him, he immediately sent an ambassador to wait on him with assurances of his pacific and friendly disposition, who returned in company with persons empowered, on the governor’s part, to negotiate a treaty of commerce. These, upon their arrival at Achin, were loaded with favours and costly presents, the news of which quickly flew to Malacca, and, the business they came on being adjusted, they were suffered to depart; but they had not sailed far before they were overtaken by boats sent after them, and were stripped and murdered. The governor, who had heard of their setting out, concluded they were lost by accident. Intelligence of this mistaken opinion was transmitted to the king, who thereupon had the audacity to request that he might be honoured with the presence of some Portuguese of rank and consequence in his capital, to ratify in a becoming manner the articles that had been drawn up; as he ardently wished to see that nation trafficking freely in his dominions.

1529.

The deluded governor, in compliance with this request, adopted the resolution of sending thither a large ship under the command of Manuel Pacheco, with a rich cargo, the property of himself and several merchants of Malacca, who themselves embarked with the idea of making extraordinary profits. Senaia conveyed notice of this preparation to Achin, informing the king at the same time that, if he could make himself master of this vessel, Malacca must fall an easy prey to him, as the place was weakened of half its force for the equipment. When Pacheco approached the harbour he was surrounded by a great number of boats, and some of the people began to suspect treachery, but so strongly did the spirit of delusion prevail in this business that they could not persuade the captain to put himself on his guard. He soon had reason to repent his credulity. Perceiving an arrow pass close by him, he hastened to put on his coat of mail, when a second pierced his neck, and he soon expired. The vessel then became an easy prey, and the people, being made prisoners, were shortly afterwards massacred by the king’s order, along with the unfortunate remnant of De Sousa’s crew, so long flattered with the hopes of release. By this capture the king was supposed to have remained in possession of more artillery than was left in Malacca, and he immediately fitted out a fleet to take advantage of its exposed state. The pride of success causing him to imagine it already in his power, he sent a taunting message to the governor in which he thanked him for the late instances of his liberality, and let him know he should trouble him for the remainder of his naval force.

Senaia had promised to put the citadel into his hands, and this had certainly been executed but for an accident that discovered his treasonable designs. The crews of some vessels of the Achinese fleet landed on a part of the coast not far from the city, where they were well entertained by the natives, and in the openness of conviviality related the transactions which had lately passed at Achin, the correspondence of Senaia, and the scheme that was laid for rising on the Portuguese when they should be at church, murdering them, and seizing the fortress. Intelligence of this was reported with speed to the governor, who had Senaia instantly apprehended and executed. This punishment served to intimidate those among the inhabitants who were engaged in the conspiracy, and disconcerted the plans of the king of Achin.

This appears to be the last transaction of Ibrahim’s reign recorded by the Portuguese historians. His death is stated by De Barros to have taken place in the year 1528 in consequence of poison administered to him by one of his wives, to revenge the injuries her brother, the chief of Daya, had suffered at his hand. In a Malayan work (lately come into my possession) containing the annals of the kingdom of Achin, it is said that a king, whose title was sultan Saleh-eddin-shah, obtained the sovereignty in a year answering to 1511 of our era, and who, after reigning about eighteen years, was dethroned by a brother in 1529. Notwithstanding some apparent discordance between the two accounts there can be little doubt of the circumstances applying to the same individual, as it may well be presumed that, according to the usual practice in the East, he adopted upon ascending the throne a title different from the name which he had originally borne, although that might continue to be his more familiar appellation, especially in the mouths of his enemies. The want of precise coincidence in the dates cannot be thought an objection, as the event not falling under the immediate observation of the Portuguese they cannot pretend to accuracy within a few months, and even their account of the subsequent transactions renders it more probable that it happened in 1529; nor are the facts of his being dethroned by the brother, or put to death by the sister, materially at variance with each other; and the latter circumstance, whether true or false, might naturally enough be reported at Malacca.

1529.

His successor took the name of Ala-eddin-shah, and afterwards, from his great enterprises, acquired the additional epithet of keher or the powerful. By the Portuguese he is said to have styled himself king of Achin, Barus, Pidir, Pase, Daya, and Batta, prince of the land of the two seas, and of the mines of Menangkabau.

1537.

Nothing is recorded of his reign until the year 1537, in which he twice attacked Malacca. The first time he sent an army of three thousand men who landed near the city by night, unperceived by the garrison, and, having committed some ravages in the suburbs, were advancing to the bridge, when the governor, Estavano de Gama, sallied out with a party and obliged them to retreat for shelter to the woods. Here they defended themselves during the next day, but on the following night they re-embarked, with the loss of five hundred men. A few months afterwards the king had the place invested with a larger force; but in the interval the works had been repaired and strengthened, and after three days ineffectual attempt the Achinese were again constrained to retire.

1547.

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556.

The death of Ala-eddin took place, according to the Annals, in 1556, after a reign of twenty-eight years.

1565.

He was succeeded by sultan Hussein­shah, who reigned about eight, and dying in 1565 was succeeded by his son, an infant. This child survived only seven months; and in the same year the throne was occupied by Raja Firman-shah, who was murdered soon after.

1567.

His successor, Raja Janil, experienced a similar fate when he had reigned ten months. This event is placed in 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, from the kingdom of Perak in the peninsula, was the next who ascended the throne.

1567.

The western powers of India having formed a league for the purpose of extirpating the Portuguese, the king of Achin was invited to accede to it, and, in conformity with the engagements by which the respective parties were bound, he prepared to attack them in Malacca, and carried thither a numerous fleet, in which were fifteen thousand people of his own subjects, and four hundred Turks, with two hundred pieces of artillery of different sizes. In order to amuse the enemy he gave out that his force was destined against Java, and sent a letter, accompanied with a present of a kris, to the governor, professing strong sentiments of friendship. A person whom he turned on shore with marks of ignominy, being suspected for a spy, was taken up, and being put to the torture confessed that he was employed by the Ottoman emperor and king of Achin to poison the principal officers of the place, and to set fire to their magazine. He was put to death, and his mutilated carcase was sent off to the king. This was the signal for hostilities. He immediately landed with all his men and commenced a regular siege. Sallies were made with various success and very unequal numbers. In one of these the chief of Aru, the king’s eldest son, was killed. In another the Portuguese were defeated and lost many officers. A variety of stratagems were employed to work upon the fears and shake the fidelity of the inhabitants of the town. A general assault was given in which, after prodigious efforts of courage, and imminent risk of destruction, the besieged remained victorious. The king, seeing all his attempts fruitless, at length departed, having lost three thousand men before the walls, beside about five hundred who were said to have died of their wounds on the passage. The king of Ujong-tanah or Johor, who arrived with a fleet to the assistance of the place, found the sea for a long distance covered with dead bodies. This was esteemed one of the most desperate and honourable sieges the Portuguese experienced in India, their whole force consisting of but fifteen hundred men, of whom no more than two hundred were Europeans.

1568.

In the following year a vessel from Achin bound to Java, with ambassadors on board to the queen of Japara, in whom the king wished to raise up a new enemy against the Portuguese, was met in the straits by a vessel from Malacca, who took her and put all the people to the sword. It appears to have been a maxim in these wars never to give quarter to an enemy, whether resisting or submitting.

1568

 

Fatahillah (1568-1570)

Kekosongan pemegang kekuasaan itu kemudian diisi dengan mengukuhkan pejabat keraton yang selama Sunan Gunung Jati melaksanakan tugas dakwah, pemerintahan dijabat oleh Fatahillah atau Fadillah Khan.

Fatahillah kemudian naik takhta, dan memerintah Cirebon secara resmi menjadi raja sejak tahun 1568. Fatahillah menduduki takhta kerajaan Cirebon hanya berlangsung dua tahun karena ia meninggal dunia pada tahun 1570, dua tahun setelah Sunan Gunung Jati wafat dan dimakamkan berdampingan dengan makam Sunan Gunung Jati di Gedung Jinem Astana Gunung Sembung.

Panembahan Ratu I (1570-1649)

Sepeninggal Fatahillah, oleh karena tidak ada calon lain yang layak menjadi raja, takhta kerajaan jatuh kepada cucu Sunan Gunung Jati yaitu Pangeran Emas putra tertua Pangeran Dipati Carbon atau cicit Sunan Gunung Jati. Pangeran Emas kemudian bergelar Panembahan Ratu I dan memerintah Cirebon selama kurang lebih 79 tahun.

1649

Panembahan Ratu II (1649-1677)

Setelah Panembahan Ratu I meninggal dunia pada tahun 1649, pemerintahan Kesultanan Cirebon dilanjutkan oleh cucunya yang bernama Pangeran Rasmi atau Pangeran Karim, karena ayah Pangeran Rasmi yaitu Pangeran Seda ing Gayam atau Panembahan Adiningkusumah meninggal lebih dahulu. Pangeran Rasmi kemudian menggunakan nama gelar ayahnya almarhum yakni Panembahan Adiningkusuma yang kemudian dikenal pula dengan sebutan Panembahan Girilaya atau Panembahan Ratu II.

Panembahan Girilaya pada masa pemerintahannya terjepit di antara dua kekuatan kekuasaan, yaitu Kesultanan Banten dan Kesultanan Mataram. Banten merasa curiga sebab Cirebon dianggap lebih mendekat ke Mataram (Amangkurat I adalah mertua Panembahan Girilaya). Mataram dilain pihak merasa curiga bahwa Cirebon tidak sungguh-sungguh mendekatkan diri, karena Panembahan Girilaya dan Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa dari Banten adalah sama-sama keturunan Pajajaran. Kondisi ini memuncak dengan meninggalnya Panembahan Girilaya di Kartasura dan ditahannya Pangeran Martawijaya dan Pangeran Kartawijaya di Mataram.

Panembahan Girilaya adalah menantu Sultan Agung Hanyokrokusumo dari Kerajaan Mataram (Islam). Makamnya di Jogjakarta, di bukit Giriloyo, dekat dengan makam raja raja Mataram di Imogiri. Menurut beberapa sumber di Imogiri maupun Giriloyo, tinggi makam Panembahan Giriloyo adalah sejajar dengan makam Sultan Agung di Imogiri.

1677

Terpecahnya Kesultanan Cirebon

Dengan kematian Panembahan Girilaya, maka terjadi kekosongan penguasa. Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa segera menobatkan Pangeran Wangsakerta sebagai pengganti Panembahan Girilaya, atas tanggung jawab pihak Banten. Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa kemudian mengirimkan pasukan dan kapal perang untuk membantu Trunojoyo, yang saat itu sedang memerangi Amangkurat I dari Mataram. Dengan bantuan Trunojoyo, maka kedua putra Panembahan Girilaya yang ditahan akhirnya dapat dibebaskan dan dibawa kembali ke Cirebon untuk kemudian juga dinobatkan sebagai penguasa Kesultanan Cirebon.

Perpecahan  Cirebon I (1677)

Pembagian pertama terhadap Kesultanan Cirebon, dengan demikian terjadi pada masa penobatan tiga orang putra Panembahan Girilaya, yaitu Sultan Sepuh, Sultan Anom, dan Panembahan Cirebon pada tahun 1677. Ini merupakan babak baru bagi keraton Cirebon, dimana kesultanan terpecah menjadi tiga dan masing-masing berkuasa dan menurunkan para sultan berikutnya. Dengan demikian, para penguasa Kesultanan Cirebon berikutnya adalah:

  • Sultan Keraton Kasepuhan, Pangeran Martawijaya, dengan gelar Sultan Sepuh Abil Makarimi Muhammad Samsudin (1677-1703)
  • Sultan Kanoman, Pangeran Kartawijaya, dengan gelar Sultan Anom Abil Makarimi Muhammad Badrudin (1677-1723)
  • Pangeran Wangsakerta, sebagai Panembahan Cirebon dengan gelar Pangeran Abdul Kamil Muhammad Nasarudin atau Panembahan Tohpati (1677-1713).

Perubahan gelar dari Panembahan menjadi Sultan bagi dua putra tertua Pangeran Girilaya ini dilakukan oleh Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa, karena keduanya dilantik menjadi Sultan Cirebon di ibukota Banten. Sebagai sultan, mereka mempunyai wilayah kekuasaan penuh, rakyat, dan keraton masing-masing. Pangeran Wangsakerta tidak diangkat menjadi sultan melainkan hanya Panembahan. Ia tidak memiliki wilayah kekuasaan atau keraton sendiri, akan tetapi berdiri sebagai kaprabonan (paguron), yaitu tempat belajar para intelektual keraton. Dalam tradisi kesultanan di Cirebon, suksesi kekuasaan sejak tahun 1677 berlangsung sesuai dengan tradisi keraton, di mana seorang sultan akan menurunkan takhtanya kepada anak laki-laki tertua dari permaisurinya. Jika tidak ada, akan dicari cucu atau cicitnya. Jika terpaksa, maka orang lain yang dapat memangku jabatan itu sebagai pejabat sementara.

Perpecahan Cirebon II (1807)

Suksesi para sultan selanjutnya pada umumnya berjalan lancar, sampai pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Anom IV (1798-1803), dimana terjadi perpecahan karena salah seorang putranya, yaitu Pangeran Raja Kanoman, ingin memisahkan diri membangun kesultanan sendiri dengan nama Kesultanan Kacirebonan.

Kehendak Pangeran Raja Kanoman didukung oleh pemerintah Kolonial Belanda dengan keluarnya besluit (Bahasa Belanda: surat keputusan) Gubernur-Jendral Hindia Belanda yang mengangkat Pangeran Raja Kanoman menjadi Sultan Carbon Kacirebonan tahun 1807 dengan pembatasan bahwa putra dan para penggantinya tidak berhak atas gelar sultan, cukup dengan gelar pangeran. Sejak itu di Kesultanan Cirebon bertambah satu penguasa lagi, yaitu Kesultanan Kacirebonan, pecahan dari Kesultanan Kanoman. Sementara tahta Sultan Kanoman V jatuh pada putra Sultan Anom IV yang lain bernama Sultan Anom Abusoleh Imamuddin (1803-1811).

1906

Masa kolonial dan kemerdekaan

Sesudah kejadian tersebut, pemerintah Kolonial Belanda pun semakin dalam ikut campur dalam mengatur Cirebon, sehingga semakin surutlah peranan dari keraton-keraton Kesultanan Cirebon di wilayah-wilayah kekuasaannya. Puncaknya terjadi pada tahun-tahun 1906 dan 1926, dimana kekuasaan pemerintahan Kesultanan Cirebon secara resmi dihapuskan dengan disahkannya Gemeente Cheirebon (Kota Cirebon), yang mencakup luas 1.100 Hektar, dengan penduduk sekitar 20.000 jiwa (Stlb. 1906 No. 122 dan Stlb. 1926 No. 370). Tahun 1942, Kota Cirebon kembali diperluas menjadi 2.450 hektar.

Pada masa kemerdekaan, wilayah Kesultanan Cirebon menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Secara umum, wilayah Kesultanan Cirebon tercakup dalam Kota Cirebon dan Kabupaten Cirebon, yang secara administratif masing-masing dipimpin oleh pejabat pemerintah Indonesia yaitu walikota dan bupati.

Perkembangan terakhir

Setelah masa kemerdekaan Indonesia, Kesultanan Cirebon tidak lagi merupakan pusat dari pemerintahan dan pengembangan agama Islam. Meskipun demikian keraton-keraton yang ada tetap menjalankan perannya sebagai pusat kebudayaan masyarakat khususnya di wilayah Cirebon dan sekitarnya. Kesultanan Cirebon turut serta dalam berbagai upacara dan perayaan adat masyarakat dan telah beberapa kali ambil bagian dalam Festival Keraton Nusantara (FKN).

Umumnya, Keraton Kasepuhan sebagai istana Sultan Sepuh dianggap yang paling penting karena merupakan keraton tertua yang berdiri tahun 1529, sedangkan Keraton Kanoman sebagai istana Sultan Anom berdiri tahun 1622, dan yang terkemudian adalah Keraton Kacirebonan dan Keraton Kaprabonan.

Pada awal bulan Maret 2003, telah terjadi konflik internal di keraton Kanoman, antara Pangeran Raja Muhammad Emirudin dan Pangeran Elang Muhammad Saladin, untuk pengangkatan tahta Sultan Kanoman XII. Pelantikan kedua sultan ini diperkirakan menimbulkan perpecahan di kalangan kerabat keraton tersebut.

Kerajaan Islam di Maluku

Kerajaan Gapi atau yang kemudian lebih dikenal sebagai Kesultanan Ternate (mengikuti nama ibukotanya) adalah salah satu dari 4 kerajaan Islam di Maluku dan merupakan salah satu kerajaan Islam tertua di nusantara. Didirikan oleh Baab Mashur Malamo pada 1257. Kesultanan Ternate memiliki peran penting di kawasan timur nusantara antara abad ke-13 hingga abad ke-17. Kesultanan Ternate menikmati kegemilangan di paruh abad ke -16 berkat perdagangan rempah-rempah dan kekuatan militernya. Di masa jaya kekuasaannya membentang mencakup wilayah Maluku, Sulawesi utara, timur dan tengah, bagian selatan kepulauan Filipina hingga sejauh kepulauan Marshall di pasifik.

Asal Usul

Pulau Gapi (kini Ternate) mulai ramai di awal abad ke-13, penduduk Ternate awal merupakan warga eksodus dari Halmahera. Awalnya di Ternate terdapat 4 kampung yang masing – masing dikepalai oleh seorang momole (kepala marga), merekalah yang pertama – tama mengadakan hubungan dengan para pedagang yang datang dari segala penjuru mencari rempah – rempah. Penduduk Ternate semakin heterogen dengan bermukimnya pedagang Arab, Jawa, Melayu dan Tionghoa. Oleh karena aktivitas perdagangan yang semakin ramai ditambah ancaman yang sering datang dari para perompak maka atas prakarsa momole Guna pemimpin Tobona diadakan musyawarah untuk membentuk suatu organisasi yang lebih kuat dan mengangkat seorang pemimpin tunggal sebagai raja.

Tahun 1257 momole Ciko pemimpin Sampalu terpilih dan diangkat sebagai Kolano (raja) pertama dengan gelar Baab Mashur Malamo (1257-1272). Kerajaan Gapi berpusat di kampung Ternate, yang dalam perkembangan selanjutnya semakin besar dan ramai sehingga oleh penduduk disebut juga sebagai “Gam Lamo” atau kampung besar (belakangan orang menyebut Gam Lamo dengan Gamalama). Semakin besar dan populernya Kota Ternate, sehingga kemudian orang lebih suka mengatakan kerajaan Ternate daripada kerajaan Gapi. Di bawah pimpinan beberapa generasi penguasa berikutnya, Ternate berkembang dari sebuah kerajaan yang hanya berwilayahkan sebuah pulau kecil menjadi kerajaan yang berpengaruh dan terbesar di bagian timur Indonesia khususnya Maluku.

Organisasi kerajaan

Di masa – masa awal suku Ternate dipimpin oleh para momole. Setelah membentuk kerajaan jabatan pimpinan dipegang seorang raja yang disebut Kolano. Mulai pertengahan abad ke-15, Islam diadopsi secara total oleh kerajaan dan penerapan syariat Islam diberlakukan. Sultan Zainal Abidin meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan gelar Sultan. Para ulama menjadi figur penting dalam kerajaan.

Setelah Sultan sebagai pemimpin tertinggi, ada jabatan Jogugu (perdana menteri) dan Fala Raha sebagai para penasihat. Fala Raha atau Empat Rumah adalah empat klan bangsawan yang menjadi tulang punggung kesultanan sebagai representasi para momole di masa lalu, masing – masing dikepalai seorang Kimalaha. Mereka antara lain ; Marasaoli, Tomagola, Tomaito dan Tamadi. Pejabat – pejabat tinggi kesultanan umumnya berasal dari klan – klan ini. Bila seorang sultan tak memiliki pewaris maka penerusnya dipilih dari salah satu klan. Selanjutnya ada jabatan – jabatan lain Bobato Nyagimoi se Tufkange (Dewan 18), Sabua Raha, Kapita Lau, Salahakan, Sangaji dll. Untuk lebih jelasnya lihat Struktur organisasi kesultanan Ternate.

Moloku Kie Raha

Selain Ternate, di Maluku juga terdapat paling tidak 5 kerajaan lain yang memiliki pengaruh. Tidore, Jailolo, Bacan, Obi dan Loloda. Kerajaan – kerajaan ini merupakan saingan Ternate memperebutkan hegemoni di Maluku. Berkat perdagangan rempah Ternate menikmati pertumbuhan ekonomi yang mengesankan, dan untuk memperkuat hegemoninya di Maluku Ternate mulai melakukan ekspansi. Hal ini menimbulkan antipati dan memperbesar kecemburuan kerajaan lain di Maluku, mereka memandang Ternate sebagai musuh bersama hingga memicu terjadinya perang. Demi menghentikan konflik yang berlarut – larut, raja Ternate ke-7 Kolano Cili Aiya atau disebut juga Kolano Sida Arif Malamo (1322-1331) mengundang raja – raja Maluku yang lain untuk berdamai dan bermusyawarah membentuk persekutuan. Persekutuan ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Persekutan Moti atau Motir Verbond. Butir penting dari pertemuan ini selain terjalinnya persekutuan adalah penyeragaman bentuk kelembagaan kerajaan di Maluku. Oleh karena pertemuan ini dihadiri 4 raja Maluku yang terkuat maka disebut juga sebagai persekutuan Moloku Kie Raha (Empat Gunung Maluku).

Kedatangan Islam

Tak ada sumber yang jelas mengenai kapan awal kedatangan Islam di Maluku khususnya Ternate. Namun diperkirakan sejak awal berdirinya kerajaan Ternate masyarakat Ternate telah mengenal Islam mengingat banyaknya pedagang Arab yang telah bermukim di Ternate kala itu. Beberapa raja awal Ternate sudah menggunakan nama bernuansa Islam namun kepastian mereka maupun keluarga kerajaan memeluk Islam masih diperdebatkan. Hanya dapat dipastikan bahwa keluarga kerajaan Ternate resmi memeluk Islam pertengahan abad ke-15.

Kolano Marhum (1465-1486),

penguasa Ternate ke-18 adalah raja pertama yang diketahui memeluk Islam bersama seluruh kerabat dan pejabat istana. Pengganti Kolano Marhum adalah puteranya, Zainal Abidin (1486-1500). Beberapa langkah yang diambil Sultan Zainal Abidin adalah meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan Sultan, Islam diakui sebagai agama resmi kerajaan, syariat Islam diberlakukan, membentuk lembaga kerajaan sesuai hukum Islam dengan melibatkan para ulama. Langkah-langkahnya ini kemudian diikuti kerajaan lain di Maluku secara total, hampir tanpa perubahan. Ia juga mendirikan madrasah yang pertama di Ternate. Sultan Zainal Abidin pernah memperdalam ajaran Islam dengan berguru pada Sunan Giri di pulau Jawa, disana beliau dikenal sebagai “Sultan Bualawa” (Sultan Cengkih).

 

1500

Kedatangan Portugis dan perang saudara

Di masa pemerintahan Sultan Bayanullah (1500-1521), Ternate semakin berkembang, rakyatnya diwajibkan berpakaian secara islami, teknik pembuatan perahu dan senjata yang diperoleh dari orang Arab dan Turki digunakan untuk memperkuat pasukan Ternate. Di masa ini pula datang orang Eropa pertama di Maluku, Loedwijk de Bartomo (Ludovico Varthema) tahun 1506. Tahun 1512 Portugis untuk pertama kalinya menginjakkan kaki di Ternate dibawah pimpinan Fransisco Serrao, atas persetujuan Sultan, Portugis diizinkan mendirikan pos dagang di Ternate. Portugis datang bukan semata – mata untuk berdagang melainkan untuk menguasai perdagangan rempah – rempah Pala dan Cengkih di Maluku. Untuk itu terlebih dulu mereka harus menaklukkan Ternate. Sultan Bayanullah wafat meninggalkan pewaris – pewaris yang masih sangat belia. Janda sultan, permaisuri Nukila dan Pangeran Taruwese, adik almarhum sultan bertindak sebagai wali. Permaisuri Nukila yang asal Tidore bermaksud menyatukan Ternate dan Tidore dibawah satu mahkota yakni salah satu dari kedua puteranya, pangeran Hidayat (kelak Sultan Dayalu) dan pangeran Abu Hayat (kelak Sultan Abu Hayat II). Sementara pangeran Tarruwese menginginkan tahta bagi dirinya sendiri. Portugis memanfaatkan kesempatan ini dan mengadu domba keduanya hingga pecah perang saudara. Kubu permaisuri Nukila didukung Tidore sedangkan pangeran Taruwese didukung Portugis. Setelah meraih kemenangan pangeran Taruwese justru dikhianati dan dibunuh Portugis. Gubernur Portugis bertindak sebagai penasihat kerajaan dan dengan pengaruh yang dimiliki berhasil membujuk dewan kerajaan untuk mengangkat pangeran Tabariji sebagai sultan. Tetapi ketika Sultan Tabariji mulai menunjukkan sikap bermusuhan, ia difitnah dan dibuang ke Goa – India.

Disana ia dipaksa Portugis untuk menandatangani perjanjian menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan Kristen dan vasal kerajaan Portugis, namun perjanjian itu ditolak mentah-mentah Sultan Khairun (1534-1570).

 

 

Kesultanan Bacan

1521

Kesultanan Bacan adalah suatu kerajaan yang berpusat di Pulau Bacan, Kepulauan Maluku. Raja Bacan pertama yang memeluk Islam adalah Raja Zainulabidin yang bersyahadat pada tahun 1521. Meski berada di Maluku, wilayahnya cukup luas hingga ke wilayah Papua. Banyak kepala suku di wilayah Waigeo, Misool dan beberapa daerah lain yang berada di bawah administrasi pemerintahan kerajaan Bacan.

 

1569.

In 1569 a single ship, commanded by Lopez Carrasco, passing near Achin, fell in with a fleet coming out of that port, consisting of twenty large galleys and a hundred and eighty other vessels, commanded by the king in person, and supposed to be designed against Malacca.

The situation of the Portuguese was desperate. They could not expect to escape, and therefore resolved to die like men. During three days they sustained a continual attack, when, after having by incredible exertions destroyed forty of the enemy’s vessels, and being themselves reduced to the state of a wreck, a second ship appeared in sight. The king perceiving this retired into the harbour with his shattered forces.

It is difficult to determine which of the two is the more astonishing, the vigorous stand made by such a handful of men as the whole strength of Malacca consisted of, or the prodigious resources and perseverance of the Achinese monarch.

1570

Pengusiran Portugis

Perlakuan Portugis terhadap saudara – saudaranya membuat Sultan Khairun geram dan bertekad mengusir Portugis dari Maluku. Tindak – tanduk bangsa barat yang satu ini juga menimbulkan kemarahan rakyat yang akhirnya berdiri di belakang sultan Khairun. Sejak masa sultan Bayanullah, Ternate telah menjadi salah satu dari tiga kesultanan terkuat dan pusat Islam utama di Nusantara abad ke-16 selain Aceh dan Demak setelah kejatuhan kesultanan Malaka tahun 1511. Ketiganya membentuk Tripple Alliance untuk membendung sepak terjang Portugis di Nusantara.

 

1570

Tak ingin menjadi Malaka kedua, sultan Khairun mengobarkan perang pengusiran Portugis. Kedudukan Portugis kala itu sudah sangat kuat, selain memiliki benteng dan kantong kekuatan di seluruh Maluku mereka juga memiliki sekutu – sekutu suku pribumi yang bisa dikerahkan untuk menghadang Ternate. Dengan adanya Aceh dan Demak yang terus mengancam kedudukan Portugis di Malaka,

Portugis di Maluku kesulitan mendapat bala bantuan hingga terpaksa memohon damai kepada sultan Khairun.

Secara licik Gubernur Portugis, Lopez de Mesquita mengundang Sultan Khairun ke meja perundingan dan akhirnya dengan kejam membunuh Sultan yang datang tanpa pengawalnya.

Pembunuhan Sultan Khairun semakin mendorong rakyat Ternate untuk menyingkirkan Portugis, bahkan seluruh Maluku kini mendukung kepemimpinan dan perjuangan Sultan Baabullah (1570-1583), pos-pos Portugis di seluruh Maluku dan wilayah timur Indonesia digempur, setelah peperangan selama 5 tahun, akhirnya Portugis meninggalkan Maluku untuk selamanya tahun 1575. Kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini merupakan kemenangan pertama putera-putera nusantara atas kekuatan barat.

Dibawah pimpinan Sultan Baabullah, Ternate mencapai puncak kejayaan, wilayah membentang dari Sulawesi Utara dan Tengah di bagian barat hingga kepulauan Marshall dibagian timur, dari Philipina (Selatan) dibagian utara hingga kepulauan Nusa Tenggara dibagian selatan. Sultan Baabullah dijuluki “penguasa 72 pulau” yang semuanya berpenghuni (sejarawan Belanda, Valentijn menuturkan secara rinci nama-nama ke-72 pulau tersebut) hingga menjadikan kesultanan Ternate sebagai kerajaan islam terbesar di Indonesia timur, disamping Aceh dan Demak yang menguasai wilayah barat dan tengah nusantara kala itu. Periode keemasaan tiga kesultanan ini selama abad 14 dan 15 entah sengaja atau tidak dikesampingkan dalam sejarah bangsa ini padahal mereka adalah pilar pertama yang membendung kolonialisme barat.

 

1580

Kedatangan Belanda

Sepeninggal Sultan Baabullah Ternate mulai melemah, Spanyol yang telah bersatu dengan Portugis tahun 1580 mencoba menguasai kembali Maluku dengan menyerang Ternate. Dengan kekuatan baru Spanyol memperkuat kedudukannya di Filipina, Ternate pun menjalin aliansi dengan Mindanao untuk menghalau Spanyol namun gagal bahkan sultan Said Barakati berhasil ditawan Spanyol dan dibuang ke Manila. Kekalahan demi kekalahan yang diderita memaksa Ternate meminta bantuan Belanda tahun 1603. Ternate akhirnya sukses menahan Spanyol namun dengan imbalan yang amat mahal. Belanda akhirnya secara perlahan-lahan menguasai Ternate, tanggal 26 Juni 1607 Sultan Ternate menandatangani kontrak monopoli VOC di Maluku sebagai imbalan bantuan Belanda melawan Spanyol. Di tahun 1607 pula Belanda membangun benteng Oranje di Ternate yang merupakan benteng pertama mereka di nusantara.

Sejak awal hubungan yang tidak sehat dan tidak seimbang antara Belanda dan Ternate menimbulkan ketidakpuasan para penguasa dan bangsawan Ternate. Diantaranya adalah pangeran Hidayat (15?? – 1624), Raja muda Ambon yang juga merupakan mantan wali raja Ternate ini memimpin oposisi yang menentang kedudukan sultan dan Belanda. Ia mengabaikan perjanjian monopoli dagang Belanda dengan menjual rempah – rempah kepada pedagang Jawa dan Makassar.

Perlawanan rakyat Maluku dan kejatuhan Ternate

Semakin lama cengkeraman dan pengaruh Belanda pada sultan – sultan Ternate semakin kuat, Belanda dengan leluasa mengeluarkan peraturan yang merugikan rakyat lewat perintah sultan, sikap Belanda yang kurang ajar dan sikap sultan yang cenderung manut menimbulkan kekecewaan semua kalangan. Sepanjang abad ke-17, setidaknya ada 4 pemberontakan yang dikobarkan bangsawan Ternate dan rakyat Maluku.

  • Tahun 1635, demi memudahkan pengawasan dan mengatrol harga rempah yang merosot Belanda memutuskan melakukan penebangan besar – besaran pohon cengkeh dan pala di seluruh Maluku atau yang lebih dikenal sebagai Hongi Tochten, akibatnya rakyat mengobarkan perlawanan. Tahun 1641, dipimpin oleh raja muda Ambon Salahakan Luhu, puluhan ribu pasukan gabungan Ternate – Hitu – Makassar menggempur berbagai kedudukan Belanda di Maluku Tengah. Salahakan Luhu kemudian berhasil ditangkap dan dieksekusi mati bersama seluruh keluarganya tanggal 16 Juni 1643. Perjuangan lalu dilanjutkan oleh saudara ipar Luhu, kapita Hitu Kakiali dan Tolukabessi hingga 1646.
  • Tahun 1650, para bangsawan Ternate mengobarkan perlawanan di Ternate dan Ambon, pemberontakan ini dipicu sikap Sultan Mandarsyah (1648-1650,1655-1675) yang terlampau akrab dan dianggap cenderung menuruti kemauan Belanda. Para bangsawan berkomplot untuk menurunkan Mandarsyah. Tiga diantara pemberontak yang utama adalah trio pangeran Saidi, Majira dan Kalumata. Pangeran Saidi adalah seorang Kapita Laut atau panglima tertinggi pasukan Ternate, pangeran Majira adalah raja muda Ambon sementara pangeran Kalumata adalah adik sultan Mandarsyah. Saidi dan Majira memimpin pemberontakan di Maluku tengah sementara pangeran Kalumata bergabung dengan raja Gowa sultan Hasanuddin di Makassar. Mereka bahkan sempat berhasil menurunkan sultan Mandarsyah dari tahta dan mengangkat Sultan Manilha (1650–1655) namun berkat bantuan Belanda kedudukan Mandarsyah kembali dipulihkan. Setelah 5 tahun pemberontakan Saidi cs berhasil dipadamkan. Pangeran Saidi disiksa secara kejam hingga mati sementara pangeran Majira dan Kalumata menerima pengampunan Sultan dan hidup dalam pengasingan.
  • Sultan Muhammad Nurul Islam atau yang lebih dikenal dengan nama Sultan Sibori (1675 – 1691) merasa gerah dengan tindak – tanduk Belanda yang semena – mena. Ia kemudian menjalin persekutuan dengan Datuk Abdulrahman penguasa Mindanao, namun upayanya untuk menggalang kekuatan kurang maksimal karena daerah – daerah strategis yang bisa diandalkan untuk basis perlawanan terlanjur jatuh ke tangan Belanda oleh berbagai perjanjian yang dibuat para pendahulunya. Ia kalah dan terpaksa menyingkir ke Jailolo. Tanggal 7 Juli 1683 Sultan Sibori terpaksa menandatangani perjanjian yang intinya menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan vazal Belanda. Perjanjian ini mengakhiri masa Ternate sebagai negara berdaulat.

Meski telah kehilangan kekuasaan mereka beberapa Sultan Ternate berikutnya tetap berjuang mengeluarkan Ternate dari cengkeraman Belanda. Dengan kemampuan yang terbatas karena selalu diawasi mereka hanya mampu menyokong perjuangan rakyatnya secara diam – diam. Yang terakhir tahun 1914 Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah (1896-1927) menggerakkan perlawanan rakyat di wilayah – wilayah kekuasaannya, bermula di wilayah Banggai dibawah pimpinan Hairuddin Tomagola namun gagal. Di Jailolo rakyat Tudowongi, Tuwada dan Kao dibawah pimpinan Kapita Banau berhasil menimbulkan kerugian di pihak Belanda, banyak prajurit Belanda yang tewas termasuk Coentroleur Belanda Agerbeek, markas mereka diobrak – abrik. Akan tetapi karena keunggulan militer serta persenjataan yang lebih lengkap dimiliki Belanda perlawanan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan, kapita Banau ditangkap dan dijatuhi hukuman gantung. Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah terbukti terlibat dalam pemberontakan ini oleh karenanya berdasarkan keputusan pemerintah Hindia Belanda, tanggal 23 September 1915 no. 47, sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah dicopot dari jabatan sultan dan seluruh hartanya disita, beliau dibuang ke Bandung tahun 1915 dan meninggal disana tahun 1927. Pasca penurunan sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah jabatan sultan sempat lowong selama 14 tahun dan pemerintahan adat dijalankan oleh Jogugu serta dewan kesultanan. Sempat muncul keinginan pemerintah Hindia Belanda untuk menghapus kesultanan Ternate namun niat itu urung dilaksanakan karena khawatir akan reaksi keras yang bisa memicu pemberontakan baru sementara Ternate berada jauh dari pusat pemerintahan Belanda di Batavia.

Dalam usianya yang kini memasuki usia ke-750 tahun, Kesultanan Ternate masih tetap bertahan meskipun hanya tinggal simbol belaka. Jabatan sultan sebagai pemimpin Ternate ke-49 kini dipegang oleh sultan Drs. Hi. Mudhaffar Sjah, BcHk. (Mudaffar II) yang dinobatkan tahun 1986.

Warisan Ternate

Imperium nusantara timur yang dipimpin Ternate memang telah runtuh sejak pertengahan abad ke-17 namun pengaruh Ternate sebagai kerajaan dengan sejarah yang panjang masih terus terasa hingga berabad kemudian. Ternate memiliki andil yang sangat besar dalam kebudayaan nusantara bagian timur khususnya Sulawesi (utara dan pesisir timur) dan Maluku. Pengaruh itu mencakup agama, adat istiadat dan bahasa.

Sebagai kerajaan pertama yang memeluk Islam Ternate memiliki peran yang besar dalam upaya pengislaman dan pengenalan syariat-syariat Islam di wilayah timur nusantara dan bagian selatan Filipina. Bentuk organisasi kesultanan serta penerapan syariat Islam yang diperkenalkan pertama kali oleh sultan Zainal Abidin menjadi standar yang diikuti semua kerajaan di Maluku hampir tanpa perubahan yang berarti. Keberhasilan rakyat Ternate dibawah sultan Baabullah dalam mengusir Portugis tahun 1575 merupakan kemenangan pertama pribumi nusantara atas kekuatan barat, oleh karenanya almarhum Buya Hamka bahkan memuji kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini telah menunda penjajahan barat atas bumi nusantara selama 100 tahun sekaligus memperkokoh kedudukan Islam, dan sekiranya rakyat Ternate gagal niscaya wilayah timur Indonesia akan menjadi pusat kristen seperti halnya Filipina.

Kedudukan Ternate sebagai kerajaan yang berpengaruh turut pula mengangkat derajat Bahasa Ternate sebagai bahasa pergaulan di berbagai wilayah yang berada dibawah pengaruhnya. Prof E.K.W. Masinambow dalam tulisannya; “Bahasa Ternate dalam konteks bahasa – bahasa Austronesia dan Non Austronesia” mengemukakan bahwa bahasa Ternate memiliki dampak terbesar terhadap bahasa Melayu yang digunakan masyarakat timur Indonesia. Sebanyak 46% kosakata bahasa Melayu di Manado diambil dari bahasa Ternate. Bahasa Melayu – Ternate ini kini digunakan luas di Indonesia Timur terutama Sulawesi Utara, pesisir timur Sulawesi Tengah dan Selatan, Maluku dan Papua dengan dialek yang berbeda – beda. Dua naskah Melayu tertua di dunia adalah naskah surat sultan Ternate Abu Hayat II kepada Raja Portugal tanggal 27 April dan 8 November 1521 yang saat ini masih tersimpan di museum Lisabon – Portugal.

 

 

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1547.

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556.

The death of Ala-eddin took place, according to the Annals, in 1556, after a reign of twenty-eight years.

1565.

He was succeeded by sultan Hussein­shah, who reigned about eight, and dying in 1565 was succeeded by his son, an infant. This child survived only seven months; and in the same year the throne was occupied by Raja Firman-shah, who was murdered soon after.

1567.

His successor, Raja Janil, experienced a similar fate when he had reigned ten months. This event is placed in 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, from the kingdom of Perak in the peninsula, was the next who ascended the throne.

1567.

The western powers of India having formed a league for the purpose of extirpating the Portuguese, the king of Achin was invited to accede to it, and, in conformity with the engagements by which the respective parties were bound, he prepared to attack them in Malacca, and carried thither a numerous fleet, in which were fifteen thousand people of his own subjects, and four hundred Turks, with two hundred pieces of artillery of different sizes. In order to amuse the enemy he gave out that his force was destined against Java, and sent a letter, accompanied with a present of a kris, to the governor, professing strong sentiments of friendship. A person whom he turned on shore with marks of ignominy, being suspected for a spy, was taken up, and being put to the torture confessed that he was employed by the Ottoman emperor and king of Achin to poison the principal officers of the place, and to set fire to their magazine. He was put to death, and his mutilated carcase was sent off to the king. This was the signal for hostilities. He immediately landed with all his men and commenced a regular siege. Sallies were made with various success and very unequal numbers. In one of these the chief of Aru, the king’s eldest son, was killed. In another the Portuguese were defeated and lost many officers. A variety of stratagems were employed to work upon the fears and shake the fidelity of the inhabitants of the town. A general assault was given in which, after prodigious efforts of courage, and imminent risk of destruction, the besieged remained victorious. The king, seeing all his attempts fruitless, at length departed, having lost three thousand men before the walls, beside about five hundred who were said to have died of their wounds on the passage. The king of Ujong-tanah or Johor, who arrived with a fleet to the assistance of the place, found the sea for a long distance covered with dead bodies. This was esteemed one of the most desperate and honourable sieges the Portuguese experienced in India, their whole force consisting of but fifteen hundred men, of whom no more than two hundred were Europeans.

1568.

In the following year a vessel from Achin bound to Java, with ambassadors on board to the queen of Japara, in whom the king wished to raise up a new enemy against the Portuguese, was met in the straits by a vessel from Malacca, who took her and put all the people to the sword. It appears to have been a maxim in these wars never to give quarter to an enemy, whether resisting or submitting.

1568

 

Fatahillah (1568-1570)

Kekosongan pemegang kekuasaan itu kemudian diisi dengan mengukuhkan pejabat keraton yang selama Sunan Gunung Jati melaksanakan tugas dakwah, pemerintahan dijabat oleh Fatahillah atau Fadillah Khan.

Fatahillah kemudian naik takhta, dan memerintah Cirebon secara resmi menjadi raja sejak tahun 1568. Fatahillah menduduki takhta kerajaan Cirebon hanya berlangsung dua tahun karena ia meninggal dunia pada tahun 1570, dua tahun setelah Sunan Gunung Jati wafat dan dimakamkan berdampingan dengan makam Sunan Gunung Jati di Gedung Jinem Astana Gunung Sembung.

Panembahan Ratu I (1570-1649)

Sepeninggal Fatahillah, oleh karena tidak ada calon lain yang layak menjadi raja, takhta kerajaan jatuh kepada cucu Sunan Gunung Jati yaitu Pangeran Emas putra tertua Pangeran Dipati Carbon atau cicit Sunan Gunung Jati. Pangeran Emas kemudian bergelar Panembahan Ratu I dan memerintah Cirebon selama kurang lebih 79 tahun.

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Kerajaan Islam di Maluku

Kerajaan Gapi atau yang kemudian lebih dikenal sebagai Kesultanan Ternate (mengikuti nama ibukotanya) adalah salah satu dari 4 kerajaan Islam di Maluku dan merupakan salah satu kerajaan Islam tertua di nusantara. Didirikan oleh Baab Mashur Malamo pada 1257. Kesultanan Ternate memiliki peran penting di kawasan timur nusantara antara abad ke-13 hingga abad ke-17. Kesultanan Ternate menikmati kegemilangan di paruh abad ke -16 berkat perdagangan rempah-rempah dan kekuatan militernya. Di masa jaya kekuasaannya membentang mencakup wilayah Maluku, Sulawesi utara, timur dan tengah, bagian selatan kepulauan Filipina hingga sejauh kepulauan Marshall di pasifik.

Asal Usul

Pulau Gapi (kini Ternate) mulai ramai di awal abad ke-13, penduduk Ternate awal merupakan warga eksodus dari Halmahera. Awalnya di Ternate terdapat 4 kampung yang masing – masing dikepalai oleh seorang momole (kepala marga), merekalah yang pertama – tama mengadakan hubungan dengan para pedagang yang datang dari segala penjuru mencari rempah – rempah. Penduduk Ternate semakin heterogen dengan bermukimnya pedagang Arab, Jawa, Melayu dan Tionghoa. Oleh karena aktivitas perdagangan yang semakin ramai ditambah ancaman yang sering datang dari para perompak maka atas prakarsa momole Guna pemimpin Tobona diadakan musyawarah untuk membentuk suatu organisasi yang lebih kuat dan mengangkat seorang pemimpin tunggal sebagai raja.

Tahun 1257 momole Ciko pemimpin Sampalu terpilih dan diangkat sebagai Kolano (raja) pertama dengan gelar Baab Mashur Malamo (1257-1272). Kerajaan Gapi berpusat di kampung Ternate, yang dalam perkembangan selanjutnya semakin besar dan ramai sehingga oleh penduduk disebut juga sebagai “Gam Lamo” atau kampung besar (belakangan orang menyebut Gam Lamo dengan Gamalama). Semakin besar dan populernya Kota Ternate, sehingga kemudian orang lebih suka mengatakan kerajaan Ternate daripada kerajaan Gapi. Di bawah pimpinan beberapa generasi penguasa berikutnya, Ternate berkembang dari sebuah kerajaan yang hanya berwilayahkan sebuah pulau kecil menjadi kerajaan yang berpengaruh dan terbesar di bagian timur Indonesia khususnya Maluku.

Organisasi kerajaan

Di masa – masa awal suku Ternate dipimpin oleh para momole. Setelah membentuk kerajaan jabatan pimpinan dipegang seorang raja yang disebut Kolano. Mulai pertengahan abad ke-15, Islam diadopsi secara total oleh kerajaan dan penerapan syariat Islam diberlakukan. Sultan Zainal Abidin meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan gelar Sultan. Para ulama menjadi figur penting dalam kerajaan.

Setelah Sultan sebagai pemimpin tertinggi, ada jabatan Jogugu (perdana menteri) dan Fala Raha sebagai para penasihat. Fala Raha atau Empat Rumah adalah empat klan bangsawan yang menjadi tulang punggung kesultanan sebagai representasi para momole di masa lalu, masing – masing dikepalai seorang Kimalaha. Mereka antara lain ; Marasaoli, Tomagola, Tomaito dan Tamadi. Pejabat – pejabat tinggi kesultanan umumnya berasal dari klan – klan ini. Bila seorang sultan tak memiliki pewaris maka penerusnya dipilih dari salah satu klan. Selanjutnya ada jabatan – jabatan lain Bobato Nyagimoi se Tufkange (Dewan 18), Sabua Raha, Kapita Lau, Salahakan, Sangaji dll. Untuk lebih jelasnya lihat Struktur organisasi kesultanan Ternate.

Moloku Kie Raha

Selain Ternate, di Maluku juga terdapat paling tidak 5 kerajaan lain yang memiliki pengaruh. Tidore, Jailolo, Bacan, Obi dan Loloda. Kerajaan – kerajaan ini merupakan saingan Ternate memperebutkan hegemoni di Maluku. Berkat perdagangan rempah Ternate menikmati pertumbuhan ekonomi yang mengesankan, dan untuk memperkuat hegemoninya di Maluku Ternate mulai melakukan ekspansi. Hal ini menimbulkan antipati dan memperbesar kecemburuan kerajaan lain di Maluku, mereka memandang Ternate sebagai musuh bersama hingga memicu terjadinya perang. Demi menghentikan konflik yang berlarut – larut, raja Ternate ke-7 Kolano Cili Aiya atau disebut juga Kolano Sida Arif Malamo (1322-1331) mengundang raja – raja Maluku yang lain untuk berdamai dan bermusyawarah membentuk persekutuan. Persekutuan ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Persekutan Moti atau Motir Verbond. Butir penting dari pertemuan ini selain terjalinnya persekutuan adalah penyeragaman bentuk kelembagaan kerajaan di Maluku. Oleh karena pertemuan ini dihadiri 4 raja Maluku yang terkuat maka disebut juga sebagai persekutuan Moloku Kie Raha (Empat Gunung Maluku).

Kedatangan Islam

Tak ada sumber yang jelas mengenai kapan awal kedatangan Islam di Maluku khususnya Ternate. Namun diperkirakan sejak awal berdirinya kerajaan Ternate masyarakat Ternate telah mengenal Islam mengingat banyaknya pedagang Arab yang telah bermukim di Ternate kala itu. Beberapa raja awal Ternate sudah menggunakan nama bernuansa Islam namun kepastian mereka maupun keluarga kerajaan memeluk Islam masih diperdebatkan. Hanya dapat dipastikan bahwa keluarga kerajaan Ternate resmi memeluk Islam pertengahan abad ke-15.

Kolano Marhum (1465-1486),

penguasa Ternate ke-18 adalah raja pertama yang diketahui memeluk Islam bersama seluruh kerabat dan pejabat istana. Pengganti Kolano Marhum adalah puteranya, Zainal Abidin (1486-1500). Beberapa langkah yang diambil Sultan Zainal Abidin adalah meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan Sultan, Islam diakui sebagai agama resmi kerajaan, syariat Islam diberlakukan, membentuk lembaga kerajaan sesuai hukum Islam dengan melibatkan para ulama. Langkah-langkahnya ini kemudian diikuti kerajaan lain di Maluku secara total, hampir tanpa perubahan. Ia juga mendirikan madrasah yang pertama di Ternate. Sultan Zainal Abidin pernah memperdalam ajaran Islam dengan berguru pada Sunan Giri di pulau Jawa, disana beliau dikenal sebagai “Sultan Bualawa” (Sultan Cengkih).

 

.

 

1569.

In 1569 a single ship, commanded by Lopez Carrasco, passing near Achin, fell in with a fleet coming out of that port, consisting of twenty large galleys and a hundred and eighty other vessels, commanded by the king in person, and supposed to be designed against Malacca.

The situation of the Portuguese was desperate. They could not expect to escape, and therefore resolved to die like men. During three days they sustained a continual attack, when, after having by incredible exertions destroyed forty of the enemy’s vessels, and being themselves reduced to the state of a wreck, a second ship appeared in sight. The king perceiving this retired into the harbour with his shattered forces.

It is difficult to determine which of the two is the more astonishing, the vigorous stand made by such a handful of men as the whole strength of Malacca consisted of, or the prodigious resources and perseverance of the Achinese monarch.

1570

Pengusiran Portugis

Perlakuan Portugis terhadap saudara – saudaranya membuat Sultan Khairun geram dan bertekad mengusir Portugis dari Maluku. Tindak – tanduk bangsa barat yang satu ini juga menimbulkan kemarahan rakyat yang akhirnya berdiri di belakang sultan Khairun. Sejak masa sultan Bayanullah, Ternate telah menjadi salah satu dari tiga kesultanan terkuat dan pusat Islam utama di Nusantara abad ke-16 selain Aceh dan Demak setelah kejatuhan kesultanan Malaka tahun 1511. Ketiganya membentuk Tripple Alliance untuk membendung sepak terjang Portugis di Nusantara.

 

1570

Tak ingin menjadi Malaka kedua, sultan Khairun mengobarkan perang pengusiran Portugis. Kedudukan Portugis kala itu sudah sangat kuat, selain memiliki benteng dan kantong kekuatan di seluruh Maluku mereka juga memiliki sekutu – sekutu suku pribumi yang bisa dikerahkan untuk menghadang Ternate. Dengan adanya Aceh dan Demak yang terus mengancam kedudukan Portugis di Malaka,

Portugis di Maluku kesulitan mendapat bala bantuan hingga terpaksa memohon damai kepada sultan Khairun.

Secara licik Gubernur Portugis, Lopez de Mesquita mengundang Sultan Khairun ke meja perundingan dan akhirnya dengan kejam membunuh Sultan yang datang tanpa pengawalnya.

Pembunuhan Sultan Khairun semakin mendorong rakyat Ternate untuk menyingkirkan Portugis, bahkan seluruh Maluku kini mendukung kepemimpinan dan perjuangan Sultan Baabullah (1570-1583), pos-pos Portugis di seluruh Maluku dan wilayah timur Indonesia digempur, setelah peperangan selama 5 tahun, akhirnya Portugis meninggalkan Maluku untuk selamanya tahun 1575. Kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini merupakan kemenangan pertama putera-putera nusantara atas kekuatan barat.

Dibawah pimpinan Sultan Baabullah, Ternate mencapai puncak kejayaan, wilayah membentang dari Sulawesi Utara dan Tengah di bagian barat hingga kepulauan Marshall dibagian timur, dari Philipina (Selatan) dibagian utara hingga kepulauan Nusa Tenggara dibagian selatan. Sultan Baabullah dijuluki “penguasa 72 pulau” yang semuanya berpenghuni (sejarawan Belanda, Valentijn menuturkan secara rinci nama-nama ke-72 pulau tersebut) hingga menjadikan kesultanan Ternate sebagai kerajaan islam terbesar di Indonesia timur, disamping Aceh dan Demak yang menguasai wilayah barat dan tengah nusantara kala itu. Periode keemasaan tiga kesultanan ini selama abad 14 dan 15 entah sengaja atau tidak dikesampingkan dalam sejarah bangsa ini padahal mereka adalah pilar pertama yang membendung kolonialisme barat.

 

1580

Kedatangan Belanda

Sepeninggal Sultan Baabullah Ternate mulai melemah, Spanyol yang telah bersatu dengan Portugis tahun 1580 mencoba menguasai kembali Maluku dengan menyerang Ternate. Dengan kekuatan baru Spanyol memperkuat kedudukannya di Filipina, Ternate pun menjalin aliansi dengan Mindanao untuk menghalau Spanyol namun gagal bahkan sultan Said Barakati berhasil ditawan Spanyol dan dibuang ke Manila. Kekalahan demi kekalahan yang diderita memaksa Ternate meminta bantuan Belanda tahun 1603. Ternate akhirnya sukses menahan Spanyol namun dengan imbalan yang amat mahal. Belanda akhirnya secara perlahan-lahan menguasai Ternate, tanggal 26 Juni 1607 Sultan Ternate menandatangani kontrak monopoli VOC di Maluku sebagai imbalan bantuan Belanda melawan Spanyol. Di tahun 1607 pula Belanda membangun benteng Oranje di Ternate yang merupakan benteng pertama mereka di nusantara.

Sejak awal hubungan yang tidak sehat dan tidak seimbang antara Belanda dan Ternate menimbulkan ketidakpuasan para penguasa dan bangsawan Ternate. Diantaranya adalah pangeran Hidayat (15?? – 1624), Raja muda Ambon yang juga merupakan mantan wali raja Ternate ini memimpin oposisi yang menentang kedudukan sultan dan Belanda. Ia mengabaikan perjanjian monopoli dagang Belanda dengan menjual rempah – rempah kepada pedagang Jawa dan Makassar.

Perlawanan rakyat Maluku dan kejatuhan Ternate

Semakin lama cengkeraman dan pengaruh Belanda pada sultan – sultan Ternate semakin kuat, Belanda dengan leluasa mengeluarkan peraturan yang merugikan rakyat lewat perintah sultan, sikap Belanda yang kurang ajar dan sikap sultan yang cenderung manut menimbulkan kekecewaan semua kalangan. Sepanjang abad ke-17, setidaknya ada 4 pemberontakan yang dikobarkan bangsawan Ternate dan rakyat Maluku.

  • Tahun 1635, demi memudahkan pengawasan dan mengatrol harga rempah yang merosot Belanda memutuskan melakukan penebangan besar – besaran pohon cengkeh dan pala di seluruh Maluku atau yang lebih dikenal sebagai Hongi Tochten, akibatnya rakyat mengobarkan perlawanan. Tahun 1641, dipimpin oleh raja muda Ambon Salahakan Luhu, puluhan ribu pasukan gabungan Ternate – Hitu – Makassar menggempur berbagai kedudukan Belanda di Maluku Tengah. Salahakan Luhu kemudian berhasil ditangkap dan dieksekusi mati bersama seluruh keluarganya tanggal 16 Juni 1643. Perjuangan lalu dilanjutkan oleh saudara ipar Luhu, kapita Hitu Kakiali dan Tolukabessi hingga 1646.
  • Tahun 1650, para bangsawan Ternate mengobarkan perlawanan di Ternate dan Ambon, pemberontakan ini dipicu sikap Sultan Mandarsyah (1648-1650,1655-1675) yang terlampau akrab dan dianggap cenderung menuruti kemauan Belanda. Para bangsawan berkomplot untuk menurunkan Mandarsyah. Tiga diantara pemberontak yang utama adalah trio pangeran Saidi, Majira dan Kalumata. Pangeran Saidi adalah seorang Kapita Laut atau panglima tertinggi pasukan Ternate, pangeran Majira adalah raja muda Ambon sementara pangeran Kalumata adalah adik sultan Mandarsyah. Saidi dan Majira memimpin pemberontakan di Maluku tengah sementara pangeran Kalumata bergabung dengan raja Gowa sultan Hasanuddin di Makassar. Mereka bahkan sempat berhasil menurunkan sultan Mandarsyah dari tahta dan mengangkat Sultan Manilha (1650–1655) namun berkat bantuan Belanda kedudukan Mandarsyah kembali dipulihkan. Setelah 5 tahun pemberontakan Saidi cs berhasil dipadamkan. Pangeran Saidi disiksa secara kejam hingga mati sementara pangeran Majira dan Kalumata menerima pengampunan Sultan dan hidup dalam pengasingan.
  • Sultan Muhammad Nurul Islam atau yang lebih dikenal dengan nama Sultan Sibori (1675 – 1691) merasa gerah dengan tindak – tanduk Belanda yang semena – mena. Ia kemudian menjalin persekutuan dengan Datuk Abdulrahman penguasa Mindanao, namun upayanya untuk menggalang kekuatan kurang maksimal karena daerah – daerah strategis yang bisa diandalkan untuk basis perlawanan terlanjur jatuh ke tangan Belanda oleh berbagai perjanjian yang dibuat para pendahulunya. Ia kalah dan terpaksa menyingkir ke Jailolo. Tanggal 7 Juli 1683 Sultan Sibori terpaksa menandatangani perjanjian yang intinya menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan vazal Belanda. Perjanjian ini mengakhiri masa Ternate sebagai negara berdaulat.

Meski telah kehilangan kekuasaan mereka beberapa Sultan Ternate berikutnya tetap berjuang mengeluarkan Ternate dari cengkeraman Belanda. Dengan kemampuan yang terbatas karena selalu diawasi mereka hanya mampu menyokong perjuangan rakyatnya secara diam – diam. Yang terakhir tahun 1914 Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah (1896-1927) menggerakkan perlawanan rakyat di wilayah – wilayah kekuasaannya, bermula di wilayah Banggai dibawah pimpinan Hairuddin Tomagola namun gagal. Di Jailolo rakyat Tudowongi, Tuwada dan Kao dibawah pimpinan Kapita Banau berhasil menimbulkan kerugian di pihak Belanda, banyak prajurit Belanda yang tewas termasuk Coentroleur Belanda Agerbeek, markas mereka diobrak – abrik. Akan tetapi karena keunggulan militer serta persenjataan yang lebih lengkap dimiliki Belanda perlawanan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan, kapita Banau ditangkap dan dijatuhi hukuman gantung. Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah terbukti terlibat dalam pemberontakan ini oleh karenanya berdasarkan keputusan pemerintah Hindia Belanda, tanggal 23 September 1915 no. 47, sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah dicopot dari jabatan sultan dan seluruh hartanya disita, beliau dibuang ke Bandung tahun 1915 dan meninggal disana tahun 1927. Pasca penurunan sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah jabatan sultan sempat lowong selama 14 tahun dan pemerintahan adat dijalankan oleh Jogugu serta dewan kesultanan. Sempat muncul keinginan pemerintah Hindia Belanda untuk menghapus kesultanan Ternate namun niat itu urung dilaksanakan karena khawatir akan reaksi keras yang bisa memicu pemberontakan baru sementara Ternate berada jauh dari pusat pemerintahan Belanda di Batavia.

Dalam usianya yang kini memasuki usia ke-750 tahun, Kesultanan Ternate masih tetap bertahan meskipun hanya tinggal simbol belaka. Jabatan sultan sebagai pemimpin Ternate ke-49 kini dipegang oleh sultan Drs. Hi. Mudhaffar Sjah, BcHk. (Mudaffar II) yang dinobatkan tahun 1986

 

Warisan Ternate

Imperium nusantara timur yang dipimpin Ternate memang telah runtuh sejak pertengahan abad ke-17 namun pengaruh Ternate sebagai kerajaan dengan sejarah yang panjang masih terus terasa hingga berabad kemudian. Ternate memiliki andil yang sangat besar dalam kebudayaan nusantara bagian timur khususnya Sulawesi (utara dan pesisir timur) dan Maluku. Pengaruh itu mencakup agama, adat istiadat dan bahasa.

Sebagai kerajaan pertama yang memeluk Islam Ternate memiliki peran yang besar dalam upaya pengislaman dan pengenalan syariat-syariat Islam di wilayah timur nusantara dan bagian selatan Filipina. Bentuk organisasi kesultanan serta penerapan syariat Islam yang diperkenalkan pertama kali oleh sultan Zainal Abidin menjadi standar yang diikuti semua kerajaan di Maluku hampir tanpa perubahan yang berarti. Keberhasilan rakyat Ternate dibawah sultan Baabullah dalam mengusir Portugis tahun 1575 merupakan kemenangan pertama pribumi nusantara atas kekuatan barat, oleh karenanya almarhum Buya Hamka bahkan memuji kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini telah menunda penjajahan barat atas bumi nusantara selama 100 tahun sekaligus memperkokoh kedudukan Islam, dan sekiranya rakyat Ternate gagal niscaya wilayah timur Indonesia akan menjadi pusat kristen seperti halnya Filipina.

Kedudukan Ternate sebagai kerajaan yang berpengaruh turut pula mengangkat derajat Bahasa Ternate sebagai bahasa pergaulan di berbagai wilayah yang berada dibawah pengaruhnya. Prof E.K.W. Masinambow dalam tulisannya; “Bahasa Ternate dalam konteks bahasa – bahasa Austronesia dan Non Austronesia” mengemukakan bahwa bahasa Ternate memiliki dampak terbesar terhadap bahasa Melayu yang digunakan masyarakat timur Indonesia. Sebanyak 46% kosakata bahasa Melayu di Manado diambil dari bahasa Ternate. Bahasa Melayu – Ternate ini kini digunakan luas di Indonesia Timur terutama Sulawesi Utara, pesisir timur Sulawesi Tengah dan Selatan, Maluku dan Papua dengan dialek yang berbeda – beda. Dua naskah Melayu tertua di dunia adalah naskah surat sultan Ternate Abu Hayat II kepada Raja Portugal tanggal 27 April dan 8 November 1521 yang saat ini masih tersimpan di museum Lisabon – Portugal.

 

 

1573.

In 1573, after forming an alliance with the queen of Japara, the object of which was the destruction of the European power, he appeared again before Malacca with ninety vessels, twenty-five of them large galleys, with seven thousand men and great store of artillery. He began his operations by sending a party to set fire to the suburbs of the town, but a timely shower of rain prevented its taking effect. He then resolved on a different mode of warfare, and tried to starve the place to a surrender by blocking up the harbour and cutting off all supplies of provisions. The Portuguese, to prevent the fatal consequences of this measure, collected those few vessels which they were masters of, and, a merchant ship of some force arriving opportunely, they put to sea, attacked the enemy’s fleet, killed the principal captain, and obtained a complete victory.

1574.

In the year following Malacca was invested by an armada from the queen of Japara, of three hundred sail, eighty of which were junks of four hundred tons burden. After besieging the place for three months, till the very air became corrupted by their stay, the fleet retired with little more than five thousand men, of fifteen that embarked on the expedition.

1575.

Scarcely was the Javanese force departed when the king of Achin once more appeared with a fleet that is described as covering the straits. He ordered an attack upon three Portuguese frigates that were in the road protecting some provision vessels, which was executed with such a furious discharge of artillery that they were presently destroyed with all their crews. This was a dreadful blow to Malacca, and lamented, as the historian relates, with tears of blood by the little garrison, who were not now above a hundred and fifty men, and of those a great part non­effective. The king, elated with his success, landed his troops, and laid siege to the fort, which he battered at intervals during seventeen days. The fire of the Portuguese became very slack, and after some time totally ceased, as the governor judged it prudent to reserve his small stock of ammunition for an effort at the last extremity. The king, alarmed at this silence, which he construed into a preparation for some dangerous stratagem, was seized with a panic, and, suddenly raising the siege, embarked with the utmost precipitation; unexpectedly relieving the garrison from the ruin that hung over it, and which seemed inevitable in the ordinary course of events.

1582.

In 1582 we find the king appearing again before Malacca with a hundred and fifty sail of vessels. After some skirmishes with the Portuguese ships, in which the success was nearly equal on both sides, the Achinese proceeded to attack Johor, the king of which was then in alliance with Malacca. Twelve ships followed them thither, and, having burned some of their galleys, defeated the rest and obliged them to fly to Achin. The operations of these campaigns, and particularly the valour of the commander, named Raja Makuta, are alluded to in Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the king, delivered in 1602 by Sir James Lancaster.

About three or four years after this misfortune Mansur-shah prepared a fleet of no less than three hundred sail of vessels, and was ready to embark once more upon his favourite enterprise, when he was murdered, together with his queen and many of the principal nobility, by the general of the forces, who had long formed designs upon the crown.

1585.

This was perpetrated in May 1585, when he had reigned nearly eighteen years. In his time the consequence of the kingdom of Achin is represented to have arrived at a considerable height, and its friendship to have been courted by the most powerful states. No city in India possessed a more flourishing trade, the port being crowded with merchant vessels which were encouraged to resort thither by the moderate rates of the customs levied; and although the Portuguese and their ships were continually plundered, those belonging to every Asiatic power, from Mecca in the West to Japan in the East, appear to have enjoyed protection and security. The despotic authority of the monarch was counterpoised by the influence of the orang-kayas or nobility, who are described as being possessed of great wealth, living in fortified houses, surrounded by numerous dependants, and feeling themselves above control, often giving a licentious range to their proud and impatient tempers.

The late monarch’s daughter and only child was married to the king of Johor,* by whom she had a son, who, being regarded as heir to the crown of Achin, had been brought to the latter place to be educated under the eye of his grandfather. When the general (whose name is corruptly written Moratiza) assumed the powers of government, he declared himself the protector of this child, and we find him mentioned in the Annals by the title of Sultan Buyong (or the Boy).

(*Footnote. The king of Achin sent on this occasion to Johor a piece of ordnance, such as for greatness, length, and workmanship (says Linschoten), could hardly be matched in all Christendom. It was afterwards taken by the Portuguese, who shipped it for Europe, but the vessel was lost in her passage.)

1588.

But before he had completed the third year of his nominal reign he also was dispatched, and the usurper took formal possession of the throne in the year 1588, by the name of Ala-eddin Rayet-shah,* being then at an advanced period of life.

(*Footnote. Valentyn, by an obvious corruption, names him Sulthan Alciden Ryetza, and this coincidence is strongly in favour of the authenticity and correctness of the Annals. John Davis, who will be hereafter mentioned, calls him, with sufficient accuracy, Sultan Aladin.)

The Annals say he was the grandson of Sultan Firman-shah; but the Europeans who visited Achin during his reign report him to have been originally a fisherman, who, having afterwards served in the wars against Malacca, showed so much courage, prudence, and skill in maritime affairs that the late king made him at length the chief commander of his forces, and gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife, in right of whom he is said to have laid claim to the throne.

The French Commodore Beaulieu relates the circumstances of this revolution in a very different manner.*

(*Footnote. The commodore had great opportunity of information, was a man of very superior ability, and indefatigable in his inquiries upon all subjects, as appears by the excellent account of his voyage, and of Achin in particular, written by himself, and published in Thevenot’s collection, of which there is an English translation in Harris; but it is possible he may, in this instance, have been amused by a plausible tale from the grandson of this monarch, with whom he had much intercourse. John Davis, an intelligent English navigator whose account I have followed, might have been more likely to hear the truth as he was at Achin (though not a frequenter of the court) during Ala-eddin’s reign, whereas Beaulieu did not arrive till twenty’ years after, and the report of his having been originally a fisherman is also mentioned by the Dutch writers.)

He says that, upon the extinction of the ancient royal line, which happened about forty years before the period at which he wrote, the orang-kayas met in order to choose a king, but, every one affecting the dignity for himself, they could not agree and resolved to decide it by force. In this ferment the cadi or chief judge by his authority and remonstrances persuaded them to offer the crown to a certain noble who in all these divisions had taken no part, but had lived in the reputation of a wise, experienced man, being then seventy years of age, and descended from one of the most respectable families of the country. After several excuses on his side, and entreaties and even threats on theirs, he at length consented to accept the dignity thus imposed upon him, provided they should regard him as a father, and receive correction from him as his children; but no sooner was he in possession of the sovereign power than (like Pope Sixtus the Fifth) he showed a different face, and the first step after his accession was to invite the orang-kayas to a feast, where, as they were separately introduced, he caused them to be seized and murdered in a court behind the palace. He then proceeded to demolish their fortified houses, and lodged their cannon, arms, and goods in the castle, taking measures to prevent in future the erection of any buildings of substantial materials that could afford him grounds of jealousy. He raised his own adherents from the lower class of people to the first dignities of the state, and of those who presumed to express any disapprobation of his conduct he made great slaughter, being supposed to have executed not less than twenty thousand persons in the first year of his reign.

From the silence of the Portuguese writers with respect to the actions of this king we have reason to conclude that he did not make any attempts to disturb their settlement of Malacca; and it even appears that some persons in the character of ambassadors or agents from that power resided at Achin, the principal object of whose policy appears to have been that of inspiring him with jealousy and hatred of the Hollanders, who in their turn were actively exerting themselves to supplant the conquerors of India.

 

 

Locally produced textiles on the Indian Ocean periphery 1500-1850: East Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia

William Gervase Clarence-Smith

Ravi Palat and Immanuel Wallerstein claim that India ‘deindustrialised’ its Indian Ocean periphery, by exploiting its advanced proto-industrial techniques, especially for the production of cloth. (Pearson 1998: 109-12, 121, 126)

 

After 1500,

 

the picture was complicated by the violent irruption of Europeans, and yet they failed to dislodge South Asian cloth from its hegemonic position. All scholars agree on the continued market penetration of Indian cottons and silks in early modern times, although statistics hardly exist, and publications are patchy over the thousands of kilometres that separated Luzon from Arakan, and Mozambique from the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

 

There is a real problem in determining what the performance of

peripheral textiles might have been without imports from India. (Pearson 1998: 121-2) Anthony Reid postulates a ‘zero-sum game,’ whereby local output fell when Indian cottons surged in, but increased when imports from India were curtailed for some exogenous reason. (Reid 1988: 96) The evidence put forward in this paper does not bear out this mechanistic model. In reality, imports from India were as much a stimulus as a threat to local industries.

 

 

Complicating matters was a marked blurring of the traditional distinction between ‘manufactured imports’ and ‘local raw materials’, given that imported textiles could serve as intermediate goods. Local artisans decorated coloured cloth from abroad, printed and dyed imports of plain white cloth, and wove yarn that had been spun far away. Indeed, they even unpicked finished cloth to obtain the dyed yarn that they desired.

To further complicate matters, ‘local’ cloths sold over quite wide areas. Although peripheral textiles never became truly global commodities like those of India and China, the ability of some to transcend local contexts was a clear demonstration of proto-industrial vitality. A few of these products reached the Atlantic world, although a more consistently important outlet was probably the Hijaz. Pilgrims from all over Islamdom exchanged their cloths with fellow pilgrims, or sold it to Meccan merchants, whereas the holy city itself was almost devoid of manufacturing. (Issawi 1966: 302-3)

 

The role of early modern states was ambivalent. Europeans, representing monarchs or chartered companies, exercised a precarious overall naval hegemony in the Indian Ocean from 1500, but their attempts to favour sales of their own cloth failed dismally. They then faced the same predicament as indigenous rulers, whether to protect and tax local artisans, or benefit from lucrative import duties on Indian and Chinese products. Unlike local rulers, European thalassocracies further stood to benefit from transporting Indian and Chinese textiles.

 

General characteristics of peripheral textiles

Cotton predominated as a raw material, but other fibres were of great significance. Artisans produced silk goods for the higher end of the market, sometimes drawing on wild insects. Bast, vegetable fibres that did not require spinning, came from flax [for linen], hemp, different kinds of palm [e.g. raffia] and banana [e.g. abacá], ramie, the bark of some trees, and newly introduced American pineapple and sisal plants. Kapok was used for quilting. Bark cloth, felted rather than woven, was common in forested zones from the South Pacific to Central Africa. Where pastoralism flourished, sheep, goats, camels, and yaks supplied hair, which could be either spun and woven, or felted. In addition, hides, skins

 

and furs at times substituted for cloth. (Picton and Mack 1989; Schaedler 1987; Lombard 1978; Baker 1995; Fraser-Lu 1988; Hitchcock 1991)

Indigo was grown in many places, and typically supplied the blues and blacks of the Indian Ocean world. Almost priceless saffron, or cheaper safflower and turmeric root, yielded yellows. Reds came from coccus insects, precious woods such as sappan and brazil, or roots such as madder. Dyestuffs and mordants were widely traded. (Baker 1995: 29-31; Hitchcock 1991: 42-51)

Islam tended to imprint certain characteristics on textiles of the Indian Ocean periphery, for the sector was largely in Muslim hands.

 

Pious Muslims disapproved of luxury, and particularly frowned upon silk, which a Hadith reserved for the hereafter. That said, Shi’i and Isma’ili ulama were more tolerant than their Sunni counterparts, and political elites frequently ignored religious strictures. Another Hadith exempted cloth from the overall prohibition on representing living beings, and yet there remained a persistent iconoclastic bias against figuration. White was often preferred for men, and green for descendants of the Prophet, whereas dark blue and black served for women. Special colours were also at times imposed to distinguish unbelievers living in Muslim societies. (Baker 1995: 16-17, 62, 68; Otavsky et al. 1995: 24; Lamm 1937: 229, 242; Maxwell 1990: 328-9) Non-Muslim societies had their own preferences and cultural codes, as in Madagascar and Mainland Southeast Asia. (Mack 1989: 43-4; Fraser-Lu 1988)

 

Southeast Asian textiles

Anthony Reid states that Southeast Asia was a consumer rather than a producer of textiles, but then almost immediately writes that ‘cloth was Southeast Asia’s leading item of manufacture.’ Local cloth occasionally acted as currency, and was often paid as tax.

 

Cotton was widely grown and processed in drier areas, on either side of the

 

equatorial belt, whereas silk was more developed in Mainland areas. (Reid 1988: 90-3) In the eastern archipelago, bark cloth remained significant, connecting with the traditions of the South Pacific. (Andaya 1989: 29-30)

 

An early and widespread technique for decorating cloth was ikat, whereby lengths of yarn were dyed in different colours by tying and covering yarn to resist dyes prior to weaving.

 

Ikat was recorded in 939 CE in Java, and has been dated from the fourteenth century in archaeological sites in the Philippines. (Hitchcock 1991: 73-83)

 

More controversial are the origins of batik, a system of dyeing cloth in stages, with wax used to resist dyes. This technique, found in various locations around the world, has been dated back to the sixth century CE in East Asia.

 

It may already have been practised in Java by the tenth or twelfth century, and was possibly first mentioned in a text of 1518.

 

In any event, most scholars agree that batik was produced in Java by the early seventeenth century.

 

The finest kind was drawn by hand, but wooden blocks, on the Indian model, were also used. (Kerlogue 2004: 17-18, 20-1; Hitchcock 1991: 23, 86-9, 94, 127; Matsuo 1970: 77; Maxwell 1990: 327-9)

 

Java, Madura and Bali certainly produced a great deal of cloth, reflecting the size of their population and the abundance of raw cotton.

32; Kerlogue 2004: 19; Hall 1996:117). omé Pires was impressed by the sheer quantities of cotton cloth produced all around Java in the 1510s, albeit not so much by its quality. (Pires 1944: 169-70, 180) From Tom Pires description of  the 1510. it seems that cotton cloth was mainly woven in the uplands, where cotton grew, and was sent down to the coast. (Pires 1944: 148)

 

Traditional kingdoms of Maluku, early 15th century, and the spheres of influence of Ternate and Tidore, early 16th century

As the main reason for European interest in the Indies, the Spice Islands were amongst the first to experience direct European military intervention. Ternate and Tidore were unable to prevent first the Portuguese and Spanish and later the Dutch and English from establishing fortified trading posts in the region, though Ternate had a number of military victories over the Europeans in the course of the sporadic hostilities of the 16th and early 17th centuries.

By the middle of the 17th century, however, Ternate’s need for free trade in spices was fundamentally in conflict with the Dutch aims for monopoly. In 1652, the Dutch extracted a treaty from Ternate giving the Company a monopoly of clove production, and broke the power of local Ternatean lords in a series of bloody campaigns during the next few years. The Company then centred clove production on Ambon and sent out periodic expeditions to destroy clove trees in other regions.

The great island of New Guinea was also a major centre of population, but its people were concentrated in the interior and except on the fringes close to Maluku there is no record at all of political forms before the 17th century.

Imagining the Archipelago

Although trade routes had tied the Indonesian archipelago to China, India and the Middle East since very early times, the region remained relatively unknown to outsiders until five or six centuries ago. Long distances and the hazards of travel, together with the fact that Indonesians themselves carried most of the products of their islands to the outside world, meant that scholars in the major centres of civilization generally relied on sparse and often second hand accounts of Southeast Asia.

In the West, the Egyptian geographer Claudius Ptolemy (c. 85–165 AD) prepared a major geographical work, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, containing a compilation of information on the region gathered from traders and seafarers. Ptolemy described a Golden Chersonese, or peninsula, far to the east which is normally identified with the Malay Peninsula and he records the existence of many islands in the vicinity. Ptolemy’s geography formed the basis of most Western conceptions of the Far East until the 16th century, and also influenced some of the Arab geographers. The maps of Idrisi (d. 1165) show a good deal more detail than those based on Ptolemy’s account, but they clearly reflect an attempt to reconcile imprecise and contradictory information originating from several centuries and a wide variety of sources.

1573.

In 1573, after forming an alliance with the queen of Japara, the object of which was the destruction of the European power, he appeared again before Malacca with ninety vessels, twenty-five of them large galleys, with seven thousand men and great store of artillery. He began his operations by sending a party to set fire to the suburbs of the town, but a timely shower of rain prevented its taking effect. He then resolved on a different mode of warfare, and tried to starve the place to a surrender by blocking up the harbour and cutting off all supplies of provisions. The Portuguese, to prevent the fatal consequences of this measure, collected those few vessels which they were masters of, and, a merchant ship of some force arriving opportunely, they put to sea, attacked the enemy’s fleet, killed the principal captain, and obtained a complete victory.

1574.

In the year following Malacca was invested by an armada from the queen of Japara, of three hundred sail, eighty of which were junks of four hundred tons burden. After besieging the place for three months, till the very air became corrupted by their stay, the fleet retired with little more than five thousand men, of fifteen that embarked on the expedition.

1575.

Scarcely was the Javanese force departed when the king of Achin once more appeared with a fleet that is described as covering the straits. He ordered an attack upon three Portuguese frigates that were in the road protecting some provision vessels, which was executed with such a furious discharge of artillery that they were presently destroyed with all their crews. This was a dreadful blow to Malacca, and lamented, as the historian relates, with tears of blood by the little garrison, who were not now above a hundred and fifty men, and of those a great part non­effective. The king, elated with his success, landed his troops, and laid siege to the fort, which he battered at intervals during seventeen days. The fire of the Portuguese became very slack, and after some time totally ceased, as the governor judged it prudent to reserve his small stock of ammunition for an effort at the last extremity. The king, alarmed at this silence, which he construed into a preparation for some dangerous stratagem, was seized with a panic, and, suddenly raising the siege, embarked with the utmost precipitation; unexpectedly relieving the garrison from the ruin that hung over it, and which seemed inevitable in the ordinary course of events.

 

 

 

 

1580

In the 1580′sthere was the mission in East Java which is still part of Hindu religion; a century later, an Italian priest named Ventimiglia managed to penetrate into the interior of South Kalimantan. But the effort failed.

 

Developments in other Eastern Indonesia. As noted above, there the Portuguese could not determine its own direction they wish to travel, but more must react to the actions of others.

 

Similarly with their mission. Christianity was successfully implanted in Eastern Indonesia. Only, unlike the way the expansion of rice or other food crops, grown in a planned, but more like the grasses that grow anywhere seed carried by wind or birds. Society of Jesus tried to spread the Gospel with more regular. But in the midst of storms of war, they had not managed to instill congregations in new areas. Later, in China, Japan, and India, the Jesuits and members of other orders indicates that they are able to build a solid church, so long as they can work in peace.

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STATE OF ACHIN IN 1511.

At the period when Malacca fell into the hands of the Portuguese Achin and Daya are said by the historians of that nation to have been provinces subject to Pidir, and governed by two slaves belonging to the sultan of that place, to each of whom he had given a niece in marriage. Slaves, it must be understood, are in that country on a different footing from those in most other parts of the world, and usually treated as children of the family. Some of them are natives of the continent of India, whom their masters employ to trade for them; allowing them a certain proportion of the profits and permission to reside in a separate quarter of the city. It frequently happened also that men of good birth, finding it necessary to obtain the protection of some person in power, became voluntary slaves for this purpose, and the nobles, being proud of such dependants, encouraged the practice by treating them with a degree of respect, and in many instances they made them their heirs. The slave of this description who held the government of Achin had two sons, the elder of whom was named Raja Ibrahim, and the younger Raja Lella, and were brought up in the house of their master. The father being old was recalled from his post; but on account of his faithful services the sultan gave the succession to his eldest son, who appears to have been a youth of an ambitious and very sanguinary temper. A jealousy had taken place between him and the chief of Daya whilst they were together at Pidir, and as soon as he came into power he resolved to seek revenge, and with that view entered in a hostile manner the district of his rival. When the sultan interposed it not only added fuel to his resentment but inspired him with hatred towards his master, and he showed his disrespect by refusing to deliver up, on the requisition of the sultan, certain Portuguese prisoners taken from a vessel lost at Pulo Gomez, and which he afterwards complied with at the intercession of the Shabandar of Pase. This conduct manifesting an intention of entirely throwing off his allegiance, his father endeavoured to recall him to a sense of his duty by representing the obligations in which the family were indebted to the sultan, and the relationship which so nearly connected them. But so far was this admonition from producing any good effect that he took offence at his father’s presumption, and ordered him to be confined in a cage, where he died.

1521.

Irritated by these acts, the sultan resolved to proceed to extremities against him; but by means of the plunder of some Portuguese vessels, as before related, and the recent defeat of Brito’s party, he became so strong in artillery and ammunition, and so much elated with success, that he set his master at defiance and prepared to defend himself. His force proved superior to that of Pidir, and in the end he obliged the sultan to fly for refuge and assistance to the European fortress at Pase, accompanied by his nephew, the chief of Daya, who was also forced from his possessions.

1522.

Ibrahim had for some time infested the Portuguese by sending out parties against them, both by sea and land; but these being always baffled in their attempts with much loss, he began to conceive a violent antipathy against that nation, which he ever after indulged to excess. He got possession of the city of Pidir by bribing the principal officers, a mode of warfare that he often found successful and seldom neglected to attempt. These he prevailed upon to write a letter to their master, couched in artful terms, in which they besought him to come to their assistance with a body of Portuguese, as the only chance of repelling the enemy by whom they pretended to be invested. The sultan showed this letter to Andre Henriquez, then governor of the fort, who, thinking it a good opportunity to chastise the Achinese, sent by sea a detachment of eighty Europeans and two hundred Malays under the command of his brother Manuel, whilst the sultan marched overland with a thousand men and fifteen elephants to the relief of the place. They arrived at Pidir in the night, but, being secretly informed that the king of Achin was master of the city, and that the demand for succour was a stratagem, they endeavoured to make their retreat; which the land troops effected, but before the tide could enable the Portuguese to get their boats afloat they were attacked by the Achinese, who killed Manuel and thirty-five of his men.

Henriquez, perceiving his situation at Pase was becoming critical, not only from the force of the enemy but the sickly state of his garrison, and the want of provisions, which the country people now withheld from him, discontinuing the fairs that they were used to keep three times in the week, dispatched advices to the governor of India, demanding immediate succours, and also sent to request assistance of the king of Aru, who had always proved the steadfast friend of Malacca, and who, though not wealthy, because his country was not a place of trade, was yet one of the most powerful princes in those parts. The king expressed his joy in having an opportunity of serving his allies, and promised his utmost aid; not only from friendship to them, but indignation against Ibrahim, whom he regarded as a rebellious slave.

1523.

A supply of stores at length arrived from India under the charge of Lopo d’Azuedo, who had orders to relieve Henriquez in the command; but, disputes having arisen between them, and chiefly on the subject of certain works which the shabandar of Pase had been permitted to erect adjoining to the fortress, d’Azuedo, to avoid coming to an open rupture, departed for Malacca. Ibrahim, having found means to corrupt the honesty of this shabandar, who had received his office from Alboquerque, gained intelligence through him of all that passed. This treason, it is supposed, he would not have yielded to but for the desperate situation of affairs. The country of Pase was now entirely in subjection to the Achinese, and nothing remained unconquered but the capital, whilst the garrison was distracted with internal divisions.

After the acquisition of Pidir the king thought it necessary to remain there some time in order to confirm his authority, and sent his brother Raja Lella with a large army to reduce the territories of Pase, which he effected in the course of three months, and with the more facility because all the principal nobility had fallen in the action with Jeinal. He fixed his camp within half a league of the city, and gave notice to Ibrahim of the state in which matters were, who speedily joined him, being anxious to render himself master of the place before the promised succours from the king of Aru could arrive. His first step was to issue a proclamation, giving notice to the people of the town that whoever should submit to his authority within six days should have their lives, families, and properties secured to them, but that all others must expect to feel the punishment due to their obstinacy. This had the effect he looked for, the greater part of the inhabitants coming over to his camp. He then commenced his military operations, and in the third attack got possession of the town after much slaughter; those who escaped his fury taking shelter in the neighbouring mountains and thick woods. He sent a message to the commander of the fortress, requiring him to abandon it and to deliver into his hands the kings of Pidir and Daya, to whom he had given protection. Henriquez returned a spirited answer to this summons, but, being sickly at the time, at best of an unsteady disposition, and too much attached to his trading concerns for a soldier, he resolved to relinquish the command to his relation Aires Coelho, and take passage for the West of India.

1523.

He had not advanced farther on his voyage than the point of Pidir, when he fell in with two Portuguese ships bound to the Moluccas, the captains of which he made acquainted with the situation of the garrison, and they immediately proceeded to its relief. Arriving in the night they heard great firing of cannon, and learned next morning that the Achinese had made a furious assault in hopes of carrying the fortress before the ships, which were descried at a distance, could throw succours into it. They had mastered some of the outworks, and the garrison represented that it was impossible for them to support such another shock without aid from the vessels. The captains, with as much force as could be spared, entered the fort, and a sally was shortly afterwards resolved on and executed, in which the besiegers sustained considerable damage. Every effort was likewise employed to repair the breaches and stop up the mines that had been made by the enemy in order to effect a passage into the place. Ibrahim now attempted to draw them into a snare by removing his camp to a distance and making a feint of abandoning his enterprise; but this stratagem proved ineffectual. Reflecting then with indignation that his own force consisted of fifteen thousand men whilst that of the Europeans did not exceed three hundred and fifty, many of whom were sick and wounded, and others worn out with the fatigue of continual duty (intelligence whereof was conveyed to him), he resolved once more to return to the siege, and make a general assault upon all parts of the fortification at once. Two hours before daybreak he caused the place to be surrounded with eight thousand men, who approached in perfect silence. The nighttime was preferred by these people for making their attacks as being then most secure from the effect of firearms, and they also generally chose a time of rain, when the powder would not burn. As soon as they found themselves perceived they set up a hideous shout, and, fixing their scaling ladders, made of bamboo and wonderfully light, to the number of six hundred, they attempted to force their way through the embrasures for the guns; but after a strenuous contest they were at length repulsed. Seven elephants were driven with violence against the paling of one of the bastions, which gave way before them like a hedge, and overset all the men who were on it. Javelins and pikes these enormous beasts made no account of, but upon setting fire to powder under their trunks they drew back with precipitation in spite of all the efforts of their drivers, overthrew their own people, and, flying to the distance of several miles, could not again be brought into the lines. The Achinese upon receiving this check thought to take revenge by setting fire to some vessels that were in the dockyard; but this proved an unfortunate measure to them, for by the light which it occasioned the garrison were enabled to point their guns, and did abundant execution.

1524.

Henriquez, after beating sometime against a contrary wind, put back to Pase, and, coming on shore the day after this conflict, resumed his command. A council was soon after held to determine what measures were fittest to be pursued in the present situation of affairs, and, taking into their consideration that no further assistance could be expected from the west of India in less than six months, that the garrison was sickly and provisions short, it was resolved by a majority of votes to abandon the place, and measures were taken accordingly. In order to conceal their intentions from the enemy they ordered such of the artillery and stores as could be removed conveniently to be packed up in the form of merchandise and then shipped off. A party was left to set fire to the buildings, and trains of powder were so disposed as to lead to the larger cannon, which they overcharged that they might burst as soon as heated. But this was not effectually executed, and the pieces mostly fell into the hands of the Achinese, who upon the first alarm of the evacuation rushed in, extinguished the flames, and turned upon the Portuguese their own artillery, many of whom were killed in the water as they hurried to get into their boats. They now lost as much credit by this ill conducted retreat as they had acquired by their gallant defence, and were insulted by the reproachful shouts of the enemy, whose power was greatly increased by this acquisition of military stores, and of which they often severely experienced the effects. To render their disgrace more striking it happened that as they sailed out of the harbour they met thirty boats laden with provisions for their use from the king of Aru, who was himself on his march overland with four thousand men: and when they arrived at Malacca they found troops and stores embarked there for their relief. The unfortunate princes who had sought an asylum with them now joined in their flight; the sultan of Pase proceeded to Malacca, and the sultan of Pidir and chief of Daya took refuge with the king of Aru.

1525.

Raja Nara, king of Indragiri, in conjunction with a force from Bintang, attacked the king of a neighbouring island called Lingga, who was in friendship with the Portuguese. A message which passed on this occasion gives a just idea of the style and manners of this people. Upon their acquainting the king of Lingga, in their summons of surrender, that they had lately overcome the fleet of Malacca, he replied that his intelligence informed him of the contrary; that he had just made a festival and killed fifty goats to celebrate one defeat which they had received, and hoped soon to kill a hundred in order to celebrate a second. His expectations were fulfilled, or rather anticipated, for the Portuguese, having a knowledge of the king of Indragiri’s design, sent out a small fleet which routed the combined force before the king of Lingga was acquainted with their arrival, his capital being situated high up on the river.

1526.

In the next year, at the conquest of Bintang, this king unsolicited sent assistance to his European allies.

1527.

However well founded the accounts may have been which the Portuguese have given us of the cruelties committed against their people by the king of Achin, the barbarity does not appear to have been only on one side. Francisco de Mello, being sent in an armed vessel with dispatches to Goa, met near Achin Head with a ship of that nation just arrived from Mecca and supposed to be richly laden. As she had on board three hundred Achinese and forty Arabs he dared not venture to board her, but battered her at a distance, when suddenly she filled and sunk, to the extreme disappointment of the Portuguese, who thereby lost their prize; but they wreaked their vengeance on the unfortunate crew as they endeavoured to save themselves by swimming, and boast that they did not suffer a man to escape. Opportunities of retaliation soon offered.

1528.

Simano de Sousa, going with a reinforcement to the Moluccas from Cochin, was overtaken in the bay by a violent storm, which forced him to stow many of his guns in the hold; and, having lost several of his men through fatigue, he made for the nearest port he could take shelter in, which proved to be Achin. The king, having the destruction of the Portuguese at heart, and resolving if possible to seize their vessel, sent off a message to De Sousa recommending his standing in closer to the shore, where he would have more shelter from the gale which still continued, and lie more conveniently for getting off water and provisions, at the same time inviting him to land. This artifice not succeeding, he ordered out the next morning a thousand men in twenty boats, who at first pretended they were come to assist in mooring the ship; but the captain, aware of their hostile design, fired amongst them, when a fierce engagement took place in which the Achinese were repulsed with great slaughter, but not until they had destroyed forty of the Portuguese. The king, enraged at this disappointment, ordered a second attack, threatening to have his admiral trampled to death by elephants if he failed of success. A boat was sent ahead of this fleet with a signal of peace, and assurances to De Sousa that the king, as soon as he was made acquainted with the injury that had been committed, had caused the perpetrators of it to be punished, and now once more requested him to come on shore and trust to his honour. This proposal some of the crew were inclined that he should accept, but being animated by a speech that he made to them it was resolved that they should die with arms in their hands in preference to a disgraceful and hazardous submission. The combat was therefore renewed, with extreme fury on the one side, and uncommon efforts of courage on the other, and the assailants were a second time repulsed; but one of those who had boarded the vessel and afterwards made his escape represented to the Achinese the reduced and helpless situation of their enemy, and, fresh supplies coming off, they were encouraged to return to the attack. De Sousa and his people were at length almost all cut to pieces, and those who survived, being desperately wounded, were overpowered, and led prisoners to the king, who unexpectedly treated them with extraordinary kindness, in order to cover the designs he harboured, and pretended to lament the fate of their brave commander. He directed them to fix upon one of their companions, who should go in his name to the governor of Malacca, to desire he would immediately send to take possession of the ship, which he meant to restore, as well as to liberate them. He hoped by this artifice to draw more of the Portuguese into his power, and at the same time to effect a purpose of a political nature. A war had recently broken out between him and the king of Aru, the latter of whom had deputed ambassadors to Malacca, to solicit assistance, in return for his former services, and which was readily promised to him. It was highly the interest of the king of Achin to prevent this junction, and therefore, though determined to relax nothing in his plans of revenge, he hastened to dispatch Antonio Caldeira, one of the captives, with proposals of accommodation and alliance, offering to restore not only this vessel, but also the artillery which he had taken at Pase. These terms appeared to the governor too advantageous to be rejected. Conceiving a favourable idea of the king’s intentions, from the confidence which Caldeira, who was deceived by the humanity shown to the wounded captives, appeared to place in his sincerity, he became deaf to the representations that were made to him by more experienced persons of his insidious character. A message was sent back, agreeing to accept his friendship on the proposed conditions, and engaging to withhold the promised succours from the king of Aru. Caldeira, in his way to Achin, touched at an island, where he was cut off with those who accompanied him. The ambassadors from Aru being acquainted with this breach of faith, retired in great disgust, and the king, incensed at the ingratitude shown him, concluded a peace with Achin; but not till after an engagement between their fleets had taken place, in which the victory remained undecided.

In order that he might learn the causes of the obscurity in which his negotiations with Malacca rested, Ibrahim dispatched a secret messenger to Senaia Raja, bandhara of that city, with whom he held a correspondence; desiring also to be informed of the strength of the garrison. Hearing in answer that the governor newly arrived was inclined to think favourably of him, he immediately sent an ambassador to wait on him with assurances of his pacific and friendly disposition, who returned in company with persons empowered, on the governor’s part, to negotiate a treaty of commerce. These, upon their arrival at Achin, were loaded with favours and costly presents, the news of which quickly flew to Malacca, and, the business they came on being adjusted, they were suffered to depart; but they had not sailed far before they were overtaken by boats sent after them, and were stripped and murdered. The governor, who had heard of their setting out, concluded they were lost by accident. Intelligence of this mistaken opinion was transmitted to the king, who thereupon had the audacity to request that he might be honoured with the presence of some Portuguese of rank and consequence in his capital, to ratify in a becoming manner the articles that had been drawn up; as he ardently wished to see that nation trafficking freely in his dominions.

1529.

The deluded governor, in compliance with this request, adopted the resolution of sending thither a large ship under the command of Manuel Pacheco, with a rich cargo, the property of himself and several merchants of Malacca, who themselves embarked with the idea of making extraordinary profits. Senaia conveyed notice of this preparation to Achin, informing the king at the same time that, if he could make himself master of this vessel, Malacca must fall an easy prey to him, as the place was weakened of half its force for the equipment. When Pacheco approached the harbour he was surrounded by a great number of boats, and some of the people began to suspect treachery, but so strongly did the spirit of delusion prevail in this business that they could not persuade the captain to put himself on his guard. He soon had reason to repent his credulity. Perceiving an arrow pass close by him, he hastened to put on his coat of mail, when a second pierced his neck, and he soon expired. The vessel then became an easy prey, and the people, being made prisoners, were shortly afterwards massacred by the king’s order, along with the unfortunate remnant of De Sousa’s crew, so long flattered with the hopes of release. By this capture the king was supposed to have remained in possession of more artillery than was left in Malacca, and he immediately fitted out a fleet to take advantage of its exposed state. The pride of success causing him to imagine it already in his power, he sent a taunting message to the governor in which he thanked him for the late instances of his liberality, and let him know he should trouble him for the remainder of his naval force.

Senaia had promised to put the citadel into his hands, and this had certainly been executed but for an accident that discovered his treasonable designs. The crews of some vessels of the Achinese fleet landed on a part of the coast not far from the city, where they were well entertained by the natives, and in the openness of conviviality related the transactions which had lately passed at Achin, the correspondence of Senaia, and the scheme that was laid for rising on the Portuguese when they should be at church, murdering them, and seizing the fortress. Intelligence of this was reported with speed to the governor, who had Senaia instantly apprehended and executed. This punishment served to intimidate those among the inhabitants who were engaged in the conspiracy, and disconcerted the plans of the king of Achin.

This appears to be the last transaction of Ibrahim’s reign recorded by the Portuguese historians. His death is stated by De Barros to have taken place in the year 1528 in consequence of poison administered to him by one of his wives, to revenge the injuries her brother, the chief of Daya, had suffered at his hand. In a Malayan work (lately come into my possession) containing the annals of the kingdom of Achin, it is said that a king, whose title was sultan Saleh-eddin-shah, obtained the sovereignty in a year answering to 1511 of our era, and who, after reigning about eighteen years, was dethroned by a brother in 1529. Notwithstanding some apparent discordance between the two accounts there can be little doubt of the circumstances applying to the same individual, as it may well be presumed that, according to the usual practice in the East, he adopted upon ascending the throne a title different from the name which he had originally borne, although that might continue to be his more familiar appellation, especially in the mouths of his enemies. The want of precise coincidence in the dates cannot be thought an objection, as the event not falling under the immediate observation of the Portuguese they cannot pretend to accuracy within a few months, and even their account of the subsequent transactions renders it more probable that it happened in 1529; nor are the facts of his being dethroned by the brother, or put to death by the sister, materially at variance with each other; and the latter circumstance, whether true or false, might naturally enough be reported at Malacca.

1529.

His successor took the name of Ala-eddin-shah, and afterwards, from his great enterprises, acquired the additional epithet of keher or the powerful. By the Portuguese he is said to have styled himself king of Achin, Barus, Pidir, Pase, Daya, and Batta, prince of the land of the two seas, and of the mines of Menangkabau.

1537.

Nothing is recorded of his reign until the year 1537, in which he twice attacked Malacca. The first time he sent an army of three thousand men who landed near the city by night, unperceived by the garrison, and, having committed some ravages in the suburbs, were advancing to the bridge, when the governor, Estavano de Gama, sallied out with a party and obliged them to retreat for shelter to the woods. Here they defended themselves during the next day, but on the following night they re-embarked, with the loss of five hundred men. A few months afterwards the king had the place invested with a larger force; but in the interval the works had been repaired and strengthened, and after three days ineffectual attempt the Achinese were again constrained to retire.

1547.

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556.

The death of Ala-eddin took place, according to the Annals, in 1556, after a reign of twenty-eight years.

1565.

He was succeeded by sultan Hussein­shah, who reigned about eight, and dying in 1565 was succeeded by his son, an infant. This child survived only seven months; and in the same year the throne was occupied by Raja Firman-shah, who was murdered soon after.

1567.

His successor, Raja Janil, experienced a similar fate when he had reigned ten months. This event is placed in 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, from the kingdom of Perak in the peninsula, was the next who ascended the throne.

1567.

The western powers of India having formed a league for the purpose of extirpating the Portuguese, the king of Achin was invited to accede to it, and, in conformity with the engagements by which the respective parties were bound, he prepared to attack them in Malacca, and carried thither a numerous fleet, in which were fifteen thousand people of his own subjects, and four hundred Turks, with two hundred pieces of artillery of different sizes. In order to amuse the enemy he gave out that his force was destined against Java, and sent a letter, accompanied with a present of a kris, to the governor, professing strong sentiments of friendship. A person whom he turned on shore with marks of ignominy, being suspected for a spy, was taken up, and being put to the torture confessed that he was employed by the Ottoman emperor and king of Achin to poison the principal officers of the place, and to set fire to their magazine. He was put to death, and his mutilated carcase was sent off to the king. This was the signal for hostilities. He immediately landed with all his men and commenced a regular siege. Sallies were made with various success and very unequal numbers. In one of these the chief of Aru, the king’s eldest son, was killed. In another the Portuguese were defeated and lost many officers. A variety of stratagems were employed to work upon the fears and shake the fidelity of the inhabitants of the town. A general assault was given in which, after prodigious efforts of courage, and imminent risk of destruction, the besieged remained victorious. The king, seeing all his attempts fruitless, at length departed, having lost three thousand men before the walls, beside about five hundred who were said to have died of their wounds on the passage. The king of Ujong-tanah or Johor, who arrived with a fleet to the assistance of the place, found the sea for a long distance covered with dead bodies. This was esteemed one of the most desperate and honourable sieges the Portuguese experienced in India, their whole force consisting of but fifteen hundred men, of whom no more than two hundred were Europeans.

1568.

In the following year a vessel from Achin bound to Java, with ambassadors on board to the queen of Japara, in whom the king wished to raise up a new enemy against the Portuguese, was met in the straits by a vessel from Malacca, who took her and put all the people to the sword. It appears to have been a maxim in these wars never to give quarter to an enemy, whether resisting or submitting.

1568

Fatahillah (1568-1570)

Kekosongan pemegang kekuasaan itu kemudian diisi dengan mengukuhkan pejabat keraton yang selama Sunan Gunung Jati melaksanakan tugas dakwah, pemerintahan dijabat oleh Fatahillah atau Fadillah Khan.

Fatahillah kemudian naik takhta, dan memerintah Cirebon secara resmi menjadi raja sejak tahun 1568. Fatahillah menduduki takhta kerajaan Cirebon hanya berlangsung dua tahun karena ia meninggal dunia pada tahun 1570, dua tahun setelah Sunan Gunung Jati wafat dan dimakamkan berdampingan dengan makam Sunan Gunung Jati di Gedung Jinem Astana Gunung Sembung.

Panembahan Ratu I (1570-1649)

Sepeninggal Fatahillah, oleh karena tidak ada calon lain yang layak menjadi raja, takhta kerajaan jatuh kepada cucu Sunan Gunung Jati yaitu Pangeran Emas putra tertua Pangeran Dipati Carbon atau cicit Sunan Gunung Jati. Pangeran Emas kemudian bergelar Panembahan Ratu I dan memerintah Cirebon selama kurang lebih 79 tahun.

In 1574,

the people of Ternate expelled portugeus , as Japan did in 1637.

The greatest threat to Portugal, however, came from the Dutch and English trading companies.

Portuguese influence was then limited to Larantuka, which remained in their hands until 1859

1582.

In 1582 we find the king appearing again before Malacca with a hundred and fifty sail of vessels. After some skirmishes with the Portuguese ships, in which the success was nearly equal on both sides, the Achinese proceeded to attack Johor, the king of which was then in alliance with Malacca. Twelve ships followed them thither, and, having burned some of their galleys, defeated the rest and obliged them to fly to Achin. The operations of these campaigns, and particularly the valour of the commander, named Raja Makuta, are alluded to in Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the king, delivered in 1602 by Sir James Lancaster.

About three or four years after this misfortune Mansur-shah prepared a fleet of no less than three hundred sail of vessels, and was ready to embark once more upon his favourite enterprise, when he was murdered, together with his queen and many of the principal nobility, by the general of the forces, who had long formed designs upon the crown.

1585.

This was perpetrated in May 1585, when he had reigned nearly eighteen years. In his time the consequence of the kingdom of Achin is represented to have arrived at a considerable height, and its friendship to have been courted by the most powerful states. No city in India possessed a more flourishing trade, the port being crowded with merchant vessels which were encouraged to resort thither by the moderate rates of the customs levied; and although the Portuguese and their ships were continually plundered, those belonging to every Asiatic power, from Mecca in the West to Japan in the East, appear to have enjoyed protection and security. The despotic authority of the monarch was counterpoised by the influence of the orang-kayas or nobility, who are described as being possessed of great wealth, living in fortified houses, surrounded by numerous dependants, and feeling themselves above control, often giving a licentious range to their proud and impatient tempers.

The late monarch’s daughter and only child was married to the king of Johor,* by whom she had a son, who, being regarded as heir to the crown of Achin, had been brought to the latter place to be educated under the eye of his grandfather. When the general (whose name is corruptly written Moratiza) assumed the powers of government, he declared himself the protector of this child, and we find him mentioned in the Annals by the title of Sultan Buyong (or the Boy).

(*Footnote. The king of Achin sent on this occasion to Johor a piece of ordnance, such as for greatness, length, and workmanship (says Linschoten), could hardly be matched in all Christendom. It was afterwards taken by the Portuguese, who shipped it for Europe, but the vessel was lost in her passage.)

.

1580

In the 1580’s

there was the mission in East Java which is still part of Hindu religion; a century later, an Italian priest named Ventimiglia managed to penetrate into the interior of South Kalimantan. But the effort failed.

 

Developments in other Eastern Indonesia. As noted above, there the Portuguese could not determine its own direction they wish to travel, but more must react to the actions of others. Similarly with their mission. Christianity was successfully implanted in Eastern Indonesia. Only, unlike the way the expansion of rice or other food crops, grown in a planned, but more like the grasses that grow anywhere seed carried by wind or birds. Society of Jesus tried to spread the Gospel with more regular. But in the midst of storms of war, they had not managed to instill congregations in new areas. Later, in China, Japan, and India, the Jesuits and members of other orders indicates that they are able to build a solid church, so long as they can work in peace.

In 1587,

following the union of Spain and Portugal in 1580,

the Spanish king allocated the royal monopoly in the Indies to Fuggers and Welsers, the Habsburg bankers of Augsburg, who formed the Companhia Portugueza das Indias Orientaes, but this change came too late to deflect the military and commercial challenge presented by the Dutch

 

1588.

But before he had completed the third year of his nominal reign he also was dispatched, and the usurper took formal possession of the throne in the year 1588, by the name of Ala-eddin Rayet-shah,* being then at an advanced period of life.

(*Footnote. Valentyn, by an obvious corruption, names him Sulthan Alciden Ryetza, and this coincidence is strongly in favour of the authenticity and correctness of the Annals. John Davis, who will be hereafter mentioned, calls him, with sufficient accuracy, Sultan Aladin.)

The Annals say he was the grandson of Sultan Firman-shah; but the Europeans who visited Achin during his reign report him to have been originally a fisherman, who, having afterwards served in the wars against Malacca, showed so much courage, prudence, and skill in maritime affairs that the late king made him at length the chief commander of his forces, and gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife, in right of whom he is said to have laid claim to the throne.

The French Commodore Beaulieu relates the circumstances of this revolution in a very different manner.*

(*Footnote. The commodore had great opportunity of information, was a man of very superior ability, and indefatigable in his inquiries upon all subjects, as appears by the excellent account of his voyage, and of Achin in particular, written by himself, and published in Thevenot’s collection, of which there is an English translation in Harris; but it is possible he may, in this instance, have been amused by a plausible tale from the grandson of this monarch, with whom he had much intercourse. John Davis, an intelligent English navigator whose account I have followed, might have been more likely to hear the truth as he was at Achin (though not a frequenter of the court) during Ala-eddin’s reign, whereas Beaulieu did not arrive till twenty’ years after, and the report of his having been originally a fisherman is also mentioned by the Dutch writers.)

He says that, upon the extinction of the ancient royal line, which happened about forty years before the period at which he wrote, the orang-kayas met in order to choose a king, but, every one affecting the dignity for himself, they could not agree and resolved to decide it by force. In this ferment the cadi or chief judge by his authority and remonstrances persuaded them to offer the crown to a certain noble who in all these divisions had taken no part, but had lived in the reputation of a wise, experienced man, being then seventy years of age, and descended from one of the most respectable families of the country. After several excuses on his side, and entreaties and even threats on theirs, he at length consented to accept the dignity thus imposed upon him, provided they should regard him as a father, and receive correction from him as his children; but no sooner was he in possession of the sovereign power than (like Pope Sixtus the Fifth) he showed a different face, and the first step after his accession was to invite the orang-kayas to a feast, where, as they were separately introduced, he caused them to be seized and murdered in a court behind the palace. He then proceeded to demolish their fortified houses, and lodged their cannon, arms, and goods in the castle, taking measures to prevent in future the erection of any buildings of substantial materials that could afford him grounds of jealousy. He raised his own adherents from the lower class of people to the first dignities of the state, and of those who presumed to express any disapprobation of his conduct he made great slaughter, being supposed to have executed not less than twenty thousand persons in the first year of his reign.

From the silence of the Portuguese writers with respect to the actions of this king we have reason to conclude that he did not make any attempts to disturb their settlement of Malacca; and it even appears that some persons in the character of ambassadors or agents from that power resided at Achin, the principal object of whose policy appears to have been that of inspiring him with jealousy and hatred of the Hollanders, who in their turn were actively exerting themselves to supplant the conquerors of India.

1596

Portuguese forts and posts in Indonesia, 16th and 17th centuries

The Portuguese Estado da India

was governed from Goa, on the Indian west coast.

It consisted primarily of a sprinkling of forts and trading posts, stretching eventually from Mozambique to Japan, and its power lay not in trade but in tax collection.

Although the Portuguese crown declared

a royal monopoly over the trade of spices from Indonesia to Europe,

the Portuguese authorities in Asia were unable and unwilling to enforce it. Instead, in exchange for payment, they issued cartaze, or certificates of safe conduct, to trading vessels within their sphere of influence and connived at smuggling on a massive scale by Portuguese returning to Europe.

The Catholic missionary Francis Xavier

commented that the learning of the Portuguese in Maluku was limited to the Latin verb rapio (‘I seize’), but that they had invented many new and imaginative ways to use it. Nonetheless, partly because of the widespread settlement of Portuguese men in the archipelago, partly because of Portugal’s control of major trading points, the Portuguese language spread widely as a second lingua franca alongside Malay. Portuguese-speaking communities survived in the region until the 19th century and many Portuguese words entered Malay itself.

The Portuguese initially had an advantage in firearms and ship design, but both advantages quickly diminished as Southeast Asians learnt European techniques and individual Portuguese took service with Southeast Asian rulers. Portugal, moreover, was a small country whose army and navy were thinly spread over a vast region, and their posts and forts were vulnerable to local emerging powers. Their efforts to control the trade routes were under constant challenge from states such as Aceh, Johor, Banten and Jambi.

 

1580

In the 1580’s

there was the mission in East Java which is still part of Hindu religion; a century later, an Italian priest named Ventimiglia managed to penetrate into the interior of South Kalimantan. But the effort failed.

 

Developments in other Eastern Indonesia. As noted above, there the Portuguese could not determine its own direction they wish to travel, but more must react to the actions of others. Similarly with their mission. Christianity was successfully implanted in Eastern Indonesia. Only, unlike the way the expansion of rice or other food crops, grown in a planned, but more like the grasses that grow anywhere seed carried by wind or birds. Society of Jesus tried to spread the Gospel with more regular. But in the midst of storms of war, they had not managed to instill congregations in new areas. Later, in China, Japan, and India, the Jesuits and members of other orders indicates that they are able to build a solid church, so long as they can work in peace.

In 1587,

following the union of Spain and Portugal in 1580,

the Spanish king allocated the royal monopoly in the Indies to Fuggers and Welsers, the Habsburg bankers of Augsburg, who formed the Companhia Portugueza das Indias Orientaes, but this change came too late to deflect the military and commercial challenge presented by the Dutch

In the sixteenth century,

 

 cotton and wild silk were dyed in ‘a thousand different colours,’ reflecting a wider palette of dyes than on the mainland. Moreover, the island did not limit raffia weaving to coarse stuffs, on East African lines, but produced fine fabrics. (Prestholdt 1998: 29-30) There was warp ikat dyeing of yarn, which was unknown in East Africa but common in Southeast Asia and Yemen. (Mack 1987: 79; Mack 1989: 33-4) Some Malagasy groups had elaborate burial ceremonies, followed by re-burials of dried remains, and shrouds of black cotton or red silk were particularly sacred and valuable in the seventeenth century. (Schaedler 1987: 428)

Production of cloth remained ubiquitous in Madagascar around 1800. Cotton dominated in the northwest of the island, and was much used on the west coast and the central plateau. The eastern and western coastal plains were the domain of fine raffia fabrics. Wild silk was widely produced, Asian insects and mulberry trees only being introduced in the early nineteenth century. (Campbell 2005: 31-2)

The saga of the Dutch in Indonesia began in 1596,

when four small Dutch vessels led by the incompetent and arrogant Cornelis de Houtman anchored in the roads of Banten, then the largest pepper-port in the archipelago. Repeatedly blown off course and racked by disease and dissension, the de Houtman expedition had been a disaster from the start.

In Banten, the sea-weary Dutch crew went on a drinking binge and had to be chased back to their ships by order of an angry prince, who then refused to do business with such unruly farang. Hopping from port-to-port down the north coast of Java, de Houtman wisely confined his sailors to their ships and managed to purchase some spices. But upon arriving in Bali, the entire crew jumped ship and it was some months before de Houtman could muster a quorum for the return voyage.

The saga of the Dutch in Indonesia began in 1596,

when four small Dutch vessels led by the incompetent and arrogant Cornelis de Houtman anchored in the roads of Banten, then the largest pepper-port in the archipelago. Repeatedly blown off course and racked by disease and dissension, the de Houtman expedition had been a disaster from the start.

In Banten, the sea-weary Dutch crew went on a drinking binge and had to be chased back to their ships by order of an angry prince, who then refused to do business with such unruly farang. Hopping from port-to-port down the north coast of Java, de Houtman wisely confined his sailors to their ships and managed to purchase some spices. But upon arriving in Bali, the entire crew jumped ship and it was some months before de Houtman could muster a quorum for the return voyage.

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago.

Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

Arriving back in Holland in 1597

after ab absence of two years, with only three lightly laden ships and a third of their crew, the de Houtman voyage was nonetheless hailed as a success. So dear were spices in Europe at this time, that the sale of her meager cargoes sufficed to cover all expenses and even produced a modest profit for the investors!. This touched off a veritable fever of speculation in Dutch commercial circles, and in the following year fivce consortiums dispatched a total of 22 ships to Indies.

 

 

(Early Dutch expedition to Java)

 

The Dutch East India Company

The Netherlands was at this time rapidly becoming the commercial centter of Northern Europe. Since the 15th Century, ports of the two Dutch coastal provinces, Holland and Zeeland, had served as enter pots for goods shipped to Germany and the Baltic states. Many Dutch merchants grew wealthy on this carrying trade, and following the out-break of war with Spain in 1568, they began to expand their shipping fleets rapidly, so that by the 1590s they were trading directly with the Levant and Brazil.

 

Thus when a Dutchman published his itinerary to the East Indies in 1595-6, it occasioned the immediate dispatch of the de Houtman and later expeditions. Indeed, so keen was the interest in direct trade with the Indies, that all Dutch traders soon came to recognize the need for cooperation-to minimize competition and maximize profits.


(Van Lisnschoten – author of the first “guide book” to the Indies)

 

The VOC’s whole purpose and philosophy can be summed up in a single word-monopoly. Like the Portuguese before them, the Dutch dreamed of securing absolute control of the East Indies spice trade, which traditionally had passed through many Muslim and Mediterranean hands. The profits from such a trade were potentially enormous, in the order of several thousand per cent.

In its early years the VOC met with only limited success. Several trading posts were opened, and Ambon was taken from the Portuguese (in 1605), but Spanish and English, not to mention Muslim, competition kept spice prices high in Indonesia and low in Europe.

Then in 1614, a young accountant by the name of Jan Pietieszoon Coen convinced the directors that only a more forceful policy would make the company profitable. Coen was given command of VOC operations, and promptly embarked on a series of military adventures that were to set the pattern for Dutch behavior in the region.

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago. Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

 

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

 

Dutch colonial era

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

 

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia. By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies. The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC. By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.

borneo
 1590: Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595: Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

Unlike the Estado da India, the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) was a joint stock company, formed in 1602 by merging several smaller companies founded in the 1590s to trade with the Indies.

The joint stock company was a relatively new commercial form which became one of the most important vehicles for the development of modern capitalism. Its essence was that investors purchased shares in a joint operation which they themselves did not necessarily operate. In this way it became possible not only to produce a very large operating capital at short notice but to separate the functions of providing capital and managing the operation.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia.

By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies.

The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC.

By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.
1590:

Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595:

Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
 1604: On March 13, 1604, King Sukadana Panembahan Giri Kusuma binding agreement with the Dutch (VOC) [15], which infuriated the Sultan of Mataram.

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago.

Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

Arriving back in Holland in 1597

after ab absence of two years, with only three lightly laden ships and a third of their crew, the de Houtman voyage was nonetheless hailed as a success. So dear were spices in Europe at this time, that the sale of her meager cargoes sufficed to cover all expenses and even produced a modest profit for the investors!. This touched off a veritable fever of speculation in Dutch commercial circles, and in the following year fivce consortiums dispatched a total of 22 ships to Indies.

 

 

(Early Dutch expedition to Java)

 

The Dutch East India Company

The Netherlands was at this time rapidly becoming the commercial centter of Northern Europe. Since the 15th Century, ports of the two Dutch coastal provinces, Holland and Zeeland, had served as enter pots for goods shipped to Germany and the Baltic states. Many Dutch merchants grew wealthy on this carrying trade, and following the out-break of war with Spain in 1568, they began to expand their shipping fleets rapidly, so that by the 1590s they were trading directly with the Levant and Brazil.

 

Thus when a Dutchman published his itinerary to the East Indies in 1595-6, it occasioned the immediate dispatch of the de Houtman and later expeditions. Indeed, so keen was the interest in direct trade with the Indies, that all Dutch traders soon came to recognize the need for cooperation-to minimize competition and maximize profits.


(Van Lisnschoten – author of the first “guide book” to the Indies)

 

The VOC’s whole purpose and philosophy can be summed up in a single word-monopoly. Like the Portuguese before them, the Dutch dreamed of securing absolute control of the East Indies spice trade, which traditionally had passed through many Muslim and Mediterranean hands. The profits from such a trade were potentially enormous, in the order of several thousand per cent.

In its early years the VOC met with only limited success. Several trading posts were opened, and Ambon was taken from the Portuguese (in 1605), but Spanish and English, not to mention Muslim, competition kept spice prices high in Indonesia and low in Europe.

Then in 1614, a young accountant by the name of Jan Pietieszoon Coen convinced the directors that only a more forceful policy would make the company profitable. Coen was given command of VOC operations, and promptly embarked on a series of military adventures that were to set the pattern for Dutch behavior in the region.

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago. Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

 

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

 

Dutch colonial era

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

 

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia. By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies. The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC. By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.

borneo
 1590: Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595: Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

Unlike the Estado da India, the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) was a joint stock company, formed in 1602 by merging several smaller companies founded in the 1590s to trade with the Indies.

The joint stock company was a relatively new commercial form which became one of the most important vehicles for the development of modern capitalism. Its essence was that investors purchased shares in a joint operation which they themselves did not necessarily operate. In this way it became possible not only to produce a very large operating capital at short notice but to separate the functions of providing capital and managing the operation.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia.

By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies.

The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC.

By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.
1590:

Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595:

Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
 1604: On March 13, 1604, King Sukadana Panembahan Giri Kusuma binding agreement with the Dutch (VOC) [15], which infuriated the Sultan of Mataram.

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

 

 

 

 

In the sixteenth century,

 

 cotton and wild silk were dyed in ‘a thousand different colours,’ reflecting a wider palette of dyes than on the mainland. Moreover, the island did not limit raffia weaving to coarse stuffs, on East African lines, but produced fine fabrics. (Prestholdt 1998: 29-30) There was warp ikat dyeing of yarn, which was unknown in East Africa but common in Southeast Asia and Yemen. (Mack 1987: 79; Mack 1989: 33-4) Some Malagasy groups had elaborate burial ceremonies, followed by re-burials of dried remains, and shrouds of black cotton or red silk were particularly sacred and valuable in the seventeenth century. (Schaedler 1987: 428)

Production of cloth remained ubiquitous in Madagascar around 1800. Cotton dominated in the northwest of the island, and was much used on the west coast and the central plateau. The eastern and western coastal plains were the domain of fine raffia fabrics. Wild silk was widely produced, Asian insects and mulberry trees only being introduced in the early nineteenth century. (Campbell 2005: 31-2)

 

Production based on imported intermediate goods

Batik was the form of textile production most clearly stimulated by imports from India, consisting of plain white cotton cloth . (Kraan 1998: 7; Matsuo 1970: 77) Fabric from South India, with its high thread density and even surface, was best suited to the batik technique, even if it was possible to employ cloth of lesser quality. (Hitchcock 1991: 86-8)

Coloured and white cloths both underwent further processing in Sumatra, which had a lively tradition of gilding and embellishing all sorts of imported stuffs. (Andaya 1989: 44) In Siak, East Sumatra, in 1823, dark blue Indian cottons were stamped with gold flowers, and decorated with borders. (Anderson 1971: 205, 355)

Yarn imports were also significant. Eastern Malaya’s textile industry was that most dependent on imported cotton and silk yarns. When cheaper English machine-made cotton yarns arrived in the early nineteenth century, they further stimulated weaving in this area. (Maznah 1996: 83-8)

In the case of the Middle East, it is frustratingly difficult to know how much Indian cloth was processed in similar ways. Imports of plain white Indian cloth, significant in Persia in the 1510s, are an insufficient guide, for men frequently wore white cotton garments. (Pires 1944: 21, 30) Artisans in Mamluk Egypt [1250-1517] seem to have printed and embroidered white cotton stuffs from India. (Otavsky et al. 1995: 26; Baker 1995: 76-7) Moreover, cotton prints developed rapidly from the seventeenth century in various areas, responding to the stimulus of Indian competition. (Baker 1995: 160; Issawi 1966: 43; Ferrier 1996: 174) American exporters of unbleached cottons had them dyed in Masqat in the 1830s, the better to appeal to African consumers, suggesting an earlier Omani tradition of processing Indian cloth. (Bhacker 1992: 147)

The situation for yarn is equally unclear. Yemen imported Indian cotton yarns by the eighteenth century, perhaps for local weavers. (Baldry 1982: 49-50) Indian yarn was also imported into Iraq, but some was sent

 

on to Mediterranean lands, and its final destination may have been Europe. (Issawi 1966: 136)

In East Africa, there were several reports of finished cloth being taken apart to obtain yarn. In Sofala, a Portuguese source described such unravelling of Gujarati cloth in the 1510s, a practice that extended further north into Zambezia. (Prestholdt 1998: 26; Pearson 1998: 122; Rita-Ferreira 1999: 116) In 1570, ‘unthreading’ was said to be common in Mozambique. (Pearson 1998: 123) Ethiopian weavers similarly imported Indian cloth for its dyed yarn in the late eighteenth century. (Pankhurst 1968: 260) Pate relied on unravelled imported silks, for the only centre of silk weaving on the East African coast. (Prestholdt 1998: 24-5; Pearson 1998: 123)

The trading sphere of Javanese, Madurese and Balinese textiles

By the early fifteenth century, Javanese cloth was being sold in North Sumatra, and possibly exported to China. (Reid 1988: 91, 94) ‘Countless’ coarse Javanese cloths, from all over the island, were despatched to the great entrepôt of Melaka in the 1510s, at a time when large amounts of Indian cloth were imported. (Pires 1944: 169-70, 180) East Java, Madura, Bali and Sumbawa were the heart of a vibrant regional sea-borne trade in cottons in the sixteenth century, including ikat cloths. A fair amount of this cloth also served for the purchase of Maluku spices. (Reid 1988: 92, 94)

 

1680 –

VOC forces attack rebel areas in Mataram.

Banten declares war on VOC.

 Sultan Ageng is replaced in coup by his son, Sultan Haji, who seeks help from the VOC.

VOC forces invade Madura,

 supposedly on behalf of Mataram.

Cakraningrat II,

uncle of Trunojoyo, takes power in West Madura. VOC retains control of East Madura.

1681 –

January 6

VOC signs agreement with the princes of Cirebon

for mutual assistance in case of emergencies, and agreeing on severe punishment if any of the three heads rebelled against the VOC. Cirebon will not build any fortifications without VOC approval, the VOC has a monopoly on pepper in Cirebon, and the princes may control the export of sugar and rice from Cirebon.

 Pangeran Puger builds a new force

 and retakes the center of Mataram, but not Kartasura. VOC forces push him back and defeat him.

VOC intervenes in Roti, puts allies in power.

1682 –

 Sultan Ageng’s supporters, including much of the population, retake Banten against his son. VOC reacts by taking Banten with superior firepower.

VOC expels English and other European traders from Banten,

and begins to control Cirebon, the Priangan, and Lampung.

Syekh Waliyullah, Islamic scholar

 and enemy of the Dutch, is exiled to the VOC post in Ceylon.

1684 –

April 17:

VOC renews its 1659 treaty with Banten

; in addition, Banten gives up its claims to Cirebon, and grants the VOC a monopoly in the pepper trade in Lampung.

April 28:

VOC cancels the debts owed by the Sultan of Banten, but only on the condition that the previous treaties between the VOC and Banten are obeyed.

 

 

Surapati, (also called Untung),

 a former slave and outlaw, now employed as a VOC soldier, attacks a VOC column and escapes. He travels across the countryside of Java gathering followers. Surapati instructs his followers to kill two officials in Banyumas who were rebelling against the authority of Mataram. He receives the gratitude of Amangkurat II, and is given refuge by anti-VOC members of the court of Mataram at Kartasura.

1685 –

 Post is founded at Bengkulu by English traders

who had been forced to leave Banten.

 VOC forces treaty on Sultan of Riau.

1686 –

February 15

VOC receives a complete monopoly on pepper in Banten.

 VOC sends an embassy to the Mataram court at Kartasura, demanding the return of Surapati.

 Amangkurat II stages a fake attack on Surapati’s residence, then has his soldiers turn to cut down VOC representatives and soldiers, with the help of Pangeran Puger. The remaining VOC presence at court leaves for Jepara. Amangkurat II sends an ambassador to the VOC at Jepara claiming that he took no part in attacking the Dutch.

In 1686,

 Amangkurat II sends secret letters to Johore, Minangkabau, English East India Co, even Siam trying to find help against VOC.

1688 –

 Local leader on Bangka (claimed by Palembang) asks for VOC protection.

1689 –

 Plot against VOC in Batavia fails; rebels flee to Kartasura.

1690 –

 VOC abandons outpost at Perak. Tea is introduced on Java.

1694 –

VOC begins contacts with Bataks around Lake Toba, Sumatra.

1696 –

Sultan Muhammad Syah of Indrapura abdicates and VOC gains influence in the absence of a ruler there.

 

1699 –

VOC introduces coffee cultivation to Java. VOC increases influence around Kutai on Kalimantan.

Notes:

In the 1500s,

the Netherlands were an important business center for Europe, where products from Russia, Scandinavia, Africa, Asia and America were bought and sold. The Netherlands during that time was ruled by Spain. By 1581, the Netherlands had rebelled against the King of Spain and had begun to govern themselves. But since Spain now had control of the Portuguese colonies, the Spanish could prevent Dutch businessmen from easy access to spices from the Indies. This was one reason that Dutch ships began to make their own voyages direct to the Indies in the 1590s. Many Dutch sailors had worked on Spanish and Portuguese ships. When De Houtman’s Dutch expedition set sail, there were experienced crewmen available to guide them to the Indies.

The Dutch introduced the fifth of Indonesia’s recognized religions: Protestant Christianity. Beside the missionary work on Java, there were soon many “orang Kristen” around Manado on Sulawesi, in Ambon, and around Kupang on Timor and nearby Roti. The VOC, being mostly a business, had very little interest in spreading religion. However, it banned the practice of Catholicism wherever it could.

By this time, the VOC was probably the largest business enterprise anywhere in the world, with tens of thousands of employees. The territories controlled by the VOC were not only in Indonesia: in the mid-1600s, they also included Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and the Cape area in what is now South Africa. The VOC also had “factories”, warehouses and offices in Thailand, Japan, Iran, Yemen, and Canton in China.

 

 

 

17th century

 

1602

The success of Cornelis de Houtman’s first trip to Indonesia sparked a blaze of excitement in Dutch merchant houses, and what followed was a period appropriately known as the Wilde Vaart, ‘The Wild Voyages’. 

Ship after unregulated ship rounded the Cape of Good Hope heading east.  They belonged to a burgeoning crop of rival companies and most of them returned successfully.  In 1599 the first Dutch fleet reached Maluku and the Bandas, and racked up a magnificent 400 per cent profit in the process, and having apparently made amends for de Houtman’s earlier vandalism, four rival Dutch spice agencies set themselves up in Banten. Meanwhile, the Portuguese were still hanging around in their worm-eaten carracks, and the British too were plying the waters of the Spice Islands.

It was a free for all, and, as gold rushes are wont to do, it risked precipitating a collapse of the European spice market, and so,

in the early spring of 1602, the rival Dutch trading houses came together to form the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compangnie, or the United East India Company, known forever more in the interests of brevity as the VOC.

  

Gentlemen’s Club: The Heeren XVII

It was run from Amsterdam by a board of directors drawn in various numbers from each of the Netherlands’ six regions.  There were 17 of these black-coated grandees;

they were known as the Heeren XVII, the Seventeen Gentlemen, and they exercised power over the operations of the VOC like a council of the gods.  They had a government charter which gave them a semblance of sovereign power, and they had near total autonomy in their actions in the East.

 

1606

Ternate

by Francois Valentijn, 1726:

in this print is showed also the map of the Spanish town Nuestra Seńora del Rosario (Gammalamma).

The Spaniards, that after the conquest of Ternate, in 1606,

were at least nominally masters of the spice islands, did not succed to contrast the successive return of Dutch that formed an alliance with the rebellious Ternatens. The Spanish occupation was mainly a military occupation, because of the hostility of theTernatens and the Dutch, than after the Spanish conquest of Ternate, returned more battle-trained.

The contest between Aceh and Johor revived during the first half of the 17th century, when Acehnese power grew once again under Sultan Iskandar Muda. Aceh dominated the western coast of Sumatra and challenged Johor on the peninsula and in the strait

 

 

 

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17th century

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

In 1601

a Dutch fleet drove the Portuguese from Banten,

1602

In 1602,

therefore, they formed the United Dutch East India Company (known by its Dutch initials-VOC), one of the first joint-stock corporations in history. It was capitalized at more than 6 million guilders and empowered by the states-general to negotioate treaties, raise armies, build fortresses and wage war on behalf of the Netherlands in Asia.

 

Unlike the Estado da India, the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) was a joint stock company, formed in 1602 by merging several smaller companies founded in the 1590s to trade with the Indies.

The joint stock company was a relatively new commercial form which became one of the most important vehicles for the development of modern capitalism. Its essence was that investors purchased shares in a joint operation which they themselves did not necessarily operate.

In this way it became possible not only to produce a very large operating capital at short notice but to separate the functions of providing capital and managing the operation.

and

in 1605

the Dutch seized the Portuguese forts in Maluku.

Solor fell to the Dutch in 1613,

For the remainder of the 16th century,

Aceh, Johor and the Portuguese fought a three-way contest for dominance in the strait.

The Portuguese never extended their territorial control beyond Melaka, but their fleets were a potent force along the coasts. Johor exercised a broad hegemony over the peninsula and over the opposite shore of Sumatra, but raids from Aceh made its tenure uncertain.

 

According to primary historical sources from the 16th century,

this kingdom is a kingdom covering an area which is now the province of Banten, Jakarta, West Java Province, and the western part of Central Java Province.

Based on the primary codex

 

Bujangga Manik (narrating the journey Bujangga Manik)

, a Hindu priest who visited the Sunda sacred places of Hinduism in Java and Bali in the early 16th century), which is currently stored at Boedlian Library, Oxford University, England since 1627),

 

limits the Kingdom of Sunda on the east is Ci pamali ( “pamali River”, now known as Kali Brebes) and Ci Serayu (which is now called Kali Serayu) in Central Java province.

16th century

the Muslim emerging forces finally defeated the remnant of Majapahit kingdom in the early 16th century.[23]

Demak under the leadership of Raden (later crowned as Sultan) Patah (Arabic name: Fatah)

was acknowledge as the legitimate successor of Majapahit.

According to Babad Tanah Jawi and Demak tradition,

the source of Patah’s legitimacy because, their first sultan,

Raden Patah is the son of Majapahit king Brawijaya V with a Chinese concubine.

Another argument supporting Demak as the successor of Majapahit; the rising Demak sultanate was easily to be accepted as the nominal regional ruler, as Demak was the former Majapahit vassal and located near the former Majapahit realm in Eastern Java.

Demak established itself as the regional power and the first Islamic sultanate in Java.

After the fall of Majapahit, the Hindu kingdoms in Java only remained in Blambangan on eastern edge

and

Pajajaran in western part.

Gradually Hindu communities began to retreat to mountain ranges in East Java and also to neighboring island of Bali.

A small enclave of Hindu communities still remain in Tengger mountain range

1601

the first British contack with what is indonesia date back to 1601 when Quen Elisabeth I sent an emissary to the sultan of Acheen (Aceh). correspondence from those early contacts is still exant in the british  library in london. World demand for spices had led the european powers to establish route to the indies, the island the today form the indonesia archipelago. Trading post and garrisons were won and lost in the European power struggle, but it was the dutch who came dominate the lucrative trade in spices.

1602

The founding of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on 20 March 1602 marked the worldwide start of share trading. The VOC was the first company to give private citizens the opportunity to participate in its capital, and the documents recording their participation are thought to be the oldest shares in the world. The Amsterdam stock exchange owns one of the few remaining copies of this very rare document, which is seldom seen by the public. This VOC share will also be on display during Visitor’s Day.

 

In 1602,

 

the English East India Company’s first voyage, commanded by Sir James Lancaster, arrived in Aceh, region of Indonesia, located on the northern tip of the island of Sumatra.  and sailed on to Bantam, where he was allowed to build trading post which becomes the centre of English trade in Indonesia until 1682. In this case, the Prince took the Dutch, arrival seriously as the Dutch had constructed many military. A military is an organization authorized by its greater society to use lethal force, usually including use of weapons, in defending its country by combating actual or perceived threats…

1615 Prince Jayawikarta apparently also had a connection with the English and allowed them to build houses directly across from the Dutch buildings in 1615. When relations between Prince Jayawikarta and the Dutch later deteriorated, his soldiers attacked the Dutch fortress which covered two main buildings, Nassau and Mauritus. But even with the help of 15 ships from the English, Prince Jayawikarta’s army wasn’t able to defeat the Dutch, for Jan Pieterszoon Coen

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

(J.P. Coen) came to Jayakarta just in time, drove away the English ships and burned the English trading post.

 

Things then changed for the Prince, when the Sultan of Banten sent his soldiers and summoned Prince Jayawikarta to establish a close relationship with the English without an approval of the Banten authorities. The relationships between both Prince Jayawikarta and the English with the Banten government then became worse and resulted in the Prince’s decision to move to Tanara, a small place in Banten, until his death. This assisted the Dutch in their efforts to establish a closer relationship with Banten. The Dutch had by then changed the name to “Batavia“, which remained until 1942.

.

In 1602 the Dutch set up the Dutch East Indies Company, Vereenigde Oostindie Compagnie in Dutch or VOC. In the Moluccas, the Dutch took a first Portuguese fort in 1605.

1605

Maluku people’s resistance against the Portuguese, the Dutch used to set foot in the Moluccas. In 1605, the Dutch managed to force the Portuguese to give up its defenses in Ambon to Steven van der Hagen and the Tidore to Sebastiansz Cornelisz. Similarly, the British fort at Kambelo, Seram Island, destroyed by the Dutch. Since then the Dutch managed to control large parts of Maluku.
The position of the Dutch in the Moluccas strengthened with the establishment of the VOC in 1602, and since then the Dutch became the sole ruler in the Moluccas. Under the leadership of Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Chief Operating VOC, clove trade in the Moluccas sepunuh under the control of VOC for nearly 350 years. For this purpose the VOC did not hesitate to drive out competitors, Portuguese, Spanish, and English. Even tens of thousands of people become victims of brutality VOC Maluku.

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

was appointed the VOC governor general for the Moluccas. He too wanted to set up an establishment in Java. He took Jayakarta in 1619. On the ruins of the Javanese town, he founded Batavia, which he named after the ancestors of the Dutch people, the Germanic tribe of the Batavians

Batavians

The Batavi were an ancient Germanic tribe, originally part of the Chatti, reported by Tacitus to have lived around the Rhine delta, in the area that is currently the Netherlands, “an uninhabited district on the extremity of the coast of Gaul, and also of a neighbouring island, surrounded by the…

1605

Early history of Christianity in Indonesia is not the same as the dawn of the Protestant Church. In 1605 the Christian religion is no longer a stranger in the archipelago.

Mung * kin once the Christian merchants from Arab khalifa or from South India to set foot in Indonesia starting from the 7th century or the 8th AD In 1323-1324 a member of the Franciscan Order, Oderico de Pordenone, visiting Borneo, the palace of Majapahit, and Sumatra. Twenty years later a messenger from the Pope met with a number of Christians in Sumatra [SGA I, 34v]. However, in this era of Christianity has not been rooted in the Earth Indonesia. Congregations that there may not leave scars, and in any case consists only of migrants.

 

Conversely, the expansion of Christianity that took place in the 16th century laid the foundation of the church that stands today. Around the year 1500 entered the Roman Catholic mission coincided with the soldiers and Portuguese and Spanish traders. In those days people of Spain and Portugal had just managed to repel the Arab rulers of Europe, but the Islamic kingdoms in North Africa remains a security threat to Southern Europe. At that time the Turks launched a great attack in the name of Islam in Southeast Europe.

They conquered Christian countries in the Balkan peninsula and in 1529 invaded the country instead of Germany.

 

Europeans feel besieged, and attempting to make a counter-attack by moving the circular. That way they hope to also get direct access to areas of origin of luxury goods as long as it reached Europe through the mediator in the East Indies and Egypt or Turkey.

 

Then they explore the ocean to find a way to “the Indies”, which is located behind the Turkish camp.For them, the Indian was a fairy tale, the source of unimaginable wealth. As he sailed westward, the Spaniards discovered America, which at first they thought were “the Indies” (so-called natives “Indians”). A few years later, the Portuguese managed to reach the “Indies” the truth, namely the Indian Ocean region, and immediately began a military and economic war against the Muslims there, who they view as a ally of the Turks.

 

They are not strong enough to colonize a large area, but only seize or establish a series of fortress along the trade route that stretched from India to Indonesia and China Eastern. Main strongholds is Goa (west coast of India), Malacca (Malaysia area now), Ternate and Solor (off the coast of Flores), as well as the Macao (China offshore). From their base in America, the Spaniards colonize and Christianize the North and Central Philippine region. At a later date, their influence extends to the islands of Sangihe and North Maluku.

 

It is clear that the activities of Europeans in Indonesia, particularly the Portuguese, religious motives, military motifs, and motifs interwoven trade. So fortresses they have dual functions. In it there is a military barracks, warehouses for merchandise, and a church building.

 

The priests serving the soldiers and merchants in the fort. Sometimes they also came out to bring Christianity to the natives who live around the fort. But in general spread of the gospel does not become their primary goal. Said one high official of the Portuguese era: “They come with a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other.

 

But when they found wealth, they immediately rule out the cross and fill their pockets “. The most active group mission is to perform the work of the clergy of the order, in particular members of the Society of Jesus (SJ) who worked in Asia since the 1540s. Beside them, the Order of Franciscans and Dominicans also need to be called.

 

Laying the Basic Christian Church

 

Here we only give an outline of the history of Catholic missions in the 16th century and the 17th. Who want to know the ropes can find in the work history of the Catholic Church in Indonesia, Volume I, and the Yeast Carita I. We will successively discuss the development of western Indonesian archipelago and in the East.

 

At the time the Portuguese arrived in the archipelago, the inhabitants of coastal areas of Sumatra and Java had converted to Islam.

 

After all, in terms of politics they are relatively compact, they have formed a powerful kingdom with a relatively large area, such as Aceh, Johor, Banten and Demak.

 

Therefore, the mission did not succeed to get a foothold there. Only in the city of Malacca, which in the 1511-1641 period is the main stronghold in the east of Portuguese Goa, there is a rather large Christian congregation, headed by a bishop. But this congregation is made up of immigrants from Europe and their descendants. Elsewhere in the western part of the archipelago there is never a stable congregation.

.

1606:

On February 14, 1606, an expedition led by Koopman Gillis Michaelszoon Dutch first arrived in Banjarmasin, because of bad temperament captain was killed in a riot. [16]
 1607:

Aji Mas Anom Paser Indra became the ruler until the year 1644.
 1607: June 7, 1607 expedition led by Koopman VOC Michaelszoon Gillis arrived in Banjarmasin, all the crew were killed in retaliation for the seizure of Banjar junks in Banten in 1596. [17]

 

 

1609:

On October 1, VOC conduct cooperation pact with the Prince Duke of Sambas. [18]
 1610:

Aji violated Kutai VII became King until the year 1635.

the first Dutch governor-general, 1609–1614,

1610:

King maimed became ruler based in Pekana porcupine, Authorship.
 1612:

In May 1612, fire destroyed the Dutch Company Banjar Banjar Old Empire’s capital, so capital was moved to Martapura. British trade partnership, chaired by Sir Henry Middleton coming to Brunei.

Pada tahun 1612

di pesisir  Timur  Sumatera bagian utara beridir kerajaan Aru(haru).Telah berdiri kerajaan dihulu sungai petani  dan sungai lalang  yang merupakan cikal bakal kesultanan deli.Menurut Hikayat deli Putra Raja India yang bernama Hisyamudin atau Muhamad Dalhik,seorang turunan dari Zulkarnaen Syehk Batraludin Khan dari negeri Sindhi Hindustan India. Ia merantau kearah Nusnatara Ini dan kapalnya tengelam didekat Kuala Pasai  sehuingga terdampar di Pasai, ketika itu ada kenduri besar di Negeri Pasai karena Raja baru saja mangkat, Sewaktu beliau diberi makanan diatas daun pisang  beliau tidak memakannya.Seketika itu tahulah masyarakat bahwa beliau bukan turunan rakyat biasa.Beliau tidak lama menetap di Negeri Pasai.Muhamad Dahlik meneruskan perjalannya ke kota raja(Bandar Aceh sekarang) dengan memakai nama samaran Labai Hitam.

Di Pasai ini Dalhik sempat menikah dengan putri Sultan Samudra Aceh ,  Chandra Dewi ,Pada masa itu dipimpin oleh Raja Iskandar Muda dan beliau menghadapi kesulitan menghadapi perusuh bangsa RUM(turki) yang membuat kekacauan di Pasai.Dengan keahliannya dalam bela diri,Dalhik dapat membunuh satu perusuh tersebut dan menaklukkan gajah yang bernama Ganda Suli ,melihat kehebatannya Muhamad Dalhik diberi gelar Panglima Gocah Pahlawan(Gocah mungkin berasal dari kata Khuja atau Koja)

Pada Abad ke 15 berdiri kerajaan  Haru atau Aru  yang dapat dibaca dalam laporan Fei Sin (1436).Aru terletak didepan pulau Sembilan dengan angin yang baik dapat smapai kesitu dari Malaka dalam waktu 3 hari 3 malam ,hasil negeri itu hanya kopra dan pisang ,hasil ini ditukar dengan kapal asing dengansutra,  manik-manik dan keramik.JUga menurut catatan  buku Al Muhil  seorang Laksmana Turki  Sidi Ali Celebi(1554) adanya kerjaan Aru dengan kota Medina(medan sekarang) sebagai Bandar besar setelah meliwati Pulau  Berhala.

Menurut Laporan seorang portugis,Tome Pirres ,Aru adalah kerajaan yang terbesar di Sumatra ,rakyatnya banyak tetapi tidak kaya karena perdaganan.Aru mempunyai kapal yang sangat kencang dan kuat daya penghancurnya >Raja Aru beragama Idslam dan hidup diperdalaman ,negeri ini memiliki banyak sungai dan berawa-rawa  sehingga sulit dimasuki. Aru bnayak menghasil padi,daging,buah-buahan  dan arak juga kapur barus berkualitas tinggi,rotan,lilin ,emas,madu,benzoin dan budak-budak.

Aru mempunyai pasar budak yang dinamkan Arqat, (Rantau Prapat sekarang) ,Aru mendapat barang dagangannya dari Pasai ,pedir,Fansur dan minangkabau .

Wilayah kerajaan aru  pesisir Sumatra timur yaitu dampai  batas  Tamiang dan Rokan ,pada tahun 1612 Kerajaan Aru dapat ditak;lukan oleh kerajaan Samudar Pasai dibawah pimpinan Panglima Gocah Pahlawan, yang akhirnya diangkat oleh Raja iskandar Muda sebagai perwakilan Aceh di Sumatera Timur.yang berkeudukan di sungai lalang( Deli Tua).

1612

in 1612, in Tolucco (Fort Hollandia). The main Dutch base of the  Moluccas remained however the fort of Malayo. In a few years, practically the greater part of the island of Ternate had been lost to the Spanish control.

 

Great aid in this reached to the Dutch from their natural allies the Ternatens. In the same years in which these forts in Ternate were built, the Dutch control extended also to the other islands of the archipelago. Starting from 1608 also all the island of Makian was occupied by the Dutch who constructed to three fortresses long the coasts of the island. Makian was the richer island in absolute than nail of ambita garofano and that more from the Dutch who aimed to control the commerce of the spices. Another fortress, Fort Nassau, was built in 1609 in the island of Moti (Motir), island situated between Tidore and Maquiem (Machian), also this island was rich of cloves. In 1609, also the Spanish fort of Bachan was captured by the Dutch commandants vice admiral Simon Jansz Hoen. Practically after 1606, and between 1607 and 1610, the Dutch with theirs ally succeeded to force the Spanish on the defensive and took the control of great part of the islands. Under the Spanish control only remained the southern side of the island of Ternate (where was the main town of “Nuestra Seńora del Rosario”), the entire island of Tidore and some ports in the islands of Halmahera and Morotai.

The Spanish garrisons had their headquarters in the islands of Ternate and Tidore where it’s often difficult to understand by the documents where were situated  the spanish “presidios”, the some “presidio” was sometimes called with different names causing not little difficulties to understand where and which was.

In addition to a multitude of fortified places in Ternate and Tidore, the Spaniards maintained sometimes for a few years some garrisons also in the peripheral islands of Halmahera, Morotai and Sulawesi, these places were important  for the maintenance of the garrisons, because those islands were sources of sago and other indispensable food for

the maintenance of the garrisons and of the population of the islands of Ternate and Tidore, islands where because of the conformation of the land and the continuous state of war in which they were did not allow the cultivation of such products.

Often the spanish garrisons depended for the refueling of food, dressed and ammunitions nearly exclusively from the so-called fleet of “soccorro” that  was sendt every year from the Philippines.

When one of these fleets lacked to the appointment or because it was captured from the Dutch or because the bad weather who provoked frequent shipwrecks, were times of great lack for the Spanish soldiers of the garrisons and for the population of the Spanish city of Ternate. In spite of these deprivations and of the high human and material cost, the Spaniards maintained their own garrisons in Ternate, Tidore and in other islands, until 1663, year in which on order of the governor of the Philippines Manrique de Lara was decided the dismantling and the abandonment of all the garrisons of the Moluccas.

 

1613:

Amiril Pengiran Lion King Tidung Laoet served until 1650.

Banda under Dutch rule

1613

SULTAN AGUNG HANYOKROKUSUMO
Lahir : Yogyakarta, 1591
Wafat : Yogyakarta, 1645

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SULTAN AGUNG HANYOKROKUSUMO diangkat sebagai Raja Mataram menggantikan ayahnya, Raden Mas Jolang pada tahun 1613.

Di bawah pemerintahan Sultan Agung, Mataram mencapai puncak kejayaannya sebagai kerajaan terbesar di Pulau Jawa saat itu. Sultan Agung adalah raja yang tidak pernah mau berkompromi dengan VOC. Ia bahkan pernah dua kali menyerang kedudukan VOC di Batavia.

 1615:

Prince Dipati Anta-founded the Duchy Kotawaringin Kasuma, fractional area of ​​the Sultanate of Banjar most western border with the Kingdom of Tanjungpura.

1618

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen and the Birth of Batavia

 

1618

But then, in 1618, the Seventeen Gentlemen appointed as their representative in the East the first man of real consequence.

He was 31 years old and his Coen: Founding Fathername was Jan Pieterszoon Coen.

Founding Father

Coen was a stern man with angry eyes and flying moustaches.  He was born in the windy little fishing town of Hoorn on the Dutch coast and brought up in

 

Coen: Founding Father

the strictest of Calvinist traditions.  He went out to Indonesia early and rose quickly to the top of the VOC ranks by way of the posts of chief merchant and bookkeeper-general.  He had been on the scene in 1607 when dozens of Dutch traders were killed in an uprising by the much abused inhabitants of the Banda Islands, and had harboured a deep dislike of the natives ever since. And he was no friend to Holland’s English rivals either.  Even before he was appointed governor-general he was in the habit of sending outrageously belligerent letters back to the Seventeen Gentlemen sneering at their soft-touch policies and demanding more aggression towards the competitors.

Quite what manner of person Coen was depends entirely on your perspective.  From a financial point of view he was the hothead who – with his doctrine of ‘no trade without war, no war without trade’ – overstepped the mark and kick-started the slow but ceaseless descent of the VOC into bankruptcy.  For later patriotic Hollanders he was the man who launched an empire – and for their nationalistic Indonesian counterparts he was the first of the rapacious colonialist exploiters.  For urban historians he was the founder of the city that would eventually become the monumental metropolis that is modern Jakarta.  And for 17th century English traders he was little short of demonic, a ruthless rival who clattered over the decks on cloven hooves and presided over the worst Dutch perfidy in the history of the spice trade.  One thing is certain, however: if Cornelis de Houtman, staggering scurvy-ridden up the Banten beach in 1596 marks the symbolic arrival of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia, then Jan Pieterszoon Coen, 24 years later, represents its real beginnings.

The Port of Coconuts

On 30 December 1618 the tall masts of 14 British ships hove into view off the mouth a muddy river called the Ciliwung on the north coast of Java, 50 miles east of Banten.  The dark, bruise-coloured columns of monsoon rainstorms marched across the horizon and a wet smell of mud and rotten foliage wafted offshore on the land breeze.  In a more conducive season almost two centuries later another British fleet – the one carrying Thomas Stamford Raffles – would appear over that same horizon, but the commander of this flotilla was an admiral named Thomas Dale.

On the banks of the river stood a small township ruled over by a minor Javanese prince.  This little estuarine settlement had originally been called Sunda Kelapa – a name which referred to the local abundance of coconuts – but in 1527 it had fallen to a king of the nearby court of Cirebon.  It had been bands of paid-up mercenaries who had done the actual capturing, and given that the coconut-strewn spot was little more than an overgrown village the conquest can hardly have been one of high drama.  However, the Cirebon palace was obviously a place awash with hyperbole: they renamed their new possession Jayakarta, meaning ‘Glorious Victory’.  Later the territory went over to the Banten sultan, and by 1618 it was the seat of that petty vassal prince who was in his way a small embodiment of Javanese culture – a Muslim with a half-Sanskrit name: Wijayakrama.

 

Place of Coconuts: early Batavia

Since 1611 the VOC had had a small outpost on the banks of the Ciliwung opposite Jayakarta’s meagre little palace.  The English too had their own fortified warehouse beside the township, and although it was hardly a place to excite the fantasies of urban planners, the newly appointed Dutch Governor-General, Jan Pieterszoon Coen, had taken a shine to Jayakarta as spot suitable for a future Dutch capital in the Indies.  The current headquarters at Ambon, despite being in the thick of the spiceries, was too far from other key staging posts.  The long established Banten, meanwhile, was still bristling with rival trading factions – English, Portuguese and Chinese – and a base there was always dependent on the goodwill of the then sultan, Abdulmafakir.  Coen had decided that Jayakarta, with its sheltered location and accessible river channel, would make a nice alternative.

Even so, Jayakarta – or Jaccatra, as both Dutch and Englishmen miss-transliterated it at the time – was hardly a place of major consequence.  But with the arrival of Dale’s English fleet in the bay, at the head of which Coen’s own eight ships were already anchored, it was about to become the setting for an absurd four-way conflict.

The romantically named Prince Wijayakrama of Jayakarta had apparently been troubling the Banten court, behaving in a fashion not befitting a deferent vassal.  What was more, Sultan Abdulmafakir was none too sure about the advisability of allowing a major Dutch outpost to develop on the fringes of his realm.  Turning to the time-honoured tradition of getting someone else to do your dirty work he had encouraged the British naval fleet then harboured in Banten to sail down the coast, unseat Wijayakrama and evict their Dutch rivals.  Relations between the English and the Dutch were far from friendly at the time.  Coen was making great efforts to obliterate England’s last remaining Spice Islands outpost on the minuscule Banda islet of Run, and had every intention of banishing them from Indonesia altogether.

Admiral Dale found that his own motivations intersected very neatly with those of the Sultan.  He headed for Jayakarta.

Glorious Victory?

In the event the siege of Jayakarta was scarcely more fitting of its glorious epithet than the minor Cirebon conquest nine decades earlier.  The fleets of Coen and Dale danced delicately around each other for 24 hours, before the outnumbered Dutch departed abruptly for Ambon in search of reinforcements.  Dale then came ashore and somehow managed to team up with Prince Wijayakrama to besiege the remaining Hollanders.

The VOC’s Jayakarta outpost was miniscule, and with Coen’s fleet fled it was defended mostly by shopkeepers.  After a wet, muddy and malarial month during which very little action took place they were quite ready to surrender.  However, at this point a new army appeared, marching along sodden coastal roads from the west.  Back in Banten Sultan Abdulmafakir had evidently realised that the upshot of the shenanigans in Jayakarta was likely to be either an entrenched Prince Wijayakrama, or a minor Dutch fort replaced with a much larger British one.  He had sent his own men to settle the score.  Both Dale and Wijayakrama reacted in an understandable if not entirely honourable fashion – the English took to their boats and bolted, while the Javanese gathered their grumbling courtesans and fled to the mountains.  And the Dutch remained more or less besieged.

For the next three months very little happened.  The Dutch eked out their days in the little fort getting drunk, praying fervently to a Calvinist Christ, and dying of malaria.  The highlight of the episode came on 12 March 1619, when some unnamed soldier, inspired either by religious mania, inebriation or malarial delirium, came up with the idea of renaming their miserable outpost after a much-mythologized Germanic tribe who had stomped around the marshy flatlands of the Rhine Delta two thousand years earlier.

When Jan Pieterszoon Coen returned in May with a fully armed fleet all fired up for a great victory of their own, he found that the British had gone, the Bantenese had largely lost interest, and that Jayakarta was now called Batavia.

He needed only to come ashore, burn the palace, the mosque and any other Javanese building in sight, and the Dutch would be in possession of both a location and a name for their grand Indonesian capital.

 

 

 1619

The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619,

Admiral Dale, stricken with fever, and fearful lest the Bantamese might sacrifice the English to make terms with the Dutch, had shipped off our goods and factors from Bantam in the summer of 1619, sought an asylum for them on the east coast of India, and there died. The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619,and four others off Sumatra in October 1619 . Our alliance with the Prince of Bantam, to capture the half-built Dutch fort at Jacatra (Batavia) in the beginning of that year, furnished Coen with a cause of war against us, and placed him in the right from the point of view of European diplomacy.

The arrival, early in 1620,

of the treaty of July, 1619,  snatched the prey from between his hands. “The English ought to be very thankful to you,” he wrote to the Dutch directors in Holland, “for they had worked themselves very nicely out of the Indies, and you have placed them again in the midst.”

If, however, he had to obey the treaty, he could use it for his own ends

1620

The English would have liked. to resettle at Bantam, but Coen resolved not only to destroy the trade of that port but to force the English to live under his own eye at Batavia. After some negotiation the joint Council of Defence, established in Java by the treaty, agreed to blockade Bantam in 1620,and

In Batavia Coen made our position so miserable that in July, 1620, we had to keep a ship there as a floating warehouse, “having no place on shore.” In 1621 the English almost gave up Java in despair, and part of them again sought a refuge on the Indian coast. In August, 1622, Thomas Drockedon, our agent at Batavia, asked leave from the directors in London to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch.”

His situation was a mournful one. So far from restitution having been made to us under the treaty of 1619, we were compelled to supply “incredible sums” for fortifications which the Dutch did or did not build, but which could only be a menace to ourselves. We had been dragged into a war with Bantam, from which we could derive no benefit, and which shut us out from the chief pepper mart. The civil and criminal jurisdiction was exercised by the Dutch to publicly insult us. We were placed on a level with “the blacks,” whose bare affirmation was taken against us. We might not “kill a wild hog or gather a cocoanut in the wood without leave.” The Dutch had flogged William Clarke, steward of the English factory, in the market-place, “cruelly cutting his flesh, and then washed him with salt and vinegar, and laid him again in irons.” The English watch had been imprisoned for eight days and threatened with torture, to force them to make false confessions against the president of our council. What seemed to the Dutch their lawful jurisdiction, the English regarded as oppression

The arrival, early in 1620,

of the treaty of July, 1619,  snatched the prey from between his hands. “The English ought to be very thankful to you,” he wrote to the Dutch directors in Holland, “for they had worked themselves very nicely out of the Indies, and you have placed them again in the midst.”

If, however, he had to obey the treaty, he could use it for his own ends.

1620

The English would have liked. to resettle at Bantam, but Coen resolved not only to destroy the trade of that port but to force the English to live under his own eye at Batavia. After some negotiation the joint Council of Defence, established in Java by the treaty, agreed to blockade Bantam in 1620, and thus accomplished both his objects. For, although the English soon withdrew, they had compromised themselves with the Bantam prince, and the Dutch fleet was strong enough to continue the blockade without them.

 

Court of Directors, East India House

In Batavia Coen made our position so miserable that in July, 1620, we had to keep a ship there as a floating warehouse, “having no place on shore.” In 1621 the English almost gave up Java in despair, and part of them again sought a refuge on the Indian coast. In August, 1622, Thomas Drockedon, our agent at Batavia, asked leave from the directors in London to

 

return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch.”

His situation was a mournful one. So far from restitution having been made to us under the treaty of 1619, we were compelled to supply “incredible sums” for fortifications which the Dutch did or did not build, but which could only be a menace to ourselves. We had been dragged into a war with Bantam, from which we could derive no benefit, and which shut us out from the chief pepper mart.

The civil and criminal jurisdiction was exercised by the Dutch to publicly insult us. We were placed on a level with “the blacks,” whose bare affirmation was taken against us. We might not “kill a wild hog or gather a cocoanut in the wood without leave.” The Dutch had flogged William Clarke, steward of the English factory, in the market-place, “cruelly cutting his flesh, and then washed him with salt and vinegar, and laid him again in irons.”

The English watch had been imprisoned for eight days and threatened with torture, to force them to make false confessions against the president of our council. What seemed to the Dutch their lawful jurisdiction, the English regarded as oppression.

1622:

Sultanate of Mataram send Tumenggung Bahurekso, Regent of Kendal Sukadana attack under control Bunku Princess / Queen Mas Jaintan (Mustika Giri’s mother), this attack will attack worrying Banjar Sultanate of Mataram. Giri mustaka (Raden Saradewa) son-king Prince Dipati Kotawaringin Kasuma Anta-crowned king-Matan Sukadana Syafiuddin title of Sultan Muhammad (1622-1659). He was the first king of the title of Sultan, the previous king Panembahan Sukadana title only.

1622

For another alleged plot twelve natives had been condemned to be quartered, and the rest of the accused to perpetual slavery in chains. The torture failed to elicit anything against the English; but if it could have given the Dutch “any advantage against us,” we should have had no mercy. “Wherefore,” wrote in 1622 our President Furgand and council at Batavia,

“we earnestly desire speedily to be released from this bondage.” A similar attempt was made in the island of Pularoon to extort confessions against the English by cruel torments of the natives. Thus was rehearsed alike in the capital of Dutch India and in the distant Nutmeg Isles, that tragedy of torture which was so soon to be enacted at Amboyna. In the still remoter seas, as we learn from a letter of Richard Cocks, dated Nagasaki, 10th March, 1620, the Hollanders, with seven ships at Japan, had, “with sound of trumpet,” “proclaimed there open war against the English, as their mortal enemies.”

The Clove and Nutmeg Isles, including among them Amboyna, Banda, and Pularoon, lay, it will be remembered, at the south-eastern end of the Spice Archipelago. The Dutch claimed the sovereignty over them, by the conquest of Amboyna from the Portuguese in 1605, and in virtue of many treaties. The English had a set of counter-claims based on the free surrender of Pularoon to us in 1616, of Lantor or Great Banda in 1620, and on compacts with other chiefs. We had also an agency at Amboyna under the Dutch-English treaty of 1619. The Dutch with an overwhelming force expelled us from Lantor and Pularoon in 1621–1622. Our gallant agent, Nathaniel Courthorpe, who, in “much want and misery,” held Pularoon from 1616 to 1620, sometimes with but thirty-eight men to resist the “force and tyranny” of the Hollanders, had been mortally wounded in a sea-fight, and threw himself overboard rather than see his ship strike her flag.

Herman van Speult, governor of the neighbouring island of Amboyna, was regarded at headquarters as “too scrupulous” in his fiscal administration. In January, 1623, the Governor-General Coen, when departing for Europe, enjoined strict justice, and mentioned Amboyna as a place where no English encroachments were to be allowed. “Trust them not,” he said,

any more than open enemies … not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out.” His farewell instructions merely reiterated the principles on which he had always insisted. “Trust the English no more than a public enemy ought to be trusted,” he wrote two months previously to Banda, the agency nearest Amboyna. This policy of suspicion, and of “not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out,” was now to be enforced with a stupid violence which the great governor-general might perhaps have anticipated, but which he would have been the first to condemn.

By the beginning of 1623 the Dutch found themselves completely masters of the Clove and Nutmeg Archipelago. At the principal clove island, Amboyna, they had, according to the English statement founded upon depositions on oath, a fortress garrisoned by two hundred Dutch soldiers, with three or four hundred native troops, including some thirty Japanese, and further protected by eight vessels in the roadstead. The English numbered eighteen men, scattered between five small factories on different islands, very badly off, with a few slaves, “just six and all boys.” In their house at Amboyna only three swords, two muskets,

and half a pound of powder were found. The nearest English support was the Banda agency, at a distance across the sea, and containing but nine of their countrymen. English ships seldom came to Amboyna, and not one was then near. Our president in council at Java had in fact resolved to withdraw the petty English factories at Amboyna and throughout the Clove and Nutmeg

 

The fortress at Amboyna

Archipelago. He had even arranged with the Dutch governor-general for their transport to Batavia in Holland ships. In February, 1623, orders to this effect were on their way from our president in Batavia to Amboyna.

They arrived too. late. On the evening of February 10, 1623, a Japanese soldier of the Dutch garrison had some talk with the sentries about the number of the troops and the times of changing the watch. When questioned by the Governor Van Speult next day, February 11th, he explained that he had merely chatted with the soldiers “for his own amusement.” Indeed,

the steward of the Dutch factory afterwards declared that “it was an usual speech amongst soldiers to enquire one of another how strong the watch might be, that they might know how many hours they might stand sentinel.”

Van Speult was, however, on the lookout for conspiracy, and perhaps anxious to redeem his reputation from the charge of slackness at headquarters. In the previous summer he had written to the Governor-General Coen about the English at Amboyna: “We hope to direct things according to your orders that our sovereignty shall not be diminished or injured in any way by their encroachments, and if we may hear of any conspiracies of theirs against the sovereignty, we shall with your sanction do justice to them, suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In October, 1622, Coen gave this sanction.

In February, 1623,

the opportunity arrived. Van Speult put the Japanese soldier to the torture, and after he had “endured pretty long,” wrung from him an accusation against the English. His statement was signed by the unhappy man on the day of his torment, in direct contravention of the Dutch law that one who had confessed under torture should be re-heard to confirm it not sooner than twenty-four hours afterwards, “ne durare adhuc tormentorum metus videatur.”

Eight or nine other Japanese soldiers in the service of the Dutch, whose names he had mentioned, denied the plot, but were tortured on that and the following day, until a complete story of treason was evolved.

“Wailing and weeping by reason of their extreme tortures with burning, they were carried by slaves to prison, for it was not possible of themselves to go on their feet.” Such was the statement made by the steward of the Dutch factory regarding the affair
1623

 

Decoration from an Indian sword

 

The End of the Struggle:

The Tragedy of Amboyna

1622

For another alleged plot twelve natives had been condemned to be quartered, and the rest of the accused to perpetual slavery in chains. The torture failed to elicit anything against the English; but if it could have given the Dutch “any advantage against us,” we should have had no mercy. “Wherefore,” wrote in 1622 our President Furgand and council at Batavia,

“we earnestly desire speedily to be released from this bondage.” A similar attempt was made in the island of Pularoon to extort confessions against the English by cruel torments of the natives. Thus was rehearsed alike in the capital of Dutch India and in the distant Nutmeg Isles, that tragedy of torture which was so soon to be enacted at Amboyna. In the still remoter seas, as we learn from a letter of Richard Cocks, dated Nagasaki, 10th March, 1620, the Hollanders, with seven ships at Japan, had, “with sound of trumpet,” “proclaimed there open war against the English, as their mortal enemies.”

The Clove and Nutmeg Isles, including among them Amboyna, Banda, and Pularoon, lay, it will be remembered, at the south-eastern end of the Spice Archipelago. The Dutch claimed the sovereignty over them, by the conquest of Amboyna from the Portuguese in 1605, and in virtue of many treaties. The English had a set of counter-claims based on the free surrender of Pularoon to us in 1616, of Lantor or Great Banda in 1620, and on compacts with other chiefs. We had also an agency at Amboyna under the Dutch-English treaty of 1619. The Dutch with an overwhelming force expelled us from Lantor and Pularoon in 1621–1622. Our gallant agent, Nathaniel Courthorpe, who, in “much want and misery,” held Pularoon from 1616 to 1620, sometimes with but thirty-eight men to resist the “force and tyranny” of the Hollanders, had been mortally wounded in a sea-fight, and threw himself overboard rather than see his ship strike her flag.

1623

Herman van Speult, governor of the neighbouring island of Amboyna, was regarded at headquarters as “too scrupulous” in his fiscal administration. In January, 1623, the Governor-General Coen, when departing for Europe, enjoined strict justice, and mentioned Amboyna as a place where no English encroachments were to be allowed. “Trust them not,” he said,

any more than open enemies … not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out.” His farewell instructions merely reiterated the principles on which he had always insisted. “Trust the English no more than a public enemy ought to be trusted,” he wrote two months previously to Banda, the agency nearest Amboyna. This policy of suspicion, and of “not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out,” was now to be enforced with a stupid violence which the great governor-general might perhaps have anticipated, but which he would have been the first to condemn.

By the beginning of 1623 the Dutch found themselves completely masters of the Clove and Nutmeg Archipelago. At the principal clove island, Amboyna, they had, according to the English statement founded upon depositions on oath, a fortress garrisoned by two hundred Dutch soldiers, with three or four hundred native troops, including some thirty Japanese, and further protected by eight vessels in the roadstead. The English numbered eighteen men, scattered between five small factories on different islands, very badly off, with a few slaves, “just six and all boys.” In their house at Amboyna only three swords, two muskets,and half a pound of powder were found. The nearest English support was the Banda agency, at a distance across the sea, and containing but nine of their countrymen. English ships seldom came to Amboyna, and not one was then near. Our president in council at Java had in fact resolved to withdraw the petty English factories at Amboyna and throughout the Clove and Nutmeg

 

The fortress at Amboyna

Archipelago. He had even arranged with the Dutch governor-general for their transport to Batavia in Holland ships. In February, 1623, orders to this effect were on their way from our president in Batavia to Amboyna.

They arrived too. late. On the evening of February 10, 1623, a Japanese soldier of the Dutch garrison had some talk with the sentries about the number of the troops and the times of changing the watch. When questioned by the Governor Van Speult next day, February 11th, he explained that he had merely chatted with the soldiers “for his own amusement.” Indeed,

the steward of the Dutch factory afterwards declared that “it was an usual speech amongst soldiers to enquire one of another how strong the watch might be, that they might know how many hours they might stand sentinel.”

Van Speult was, however, on the lookout for conspiracy, and perhaps anxious to redeem his reputation from the charge of slackness at headquarters. In the previous summer he had written to the Governor-General Coen about the English at Amboyna: “We hope to direct things according to your orders that our sovereignty shall not be diminished or injured in any way by their encroachments, and if we may hear of any conspiracies of theirs against the sovereignty, we shall with your sanction do justice to them, suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In October, 1622, Coen gave this sanction. In February, 1623, the opportunity arrived. Van Speult put the Japanese soldier to the torture, and after he had “endured pretty long,” wrung from him an accusation against the English. His statement was signed by the unhappy man on the day of his torment, in direct contravention of the Dutch law that one who had confessed under torture should be re-heard to confirm it not sooner than twenty-four hours afterwards, “ne durare adhuc tormentorum metus videatur.”

Eight or nine other Japanese soldiers in the service of the Dutch, whose names he had mentioned, denied the plot, but were tortured on that and the following day, until a complete story of treason was evolved.

“Wailing and weeping by reason of their extreme tortures with burning, they were carried by slaves to prison, for it was not possible of themselves to go on their feet.” Such was the statement made by the steward of the Dutch factory regarding the affair.

The handful of English, ran the improbable tale, had solemnly sworn on New Year’s Day to seize the fort upon the arrival of an English ship, or during the absence of the Dutch governor, and had employed to corrupt the Japanese soldiers so unlikely an agent as a drunken barber, or barber-surgeon, Abel Price. This man already lay in the Dutch prison for threatening to set fire to a house in a frenzy of liquor. On February 15th, as the records show, he, too, was haled to the torture-chamber, and made to “confess whatever they asked him.”

 

1623

Events were now hastening to a catastrophe. The Dutch governor-general, Coen, while resolved to make the Archipelago an island empire for Holland, was too sagacious to imperil his plans by putting his nation openly in the wrong toward a great European power. He trusted to the treaty of 1619 itself to afford causes of quarrel, which would enable him to carry out the instructions given to the first Dutch governor-general, 1609–1614, and steadily reiterated ever since, that “the commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should possess the least part.” But Coen’s far-reaching policy was beyond the grasp of his bluff ship-captains, with their flaming broadsides, or of the angry isolated Dutch agents, a thousand miles apart, with their forts and prison cells.

Coen himself believed that the treaty alone stood in the way of his triumph over the English. Our Admiral Dale, stricken with fever, and fearful lest the Bantamese might sacrifice the English to make terms with the Dutch, had shipped off our goods and factors from Bantam in the summer of 1619, sought an asylum for them on the east coast of India, and there died. The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619,and four others off Sumatra in October 1619 . Our alliance with the Prince of Bantam, to capture the half-built Dutch fort at Jacatra (Batavia) in the beginning of that year, furnished Coen with a cause of war against us, and placed him in the right from the point of view of European diplomacy.

 

A ship of the Seventeenth Century

The English treated as ridiculous the story that eighteen men, scattered over the two islands of Amboyna and Ceram, at the factories of Amboyna, Hittou, Larica, Loho, and Cambello, should dare conspire to take a fort from two hundred Dutch and three or four hundred native soldiers with eight Holland vessels in the harbour, and they went about their business as usual. But Van Speult, now armed with the confession under torture of his prisoner, the drunken English barber,

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seized our chief agent, Towerson, and the other factors at Amboyna, put them in irons, and swept in the whole English from the four outlying factories between February 15th and 23d – just eighteen men all told.

Of the extraordinary proceedings that followed we have six accounts by eye-witnesses. First, the minutes of the court, kept by the Greffier or secretary: minutes so irregular and incomplete as to call forth the censure of the Dutch governor-general, and to invalidate them as a judicial record under the Dutch law. Second, the solemn dying messages of the victims written on the pages of their prayer-books or other furtive scraps of paper. Third, the statements of certain members of the Dutch Council at Amboyna who formed the court, when called to account by the governor-general at Batavia two and a half years later (October, 1625). These latter admit the use of torture, passed over in silence by the minutes, but state that it was slight. Fourth, the depositions of six Englishmen who survived, taken on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of the Admiralty, in 1624. Fifth, the answers of certain of the Amboyna judges to interrogatories in 1628. Sixth, the statement of the steward of the Dutch factory, who also acted as interpreter during the trial. It was laid before Lord Dorchester and Secretary Coke in 1629. This man, George Forbis or Forbisher, a native of Aberdeen, and little likely to favour the English Company which persuaded James to cancel the charter granted to the Scotch, had long served the Dutch in

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the East, and was found on board a Dutch ship stayed by royal command at Portsmouth in 1627. He had continued in the Dutch service for two years after the trial. His declaration closely corresponds with the depositions of the English survivors.

In my narrative I fairly consider all the foregoing materials, together with the pamphlet literature which quickly sprang up7. I have also checked the “True Relation” from the depositions on oath.

That evidence consisted entirely of confessions wrung from the accused by torture. The ransacking of the English factories yielded not a single incriminating letter, or other corroborative piece of testimony, as is proved by the answer of Joosten, the Dutch officer who examined the papers. The Dutch began with John Beaumont and Timothy Johnson. Beaumont, an elderly man for India and an invalid, was left with a guard in the hall, while Johnson was taken into another room. Presently Beaumont heard him “cry out very pitifully;

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then be quiet for a little while, and then loud again.” Johnson long refused to confess, but after an hour he was “brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body.”

One Englishman, Edward Collins, gave evidence, according to the Dutch, without torture. But the narrative founded upon the depositions of the surviving Englishmen on oath states that Collins was tied up for the torture, and the cloth put about his throat. “Thus prepared he prayed to be respited and he would confess all. Being let down he again vowed and protested his innocency,” but for fear of the torture asked them what he should say. This was not enough and he was tortured, but not being able to endure it long, he made a confession helped out by the Dutch prosecutor. Collins himself confirmed this statement on oath and produced three witnesses who “heard him many times roar very pitifully, being in the next room, and saw

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him come out, having no doublet on, his shirt all wet, his face swollen and his eyes starting out of his head.” From February 15th to 23d the cruel process went on. According to the English statements, the prisoners, even while confessing under the torture, declared in the same breath that they were not speaking truth. In the case of Collins, the “fiscal,” or prosecutor, forced leading questions upon him, till one of the Dutch themselves exclaimed: “Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak for himself.” John Wetheral having been four times tied up, they were at length obliged to read out to him the confessions of the other victims until the poor wretch merely “answered yea to all.” He “prayed them to tell him what he should say or to write down what they would; he would subscribe it.” John Clarke stood the ordeal so bravely that “the tormentors reviled him, saying that he was a devil … or a witch.” So they “cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein.” They then went on with the torture – burning him with candles on the feet, hands, elbows, and “under the armpits until his inwards might evidently be seen.” The English declared that no surgeon was allowed to dress the sores “until, his flesh being putrefied, great maggots dropt and crept from him in most loathsome and noisome manner.” Authority for all these statements may be found in the first pamphlet, “A True Relation.”

According to the English accounts each confession was wrung forth by torture. The Dutch minutes of

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the trial conceal the fact of torture at all, and thus violate a fundamental rule of the Dutch criminal procedure. The members of the Amboyna council, who sat as judges, acknowledged on oath that twelve of the English were tortured by water and two of them also by fire, but stated that one (Beaumont) was only tortured a little on account of his age and feeble health.

The judges also pleaded in their defence that the torture was in no case extreme, indeed of a “civil” sort.

What it exactly amounted to we know from eye-witnesses. The accused man was hoisted up and tied spread-eagle fashion in a doorway. In the water torment “they bound a cloth about his neck and face so close that little or no water could go by. That done they poured the water softly upon his head until the cloth was full up to the mouth and nostrils … till his body was swollen twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead.” It was the slow agony of bursting, joined to the acute but long-drawn-out agony of suffocation. In the fire torture, they held lighted candles beneath the most sensitive parts of the body – under the armpits, the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet. Emmanuel Thomson, like John Clarke, it was said, had no surgeon to dress his burnt flesh, so that no one “was able to endure the smell of his body.”

To the torture by fire and water, admitted by the Dutch, the English accounts add “the splitting of the toes, and lancing of the breast, and putting in gunpowder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left entire, neither for innocency nor execution. Clarke and Thomson were both fain to be carried to their execution, though they were tortured many days before.” But the Dutch admissions suffice.

Towerson, who steadily asserted his innocence, on being confronted with some who had confessed, charged them as they would answer it at the dreadful day of judgment, they should speak nothing but the truth.” The sufferers implored his forgiveness and declared all they had said was false. But, threatened again with torture, they reaffirmed their confessions. The spirit of the miserable little band was completely broken.

Even Van Speult felt that he might be going too far, and for some days hesitated as to whether he should not remit the case to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia. But the English president and council at Batavia had, on January 10–20, 1623, resolved to withdraw

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their oppressed factories from the Moluccas, Amboyna, and the Clove and Nutmeg Isles. They had indeed thanked the Dutch president and council for agreeing to bring them away in Flemish ships. Orders in this sense were simultaneously sent to our agents at Banda and elsewhere. The Calendar of State Papers of the East Indies for 1622–1624 (p. 398) shows that while the tortured men lay waiting their doom, two Holland ships arrived from Batavia, bringing the letter from the English president and council ordering the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna. “Which letter was opened and read by the Dutch governor while our people were yet in prison and not executed, and might well have secured him that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aid of shipping, whatever the English had through fear of torture confessed.” The statement is confirmed by Van Speult’s own admissions, and it gives a darker shade to his resolve on instant judgment.

The public prosecutor was instructed to demand sentence. This, according to the minutes, he did with irregular brevity – twenty-one lines of writing in all. According to the Dutch procedure, his requisition should have given a summary of the facts and evidence, which it did not. It should certainly have specified the separate names of the accused Englishmen, while it only contained that of Gabriel Towerson “and his creatures and accomplices.” These were not the omissions of ignorance. The “fiscal” who conducted the case was a lawyer, and in his haste for condemnation,

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A scene at Darjiling

he set at defiance the safeguards of procedure which even the Dutch law prescribed. His demand was really the demand of Sieyes at the trial of Louis XVI – La Mort sans phrase.

On February 25, 1623, or February 23d (for there are discrepancies as to the date), the prisoners, with certain exceptions, were condemned to death. The English from outlying factories, who had not even been at Amboyna at the time of the alleged plot, were released; three others were allowed to draw lots for their life; and in the end the elderly Beaumont and the terrified Collins were sent to give evidence at Batavia as “men condemned and left to the mercy of the governor-general.” Captain Towerson manfully proclaimed the iniquity of the proceedings. When ordered to indite a confession, he wrote out a protestation of his innocence. The governor gave it to the interpreter to read out in Dutch, “which I could not do,” said that officer, “without shedding of tears.” He had also to translate a dying declaration secretly written by Towerson in a Bible which he asked Van Speult to send to his friends in England – “which Bible after that time I never saw or heard mentioned.”

Yet some last words reached the outer world. William Griggs wrote in his Table-book, which was secretly saved by a servant: “We through torment were constrained to speak that which we never meant nor once imagined. … They tortured us with that extreme torment of fire and water that flesh and blood could not endure. … Written in the dark.” Captain Towerson

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wrote much; but all was suppressed, except an unnoticed sentence appended to his signature to a bill of debt due from the English Company: “Firmed by the Firm [i.e. signature] of me Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die, guiltless of anything that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt and receive me to His mercy. Amen.”

 

The old East India House (about 1650)

Samuel Colson, imprisoned with six of the others, on board the Dutch ships in the roads, wrote the following in his prayer-book and had it sewed up in a bed: “March 5, stilo novo, being Sunday, aboard the Rotterdam, lying in irons.” “Understand that I, Samuel Colson, late factor of Hitou, was apprehended for suspicion of conspiracy; and for anything I know must die for it: wherefore having no means to make my innocence known, have writ in this book hoping some good Englishman will see it. I do here upon my salvation, as I hope by His death and passion to have redemption for my sins, that I am clear of all such conspiracy; neither do I know any Englishman guilty thereof nor any other creature in the world. As this is true, God bless me, Sam. Colson.” In another part

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of the book, at the beginning of the Psalms, he declared: “As I mean and hope to have pardon for my sins, I know no more than the child unborn of this business.” These statements were written three or four days before the execution of the death sentence, as “March 5, stilo novo,” would correspond to February 23d, if we take the English dates.

On February 26th (English date) the prisoners were brought into the hall of the castle to be prepared for death. Captain Towerson was taken into the torture-chamber with “two great jars of water carried after him. What he there did or suffered is unknown to the English without, but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession” – a confession of a plot so wild that, had it ever entered a man’s brain, “he should,” in the words of the English Company, “rather have been sent to bedlam … than to the gallows.”

The condemned men still protested their innocence. “Samuel Colson spake with a loud voice saying, According to my innocency in this treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins; and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me never be partaker of Thy heavenly joys. At which words every one of the rest cried Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them knowing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation,” under the torture; “and they all freely forgave one another, for none had been so falsely accused, but he himself had accused another as falsely.” Their last “doleful night they spent in prayer, singing of psalms

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and comforting one another,” refusing the wine which the guards offered them, “bidding them to drink lustick and drive away the sorrow.”

Next day, February 27th (English date), the ten Englishmen8, nine Japanese, and the Portuguese captain of slaves were led out to execution “in a long procession round the town,” through crowds of natives who had been summoned by beat of drum “to behold this triumph over the English.”

It is not needful, after the fashion of that time, to accept as manifestations of divine wrath a “great darkness” and hurricane which immediately followed, and drove two Dutch ships from their anchorage; or the pestilence, said to have swept away one thousand people. The innocence of Towerson and his fellow sufferers rests upon no such stories, whether false or true. The improbability of the enterprise, the absence of any evidence except such as was wrung forth under torments, the neglect of the safeguards imposed by the Dutch law on judicial torture, the dying declarations of the victims – suffice to convince any unbiassed mind that the ten Englishmen were unjustly done to death. This, too, without insisting on the circumstance that would place Van Speult’s conduct in the darkest light – his being on the outlook for conspiracies; or on the arrival of the English letter during the trial ordering

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the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna; or on the existence of Dutch ships in the harbour which might even, if the shore prison were overcrowded, have carried those accused of the supposed conspiracy for judgment to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia, or served for their confinement till his confirmation of the proceedings was obtained.

Van Speult took possession of our Amboyna and neighbouring factories; “the poor remnant of the English” were removed to Batavia; and the great design for driving us out of the Clove and Nutmeg Isles was accomplished.

When the news of the tragedy reached England fifteen months later – May 29, 1624 – a cry of execration arose. The Company demanded justice. With English self-control it repressed irresponsible discussion by its members, and resolved, on June 16th, to trust to the state “to call for an account of the lives of the king’s subjects.” The governor refrained from speech until he was assured of the facts, and it was not until July 2d that he brought the matter officially before a general court of the Company.

The first feeling indeed was one of incredulity at so abominable an outrage on innocent men. King James apprehended the fact to be so foul … he could not believe it,” and, when convinced, threatened to extort reparation from Holland. At the Royal Council table “sundry of the greatest shed tears.” But James had resolved to break with Spain, in wrath at the treatment of Prince Charles on his knight-errant quest at

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Madrid for a Spanish wife in 1623. War with Spain meant an alliance with Holland, whose twelve years’ truce with Spain had also expired. Dutch envoys were, indeed, at that moment in London, negotiating a treaty of offence and defence. So the king and his Council dried their eyes, and the Dutch diplomats joyfully returned home, praising the good-will of a monarch who had said not a word about “the late accident at Amboyna.” Nor were courtiers wanting who blamed the Company for raising a difficulty “when his Majesty had resolved to aid the Dutch.”

Very different was the temper of the nation. On July 2, 1624, the governor of the Company declared that assuredly “God the Avenger of all such bloody acts will in His due time bring the truth to light” – “the unspeakable tyrannies done upon those unfortunate men, which is able to amaze the Christian world.” They still hoped that the king would help them; but their best comfort was that when man is at the weakest then God is strongest. On July 9th a general court of the Company decided that unless justice were “done on those Dutch that have in so great fury and tyranny tortured and slain the English,” the Company must wind up and “fetch home what they have in the Indies.” A petition in this sense was voted to the king – “and according to his answer and proceeding the trade to stop or proceed.” On July 11th they waited on the king in his bedchamber with the memorial, together with “A True Relation,” and received his promise of “a speedy reparation from the Dutch by

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the strength of his own arm, if they did it not suddenly themselves.”

The cry for revenge had gathered a strength which not even James could resist. Chamberlain, the Horace Walpole of his time, wrote to the English ambassador in Holland that “we should stay or arrest the first Indian ship that comes in our way, and hang up upon Dover cliffs” as many Dutchmen as had taken part in the outrage, “and then dispute the matter afterwards. For there is no other course to be held with such manner of men, as neither regard law nor justice, nor any other respect of equity or humanity, but only make gain their god.” The Company was believed to

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have collapsed. No man would pay in any money to it. If the king would not help, it was wildly propounded at a general court on July 22d, to “join with the Portugals and root the bloody Dutch out of the Indies.”

 

Marwario merchants, or traders of the Indies

The “True Relation” presented to James on July 11, 1624, had touched the sentimental fibre in his weak nature. On July 16th he promised to make stay of Dutch vessels if satisfaction were not given, and even offered to become himself a shareholder in the Company, and to allow its ships to sail under the royal standard. This offer of greatness thrust upon it, the Company respectfully declined. The king meanwhile ordered his ambassador at The Hague to demand satisfaction from the States-General before August 12th, under threat of reprisals by hanging, or even “an irreconcilable war.”

These were brave words, and if the Dutch Government had believed they would be followed by action, they might have proved decisive. For the outrage of Amboyna had come as an unpleasant surprise to the Dutch Company, and as a serious embarrassment to the Dutch Government. The governor-general at Batavia spoke his mind as freely as he dared to Van Speult. The Company in Holland, while making the best case they could against the English claims for compensation, refrained from sending back Coen to the East, although they had reappointed him governor-general in 1624. Members of the States-General openly expressed their disgust. The Prince of Orange wished that Van Speult with all his council had been hanged

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on a gibbet before they began “to spell this tragedy.”

The States-General accordingly appointed deputies to treat with our ambassador. But an English observer wrote that, although the king spoke valiantly, he could wish his Majesty would say less, so that he would do more. The Dutch deputies played on his irresolution, and the time allowed for redress expired. When at length, on October 15th, a royal warrant was issued for the seizure of Flemish ships, our ambassador at The Hague advised that this extremity should be avoided, and the Dutch were somehow warned of the danger. In November, 1624, the London Company officially informed the lord admiral that Holland ships were in the Straits of Dover, but they were allowed to pass unharmed.

The English Company was forced to realize that, in trusting to the royal support, it leaned on a broken reed. In July it had demanded satisfaction under three heads:, justice against the murderers, compensation for injuries, and absolute separation from the Dutch Company in the East. In October it despondently reduced its claims to the safe removal of the English from Batavia; the question of jurisdiction and Council of Defence; and the right to erect forts, and to be treated by the Dutch as allies and friends. James would not fight, and the Dutch knew it. They were willing enough to accept the first condition and allow the safe removal of the English from Batavia. But, while dangling before us a compromise, they would never surrender

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their sovereign jurisdiction in the Spice Islands or allow the English to erect fortifications. On March 25, 1625, King James died.

 

Palace of Jahangir at Agra

By this time the facts were well known in England. A certain simplicity in Towerson’s character gave additional pathos to his death. He had sailed on the Company’s second voyage in 1604 and obtained his admission as a freeman gratis in recognition of long service. Eighteen checkered years brought him to the chief agency at Amboyna in 1622, with a salary of £10 a month. Once indeed he had emerged for a moment. Having married the Indian widow of Captain Hawkins, he attempted for a time to make a figure not justified either by her position or his own. In 1617 Sir Thomas

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Roe, our ambassador to the Moghul Emperor Jahangir, wrote that Towerson “is here arrived with many servants, a trumpet, and more show than I use.” In 1620 we find him back in England vainly soliciting the command of a ship, and returning to the Archipelago along with other factors in “the great cabin of the Anne.”

The contemporary records show that he had not gained caution with years. Arriving at Amboyna in May, 1622, he became a close friend of the Dutch Governor Van Speult and gave him his entire confidence. In June of that year, as we saw, Van Speult was on the lookout for conspiracies and asking the Dutch governor-general at Batavia for leave to deal with them “suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In September Towerson, on the other hand, wrote to the English president at Batavia in warm terms of Van Speult’s “courtesies” and “love.” He asks our president to send Van Speult a complimentary letter, together “with some beer or a case of strong waters, which will be very acceptable to him.”

The president and council at Batavia saw more of the game. “In such kind of courtesy,” they replied in December, 1622, “we know he is free enough, but in your main affairs you will find him a subtle man.” There was to be no beer or case of strong waters for Van Speult. On the contrary, “be careful you be not circumvented in matters of importance, through his dissembling friendship.” This warning they followed up next month by commanding Towerson and his subordinates to quit Amboyna. “Prepare and make yourself

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ready to come away from thence with all the rest of the factors in the Dutch ship, except two you may leave there at Amboyna to keep house until our further order.”

Meanwhile Towerson continued his unsuspecting course. On January 1, 1623, he gave his official dinner to the little English group at Amboyna – the regular New Year’s Day party which was to serve the Dutch fiscal as a ground-work for the alleged conspiracy. How far any thoughts of seizing Amboyna were from the minds of the English may be known by the letter of our president and council in March, 1622, to the Company, desiring to retire even from Batavia; by Brockedon’s petition in August, 1622, for leave to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch;” and by the orders of January, 1623, to Towerson and other outlying agencies to withdraw to Batavia with the English under their charge. Towerson, “a sincere, honest, and plain man without malice,” as one of the Amboyna free burghers and a servant of the Dutch Company described him, discerned not the signs of the times, and the letter ordering him to leave Amboyna was intercepted by the Dutch governor Van Speult. So he went to his death – ” that honest good man, Captain Towerson, whom I think in my conscience was so upright and honest toward all men, that he has harboured no ill will of any.”

Such a character is pretty sure of sympathy from the English middle classes, always indulgent to sturdy mediocrity, especially of the jovial sort. The story

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De Houtman’s Map of the sea route to India, Batavia, and Java, in 1597

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Blank page

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of Amboyna gathered round his name, until it reached Dryden’s version of a murderous plot by Van Speult against Towerson in revenge for his killing Van Speult’s son in a duel. In 1625 the legend was still a long way from this climax. But the last weeks of King James’s life had been harassed by popular demonstrations. In February, 1625, the Dutch living in London complained to the lords of the Council that on the coming Shrove Tuesday they would be in danger from the fury of the people. Besides the pamphlets spread broadcast, a play was to be publicly acted setting forth the sufferings of the English; and a great picture had been painted, “lively, largely, and artificially,” of their tortures and execution. The reins were falling from the old king’s hands, and the Council gently admonished the Company not to exhibit this picture – at least till Shrove Tuesday be passed.

Next month, March, 1625, Charles succeeded to the throne. The main business of our ambassador at The Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton (afterwards Viscount Dorchester), was to strengthen the affiance of Holland with England against Spain, and he groaned audibly over the new labours and awkward questions to which the Amboyna imbroglio gave rise. Charles, keenly resentful of his personal treatment when in quest of a wife at Madrid, was eager to send a fleet to the Spanish coast, and promised large subsidies to the Protestant league in the North. The Amboyna difficulty had to be got out of the way, and in September, 1625, Charles agreed to make no reprisals on the Dutch ships for

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eighteen months, and at the same time appeased the London Company by promising that if, by that time, justice were not done, he would proceed to hostilities. This is shown by the treaty of Southampton, September 7, 1625.

 

A Typical Eastern Scene

But before the expiration of the eighteen months Charles had quarrelled with his Parliament and found a war with France oh his hands. The Dutch were masters of the situation and they knew it. So far from their giving satisfaction for Amboyna, Coen went out as governor-general for a second time in March, 1627, in spite of the protests of the English Company, who regarded his policy as the main source of their sorrows. When in April, 1627, the States-General were reminded that the eighteen months had elapsed, they dexterously got the question transferred to the law courts, and offered to proceed by way of a legal prosecution against the Amboyna judges who had sentenced the English to death.

Here they were on safe ground. Preliminary difficulties at once arose. The Dutch naturally insisted that the tribunal should be a Dutch one sitting in Holland. King Charles objected to his subjects being

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required to leave their country and prosecute before a foreign court beyond the seas. The feeling both in England and Holland was that, while the States-General would gladly have seen the matter settled, the directors of the Dutch Company were so intermingled with the Dutch Government that no justice would be done.

English protests against the re-appointment of Coen passed unheeded, and in August, 1627, Carleton despaired of redress from a government controlled by the votes of the interested parties, among whom “one oar which holds back, stops more than ten can row forward.” In September, however, a tribunal of seven Dutch judges was constituted, three from the high and four from the provincial council.

Meanwhile Charles, with the rising tide in Parliament and in the nation against him, was anxious to keep the London Company his friends. In a moment of vigour, he stayed three Dutch ships off Cowes (September, 1627) and held them fast for eleven months, although threatened with a, Dutch fleet to bring them away. The English Company declared that, if his Majesty let the Dutch ships go, it were better for the Company to abandon the trade. But the fit of royal resolution passed, and the king, in sore straits for money, suddenly released the Dutch ships in August, 1628: it was rumoured, for a gratification of £30,000. In vain his Majesty tried to soften the blow by the unprecedented compliment of sending the lords of the Council to a court meeting of the Company to explain that the

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release was due to an “extraordinary matter of State.” The directors of the Dutch Company gave out as far back as March, 1628, that they had arranged for the release of the ships on the condition of their redeeming his Majesty’s jewels.

The Company now knew that, if they had little to expect from the Dutch tribunal, they had nothing to hope from the king. The Dutch also knew it.

In November, 1628,

his Majesty feebly suggested, in reply to the repeated demands of the Dutch for the English witnesses to go over to Holland, that the Dutch judges should come to England under a safe-conduct – a proposal which merely furnished a good ground for further delay.

A year later, having sunk into still deeper difficulties with the Parliament and the nation, Charles yielded to the demands of the foreigner and sent over the witnesses. But he tried to save his royal honour by explaining that he had never submitted to the jurisdiction of the Dutch judges, although he would prefer to receive reparation at their hands than by any other means The English ambassador must be present in the Dutch court; the English witnesses must not be questioned on other articles than those on which they had already been examined in his Majesty’s Court of Admiralty; the Dutch judges, when ready to deliver sentence, must inform the king of it, so that he might weigh and consider its import. The Dutch tribunal naturally refused to concede these points. The king had put not only himself but also the English nation

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in the wrong by his method of procedure, and again the Dutch knew it.

His Majesty struggled for a time in the meshes he had woven around himself.

1628

 

Penyerangan pertama pada tahun 1628 dipimpin oleh Tumenggung Baurekso dan beberapa panglima perang lainnya. Namun, serangan ini dapat dipatahkan oleh Belanda. Wabah penyakit serta kekurangan pasokan air dan makanan menjadi sebab gagalnya serangan ini.

Pada tahun 1629,

Sultan Agung kembali memerintahkan pasukan Mataram untuk menyerang Batavia. Penyerangan ini dipimpin oleh Dipati Puger dan Dipati Purbaya. Meskipun telah dipersiapkan dengan baik, termasuk membangun lumbung-lumbung padi di sepanjang perjalanan yang akan dilalui, penyerangan ini gagal. Penyebabnya, rencana penyerangan telah bocor dan diketahui oleh Belanda sehingga Belanda mendahului dengan membakar lumbung-lumbung padi yang telah di bangun.

Selain itu, wabah penyakit kolera turut memperburuk kondisi prajurit Mataram. Meskipun demikian, pada serangan kali ini, pasukan Mataram berhasil menguasai dan menghancurkan Benteng Hollandia. Gubernur Jenderal Jan Pieterzoon Coen juga tewas karena wabah penyakit kolera yang saat itu sedang berjangkit di Batavia.

Dari kedua penyerangan tersebut, Sultan Agung kemudian menarik kesimpulan menarik bahwa dukungan logistic amat penting untuk melakukan penyerangan ke lokasi yang jauh. Belajar dari hal tersebut, Sultan Agung kemudian mengirimkan orang-orangnya untuk membuka persawahan di daerah Purwakarta dan Sumedang. Namun, rencana Sultan Agung untuk menyerang Batavia yang ketiga kalinya tidak terlaksana.

In December, 1629,

he insisted on reserving the final sentence either to himself or to a joint bench of English and Dutch judges, on the strength of the treaty of 1619. The Dutch quite truly rejoined that the treaty contained not a single article which implied joint jurisdiction in criminal cases, but only in what concerned the joint defence and trade. While the preliminaries were thus spun out from 1627 to 1630, the six Amboyna councillors who were supposed to be on their trial figured as patriots to their nation. The English witnesses, still unheard, were sunk in debt to obtain food from day to day. They mournfully complained to the Privy Council that they had attended in Holland for twelve months, that they were now destitute and like to be cast into prison, while their wives and children were perishing miserably. In March, 1631, the British ambassador at The Hague reported that in the Amboyna business all was silence.

It is doubtful, even if the Amboyna council had been promptly and impartially tried, whether the London Company would have obtained substantial redress. It is certain that no court administering the law then in force in Europe could have condemned the judges to death for the Amboyna executions. The two grounds which underlay the English contention were badly chosen. As a matter of fact, the Amboyna council had

Page 144

exercised a lawful jurisdiction, and torture was not only allowed, but enjoined by the law which they were bound to administer. The Dutch Company’s charter of 1602 empowered it to appoint public prosecutors in the name of the States-General for the conduct of judicial business in its fortresses beyond the Cape of Good Hope. The ordinances for the Dutch governor-general in 1617 authorized him not only to execute all civil and

 

Cape Town and harbour

Page 145

criminal sentences, but also to delegate this function to the subordinate councils and proper officers of settlements at which the governor-general and council could not be present. In 1619 instructions had been duly given to Van Speult to administer justice as governor of Amboyna in civil and criminal cases. They were further enforced by the Dutch governor-general’s express sanction to Van Speult in October, 1622, to deal unhesitatingly with conspiracies.

A candid examination of the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1619 shows that its jurisdiction clause referred only to questions of trade and joint defence, and left the criminal and civil jurisdiction untouched. Nor could the pronouncement of King James in 1623 seriously affect the issue, for the Dutch repudiated it as never having been accepted by (perhaps not even communicated to) their representatives. The States-General consistently maintained their civil and criminal jurisdiction in their settlements throughout the Spice Archipelago. As a matter of fact, the English in the Dutch settlements had been steadily subjected to that jurisdiction, although they groaned under it, and their very complaints to the directors in London prove their practical submission to its most irksome forms.

The general law of Europe at that time prescribed judicial torture as a proper and an almost necessary means for arriving at the truth. Dutch jurisprudence went so far as to declare that, in eases similar to that of Amboyna, a public prosecutor could demand sentence of death only on the confession of the accused.

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The judges therefore, after satisfying themselves by independent proof of the guilt of the accused, had to obtain his confession; without torture if possible, by torture if not. But the Dutch ordinances of 1570 provided safeguards against the abuse of this method, and insisted on indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or a reasonable presumption of guilt before the torture was resorted to.

In England torture, although unrecognized by the common law, was employed in state trials by the Privy Council or High Commission Court in virtue of the royal prerogative. “The rack seldom stood idle in the Tower,” writes Hallam, “for all the latter part of Elizabeth’s reign.” Lord Burleigh defended its use, as the accused “was never so racked but that he was perfectly able to walk and to write;” and “the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the rack, were ever by those that attended the examinations specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as such a thing might be.” “In the highest cases of treason,” wrote Lord Bacon in 1603, “torture is used for discovery and not for evidence.”

James I had perhaps less right than any other English sovereign to complain of its use by the Dutch. As King of Scotland he had not only sanctioned torture in alleged cases of conspiracy and witchcraft, but had in 1596 authorized even a subordinate court – the provost and baillies of Edinburgh – to try rioters by torture. As King of England he had in 1605 racked Guy Fawkes, per gradus ad ima, and in 1615 the aged Puritan

 

View of Lucknow

Lucknow, a city now numbering nearly three hundred thousand inhabitants, is one of the largest cities of India, after Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. It has been the capital of the Province of Oudh since 1775, and the part which it played in the tragic events of the Indian Mutiny, in the following century, rendered the name of Lucknow famous.

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Peacham had been examined “in torture, between tortures, and after torture.” In the same year O’Kennan was put to the rack in Dublin by commission of the king’s deputy. In each one of his three kingdoms James had used torture, and he defended it with his “own princely pen.”

Even such details as the Dutch complaint that John Clarke must be “a devil” or “a witch,” because he stubbornly refused to confess under torment, are reproduced in the English trials. On January 21, 1615, Lord Bacon condoled with his Majesty on the obstinacy of the mangled Peacham, “whose raging devil seems to be turned into a dumb devil.” Lord Burleigh’s defence of the rack on the ground that it was mercifully administered and that the sufferer was always “able to walk and to write” afterwards, is an exact anticipation of the Amboyna judge’s plea of the “civil” character of the water-torture.

Yet if history must allow that the Dutch had jurisdiction, and that under that jurisdiction the use of torture was lawful, it must also declare that a grievous miscarriage of justice had taken place. It is admitted that the record discloses grave irregularities in procedure – irregularities so serious that if an appeal had been allowed they might have sufficed to quash the trial. How far they were due to the careless character of the record itself will ever remain undecided. There was certainly an absence of the indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or reasonable presumption of guilt, which would have justified torture under the Dutch law. The

Page 148

confession of the Japanese soldier which formed the ground of the whole proceeding was signed on the day of his torture in defiance of the Dutch ordinances of July 15, 1570, and it was attested by all the judges, although one of them (Wyncoop) was admittedly not in Amboyna on that day. The minutes make no mention of the witnesses being confronted with each other after torture, and of their reaffirming their confessions made under torture, as required by the Dutch law.

Above all, if the English statements on oath are accepted, the whole evidence from first to last was wrung forth by torture or fear of torture. If the Dutch counter-statements be preferred, the great mass of evidence was thus obtained. Of the two witnesses not subjected to torture, according to the Dutch account, one, Edward Collins, swore that he had been tortured, and produced testimony on oath to his dismal outcries. The other, the invalid Beaumont, declared that he had confessed only after he had been tied up for torture, and that he repeated his confession at Batavia to save his own life after the death of the victims had placed them beyond reach of further harm. The survivors consistently affirmed that the only evidence against them at their trial was derived from confessions under torture; confessions which, according to the English depositions on oath, were withdrawn after the torture; and which were solemnly affirmed to be false in the dying declarations of the sufferers.

It is not needful to assume that the Amboyna Council wickedly, and against their conscience, condemned

Page 149

the victims to death. Van Speult, as we have seen, was on the lookout for conspiracies, when he and his fellow councillors were suddenly transferred into the judges of men who had been their keen trade-rivals and the great obstacle to the Dutch supremacy in the Archipelago.

 

The Durbar of an Indian Ruler

Among Eastern races the king or governor was both ruler and judge, and the early European settlements in Asia found themselves compelled firmly to unite all functions, executive and judicial, in the hands of one man or body of men. Cases inevitably occurred in which they were practically judges in their own cause; apt in moments of public danger or fear to bring their passions and preconceptions as governors to their seats on the bench. The Amboyna trial

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was such a case. It stands on the forefront of our history in the East as an example of the danger of combining the executive and the judicial authority in the same hands. That danger the English have striven to guard against by the separation of judicial and executive offices – a process commenced almost from the foundation of their territorial rule in India, yet reaching its final stages only in our own time.

But if we view with charity the cruel blunder of the Amboyna Council as a whole, it is difficult to extend to either the governor or the prosecuting fiscal the benefit of the doubt. The fiscal, Isaac de Bruyne, appears throughout the records in a sinister light. Intent on obtaining a conviction, he constantly urged on Van Speult, and forced incriminating answers upon the witnesses till the council itself had to interpose. His record of the trial was so irregular and incomplete as to render impossible a fair judicial review of the proceedings. On the face of the record as it stands, the accused were improperly condemned. Bruyne’s conduct called forth the reprobation of his superiors at Amboyna, and in the English depositions he appears as “the greatest adversary against the English.” Whatever may have been Van Speult’s own preconception as to their guilt during the first excited days of the prosecution, he can scarcely, after the seizure of the English factory and the perusal of Towerson’s correspondence with the English president at Batavia, have believed in the plot. But by that time he may have felt that he had gone too far to retrace his steps. Or he may have simply

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been one of those commonplace officials who jump to conclusions and then remain obdurate to facts. His interception of the letter from our president at Batavia ordering the withdrawal of the English from Amboyna, was only the last act in the suppression of proof of innocence.

The Dutch authorities themselves felt uneasy lest Van Speult should be examined as to his share in the business. On the expiration of his term of office at Amboyna, he had hardly returned to Batavia when a rumour arrived of a ship in the Straits of Sunda bearing a joint commission from the king and States-General for the despatch of Van Speult to Europe. He was hastily sent off to the western coast of India, whence he proceeded with an expedition to the Red Sea, and he died at Mocha, carrying his secret to the grave.

Meanwhile the English, with their agents drawn in from the Spice Archipelago, and huddled together at Batavia, waited wistfully for redress from home. They waited in vain. News of the Amboyna tragedy reached Batavia on June 20, 1623. At length, having suffered nineteen more months of insults and exactions, their ships dogged by Dutch vessels at sea and cut off from trade on shore, they resolved to quit “this perfidious people,” and, cost what it might, to seek shelter elsewhere. Some of them found refuge on the Indian coast, and in October, 1624, the miserable remnant sailed to the unhealthy Lagundy islets on the southeast of Sumatra.

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There, amid terrible privations, yet stubbornly “affiant of a happy plantation,” they renamed the little group Charles’s Islands, and held out against fever and dysentery for eight months, dying “like sheep infected” under the equatorial sun and rain. In May, 1625, the skeleton survivors were so reduced as to implore the clemency of the Dutch, who in pity fetched them back to Batavia. The commander Verholt, be it recorded, showed them all “care and courtesy,” although he himself and many of his crew caught the disease. Nor did Dutch compassion end with their bare deliverance. They received the rescued men with kindness and granted them a factory house at a moderate price, the Dutch governor-general and our president, in an effusion of good feeling, exchanging chains of gold.

The Dutch had, in fact, accomplished the two fixed purposes of their policy – our expulsion from the Spice Archipelago and our complete subjection at their Batavian headquarters in Java. Their harshness had been deliberately designed to this end, and, with the exception of Van Speult’s judicial slaughter at Amboyna, they had kept fairly within their treaty rights. Their double object being now achieved, they allowed their national good nature free scope. But the excess of cordiality wore off, and the English soon became impatient of the restraints which the Dutch thought themselves entitled to impose. In July, 1627, we find our President Hawley bitterly complaining of the treatment meted out to his countrymen.

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Their position was indeed an impossible one, and the Company at home, sick of King Charles’s fair words, realized this fact. In November, 1626, it proposed to abolish its factory at Batavia and to establish one under the protection of the King of Bantam. In

 

Javanese Princes

January, 1628, these orders reached Batavia, and the English, putting the relics of their property on board ship, sailed to Bantam, where they were welcomed by the native prince. The sad fortunes of our Bantam factory, its repeated reduction by the London Company to a subordinate post, its blockades by the Dutch, and the gradual but sure withdrawal of its trade to our

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settlements on the Indian coast, belong to a later period. Its history may, however, be summed up in a single sentence. As the executions at Amboyna proclaimed the triumph of the Dutch in the Spice Islands, so the fate of Bantam declared the supremacy of the Dutch in the sea-approaches to the Far East.

By 1631 all hope of judicial redress for the torture and execution of our countrymen at Amboyna had flickered out. In 1633, and again in 1638, Charles, urged by the despairing Company, reverted to feeble attempts at negotiation, with equal unsuccess9. Innocent Englishmen had been tortured and executed under the forms of a foreign law, and for their slaughter redress could not be obtained either by diplomacy or by judicial proceedings. From the first, the Dutch were resolved not to yield, save to force of arms. As they had speedily discovered that James I would not fight, so they gradually found out that Charles I could not fight.

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It was not till the unhappy distractions of the second Stuart’s reign came to their tragic close, and until the Dutch found that a real man again ruled England, that they conceded to Cromwell, after war, what a little firmness might have secured at the outset to James.

At length, in April, 1654, the States-General agreed “that justice be done upon those who were partakers or accomplices in the massacre of the English at Amboyna, as the Republic of England is pleased to term that fact, provided any of them be living.” Cromwell brooked no delay. Within five months all claims and counter-claims arising during forty-one years had been examined. In August the general damages of £85,000 were awarded to the London Company, together with £3615 to the heirs of the men done to death at Amboyna; and Pularoon was restored to English rule.

But this tardy justice failed to efface Amboyna from the English mind. The spectres of the tortured victims stood between the two great Protestant powers during a century. The memory of a great wrong unredressed and of innocent blood unavenged embittered their trade rivalry, intensified each crisis of political strain, and furnished a popular cry for two wars. Dryden’s “Tragedy of Amboyna,” produced in the fiftieth year after the execution, has been not unfairly described as his one literary effort which is wholly worthless except as a curiosity. Yet it serves to show how the story deepened into a darker hue with age.

The opening dialogue between Van Speult and the Dutch fiscal reveals their hatred to the English. Van

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Speult’s son, whom Towerson has rescued at sea, plots with the fiscal against the life of his preserver, and, after again being saved from death by Towerson, ravishes the Englishman’s bride and is thereupon killed by him in a duel. Van Speult, in revenge, invents the story of the plot. The victims are tortured on the stage, fiercely reviled by the governor, and led off to execution. On his way to death Towerson breaks forth in a prophetic strain, foretelling the vengeance of his countrymen and the ruin and downfall of the Dutch. The characters are coarsely drawn from the “True Relation;” the picture presented of the Dutch is grossly unfair. But it struck a chord of popular feeling, and responded to an antipathy which had hardened and set into a national tradition.

That tradition not only affected our internal and dynastic politics, but it profoundly influenced the march of events in Europe. If Holland and England had been friends at heart instead of occasional allies by interest, the aggressions of Louis XIV would have encountered a very different strength of resistance. Our Charles II

would scarcely have dared to remain the dependent of -France. James II would perhaps have shrunk from forcing a Catholic reaction on England. The memory

of Amboyna wrought like a fever on the trade-rivalry of the two Protestant sea powers. The friendship of France might mean court corruption and Popery, but between England and Holland, as long as that bloody memory lived, there could be no real friendship at all. Politicians and poets appealed to the middle-class

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hatred of the Dutch as against the middle-class hatred of Rome. Amboyna is thus disclosed as one of the influences which lured on the Stuarts to the Revolution, and as one of the remote secret springs of the age of Louis XIV.

Nor had Amboyna less important consequences for the Dutch. The overthrow of the English in the Spice Archipelago and their subjection in Java enabled the Holland Company to create a colonial system which, for frank indifference to human suffering, stands out in the history of European settlements across the seas. The fault was not the fault of the Dutch nation, but of the particular period when the chance of a great colonial empire came to it. The Catholic tradition of conversion by conquest, cruel as were its practices, had given place to the industrial idea of conquest for trade.

Neither Spain nor Portugal, with their record of blood in the Eastern and the Western worlds, nor England, with its subsequent slave traffic, can afford to cast stones. But the comparative isolation of Holland in the East, and the absence of any strong native power in the Archipelago like that of the Moghul dynasty in India, enabled the Dutch to work out the industrial idea of conquest to its logical results. The same isolation enabled them to perpetuate that idea, after it had been profoundly modified by a humanitarian awakening in Europe. It survived as a relic of a century when the Protestant nations of the Continent, wearied with religious strife, lost sight for a time of that spiritual brotherhood of man which shot rays across the darkness

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of Portuguese misrule, and which had burned up afresh before the foundation of British territorial sway in India. Jan Pieterszoon Coen, the chief founder of the Dutch colonial system, became governor-general in 1618 – the date taken by European history for the commencement of the Thirty Years’ War.

 

Tomb of the Moghul official Itmad-ad-Daulah, at Agra

Coen has left in his own words a detailed description of the fabric which he designed. The Dutch charter expired in January, 1623, and on the 21st of that month the great governor-general, as the last act of his first term of office, drew up his political testament for the benefit of his countrymen in the form of instructions left with Peter de Carpentier, governor-general, and the Council of the Indies, and dated Batavia,

21–31, January, 1623. He realized that the sea-power of Holland in the Archipelago must rest on a territorial basis with a territorial revenue, the absence of which had drawn forth from Cosme Annes, nearly a hundred years earlier (1549), the Portuguese lament: “We sit still, perishing without lands out of which to support ourselves or find shelter.” Albuquerque discerned the same need a century before. But Coen deliberately worked out what Albuquerque had perceived, and, unlike Albuquerque, he was backed by a nation which loyally supported its great servants in the East.

He cherished no illusions as to how such a territorial sea-empire was to be acquired and maintained. It was easy to bring the scattered islands under subjection. The problem was to people them with workers. The idea of settling Dutchmen and Dutchwomen in sufficient numbers, although it had its attractions for Coen as for the other colonizing spirits of that age, he saw to be impracticable. He anticipated the conclusion which some of the European nations are only now reaching after long and cruel experience, that agricultural emigrants from the temperate zone perish in the tropics. The lands of the equator can be tilled only by equatorial races. The heathen whom the Papal Bulls had given to the Portuguese for an inheritance, to be converted with a rod of iron or dashed to pieces like a potter’s vessel, were to Coen merely a cheap labour-force. The “ingathering of a multitude of people from all parts to people our country withall” was

his first object, and of far more consequence, he declared, than the buying of cloths and goods.

This object he proposed to accomplish by three distinct methods: the enslavement of conquered islands, the purchase of slaves from the African and Asiatic continents, and the seizure of slaves on their coasts. The first method needs but the single comment, that it went much further than the subjection of the native races enforced by the Portuguese. As regards the second, orders for the buying of slaves had been given in 1614; Coen resolved to carry them out on a large scale. “Divers fleets” were now to be sent to the Coromandel coast, to Madagascar, and to the African seaboard, to purchase as many slaves, especially young people, as could be got. This buying of slaves was to go forward before any other work, to the extent of “many thousands, yea, to an infinite number.”

The third method, by seizure, was to be conducted by a squadron on the Chinese coast. The shore-dwellers, especially the women and children, were to be carried away for the peopling of Batavia, Amboyna, and Banda. “Herein will be a great service done for the Company, and by this means will be found all the charge of the war.” The Chinese slaves might be redeemed for sixty reals (£13 10s.) apiece. “But by no means you must not suffer any women to return to China, or any other part out of the Company’s jurisdiction, but with them to people the same.” As the Dutch supremacy firmly established itself, a fourth system

 

of recruitment was added, by treaty provisions for a tribute in full-grown slaves.

 

A typical scene in India

The Dutch industrial system in the East, thus founded on the most rigorous forms of slavery, was eventually softened through successive stages of forced labour. It produced for a time enormous profits. A tropical soil was made to yield as it had never yielded before, and its fruits were monopolized by Holland.

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As respects European rivals, the restrictions which the Anglo-Dutch still imposed on Coen, in January, 1623, were removed by the tragedy of Amboyna in the next month, and by the withdrawal of the English factories from the Spice Archipelago. As regards native competition, the islanders were compelled to root up their clove and nutmeg trees, where they seemed to threaten the profits of the Dutch. The produce of the most fertile regions in the world, cultivated on the severest system of human toil, was secured to the Dutch and to the Dutch alone.

While Coen founded the colonial empire of Holland on the sure basis of the soil, he strengthened it by all the devices of a skilful administration – by a lucrative coasting trade with the African and Asiatic continents, by a great sea commerce with Europe, and by a well-planned system of tolls and local taxation. The rich island empire which he thus projected, he secured by fortresses, built and maintained by the cheap labour of prisoners and slaves. Coen stands out from among all men of European race in the Asia of his day – a statesman of the clearest vision, and an administrator of the firmest hand, half-way between the Portuguese Albuquerque in the sixteenth century and the French Dupleix or the English Warren Hastings, in the eighteenth. But he could not rise above the morals of his time, and his strong personality during a double tenure of office impressed the stamp of a cruel age on the colonial system of his country. His crime, or his misfortune, was that he stereotyped in Dutch India the disregard

for human suffering which brutalized Europe during the Thirty Years’ War.

Holland was the first European country to send a steady supply of really able men to the East, and she supported them by force of arms. James I would not and Charles I could not fight. The English East India Company was still a body of private adventurers for whose benefit Parliament felt by no means eager to go to war. In spite of the long list of lords and gentlemen who swelled the subscription book of the Company, in spite of the outburst of wrath and indignation which the news of Amboyna aroused in London, England had not yet learned to look upon her Indian trade as a national concern. Holland had, and she was willing to make sacrifices and to screen crimes, in order to maintain her position in Asia.

Footnotes

7. The chief contemporary pamphlets on the Amboyna tragedy are six in number.

(i) A True Relation of the Unjust, Cruel, and Barbarous Proceedings against the English at Amboyna. This narrative was “taken out of the depositions of six several English factors “who survived the trial, as delivered on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of. the Admiralty, supplemented by the testimony of Welden, the English chief agent in Banda at the time of the tragedy. The Privy Council in September, 1624, gave their opinion that the relation was justified by the statements of the six witnesses. Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1622–1624, par. 620.

(ii) A True Declaration of the Newes that came out of the East Indies, with the Pinace called the ‘‘Hare.” A Dutch pamphlet which appeared anonymously, and was thought by some to be the work of Boreel. The Directors of the Dutch Company denied the authorship, and, on complaint of the English ambassador, the States-General issued a proclamation declaring it to be “a scandalous and senseless libel,” and offering a reward of 400 guilders for the discovery of either the author or the printer.

(iii) An Answer to the Dutch Relation touching the pretended Conspiracy of the English at Amboyna in the Indies, being a reply to No. ii. (the libellous Dutch Declaration) drawn up by the English Company and issued under its authority. These three pamphlets were published together by the Company in 1624 with a preface. A third reprint is dated 1632, and there were several subsequent editions.

(iv) A Remonstrance of the Directors of the Netherlands East India Company presented to the Lords States-General … in defence of the said Company touching the bloody Proceedings against the English Merchants executed at Amboyna.

(v) The Acts of the Council of Amboyna. The official Court Record of the Trial and the confessions of the accused, as presented by the Dutch to the East India Company.

(vi) A Reply to the Defence of the Proceedings of the Dutch against the English at Amboyna. An answer to, and criticism of, Nos. iv. and v. These last three pamphlets were published by authority in London in 1632.

8. Captain Gabriel Towerson; Samuel Colson, factor at Hitto; Emanuel Thomson, assistant at Amboyna; Timothy Johnson, assistant at Amboyna; John Wetheral, factor at Cambello; John Clark, assistant at Hitto; William Griggs, factor at Larica; John Fardo, steward of the House; Abel Price (the drunken barber-surgeon); Robert Brown, tailor.

9. An English writer, who is not a lawyer and who has spent most of his life in the practical duties of Indian administration, should speak with diffidence as to the forms of Dutch procedure in the early seventeenth century. I have, therefore, taken the precaution to consult a Dutch jurist, Dr. Bisschop, who combines accurate historical research with a judicial training. He states, and quotes Dutch legal authorities for his opinion, that in extraordinary proceedings, in which the accused were examined without witnesses first being heard, the confessions of the accused were necessary for conviction, and that torture could be legitimately resorted to in order to obtain such confessions. The Amboyna trial came practically under this category, and the evidence from first to last was obtained by torture. But the Dutch law recognized the danger of a miscarriage of justice arising out of confessions thus wrung forth, and it provided safeguards accordingly. These safeguards were explicit in form and essential to the validity of the proceedings. They were disregarded in the Amboyna trial, although the prosecuting fiscal, in the words of the Dutch Governor-General and Council, “calls himself a lawyer, and was taken into the Company’s service as such

1625:

Muhammad Ali became the Sultan of Brunei XII until 1660.
 1626: Production of pepper Banjar greatly increased, so the VOC attempted to gain monopoly pepper, and try to eliminate the incidence in 1612 the Dutch invasion of the sultanate of Banjar. The Netherlands also apologized for his actions robbed the Banjar in cruise ship sultanate of Brunei trade to July 4, 1626. Trading empire Banjar still directed to Cochin China (Veitnam) not to Batavia.
 1634: VOC sent six merchant ships headed to Banjarmasin Londensteijn Gijsbert van, then added a few ships under the command of Antonie and Steven Scop Barentsz. [19]

1632

Oleh karena perubahan waktu dan situasi kerajaan Aceh menetapkan berdirinya Kerajaan deli dan Panglima Gocah Pahlawan ditetapkan sebagai sultan deli Pertama dengan ge;lar Tuanku Panglimah Gocah Pahlawan Laksamana Kuda Bintan dan untuk memperkuat posisinya Panglima Gocah menikahi adik datuk Hitam Sunggal yang bernama Putri nang baluan Beru Surbakti yang sehari-hari tinggal dilingkungan masyarakat sttempat,dengan demikian sedikit demi sedikit terbentuklah suatu adat budaya baru.begitu uga Pemerintahannya bertambah besar denga membesarnya masyarakat.
Sunggal merupakan daerah Batak Kario yang sudah memasuki  Melayu(memeluk agama Islam ) Sebagai hadiah perkawinan ia diangkat sebagai Panglima Kawasan  pesisir Deli oleh kempat Raja urung Batak karo.dan raja Urung sunggal merupakan anggota lembaga datuk yang berempat itu.

1634

Drai Pernikahan Raja deli pertama Panglima Gocah dengan Putri Datuk Hitam Sunggal, lahirlah seorang putra bernama Perunggit Sebelum mangkat Tuanku Panglima Gocah menyerahkan kekuasaan kepada putranya Tuanku Panglima Perungit untuk menjadi sultan.

 


 1635:

June 17, 1635 Pearl British ship arrived in Banjarmasin, Tewseling and Gregory.
 1635: 4 September 1635 the Sultan of Banjar is represented by Ratna Syahbandar Goja Babouw Kings held the first commercial contract in Batavia by the Dutch Company is represented by: Hendrik Brouwer, Antonio van Diemen, Jan van der Burgh, Steven Barentszoon. VOCs also helps Banjar to conquer the eastern Kalimantan (Sand). [18]
 1635: Prince Aji ing chances, Duke Sinum Bannerman Martapura Kukar VIII became King until the year 1650. This king conquered the kingdom of Kutai Martadipura.
 1636: Sultanate of Banjar claim areas along the Sambas Karasikan Berau as well as its territory since that time Banjarmasin already has the military capacity to confront the attacks of Mataram.
 1636: The first time the Dutch began to dwell in Banjarmasin as VOC trading office in Banjarmasin established under the leadership of Wollenbrant Gelijnsen. [19]
 1637: Banjarmasin hold peace relations with Mataram. [20]
 1638: Sultan Banjarmasin send envoys to the Sultan of Makassar Makassar and East Kalimantan borrow area as a place of trade. Sultan Muhammad Zainudin moved the capital of the Sultanate Matan Matan kingdoms from the river to the land called the kingdom of Indra Indra Laya Laya.
 1638: Contract Craemer Banjar Sultan refused a request to send pepper to Makassar, came the anti-war Dutch VOC many as 108 people, 21 Japanese were killed, and the lodges were burned and the destruction of VOC VOC ships in Banjarmasin.
 1640: Governor-General Antonio van Diemen VOC ordered that hostilities with the Sultanate of Banjar is stopped and only requires 50,000 as compensation for the real tragedy in 1638.
 1641: Around mid-October 1641 Prince Tapesana and Kiai Narangbaya as Sultan Banja

rmasin envoy arrives in Jepara and its escort of 500 people to deliver gifts to the Sultan Agung – the king of Mataram. [20] [19] [21]
 1641: Inayatullah became Sultan Banjar V until the year 1646
 1643:

Dutch erected forts and factories on the island of Tatas (now Central Banjarmasin). [22]
 1644:

Maulana Aji Anom Lions became the ruler Paser until the year 1667.
 1646: Sultan Banjar VI Saidullah be until the year 1660.
 1648

: Dutch get a monopoly of pepper Banjarmasin dipasakan to the Sultan. [23]
 1650:

Prince Aji Dipati ing the Great became King Kukar Martapura IX until year 1665. Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila I served the King until the year 1695.

1653

Muhammad Dhalik,tuanku Panglima Gocah Pahlawan sulatan deli I meninggal dunia dan digantikan oleh Panglima Perungit sebagai sultan Deli II.

1654

Lahirlah putra sultan Deli II Panglima Perungit yang bernama Panglima Penderap Di aru.

1659: Sultan Muhammad Zainuddin I (Marhum Affairs Laya) ruled the Sultanate Sukadana-Matan (1659-1724). Abdul-Jabbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul XI until the year 1660.
 1660: Sultan Rakyatullah be Banjar VII until 1663, he made a treaty with the VOC December 18, 1660. Brunei Sultan Abdul Mubin become XIII until the year 1673.
 1661: Abdul Mubin Hakkul XIII to become the Sultan of Brunei in 1673. Sukadana-imperial envoy arrived in the Sultanate Matan Banjar to report that Sukadana back into the area of
​​the Sultanate of Banjar pegaruh since earlier in 1638.
 1662: According to Barra in 1662 there were only 12 junks a Malay, English, P
ortuguese and pepper transporting gold to Makassar, while in the Port of Banjarmasin filled with more than 1000 sailboats, both interinsuler trade and inter-continental trade.
 1663: Sultan Sultan Amrullah be Banjar VIII, but he later coup by Sultan Agung to be the Sultan of Banjar IX until year 1679, with the help of tribal Biaju and moved the capital to the River Prince, New York.
 1665: Prince Aji Dipati Maja became King Kusuma ing Martapura Kukar X until the year 1686.

1667:

Sultan of Sulu island Balambangan surrender to the British. [24]
 1667:

I to King Solomon Panembahan Paser until the year 1680. He was the first ruler who holds Panembahan Paser.
 January 21, 1668

: La Mohang Daeng Mangkona whose inhabitants founded the city of Samarinda is known as the Bugis Samarinda Seberang.

1669

Sulatn Deli II Panglima Perungit menikah dengan Raja sukapiring dan  pada tahun ini Perunggit memproklamirkan Deli terpisah dari kerajaan Aceh, beliau memindahkan kerajaan dari sungai lalang ke daerah Padang datar (Medan sekarang),beliau membentuk pasukan berkuda dan

1670:

Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin from Sambas reigned until the year 1708.
 1672:

Sultan Muhammad Syamsudin Sa’idul Khairiwaddien Nata, as the first ruler Sintang wear wear a higher degree of Sultan, ruled until 1737.
 1673: Muhyiddin XIV became the Sultan of Brunei until 1690.
 1675:

Muhammad Syafeiuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until 16701675-1685.
 1680:

Good Amirullah Kusuma ascended the throne back to Emperor Banjar X until the year 1700. Adam Panembahan I became Panembahan Paser until 1705. King Senggauk be Panembahan Mempawah.
 1686:

Queen’s Court, the first woman to lead the Kutai Kingdom in 1700.
 January 18, 1689:

Spreader Catholicism, Fr. Antonino Ventimiglia arrives at Banjarmasin from Goa, India. [25]
 June 25, 1689:

Portuguese ships under the command of Captain Francesco Luigi Cottigno entering the island area plot in Kapuas district and establishing relationships with the tribe Dayak Ngaju [26].
 1690:

Nassaruddin became Sultan of Brunei until the year 1705.
 1695:

Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila II serving ruler until the year 1731.

 

1698:

Sultan Banjarmasin, Saidilah establish a contract with the UK.

Tuanku Panglima Perungit sultan deli II mangkat dan ,makamnya dijalan raden saleh medan sekarang, dan ia diberi gelar Marhum Kesawan , dan ia digantikan oleh puteranya Tuangku Panglima Penderap sebagai sultan deli III dn beliau memindahkan pusat pemerintahan ke Pulau berayan.

Sultan deli III menikah dengan Tuanku Puan Sempati, dan memiliki 4 putra, wilayah Deli dibagikan kepada Putranya Tuanku Jalaludin gelar Kejuruan Mettar (wilayah Mabar,Pecut dan Tanjung Mulia), Tuanku Umar Johan Alamsyah gelar kejyuruan Nunjongan (wilayah  serdang, dan  Sei Tuan), Tuanku Tawar gelar Kejeruan Satun(Wilayah Denai dan Srbajadi).


 1699: In April, two of the English Captain Henry Watson and Cotesworth instructed to establish factory / warehouse in Yogyakarta. [27]
 1700: Hamidullah became Sultan Banjar XI until the year 1734. Prince Aji Old Dipati XII became the Sultan of Kutai which until the year 1710. In 1700 the war between the Hedgehog and Matan, because the seizure of diamond inheritance Kobi. Hedgehogs assisted by Bantam and VOC, because it then Bantam expressed Hedgehogs and Matan under the power of the Sultanate of Banten.

Major VOC posts and forts in the archipelago, 17th century

 

The Company’s initial interest was in obtaining spices from Maluku for direct shipment to Europe, and it established a fort in Ambon (Amboina) in 1605. Under the third Governor-General, J.P. Coen, however, the Company’s ambitions began to extend to taking part in trade within Asia. Coen decided that the Company needed a more central base and in 1619 founded a new headquarters, which he called Batavia, in the small trading city of Jayakarta on the northwestern coast of Java. In developing this so-called inter-Asian trade, the VOC made the most both of its capital reserves, which gave it disproportionate power in the market place, and its naval strength, which enabled it to sweep from the seas both pirates and Asian traders it now classified as smugglers because they infringed its monopolies.

 

The VOC’s interests in Indonesia were only part of its Asian empire. The Company had major trading operations in India and was the only European power permitted to trade in Japan. It came to control the islands of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and Formosa (now Taiwan), as well as a significant territory at the Cape of Good Hope. Most of the Company’s territories were ruled by governors subordinate to the Governor-General in Batavia; the gouvernement of Java’s Northeast Coast, therefore, was no more directly monitored from Batavia than was the distant Cape settlement. Even within the VOC structure, therefore, the ‘Netherlands Indies’, as a precursor to modern Indonesia, had no formal existence.

 

Banda under Dutch rule

 

1648

The british had ben forced out of the cosmopolitan peper trading fort at banten near present day serang in 1648, but the were determinet to break the dutch  monopoly.

VOC territories and trading posts in Asia, 1650

 

The naval commercial power of the VOC, especially in an island region such as Indonesia, meant that the Company could pursue its interests on many fronts, but its two most important adversaries in the period to 1800 were Makasar and Mataram. Makasar, the main port in southern Sulawesi, became a major centre for the ‘smuggling’ trade which defied the Dutch monopoly until it succumbed to the Dutch and allied indigenous forces in a three-year war ending in 1669.

Coen had placed his headquarters on Java some distance from the rising central Java power of Mataram, but the two quickly came into conflict. In 1628 and 1629 forces from Mataram attacked Batavia but were repulsed. Thereafter, it was the Company which harassed Mataram, both deliberately circumscribing its power and finding itself drawn into civil wars and political conflicts within Mataram to defend its own interests. Following its participation in the defeat of Trunojoyo in 1678–1681, the VOC was a permanent element in Javanese politics and the Company gradually moved from being a maritime trading power to managing a territorial empire on Java. The Company’s administrative structure, however, continued to resemble that of a trading company, with officials below the level of governor holding mercantile titles and retaining principal responsibility for commercial matters along with administration

Sumatra, first half of 17th century

The successors of Sultan Iskandar Muda were unable to maintain the empire he had created and in the middle of the 17th century, the Acehnese empire began to contract. Within Aceh, moreover, royal power dwindled in the hinterland with the rise of powerful regional warlords or uleëbalang. Although Aceh remained independent, it was never again a major power.

Meanwhile, Aceh’s main rival, Johor, was also in decline. From the north, the aggressive Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya had turned Kedah into a vassal, requiring its ruler to send as tribute an intricate gold and silver tree (bunga mas dan perak). Johor was also under pressure from the south. From the middle of the 17th century, the pepper kingdoms of Jambi and Palembang had grown increasingly independent of their Javanese overlords and had begun to develop close relations with the VOC. Palembang soon fell out with the VOC, which sent forces to destroy its capital in 1659, but Jambi continued to prosper, repudiating Mataram’s overlordship in 1663. By 1673, Jambi was powerful enough to attack Johor and to destroy its capital utterly. Johor’s rulers then shifted their court once again into the islands for fifteen years. The final blow to Johor’s standing came in 1699, with the assassination of the brutal Sultan Mahmud, which broke Johor’s dynastic link with the prestige of the Melaka sultanate.

The decline of Aceh and Johor gave new opportunities to the Minangkabau peoples of central Sumatra. Siak on the Sumatra coast opposite Johor, Indrapura on the west coast, and the small Minangkabau communities of Sungai Ujung and Rembau near Melaka all became virtually independent in this era.

Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, 17th century

1636

After Iskandar’s death in 1636,

Acehnese influence began to contract, partly because Johor had found a new ally in the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC).

 

 

 

 

The two joined forces in 1641

to drive the Portuguese from Melaka, and the Dutch then brokered a peace between Johor and Aceh which allowed Johor to recover its influence in Pahang.

In southern Sumatra,

the arrival of Portuguese and later other European traders stimulated a massive expansion in the production of pepper.

The most southerly pepper-producing region of Lampung was conquered by the western Java state of Banten in the second half of the 16th century and Banten’s influence also stretched up the west coast as far as Bengkulu

 

1619

Under a tropical sun these almost stagnant waters, soaking into-the soft soil, produced malaria, and the city came to be regarded as the graveyard of Europeans; the wealthy classes took up their residence in the suburbs which formed the new town on the heights of Weltevreden, whither the government offices were removed. Within a few years canals have been filled up and drainage introduced, so that the city is considered tolerably healthy. The thermometer ranges from 65° to 90°. The old town is mainly inhabited by natives and the poorer Chinese. The city has a bank and a newspaper, and has recently been connected with Singapore by a telegraphic cable 600 m. long. Among the principal public buildings are the Lutheran church, military hospital, and exchange. – Batavia occupies the site of the former native city of Jacatra, which was seized in 1619 by the Dutch governor Jan Pieterszoon Koen, the Dutch having a few years before set up a factory here. The capital of the Dutch possessions in India was now removed from Amboyna to this place. In 1628-’9 the allied sovereigns of Bantam, Jacatra. and Mataram twice besieged the new city, with an army of 100,000 men, but were repulsed.

In 1641 there was a revolt of the Chinese population, of whom 12,000 were massacred by order of the governor, Adriaan Valckenaer. In 1811 it was captured by the English, but was restored to the Dutch after the peace.

 

Batavia.

1613

1613

When the kingdom was ruled by Raden Sumedang bans Suriadiwangsa, stepchild Geusan Ulun of RTU Harisbaya, Sumedanglarang into Mataram territory since 1620. Since then the status Sumedanglarang any changes from the kingdom into districts under the name Sumedang District. Mataram make Priangan as a region in western defenses against possible attacks Banten forces, and or Company based in Batavia, because of Mataram under Sultan Agung (1613-1645) hostile to the Company and the conflict with the Sultanate of Banten.

 

 
 

 

To oversee the Priangan, Sultan Agung lift Raden Aria Suradiwangsa be Wedana Regent (Regent Chief) in Priangan (1620-1624), with the title of Prince Rangga Gempol Kusumadinata, known as Rangga Gempol I.

In 1624 the great Emperor ordered Rangga Gempol I to conquer the Sampang (Madura). Therefore, the position represented Regent Wedana Priangan of younger princes Rangga Gempol I Dipati Rangga Gede. Shortly after Prince Dipati Rangga Gede served as Regent Wedana, Sumedang attacked by forces of Banten. Since most forces left Sumedang Sampang, Prince Dipati Rangga Gede unable to cope with the attack. As a result, he received a political sanction of Sultan Agung. Prince Dipati Rangga Gede held in Mataram. Regent Position Wedana Priangan submitted to Dipati Ukur, provided that he should be able to seize power Batavia of the Company.

Sultan Agung in 1628 ordered Dipati Ukur to help troops attacked the Mataram Company in Batavia. But the attack failed. Dipati Ukur realize that as a consequence of the failure that he will receive punishment similar to that received by Prince Dipati Rangga big, or a heavier punishment again. Therefore Dipati Ukur and their followers to rebel against Mataram. After the attacks on the Company fails, they do not come to Mataram report the failure of his duty. Dipati Ukur actions were considered by the party as a rebellion against the rulers of Mataram kingdom of Mataram.

Dipati Ukur occurrence of insubordination and his followers made possible, partly because of the Mataram difficult to monitor directly Priangan region, due to the distance between the center of Mataram Kingdom with regional Priangan. Theoretically, if the area is very far from the centers of power, the power center in the region are very weak. However, thanks to the assistance some areas in Priangan Head, Mataram party to quell the rebellion finally Dipati Ukur. According to Soil History (Chronicle), Dipati Ukur caught on Mount Barn (Bandung district) in the year 1632.

After the “rebellion” Dipati Ukur deemed concluded, Sultan Agung handed back office to the Prince Regent Wedana Priangan Dipati Rangga Gede who has been free from punishment. In addition, reorganization of government in Priangan to stabilize the situation and condition of the area. Priangan area outside Sumedang and Galuh divided into three districts, namely Bandung District, County and District Parakanmuncang Sukapura raised by three regional heads of Priangan which is considered to have contributed to quell the rebellion Dipati Ukur.

Third person referred to is the regional head Astamanggala Ki, was appointed head nurse pennant Cihaurbeuti great (regent) of Bandung with a degree Tumenggung Wiraangunangun, Tanubaya as regent Parakanmuncang and Ngabehi Wirawangsa became regent Sukapura with Wiradadaha Tumenggung title. The three men were sworn in together on the basis “Piagem Sultan Agung”, issued on Saturday the 9th of Muharam Year Alip (Javanese calendar). Thus, on 9 Muharam Taun Alip not just an anniversary of Bandung Kabupagten but at the same time as the anniversary Sukapura District and County Parakanmuncang.

 

 

Bandung 1800

 

 

The establishment of Bandung regency, means in Bandung area changes occur mainly in the areas of government. The area originally was part (subordinate) of the kingdom (the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajararan then Sumedanglarang) with an unclear status, turned into a region with a clear administrative sttus, namely district.

After the third regent appointed Mataram in central government, they return to their respective regions. Sadjarah Bandung (manuscript) states that the Regent of Bandung Tumeggung Wiraangunangun along with his followers from returning to the Tatar Ukur Mataram. The first time they come to Timbanganten. Where the regent of Bandung get 200 count.

Next Tumenanggung Wiraangunangun together people build Krapyak, a place located on the shores near the mouth of the Citarum River Sungat Cikapundung, (suburb of the southern part of Bandung Regency) as the district capital. As the central area of ​​Bandung regency, Krapyak and the surrounding area called Earth chick Gede.

Bandung District administrative area under the influence of Mataram (until the end of the 17th century), not known for sure, because accurate source that contains data about it is not / has not been found. According to native sources, the early stages of data covering several areas of Bandung regency, among others, Tatar Ukur, including area Timbanganten, Kuripan, Sagaraherang, and partly Tanahmedang.

Perhaps, the area outside the District Priangan Sumedang, Parakanmuncang, Sukapura and Galuh, which originally was Tatar territory Measure (Measure Sasanga) in the reign of Dipati Ukur, an administrative area of ​​Bandung regency at that time. If the allegations are true, then the capital of Bandung regency with Krapyak, its territory includes the area Timbanganten, Gandasoli, Adiarsa, Cabangbungin, Banjaran, Cipeujeuh, Majalaya, Cisondari, cavities, Kopo, Ujungberung and others, including area Kuripan, Sagaraherang and Tanahmedang.

 

 

Bandung regency as one of the district which formed the Kingdom of Mataram, and under the influence of royal authority, the system of government in Bandung Regency has a system of government of Mataram. Regent has a variety of symbols greatness, special guards and armed soldiers. Symbol and attributes it adds a big and strong power and influence over his people Bupti.

The amount of power and influence of the regents, among others, indicated by the possession of the privileges normally dmiliki by the king. These rights are the rights referred to inherit the position, only to collect taxes in money and goods, ha obtained a labor (Ngawula), hunting and fishing rights and the right to prosecute.

 

 

 

With very limited direct supervision of the rulers of Mataram, it is no wonder if that time Regent of Bandung in particular and generally Priangan Regents ruling like a king. He ruled over the people and regions. Pemerinatahn System regent and lifestyle is miniature of palace life. In performing its duties, the regent assisted by his subordinate officials, such as governor, prosecutors, rulers, village headman or chief cutak (head of district), district (chief assistant district), patinggi (headman or village leader) and others.

Bandung regency under the influence of the Mataram until the end of 1677. Then Bandung regency in the hands of the Company. This It occurs due to Mataram-VOC agreement (first agreement) December 19 to 20 October 1677. Under the authority of the Company (1677-1799), Regent of Bandung and other Regents Priangan still serves as the supreme ruler of the district, with no bureaucratic ties with the Company.

 

 

District government system basically does not have changes, because the Company only demanded that the regents recognize the power of the Company, with a guarantee to sell certain products of the earth to the VOC. In this case, the regents must not engage in political relations and trade with other parties. One thing that changed was the office of regent Wedana removed. Instead, the Company raised Prince Aria Cirebon as a supervisor (opzigter) area of ​​Cirebon-Priangan (Cheribonsche Preangerlandan).

One of the main obligations of the regents of the Company is obliged to carry out the planting of certain crops, especially coffee, and deliver results. The system is called Preangerstelsel compulsory planting. Meanwhile, the regents must maintain security and order in his territory. Regents also must not appoint or dismiss employees without consideration of subordinates regent regent ruler of the Company or the Company in Cirebon. For the regents to implement obligations of the latter well, the influence of the regent in the field of religion, including income from that field, such as the penis nature, are not bothered whether the regents and the people (farmers) get paid upon delivery of a large coffee determined by the Company.

Until the end of the power of VOC-VOC end in 1779, Bandung regency capital is Krapyak. During the Bandung regency ruled for generations by the six regents. Tumenggung Wiraangunangun (the first regent) ankatan Mataram who ruled until 1681. Five other regents are force the regents of the Company namely Tumenggung Ardikusumah who ruled in 1681-1704, Tumenggung Anggadireja I (1704-1747), Tumenggung Anggadireja II (1747-1763), R. Anggadireja III with a degree of RA Wiranatakusumah I (1763-1794) and RA Wiranatakusumah II who ruled from 1794 until 1829. In the reign of regents RA Wiranatakusumah II, moved the capital of Bandung Regency from Karapyak to the city of Bandung.

In 1613,

prince Rangsang became king of Mataram

Mataram Sultanate

 

The Sultanate of Mataram was the last major independent Javanese empire on Java before the island was colonized by the Dutch. It was the dominant political force in interior Central Java from the late 16th century until the beginning of the 18th century….

in Central Java. The following year, he attacked the principality of Surabaya

Surabaya

 

Surabaya is Indonesia’s second-largest city with a population of over 2.7 million , and the capital of the province of East Java…

in the east. The man who would be remembered as Sultan Agung had started a series of successful campaigns against rival kingdoms and principalities on Java.

In 1625,

in addition to Central Java, Mataram was in control of central and eastern parts of the island’s northern coast, called the Pasisir. Now Agung wanted to take on Banten and Batavia.

1628

Agung launched a first offensive on Batavia in 1628. Having suffered heavy losses, he had to retreat. he launched a second offensive in 1629. The Dutch fleet destroyed his supplies and his ships in the harbours of Cirebon

Cirebon

 

Cirebon is a port city on the north coast of the Indonesian island of Java. It is located in the province of West Java near the provincial border with Central Java, approximately 297 km east of Jakarta, at .The seat of a former Sultanate, the city’s West and Central Java border location have…

and Tegal

Tegal

Tegal is the largest city in the Tegal Regency, Indonesia. It is located on the north coast of Central Java about from Cirebon. Slawi, about to the south, is its suburb….

. Mataram troops, starving and decimated by illness, had to retreat again.

However, Agung pursued his conquering ambitions to the east. He attacked Blitar

Blitar

Blitar is a city and also the capital of the regency of the same name on East Java, Indonesia, about 73 kilometers from Malang and 167 kilometers from Surabaya. The area lies within longitude 111° 40′ – 112° 09′ East and its latitude is 8° 06′ South…

, Panarukan and the Blambangan principality in Java’s eastern salient, a vassal of the Bali

Bali

Bali is an Indonesian island located in the westernmost end of the Lesser Sunda Islands, lying between Java to the west and Lombok to the east. It is one of the country’s 33 provinces with the provincial capital at Denpasar towards the south of the island….

nese kingdom of Gelgel

Gelgel

Gelgel may refer to:*Gelgel, Chad, a city in Chad*Gelgel, Indonesia, a village on the island of Bali, and a former kingdom…

. Agung died in 1646. His son succeeded him under the title of Susuhunan

Sunan (Indonesian title)

Sunan is the shorter version of “Susuhunan”, both used as an honourific in Java Indonesia.According to Hamka in his book Dari Perbendaharaan Lama the word derived from a Javanese word for position of hands in reverential salutation, done with hands pressed together, palms touching and fingers……

outside the city walls

 

Batavia 1656

Despite the terrible rendering of online translation of Dutch, I’m fairly confident all four images above relate to the Java region of Indonesia and are all* the first three are approximately from the second half of the 17th 18th century [*see the comments at the end of the post]. They are spliced screencaps from a new cartographic database of several hundred images relating to the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The collection consists mostly of maps (of course) – many fort outlines and lots of interesting and artistic map sketches – but there are the occasional scenic watercolour pictures as well.  From the ‘Collectie/Archief’ drop down menu, select ‘Kaarten van de VOC’, change the number of thumbnails you want to display per page down the bottom and then hit ‘zoek’. It’s all easy.

 

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

 

 

17th Century.

 

Under Dutch naval hegemony from the 1600s, Javanese cloth exports persisted, and then rose sharply and continuously from the 1680s. South eastern Sumatra emerged as the main market, but Borneo and the Straits of Melaka also increased their purchases, fivefold in the case of Javanese cloth despatched from Semarang between 1720 and the mid-1770s. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135-6)

 

In the case of south eastern Sumatra, Javanese cloth was soon joined by that of Madura and Bali, and then by that of Thailand and Cambodia. By 1691 a Dutch envoy to Palembang declared that most men, from sultan to peddler, were dressed in imported Southeast Asian cloth, although the ladies of the court remained loyal to Indian materials. Nevertheless, imports of Indian stuffs declined sharply. This was despite Palembang’s booming economy, fuelled by profits from Bangka tin. (Andaya 1989: 40-1) Glum VOC officials blamed shifts in fashion, reporting that the Javanese increasingly favoured their own ‘painted cloth.’ (Andaya 1989: 40; Nagtegaal 1996: 135-6, 149)

Barbara Andaya attributes this commercial revolution to the rising prices of Indian textiles, combined with falling prices for Sumatran pepper. Demand from Europe and the Atlantic world pushed up cloth prices in India, and the Dutch East India Company [VOC] monopoly over trade from India made matters worse. Although it is hard to compare prices of different qualities, Javanese cloth may only have been one quarter to one eighth as expensive as its Indian equivalents in Sumatra. However, she also states that the rise in Indian prices only began in the 1690s, a decade too late for this explanation to be truly convincing. Moreover, it is far from clear that overall income from pepper in Sumatra was falling, even if nominal prices were, and she notes that tin revenues were buoyant. (Andaya 1989: 38-9)

Supply factors and product innovation also need to be taken into consideration. A Dutch source of 1688 wrote of the virtual halving of the price of raw cotton in Java, although it is unclear why this was, or whether it was permanent. More attractive is Luc Nagtegaal’s argument that Chinese traders began to extend credit to peasant families, in return for guaranteed deliveries of yarn and cloth. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135, 149) Kenneth Hall further suggests that novel production techniques were introduced for batik around this time, albeit without specifying what they were. (Hall 1996: 120) The rise of batik certainly contributed to the surge

 

in exports from Java, although it is not clear in what proportion. (Andaya 1989: 40-1; Nagtegaal 1996: 135-6) The Dutch first appear to have recorded batik exports from Batavia [Jakarta] in 1641, destined for Bengkulu in southwestern Sumatra, and batik soon became a fixture in the island’s trade. (Kerlogue 2004: 17-18; Hitchcock 1991: 23, 94)

Detailed Javanese port statistics from 1774-77 provide a glimpse into the comparative significance of Indian and local cloth in Batavia’s trade. The figures show an annual average of some 70,000 pieces of Indian cloth entering Batavia, compared to 13,000 for Bali and 6,000 for Java. The latter, probably batik, came mainly from Semarang, with Surabaya next in line. Smaller quantities were obtained from Tegal and Pekalongan, as well as Sumenep on the island of Madura. Re-exports were mainly to Sumatra and Borneo. The average price of a Javanese piece was a quarter to a third of one from India. (Knaap 1996: 131-3)

Much Javanese yarn found its way to India and Europe. Initially, the VOC sent this product to India for weaving and dyeing. (Nagtegall 1996: 136) In the eighteenth century, the VOC obtained increasing amounts of cotton yarn, often presented as tribute or tax. The finest product came from East Java, and it went to Dutch industries, together with South Asian yarns. (Matsuo 1970: 1-3) This was probably because Dutch industries experienced great difficulties in spinning strong enough warp threads to weave pure cotton cloth, and thus fell back on linen warps and made fustians. (Kraan 1998: 8)

Although Javanese exports fell away as machine-made cloths flooded in from the early nineteenth century, they never entirely ceased. There was still a vigorous local trade in Javanese batik in the 1820s, with Pekalongan, famous for its indigo, one of the main sources for Batavia and Banten. (Enk 1999: 242) In 1834-35, cotton cloth made in Java was sold in Yemen, possibly by pilgrims on their way to Jiddah. (Baldry 1982: 51; Maznah 1996: 89, 102) Small exports of Javanese cloth were recorded in 1858. (Oorschot 1956: 16) Batik proved especially buoyant,

15

stimulated by imports of cheap machine-made cambric and aniline dyes, and conserving a regional market in the Indian Ocean. (Matsuo 1970: 80-6; Boomgaard 1989: 127-8)

The trading sphere of other Southeast Asian textiles

In the course of the seventeenth century, a powerful new exporter of cloth suddenly arose in South Sulawesi. Makassarese and Bugis traders and shippers, themselves new to long-distance shipping, initially employed the cloth to buy spices in the Moluccas, and then gradually spread it around the whole ‘Malay world,’ including the Philippines. (Reid 1988: 94-5; Heersink 1999: 12-13, 46-50) In 1785, large amounts of South Sulawesi’s checked cloth went ‘to all Malay countries.’ (Pelras 1996: 242) Cotton sarung cloth from this area found a ready market in East Sumatra in 1823. (Anderson 1971: 206, 247, 265)

Sumatra and Malaya drove an intense sea-borne commerce in their own textiles, centred on the Straits of Melaka. Among the imports of East Sumatra in 1823 were ‘a variety of silk and cotton cloths’ from Aceh to the north, including trousers. ‘Rich gold wrought cloths’ came from Palembang and eastern Malaya, and enigmatically labelled ‘coast blue cloths’ appeared. At the same time, East Sumatra exported its own cloth, notably elegant scarves and turbans, within these waters. (Anderson 1971: 206, 247, 265, 312, 354) The internal textile trade of this great island was also very active, with cottons woven in the highlands coming down to the coast. (Dobbin 1977: 19)

Falling imports of Indian cloth into the Malayan peninsula from the eighteenth century provided new opportunities for ‘Malay piece-goods,’ a term for cottons made throughout the peninsula and the archipelago. In 1835, they accounted for 6% of the value of imports in this category into Singapore, the new great entrepôt of Southeast Asia, rising to 11% in 1836, despite the influx of British stuffs. (Maznah 1996: 79-81)

16

Cottons were exported on a minor scale when the Spaniards began to colonise the Philippines from the late sixteenth century. (Reid 1988: 91; McCoy 1982: 301). However, exports only really took off in the mid-eighteenth century, with the phenomenal success of Panay cloth. Chinese Mestizo merchants were so successful in marketing this product that Iloilo became a boom town, sucking in migrants from far and wide. Weekly fairs were held in settlements around the port of Iloilo to collect cloths to send across the waters. As late as 1855, they accounted for over half the value of Iloilo’s exports, and were sold as far afield as Europe and the Americas. (McCoy 1982: 301-3) Other Visayan cloth had more restricted markets, but was exported to the Palau islands of the South Pacific. In contrast, Ilocos cottons were typically exported overland, especially to the Animists of highland Luzon. (Mallat 1983: 143, 188)

Chinese traders probably purchased Vietnamese cotton yarn and cloth from around the thirteenth century, but the main early modern textile export to China and Japan was raw silk. (Reid 1988: 91, 93) Indeed, Tonkin silk was so cheap that shipping it to ‘secluded’ Japan was for a time one of the most profitable ventures of the VOC. As for cotton cloth, Animists of the southern uplands sent it to the coastal plain. (Li 1998: 66-7, 73-5, 122; Li and Reid 1993: 31, 111)

Sea-borne exports of cottons came more from Thailand and Cambodia. ‘Cheap coarse Siamese cloth for the poor people’ was already shipped on a fair scale to Melaka in the 1510s. (Pires 1944: 108) From the 1680s to the 1760s, woven cotton cloth from Cambodia and Thailand undersold Indian textiles in South Sumatra. (Andaya 1989: 41; Green 2003: 44)

Central Burma’s raw cotton was in plentiful supply, and Reid writes that some yarn was exported overland to Yunnan by the late eighteenth century. (Reid 1988: 91) However, ginned raw cotton made up the bulk of cargoes carried by equids and oxen to Yunnan, and Lieberman only

17

surmises that Burmese yarn or cloth also took this route at this time. (Lieberman 2003: 145, 170, 172)

The trading sphere of Middle Eastern textiles

Persia was the greatest single Middle Eastern exporter of textiles, with silk, the empire’s staple, much in demand in Western Europe. (Ferrier 1996: 173-4) Eighteenth-century political turmoil gravely affected the economy, but exports of silk, cottons, and woollens persisted, especially to Russia, Inner Asia, and the Ottoman empire. (Issawi 1966: 33, 136; Issawi 1971: 264-5, 267) Russia also took considerable amounts of cotton yarn, with 1,500 mule loads destined for Astrakhan in 1848 alone. (Issawi 1971: 264, 267) There were even small silk exports to India around 1800. (Issawi 1971: 269)

Among the stuffs leaving the Ottoman heartlands of Anatolia and the Balkans, cottons gradually overtook silks. In part, this may have reflected re-exports of Indian cottons, coming via Iraq. (Kelly 1968: 36-7; Issawi 1966: 136) However, Istanbul certainly exported significant quantities of its own cotton cloth and yarns to France in the second half of the eighteenth century, despite French protectionist duties, whereas imports from France were negligible. Silks and woollens went in both directions without a clear pattern of dominance, although French woollens consisted of cloth, and Turkish ones of carpets. Moreover, a flourishing export business arose in late eighteenth-century Thessaly, where local cotton yarn was dyed and exported to the Austrian empire and German-speaking lands. (Issawi 1966: 41, 48-9) The more general rise of a Balkan cotton textile industry in the eighteenth century stimulated Ottoman exports around the Black Sea. (Braudel 1981-84: III, 477)

In the early sixteenth century, Greater Syria mainly exported cotton cloth to Egypt, with the white stuffs of Baalbek to the fore. (Lamm 1937: 230) Incorporation in the Ottoman empire then opened new markets in

18

Anatolia and the Hijaz. (Issawi 1988: 66, 373) By the late eighteenth century, direct exports to Europe were also on some scale, including cotton cloth and yarn, and much raw cotton. In 1784, the French in Sidon ‘have one or two agents who buy cotton yarn every Monday or Tuesday,’ and the same used to be true of Acre before the Pasha attempted to corner the market. Smaller amounts of mainly raw silk also went to Europe, which sent woollens in return. (Issawi 1966: 33, 219)

Egypt acted as an entrepôt for textiles, including cottons from India, Syria, Istanbul and Bursa, which makes it hard to know where certain stuffs were made. (Raymond 1973-74: I, 135-6, 173, 180) Thus, Alexandria exported ‘rough cotton piece goods used by Negroes in the West Indies’ in 1784, but their place of manufacture was not stated. (Issawi 1966: 33-4). Over the eighteenth century as a whole, the bulk of cottons and linens destined from Europe came from Egyptian looms, in a ratio of around two thirds cottons to one third linens. Proportions were similar in exports to the Red Sea and Sub-Saharan Africa, but reversed in the case of Istanbul and the Maghrib. About a fifth of imported European woollens were re-exported to the Hijaz. (Raymond 1973-74: I, 131, 161, 180-3, 186, 192; Issawi 1966: 475-6)

Yemen’s function as an entrepôt at the other end of the Red Sea entails similar problems, though re-exports were clearly more significant than in Egypt. There was a marked decline in Yemeni cottons sent up the Red Sea to Egypt from around 1250, due to competition from Indian goods, even if a small flow persisted into the nineteenth century. (Baldry 1982: 22-3, 41-2, 45-50, 53; Otavsky et al. 1995: 26) In the 1510s, coloured woollens were mentioned first on a list of commodities going from Aden to India, apparently a complex mix of local, Egyptian and European products. (Pires 1944: 12-13, 17, 269)

Further east, the Portuguese looted a cargo of Hadhrami black cloth in the harbour of al-Shihr in 1533-34. (Baldry 1982: 42) In 1774, Hadhramaut exported cloth to Yemen. (Issawi 1966: 306) Oman may

19

have been supplying Indian Ocean markets since its rise to regional naval hegemony in the seventeenth century, and Omani cloth still went to Somalia in the 1840s. (Bhacker 1992: 133; Guillain 1856-57: II, 535) Bahrayn, specialising in making sail-cloth with imported Indian raw cotton, exported small amounts of coarse cloth to Persia in the 1790s. (Issawi 1971: 264; Issawi 1988: 182)

The trading sphere of East African and Malagasy textiles

The Benadir coast of Somalia had an ancient reputation as an exporter of cotton textiles. Back in the fourteenth century, Ibn Battuta noted that the ‘unequalled’ cloth of Mogadishu was exported ‘to Egypt and elsewhere.’ (Gibb 1962: 374) In the 1840s, with competition from American cloth rising, Mogadishu’s plain white cloth still regularly reached as far down the coast as Mombasa, and occasionally to Zanzibar and other Indian Ocean locations (Guillain 1856-57: II, 532, and III, 323; Reese 1996: 95-6) However, by this time the greatest market for Somali cloth lay inland in the Horn, especially among the Oromo people. (Alpers 1983: 85-6)

The Kirimba islands’ indigo-dyed milwani cloth sold over wide swathes of East Africa in the sixteenth century. It was part of the ‘cloth of the land’ that Portuguese traders in Mozambique Island purchased for their commercial operations, and it appears to have been the staple of Comorian traders. (Prestholdt 1998: 27-30; Newitt 1995: 28, 189-90) However, this cloth disappeared from view in the course of the seventeenth century, possibly because of Indian competition. (Newitt 1995: 190-2) Gondo cotton sail-cloth of Sofala, also purchased by Portuguese traders, was taken up the coast into Zambezia, a trade that persisted throughout the early modern period. (Machado 2005: 110; Newitt 1995: 28).

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Machira from the lower Zambezi was even more successful. Well into the nineteenth century, this un-dyed homespun was widely traded along the coast and far inland, more than holding its own against Gujarati competition. (Alpers 1975: 25; Mudenge 1988: 187; Isaacman 1972: 66, 73-5; Pearson 1998: 122; Rita-Ferreira 1999: 117-18) Portuguese traders sought to gain supplies of machira to exchange for gold dust, and the cloth may have been taken by sea to Mozambique island. (Newitt 1995: 28, 78, 214; Alpers 1975: 55)

Indeed, sales of machira rose markedly in the eighteenth century. (Machado 2005: 110; Mudenge 1988: 187; Bhila 1982: 122, 131; Lobato 1957: 241-2; Isaacman 1972: 73-5) On the basis of some isolated tax figures, Rita-Ferreira suggests that the cost of this cloth roughly halved between the seventeenth and the eighteenth century. (Rita-Ferreira 1999: 118) He sees this as a negative consequence of Indian competition, but as the market for machiras remained buoyant, it suggests improved, if unexplained, productivity.

Madagascar’s cloth was exported to Yemen up to the thirteenth century, and was sought after by Portuguese traders in the sixteenth century. (Baldry 1982: 17; Newitt 1995: 28) It not clear whether exports to the Middle East and East Africa persisted, but Malagasy cloth found its way, in European vessels, to newly settled Mauritius from the seventeenth century. Internally, moreover, there was active commerce, with fibres sent up to the plateau, woven, and sold back to coastal areas. (Larson 2000: 50-7; Fee 2005: 94, 98)

Government attempts to restrict or encourage local industries

European thalassocracies sometimes tried to restrict local textiles, in order to reap fiscal advantages from sales of Indian fabrics. Thus, to sell more South Asian cloth in West Sumatra, the VOC long tried to discourage local manufacturing. (Dobbin 1977: 18) From the 1660s, the

21

VOC banned the planting of cotton in West Sumatra’s coastal strip, although the effectiveness of this prohibition is open to considerable doubt. Weaving was certainly flourishing again by the late eighteenth century, by which time the VOC was fatally wounded and short of cloth supplies. (Oki 1979: 148; Dobbin 1977: 18-19)

Caught off guard by the inroads made by Javanese and local cloth in South Sumatra from the 1680s, the VOC responded heavy-handedly. The Dutch first proclaimed that they were extending their monopoly over cloth imports from India to Javanese textiles, in 1681 for Palembang, and two years later for Jambi. However, this proved unworkable. In the 1730s, they turned their fire on local Sumatran producers by ‘persuading’ the sultans of Palembang and Jambi to order that all cotton shrubs in the hinterland should be destroyed. This was equally ineffective. The VOC therefore decided in 1770 that it would at least cut out Thai and Cambodian textiles, to favour its own sphere of influence in Java, imposing a ban on private trade north of Melaka. (Andaya 1989: 38-41)

In Java itself, the Dutch saw batik as the main danger to profits derived from Indian imports. In 1684, they therefore commissioned Coromandel weavers to copy Javanese batik, but the product turned out to be five times as expensive and not as good. Two years later, the VOC toyed with the idea of prohibiting imports of beeswax, essential to make batik, but soon realised that this would be impossible to enforce. (Nagtegaal 1996: 136)

On the other side of the ocean, the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique were worried that the growing popularity of machiras was undermining revenues from Indian imports. In 1750, the Junta do Comercio thus suggested banning the cultivation of cotton in Zambezia, but this was wisely judged to be impractical. In 1753, the authorities came up with an even more hare-brained scheme, whereby they would buy up all available raw cotton and sell it in India and China. (Lobato 1957: 241-

22

2; Machado 2005: 110) In the event, the Portuguese proved quite incapable of stifling production of machira cloth. (Mudenge 1988: 187)

Only the Spaniards tried to stimulate local output of textiles, and that briefly. General Ricafort in the Philippines ordered that ‘troops be dressed only in the cloths manufactured in this country.’ His order was obeyed in 1826-27, but lapsed thereafter, perhaps because he moved elsewhere. (Mallat 1983: 143)

Attempts to favour the local production of textiles were more typically undertaken by large independent states in the Middle East. A growing influx of Indian cottons caused a worrying ‘drain’ of silver to South Asia, so that rulers began to encourage cotton industries. Shah Abbas I [r.1587-1629] promoted cotton cultivation in Persia, and protected artisan guilds in his new capital of Isfahan. (Baker 1995: 108-10, 120-1, 135-6, 160)

Ottoman sultans similarly sought to stimulate the use of cotton from the seventeenth century, partly to meet the army’s needs for uniforms and the navy’s requirements for sails. (Baker 1995: 101-3) The Ottoman state temporarily withdrew from all forms of direct artisanal production in 1709, but it provided interest-free credit and tax holidays, secured raw materials, and encouraged the settlement of artisans. The one thing it would not do, however, was to provide tariff protection, as that contradicted the ruler’s Islamic obligation to keep prices low for his subjects. (Ihsanoglu 2004: X, 57-9)

Appropriate technology

European sources are littered with derogatory references to ‘primitive’ textile technologies, and such comments have all too often been uncritically repeated by later scholars. In reality, simple and elegant techniques were cheap and well adapted to local resource endowments.

23

In other words, they were as much the secret of success as the cause of failure.

The spinning wheel is thought to have appeared in India in the second half of the first millennium CE, and diffused from there. (Weibel 1952: 14) References to early modern wheels come from all over the Indian Ocean periphery, but it is difficult to get a sense of when, and to what extent, the wheel displaced the spindle, which long persisted in many places. (Raffles 1817: I, 168; Hall 1996: 99; Hunter 1968: 81; Pankhurst 1968: 258; Weir 1970: 8)

The evolution of looms, almost always made of perishable wood or bamboo, is only a little easier to trace. Body-tension looms, often called backstrap looms, were probably the most ancient form in Southeast Asia. They were pictured on a Yunnan bronze from Han times, described by a Chinese pilgrim in late thirteenth century Cambodia, and appeared in Javanese carvings of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Cheap to make and easy to store, such looms were well adapted to part-time home weaving. The oldest forms probably had a continuous warp arrangement, turning out tubular cloth for sarung, and they remained popular in sparsely peopled upland zones. (Fraser-Lu 1988: 33-5; Hitchcock 1991: 53-64; Pelras 1996: 243-4; Green 2003: 59-60)

By 1800, some Southeast Asians wove on horizontal frame looms, which were situated on or above ground level, and had two heddles worked by treadles. More expensive and taking up more space, they were also more productive, enabling full-time weavers to weave wider cloths. Some were solid affairs, but minimalist versions also appeared in the remote highlands of Mainland Southeast Asia. (Fraser-Lu 1988: 36-9; Hitchcock 1991: 65-71; Green 2003: 60-7) The pit looms of India, with the treadles below the ground, were not found. (Raffles 1817: I, 168)

The Middle East had a particularly varied selection of looms. The oldest were the single-heddle horizontal models of ancient Egypt, which nomads continued to favour into the twentieth century. Vertical warp-

24

weighted varieties existed, notably for carpets, for which body-tension looms were also occasionally employed. From about the second century CE, double-heddle frame or treadle looms appeared in Egypt, and thence diffused all over the settled Middle East, often in the form of pit looms. For really complex types of cloth, drawlooms evolved by the fifteenth century in Egypt, with multiple heddles and a drawboy lifting further groups of warp yarns with cords. (Baker 1995: 26-8, 70; Weir 1970) For fine Persian silks in the late seventeenth century, five to six men worked on looms employing between 24 and 30 shuttles. (Ferrier 1996: 173)

East Africa could be split into two zones. The northeast, down to the present Kenyan coast, used double-heddle horizontal pit looms, on Middle Eastern and Indian lines. (Picton and Mack 1989; Schaedler 1987: 93-9; Alpers 1983: 80-1; Pankhurst 1968: 259-60) Further south was the domain of single-heddle horizontal ground looms. (Davison and Harries 1980: 181-2; Schaedler 1987: 56-64; Alpers 1975: 24-5; Pearson 1998: 122; Rita-Ferreira 1999: 117)

Madagascar boasted a diversity of looms. Southeastern Africa’s single-heddle horizontal model was most common, especially in the west. Along the northeastern coastal strip, the heddle rod was sometimes lashed to the rafters, as in parts of the Persian Gulf, and there were many double-heddle looms by around 1800. Finally, parts of the southeast used body-tension looms with continuous warp, strongly resembling those of Southeast Asia. (Mack 1987: 84-6; Mack 1989: 22-31; Schaedler 1987: 63, 74; Fee 2005: 94; Hitchcock 1991, 59)

Social relations of production

Social practices governing cloth production may have been a greater constraint on productivity, although this remains to be demonstrated. Culturally allocated gender roles were inflexible in weaving, but less so in other parts of the textile process. The scale of

25

production varied, and is hard to correlate with success or failure. Labour coercion was possibly a negative factor, but it was patchy.

Men wove and dyed in the Middle East and East Africa, as in India, and there seem to have been no exceptions to this rule. (Baker 1995; Ferrier 1996: 173; Bhacker 1992: 133; Mack 1989: 21) Spinning was usually a female occupation in India, but the situation in the Middle East and East Africa was more fluid. The male guilds of Mosul were unable to prevent the spinning of cotton and wool becoming and remaining ‘a monopoly of women, urban and rural’ from the last decades of the seventeenth century. (Khoury 1997: 138; Shields 2000: 77) Women also spun in Palestine at a later date. (Weir 1970) Both men and women did so in Ethiopia, whereas women monopolised this activity in Somalia (Schaedler 1987: 396-423; Pankhurst 1968: 257; Alpers 1983: 79; Reese 1996: 94) On the lower Zambezi, it was said that men did almost everything, including much growing of cotton. (Alpers 1975: 25) However, a Portuguese source of the 1590s described women as spinning in this region. (Rita-Ferreira 1999: 117)

Women wove in Southeast Asia, as in China, and more generally dominated the textile chain. (Reid 1988: 93; Owen 1978: 157-8; Fraser-Lu 1994: 256-8; Pelras 1996: 241; Maznah 1996: 5, 91-2; McCoy 1982: 303) Indeed, mid-nineteenth century parish registers from southwestern Luzon recorded every bride as a weaver by profession. (Owen 1978: 165) Female labour was the norm in production and finishing, and women often harvested cotton bolls as well. Men’s role was restricted to supplying wooden and metal equipment, and to some growing of raw cotton. This held good across religious divides between Muslims, Hindus, Christians, and Animists. Noble women took pride in weaving fine cloth, and older women were generally more skilled. (Hitchcock 1991: 123-31; Owen 1978: 157-8, 165; Kraan 1998: 6)

The division of labour by gender was deeply rooted, for women nearly always wove in Madagascar, even when using looms of an East

26

African type. This prominence of women in Malagasy textiles almost certainly reflected ancient waves of Southeast Asian migration to the great island. (Mack 1987: 77; Mack 1989: 21; Prestholdt 1998: 27, 30) In 1777, a French traveller in the highlands even opined that women were so busy weaving that men undertook most domestic chores. (Larson 2000: 124) Male weaving only occurred among the Antaisaka people of the southeast, and for the production of red silk shrouds for dead nobles in northern Imerina. (Mack 1989: 21; Campbell 2005: 31)

Servile work appear to have been more common than in India or China, although the distribution of such labourers was extremely uneven in time and space. Coercion not only affected slaves, but also serfs, debt peons, inferior castes, religious minorities and other ‘subalterns.’ This did not reflect low population densities, for coercion was frequently encountered in the most densely peopled areas, but it may have signalled dysfunctional labour markets. Low remuneration was probably more than offset by low productivity, making servile labour more of a handicap than an advantage, as Parviz Mohebbi has cogently argued for Persia. (Mohebbi 1996: 149, 207, 215) Different parts of the textile process could have different configurations. Thus, spinning was an honourable profession in Ethiopia, but weaving was allocated to despised minorities. (Pankhurst 1968: 258-9)

Java had much bonded labour. Workers of servile status existed from at least the seventeenth century, especially in large textile establishments close to towns and royal courts. (Matsuo 1970: 77)

1649

Kerajaan Sukapura

 

Kerajaan/ Kadipaten SukapuraMerupakan kerajaan/ kadipaten lama di Jawa Barat. Lokasinya adalah sebagai berikut:

 

 

 

Sumber: Digital Atlas of Indonesian History by Robert Cribb.Raja-raja dan bupati swapraja yang pernah memerintah Sukapura adalah:
• Wiradedaha I (1641-?)
• Wiradedaha II (?-1674)
• Anggadipa Wiradedaha III (1674-1726)

 

In 1684,

‘thousands of women’ produced cloth in the ‘weaving mills’ of Kartasura, Mataram’s capital. However, individual peasant women simultaneously brought small packets of cloth to local markets, which were bought and exported by Chinese traders. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135)

Early nineteenth century weaving workshops in Cirebon exploited the labour of indebted women. (Burger 1975: I, 58) In contrast, fine batik was largely reserved for high class ladies at this time. (Kraan 1998:  The Spaniards rejected slavery in the Philippines, but debt remained a problem. Leading Chinese Mestizo merchants of Iloilo regularly had 6 to 12 looms at work in their compounds. In law, their workers received monthly wages. However, many women were heavily indebted, and it was alleged that a trifling initial loan could imply years of bonded labour. (McCoy 1982: 303)

Servile workshops existed in the Middle East, most famously for silk production in Bursa, northwestern Anatolia. These workshops generally contained up to ten looms and twenty workers, with contractual manumission as a mechanism for lowering supervisory costs and increasing productivity. However, rising slave prices led to more hiring of workers on a weekly basis from the seventeenth century, as silk began to make way for cotton prints. (Inalcik 1979: 27-9; Baker 1995: 86-7)

Middle Eastern entrepreneurs were at times drawn from ethnic or religious minorities. Thus, Christian Armenians owned most of the textile workshops of Istanbul. (Baker 1995: 160) Similarly, about twice as much Christian as Muslim capital was invested in Damascus weaving shops in the 1830s. (Issawi 1966: 224)

The existence of large workshops was not necessarily a precondition for servile labour to prevail. In East Sumatra in 1823, it was said that, ‘in almost every house at Batubara is one or more looms; and the slave girls spin, dye and weave.’ These slaves were mainly Animist Batak, brought down for sale from the highlands. (Anderson 1971: 312) Theravada Buddhist kings seized numerous weavers in war, and resettled them in serf villages around their capital cities, notably in Burma and Thailand. (Fraser-Lu 1988: 88, 116-17, 120; Fraser-Lu 1994: 258)

Servile labour in domestic settings existed elsewhere. In Hadhramaut, textile production was dispersed in people’s houses, and weavers were assisted by a couple of slaves, or servants from lower social strata. (Berg 1886: 78)

 

Yemeni Jews, subject to various forms of discrimination, specialised in weaving according to their uniquetechnique, although Muslims also participated in this activity. (Baldry 1982: 46, 55) In southern Somalia, slaves, ex-slave clients and people of low castes mingled with free Somalis in a system of production that was both highly specialised and family-based. (Reese 1996: 94-8; Alpers 1983: 81-4) Many women in the highlands of Madagascar worked full time in cloth manufacture, and a report from 1826 noted that this included every kind of woman ‘from the King’s wives to the slaves.’ (Larson 2000: 128; Fee 2005: 94)

Home weaving seems to have been the norm around the Indian Ocean periphery, even in countries with a strong urban tradition. Javanese peasants satisfied most of their own textile needs, and restricted weaving to the off season. (Oorschot 1956: 13-14; Kraan 1998: 4) Chinese merchants ran a putting out system in central Java from the late seventeenth century, and the same appears to have been true of eastern Malaya around 1800. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135; Maznah 1996: 4-5) In northwestern Madagascar in the sixteenth century, cloths were woven to order, but in individual homes. (Prestholdt 1998: 30) Even in eighteenth century Egypt, spinning was a rural and familial activity, although weaving and dyeing tended to take place in larger urban establishments. (Raymond 1973-74: I, 229-31)

Conclusion

Although lying beyond the realm of proof, it seems that Indian textile exports not only failed to de-industrialise the Indian Ocean periphery, but actually stimulated its development. Most obviously positive was the supply of intermediate goods, whether cloth or yarn. The sale of local textiles in regional markets also benefited from economies of scale, notably in shipping and financial services, and lower transactions costs, so that local exports ‘piggy-backed’ on flows of South Asian cloth. In addition, India supplied models for local industries to emulate, and even surpass.

The ability of peripheral textiles to retain ‘niche’ markets at home has long been recognised, but successes in the export field have received much less acknowledgement. It is especially significant that new products emerged, and were aggressively exported, in the course of the early modern period, such as Bugis checks of South Sulawesi, Panay cloth of the Philippines, or Thessaly dyed cotton yarn in the Balkans.

Far from Indian cloth exerting a growing and inexorable hegemony, the evidence suggests that Indian exports were faltering, and in some cases markedly declining, from the late seventeenth century. The usual explanation is that growing demand from the West, coupled with inflexibilities in South Asian production processes, pushed prices of Indian textiles too high for the impoverished inhabitants of the Indian Ocean periphery. However, this seems unsatisfactory. Incomes may well have been rising overall, and too little credit is given to as yet unexplored improvements in the productivity of peripheral textiles.

European cloth only impinged to any degree on the Middle East, where exchanges remained quite balanced in this period. European woollen cloth gradually penetrated this market, but silk cloth went in both directions, and Middle Eastern producers of cotton cloth and yarn, as well as woollen and silken carpets, held the upper hand. European imports of cotton yarn, which also came from Java and India, underline the problems encountered in producing warp threads of sufficient quality in the continent’s new industry.

An understanding of the base-line, prior to the mass arrival of industrially produced textiles from around the 1840s, makes it easier to grasp later developments on the Indian Ocean periphery. As industrialisation gathered pace, advancement and retardation in part reflected earlier patterns of development. Although there have been substantial and understandable exceptions, those areas which had themost advanced early modern proto-industries tend to be those with the most flourishing modern industries.

Finally, a better knowledge of conditions in export markets around the Indian Ocean might yield a more sophisticated understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of early modern India’s proto-industry. In the case of Indian hand weaving in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Tirthankar Roy has argued that the weaker partner to some extent shaped the development of the stronger partner in the competitive struggle. (Roy 1996: 13) This may also have been the case for local textile production on the periphery of the early modern Indian Ocean

 

The Alienation (1601 – 1700)

(1601 – 1700)

1601 – Portuguese sent a fleet from Goa, India, to drive the Dutch from the Indies. The English set up fort at Banda. Aceh sends two ambassadors to Europe to observe and report on the situation to the Sultan. December 25-27: Five Dutch ships defeat the Portuguese fleet of 30 ships in battle in Banten harbour.

1602 – March 20: Dutch companies combine to form Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC); led by Heeren XVII representing different regions of the Netherlands; States-General gives VOC power to raise armies, build forts, negotiate treaties and wage war in Asia. VOC begins sending large, well-armed ships to the Indies (38 in the first three years). VOC establishes post at Gresik. Sir James Lancaster leads an (English) East India Company expedition, reaches Aceh, and builds a trading post at Banten.

 

1603 – Official VOC trading post founded at Banten.

1604 – English East India Company expedition under Sir Henry Middleton visits Ternate, Tidore, Ambon, and Banda.

1605 – Portuguese at Ambon surrender to ships under VOC and sends expeditions to Banda, Irian Jaya, northern Australia.

1606 – Spanish take Ternate and Tidore. VOC makes unsuccessful attack on Portuguese Melaka. VOC begins trading at Banjarmasin.

1607 – May: Sultan of Ternate appeals to the VOC for help against the Spanish. Aceh under Iskandar Muda and his successor, Iskandar Thani, was a center of Islamic scholarship and debate.

1609 – Portuguese fortress on Bacan falls to VOC.

1610 – Post of Governor-General is created for VOC in Asia, advised by Raad van Indie (Council of the Indies).

1611 – English begin setting up many posts in the Indies, including at Makassar, Jepara, Aceh and Jambi. Dutch set up post at Jayakerta.

1613 – April 18: Dutch take Solor from Portuguese. Portuguese Dominicans move headquarters to Larantuka, Flores. Iskandar Muda of Aceh defeats Johore, burns down the city, carries away the Sultan of Johore and VOC representatives. Mataram forces burn down Gresik; Krapyak asks VOC in Maluku for help against Surabaya. VOC sets up post at Jepara and first post on Timor.

1614 – Aceh wins naval battle against Portuguese at Bintan, continues on to attack Melaka. Johore throws out Aceh forces, creates alliance Palembang, Jambi, and other Sultanates against Aceh. VOC sends ambassador to Agung.

 

An attack in progress

1615 – VOC closes post at Gowa, hostilities drag on for years.

First Dutch Reformed church in the east founded at Ambon. English build warehouse at Jayakerta. Dutch abandon Solor after just two years.

During 1615-1616,

the Schouten expedition became the first to sail around Cape Horn at the the southern tip of South America, then made the first visit by Europeans to many south Pacific islands. By the time they arrived in Batavia (Jakarta), Coen had them jailed for violating the V.O.C.’s monopoly, and confiscated their ships. Years later, in 1722, the Dutch explorer Roggeveen would run into the same trouble after discovering Easter Island.

1616 – VOC military expedition against Banda.

 

 

 

1618 –

Jan Pieterzoon Coen becomes Governor-General of VOC. English merchants attack Chinese ships in Banten in a dispute over the price of pepper. Coen begins secretly fortifying the VOC warehouses at Jayakerta to the east. December Sultan of Banten encourages English to drive Dutch out of Jayakerta. Coen leaves for Maluku to muster ships and soldiers. Agung bans the sale of rice to the VOC. Agung’s governor of Jepara attacks the VOC post there; Dutch burn down much of Jepara in retaliation. Dutch reoccupy Solor.

The island was effectively subject to Makasar from 1618, and Manggarai, at the western end of Flores, soon followed.

The rest of Flores, however, and the whole of Sumba remained divided into a large number of small states until the colonial era

 

Chinese traders

 

 

 

1685

It was on the 12 th july 1685  that ralph ord, the repsentative of the honourable East india company, managed to establish a settlemen at bencoolen, concluding an agreement with the local rulers fort the supply of papper to the company, in return for an undertaking to protect them from the dutch.

Bencoolen was considered to be in a strategic position to control the trade route through the sunda strait. In fact its strategic infortance was never realised as most Europeen  shipping chose to use the starait of malacca, the more direct route from india to china. Bencoolen was to remain the head quarters for the company’s Operations in sumatra. A number of small trading post, or factories as the were called  from the title of factor, (the official responsible for the settlement), were established on the west coast of sumatra from Tapanuli, natal and moko moko in the north, to manna and krui in the south, near the modern border with lampung

1600.

In November 1600 Paulus van Caarden, having also the command of two Dutch ships, was received upon his landing with much ceremony; but at his first audience the king refused to read a letter from the Prince of Orange, upon its being suggested to him that instead of paper it was written on the skin of an unclean animal; and the subsequent treatment experienced by this officer was uniformly bad. It appears however that in December 1601 the king was so far reconciled to this new power as to send two ambassadors to Holland, one of whom died there in August 1602, and the other returned to Achin subsequently to the death of his master.

1602.

The first English fleet that made its appearance in this part of the world, and laid the foundation of a commerce which was in time to eclipse that of every other European state, arrived at Achin in June 1602. Sir James Lancaster, who commanded it, was received by the king with abundant ceremony and respect, which seem with these monarchs to have been usually proportioned to the number of vessels and apparent strength of their foreign guests. The queen of England’s letter was conveyed to court with great pomp, and the general, after delivering a rich present, the most admired article of which was a fan of feathers, declared the purpose of his coming was to establish peace and amity between his royal mistress and her loving brother, the great and mighty king of Achin. He was invited to a banquet prepared for his entertainment, in which the service was of gold, and the king’s damsels, who were richly attired and adorned with bracelets and jewels, were ordered to divert him with dancing and music. Before he retired he was arrayed by the king in a magnificent habit of the country, and armed with two krises. In the present sent as a return for the queen’s there was, among other matters, a valuable ruby set in a ring. Two of the nobles, one of whom was the chief priest, were appointed to settle with Lancaster the terms of a commercial treaty, which was accordingly drawn up and executed in an explicit and regular manner. The Portuguese ambassador, or more properly the Spanish, as those kingdoms were now united, kept a watchful and jealous eye upon his proceedings; but by bribing the spies who surrounded him he foiled them at their own arts, and acquired intelligence that enabled him to take a rich prize in the straits of Malacca, with which he returned to Achin; and, having loaded what pepper he could procure there, took his departure in November of the same year. On this occasion it was requested by the king that he and his officers would favour him by singing one of the psalms of David, which was performed with much solemnity.

Very little is known of the military transactions of this reign, and no conquest but that of Pase is recorded. He had two sons, the younger of whom he made king of Pidir, and the elder, styled Sultan Muda, he kept at Achin, in order to succeed him in the throne. In the year 1603 he resolved to divide the charge of government with his intended heir, as he found his extraordinary age began to render him unequal to the task, and accordingly invested him with royal dignity; but the effect which might have been foreseen quickly followed this measure. The son, who was already advanced in years, became impatient to enjoy more complete power, and, thinking his father had possessed the crown sufficiently long, he confined him in a prison, where his days were soon ended.

1604.

The exact period at which this event took place is not known, but, calculating from the duration of his reign as stated in the Annals, it must have been early in the year 1604.* He was then ninety-five years of age,** and described to be a hale man, but extremely gross and fat.

(*Footnote. The Dutch commander Joris van Spilbergen took leave of him in April 1603, and his ambassador to Holland, who returned in December, 1604, found his son on the throne, according to Valentyn. Commodore Beaulieu says he died in 1603.)

(**Footnote. According to Beaulieu Davis says he was about a hundred; and the Dutch voyages mention that his great age prevented his ever appearing out of his palace.)

His constitution must have been uncommonly vigorous, and his muscular strength is indicated by this ludicrous circumstance, that when he once condescended to embrace a Dutch admiral, contrary to the usual manners of his country, the pressure of his arms was so violent as to cause excessive pain to the person so honoured. He was passionately addicted to women, gaming, and drink, his favourite beverage being arrack. By the severity of his punishments he kept his subjects in extreme awe of him; and the merchants were obliged to submit to more exactions and oppressions than were felt under the government of his predecessors. The seizure of certain vessels belonging to the people of Bantam and other arbitrary proceedings of that nature are said to have deterred the traders of India from entering into his ports.

The new king, who took the name of Ali Maghayat-shah, proved himself, from indolence or want of capacity, unfit to reign. He was always surrounded by his women, who were not only his attendants but his guards, and carried arms for that purpose. His occupations were the bath and the chase, and the affairs of state were neglected insomuch that murders, robberies, oppression, and an infinity of disorders took place in the kingdom for want of a regular and strict administration of justice. A son of the daughter of Ala-eddin had been a favourite of his grandfather, at the time of whose death he was twenty-three years of age, and continued, with his mother, to reside at the court after that event. His uncle the king of Achin having given him a rebuke on some occasion, he left his palace abruptly and fled to the king of Pidir, who received him with affection, and refused to send him back at the desire of the elder brother, or to offer any violence to a young prince whom their father loved. This was the occasion of an inveterate war which cost the lives of many thousand people. The nephew commanded the forces of Pidir, and for some time maintained the advantage, but these, at length seeing themselves much inferior in numbers to the army of Ali-Maghayat, refused to march, and the king was obliged to give him up, when he was conveyed to Achin and put in close confinement.

 

 

1606.

Not long afterwards a Portuguese squadron under Martin Alfonso, going to the relief of Malacca, then besieged by the Dutch, anchored in Achin road with the resolution of taking revenge on the king for receiving these their rivals into his ports, contrary to the stipulations of a treaty that had been entered into between them. The viceroy landed his men, who were opposed by a strong force on the part of the Achinese; but after a stout resistance they gained the first turf fort with two pieces of cannon, and commenced an attack upon the second, of masonry. In this critical juncture the young prince sent a message to his uncle requesting he might be permitted to join the army and expose himself in the ranks, declaring himself more willing to die in battle against the Kafers (so they always affected to call the Portuguese) than to languish like a slave in chains. The fears which operated upon the king’s mind induced him to consent to his release. The prince showed so much bravery on this occasion, and conducted two or three attacks with such success that Alfonso was obliged to order a retreat, after wasting two days and losing three hundred men in this fruitless attempt. The reputation of the prince was raised by this affair to a high pitch amongst the people of Achin. His mother, who was an active, ambitious woman, formed the design of placing him on the throne, and furnished him with large sums of money, to be distributed in gratuities amongst the principal orang cayas. At the same time he endeavoured to ingratiate himself by his manners with all classes of people. To the rich he was courteous; to the poor he was affable; and he was the constant companion of those who were in the profession of arms. When the king had reigned between three and four years he died suddenly, and at the hour of his death the prince got access to the castle. He bribed the guards, made liberal promises to the officers, advanced a large sum of money to the governor, and sending for the chief priest obliged him by threats to crown him. In fine he managed the revolution so happily that he was proclaimed king before night, to the great joy of the people, who conceived vast hopes from his liberality, courtesy, and valour. The king of Pidir was speedily acquainted with the news of his brother’s death, but not of the subsequent transactions, and came the next day to take possession of his inheritance. As he approached the castle with a small retinue he was seized by orders from the reigning prince, who, forgetting the favours he had received, kept him prisoner for a month, and then, sending him into the country under the pretence of a commodious retreat, had him murdered on the way. Those who put the crown on his head were not better requited; particularly the Maharaja, or governor of the castle. In a short time his disappointed subjects found that instead of being humane he was cruel; instead of being liberal he displayed extreme avarice, and instead of being affable he manifested a temper austere and inexorable.

This king, whom the Annals name Iskander Muda, was known to our travellers by the title of sultan Paduka Sri (words equivalent to most gracious), sovereign of Achin and of the countries of Aru, Dilli, Johor, Pahang, Kedah, and Perak on the one side, and of Barus, Pasaman, Tiku, Sileda, and Priaman on the other. Some of these places were conquered by him, and others he inherited.

Duyfken, 1606

Captain Willem Janszoon, sailing in the Duyfken, made landfall on the western side of Cape York Peninsula in north Australia and charted about 320 kilometres of coastline. It was Europe’s first recorded contact with Australia.

Pieter Both

This article is about the first Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. For the mountain named after him, see Pieter Both (mountain).

Pieter Both

 

Portrait of Pieter Both

1st Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies

In office
19 December 1610 – 6 November 1614

Preceded by

None

Succeeded by

Gerard Reynst

Personal details

Born

1568
Amersfoort, Dutch Republic

Died

6 March 1615
Indian Ocean (near Mauritius)

Pieter Both (1568, Amersfoort – 6 March 1615, Mauritius) was the first Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

Not much is known of his early years. In 1599, Both was already an admiral in the New, or Brabant Company. In that year, he traveled to the East Indies with four ships. When the newly founded Dutch East India Company set up a government for the Dutch East Indies, Pieter Both was invited to become the Governor-General. He held that position from 19 December 1610 to 6 November 1614. During that period he concluded contracts with the Moluccans, conquered Timor, and drove the Spaniards out of Tidore.

After he relinquished his position as Governor-General to Gerard Reynst, he left for the Netherlands with four ships. Two of the ships were shipwrecked near Mauritius, and Pieter Both drowned.

The second highest mountain of Mauritius is named Pieter Both after him.

 

Gerard Reynst

 

 

Portrait of Gerard Reynst

Gerard Reynst (Amsterdam, ? – Jakarta, 7 December 1615) was a Dutch merchant, father of a museum curator, and later the second Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

Biography

All that is known of his early years is that he was born in Amsterdam, the son of Pieter Rijnst (1510-1574), soap boiler, and Trijn Sijverts. In 1599 he became a merchant and ship-owner, as well as a founder-member and administrator of the Nieuwe or Brabantsche Compagnie which, in 1600, became the Vereenighde Company of Amsterdam. This company then in 1602 merged into the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

On the request of his elders in the college of the Heren XVII (17 men), he became Governor-general of the Dutch East Indies in 1613 and left with 9 ships. The trip lasted 18 months, after which he took over command from Pieter Both. On the way, he had already sent one of his ships to the Red Sea to start trade relations with the Arabs there. He died more than a year after arrival, having caught dysentery so that he could do little there, besides a few minor activities that were only intermittently successful.

 

 

1613.

He showed much friendship to the Hollanders in the early part of his reign; and in the year 1613 gave permission to the English to settle a factory, granting them many indulgences, in consequence of a letter and present from king James the first. He bestowed on Captain Best, who was the bearer of them, the title of orang kaya putih, and entertained him with the fighting of elephants, buffaloes, rams, and tigers. His answer to king James (a translation of which is to be found in Purchas) is couched in the most friendly terms, and he there styles himself king of all Sumatra. He expressed a strong desire that the king of England should send him one of his countrywomen to wife, and promised to make her eldest son king of all the pepper countries, that so the English might be supplied with that commodity by a monarch of their own nation. But notwithstanding his strong professions of attachment to us, and his natural connexion with the Hollanders, arising from their joint enmity to the Portuguese, it was not many years before he began to oppress both nations and use his endeavours to ruin their trade. He became jealous of their growing power, and particularly in consequence of intelligence that reached him concerning the encroachments made by the latter in the island of Java.

The conquest of Aru seems never to have been thoroughly effected by the kings of Achin. Paduka Sri carried his arms thither and boasted of having obtained some victories.

1613.

In 1613 he subdued Siak in its neighbourhood. Early in the same year he sent an expedition against the kingdom of Johor (which had always maintained a political connexion with Aru) and, reducing the city after a siege of twenty-nine days, plundered it of everything moveable, and made slaves of the miserable inhabitants. The king fled to the island of Bintang, but his youngest brother and coadjutor was taken prisoner and carried to Achin. The old king of Johor, who had so often engaged the Portuguese, left three sons, the eldest of whom succeeded him by the title of Iang de per-tuan.*

(*Footnote. This is not an individual title or proper name, but signifies the sovereign or reigning monarch. In like manner Rega Bongsu signifies the king’s youngest brother, as Raja Muda does the heir apparent.)

The second was made king of Siak, and the third, called Raja Bongsu, reigned jointly with the first. He it was who assisted the Hollanders in the first siege of Malacca, and corresponded with Prince Maurice. The king of Achin was married to their sister, but this did not prevent a long and cruel war between them. A Dutch factory at Johor was involved in the consequences of this war, and several of that nation were among the prisoners. In the course of the same year however the king of Achin thought proper to establish Raja Bongsu on the throne of Johor, sending him back for that purpose with great honours, assisting him to rebuild the fort and city, and giving him one of his own sisters in marriage.

1615.

In 1615 the king of Achin sailed to the attack of Malacca in a fleet which he had been four years employed in preparing. It consisted of above five hundred sail, of which a hundred were large galleys, greater than any at that time built in Europe, carrying each from six to eight hundred men, with three large cannon and several smaller pieces. These galleys the orang kayas were obliged to furnish, repair, and man, at the peril of their lives. The soldiers served without pay, and carried three months provision at their own charge. In this great fleet there were computed to be sixty thousand men, whom the king commanded in person. His wives and household were taken to sea with him. Coming in sight of the Portuguese ships in the afternoon, they received many shot from them but avoided returning any, as if from contempt. The next day they got ready for battle, and drew up in form of a half moon. A desperate engagement took place and lasted without intermission till midnight, during which the Portuguese admiral was three times boarded, and repeatedly on fire. Many vessels on both sides were also in flames and afforded light to continue the combat. At length the Achinese gave way, after losing fifty sail of different sizes, and twenty thousand men. They retired to Bancalis, on the eastern coast of Sumatra, and shortly afterwards sailed for Achin, the Portuguese not daring to pursue their victory, both on account of the damage they had sustained and their apprehension of the Hollanders, who were expected at Malacca. The king proposed that the prisoners taken should be mutually given up, which was agreed to, and was the first instance of that act of humanity and civilisation between the two powers.

Laurens Reael

 

 

Laurens Reael (ca. 1620)

Dr. Laurens Reael (Amsterdam, 22 October 1583 – Amsterdam, 21 October 1637) was an employee of the VOC, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in 1616-1617 and an admiral of the Dutch navy from 1625-27.

[edit] Early life

Laurens Reael was the son of Laurens Jacobsz Reael, a merchant in Amsterdam named after the sign or gable stone of his house/shop In den gouden Reael (“In the Golden Real“) and an amateur poet known for writing Geuzenliederen (songs of the geuzen). The Amsterdam neighborhood Gouden Reael is named after Laurens Reael’s birth house, via a later (1648) warehouse of the Reael family on the Zandhoek that turned into a popular inn. Laurens Jr. had academic talents, excelling in math and languages. He studied law in Leiden, where he lived in the house of Jacobus Arminius who had married his older sister Lijsbet Reael in 1590. Laurens received his doctorate in 1608.

[edit] East Indies

In May 1611 he left as commandeur of four ships for the East Indies. He quickly worked his way up to become the third Governor-General in 1616, where he was stationed at the VOC headquarters, at that time on Ternate in the Moluccas. That year he could personally welcome both Joris van Spilbergen (March 30) and Schouten & Le Maire (September 12) upon their respective arrivals at Ternate from Holland via the Strait of Magellan and Cape Horn. He was unaware that the VOC had ordered Schouten & Le Maire’s ships to be confiscated for alleged infringement of its monopoly of trade to the Spice Islands.

Already after a year, on October 31 1617, Reael resigned following a dispute with the VOC’s leadership (the Lords XVII) on the treatment of both the English competitors in the Moluccas and of the native people. The jurist Reael would only take action against the English if international law would allow that and had protested repeatedly against the incursions against the natives. He, like the local admiral Steven van der Haghen, was of the opinion that the VOC’s goals should be achieved solely via commercial and diplomatic routes. In his official report to the Staten Generaal and the VOC’s Lords XVII upon his return to Holland he made these points again very clear.

It would take however until March 21, 1619 until the decidedly less pacifistic Jan Pieterszoon Coen would replace him as Governor-General, before which time Reael had fought the Spanish in 1617 in the Bay of Manila, the English at Bantam and in the Mollucas, and the Mataram Sultanate at Japara on Java

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Born

8 January 1587(1587-01-08)
Hoorn, Holland, Dutch Republic

Died

21 September 1629(1629-09-21) (aged 42)
Batavia, Dutch East India

Nationality

Dutch

Occupation

Colonial governor

Jan Pieterszoon Coen (8 January 1587 – 21 September 1629) was a officer of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

He was long considered a national hero in the Netherlands, for providing the impulse that set the VOC on the path to dominance in the Dutch East Indies. A quote of his from 1618 is well known, “Despair not, spare your enemies not, for God is with us”. Since the latter half of the 20th century he has been looked at in a more critical light, as some people view his often violent means to have been excessive.

Coen was known in his time on account of strict governance and harsh criticism of people who did not share his views, at times directed even at the 17 Lords of the VOC (for which he was reprimanded). Coen was known to be strict towards subordinates and merciless to his opponents. His willingness to use violence to obtain his ends was too much for many, even for such a relatively violent period of history. When Saartje Specx, a girl whom he had been entrusted to care for, was found in a garden in the arms of a soldier, Pieter Cortenhoeff, Coen showed little mercy in having Cortenhoeff beheaded. Specx only escaped the death penalty by drowning because she was still under aged.

Further but more extensive actions perpetrated by order of Coen, are recounted in a BBC Television documentary series “The Spice Trail” (episode 2: “Nutmeg and Cloves”).[1] The program also contains details of wanton acts of destruction committed by the Dutch in the spice islands of Eastern Indonesia, the purpose of which was to create scarcity of natural produce in order to maintain price levels

 

Pieter de Carpentier

Pieter de Carpentier (1586 or 88 – 5 September 1659) was a Dutch, or Flemish, administrator of the Dutch East India Company, and who served as Governor-General there from 1623–1627. The Gulf of Carpentaria in northern Australia is named after him.

 

 

Portrait of Pieter De Carpentier

Pieter de Carpentier was born in Antwerp in 1586 or 1588, shortly after the formation of the newly-independent Dutch Republic (Republic of the Seven United Netherlands, or United Provinces). He studied philosophy in Leiden, from 1603. In 1616 he sailed on board the sailing vessel De Getrouwheid to Indonesia. There he had a number of functions, including Director-General of the Trade, Member to the Council of the Indies, and member of the Council of Defence. From February 1, 1623 to September 30, 1627 he was the fifth Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He participated in the conquest of Jakarta and helped to build the town of Batavia. He did much for the town, including setting up a school, a Town Hall, and the first Orphanage Home. He also designed the structure of the churches in the town.

On 12 November 1627 Pieter de Carpentier sailed from the East Indies as Head of the Fleet. He arrived in Holland on 3 June 1628, with five richly-laden merchant ships, and this, combined with the fact that the Government had recently succeeded in releasing three ships from an embargo laid upon them by the English a year previously, led the authorities to determine to send another fleet of eleven ships to the East, with which General Jacob Specks was to sail. Two ships and a yacht being soon ready to sail, the senate sent them to Texel so as to lose no time. These vessels were the Batavia (under Francisco Pelsaert) the Dordrecht (under Isaac van Swaenswyck) and the Assendelft (under Cornelis Vlack). They left Texel for their destination on 28 October 1628.

De Carpentier was made Member of the Board of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in October 1629. His maternal uncle, Louis Delbeecque, had been one of the initiators of the VOC.

Pieter de Carpentier married Maria Ravevelt in Middelburg on 2 March 1630. She died in September 1641 and was buried on in the Westerkerk in Amsterdam. De Carpentier died in Amsterdam on 5 September 1659, and was also buried in the Westerkerk. They had seven children.

When Jan Carstenszoon (or Carstensz) and Willem van Coolsteerdt landed the Pera and the Arnhem on the west coast of Cape York Peninsula of New Holland (now Australia) in 1623, after the first discovery by Willem Janszoon in the Duyfken in 1606, they then named the ‘Gulf of Carpentaria‘ after the Governor-General, Pieter de Carpe

 

Jacques Specx

 

 

Jacques Specx

Jacques Specx (Dutch pronunciation: [ˈʒɑk ˈspɛks]; Dordrecht, 1585 – Amsterdam, 22 July 1652) was a Dutch merchant, who founded the trade on Japan and Korea in 1609.[1][2] Jacques Specx received the support of William Adams to obtain extensive trading rights from the Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu on August 24, 1609, which allowed him to establish a trading factory in Hirado on September 20, 1609. He was the interim governor in Batavia between 1629 – 1632. There his daughter Saartje Specx was involved in a scandal. Back home in Holland Specx became an art-collector.

The Dutch, who, rather than “Nanban” were called “Kōmō” (Jp:紅毛, lit. “Red Hair”) by the Japanese, first arrived in Japan in 1600, on board the Liefde.

In 1605, two of the Liefde’s crew were sent to Pattani by Tokugawa Ieyasu, to invite Dutch trade to Japan. The head of the Pattani Dutch trading post, Victor Sprinckel, refused on the ground that he was too busy dealing with Portuguese opposition in Southeast Asia.

[edit] 1609 mission to Japan

Jacques Specx sailed on a fleet of eleven ships that left Texel in 1607 under the command of Pieter Willemsz Verhoeff. After arriving in Bantam two ships which were dispatched to establish the first official trade relations between the Netherlands and Japan.[3]

 

 

The “trade pass” (Dutch: handelspas) issued in the name of Tokugawa Ieyasu. The text commands: “Dutch ships are allowed to travel to Japan, and they can disembark on any coast, without any reserve. From now on this regulation must be observed, and the Dutch left free to sail where they want throughout Japan. No offenses to them will be allowed, such as on previous occasions” – dated August 24, 1609 (Keichō 14, 25th day of the 6th month); n.b., the goshuin (御朱印) identifies this as an official document bearing the shogun’s scarlet seal.

The two ships Specx commanded were De Griffioen (the “Griffin”, 19 cannons) and Roode Leeuw met Pijlen (the “Red lion with arrows”, 400 tons, 26 cannons). The ships arrived in Japan on July 2, 1609.[4]

Among the crews were the Chief merchants Abraham van den Broeck and Nicolaas Puyck and the under-merchant Jaques Specx.

The exact composition of the delegation is uncertain; but it has been established that van den Broeck and Puyck traveled to the Shogunal Court, and Melchior van Santvoort acted as the mission’s interpreter. Santevoort had arrived a few years earlier aboard the Dutch ship De Liefde. He had established himself as a merchant in Nagasaki.

 

 

Christ in the storm on the lake Genesareth; by Rembrandt (1633) 160 x 127cm. In 1990 the painting was stolen from the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum and has not been recovered; it belonged to Jacques Specx in 1651

The Shogun granted the Dutch the access to all ports in Japan, and confirmed this in an act of safe-conduct, stamped with his red seal. (Inv.nr.1a.).

In September 1609 the ship’s Council decided to hire a house on Hirado island (west of the southern main island Kiushu). Jacques Specx became the first “Opperhoofd” (Chief) of the new Company’s factory.[5]

In 1610, Specx sent a ship to Korea.[6]

 

1619.

Three years afterwards the king made a conquest of the cities of Kedah and Perak on the Malayan coast, and also of a place called Dilli in Sumatra. This last had been strongly fortified by the assistance of the Portuguese, and gave an opportunity of displaying much skill in the attack. Trenches were regularly opened before it and a siege carried on for six weeks ere it fell. In the same year the king of Jorcan (a place unknown at present by that name) fled for refuge to Malacca with eighty sail of boats, having been expelled his dominions by the king of Achin. The Portuguese were not in a condition to afford him relief, being themselves surrounded with enemies and fearful of an attack from the Achinese more especially; but the king was then making preparations against an invasion he heard was meditated by the viceroy of Goa. Reciprocal apprehensions kept each party on the defensive.

1621.

The French being desirous of participating in the commerce of Achin, of which all the European nations had formed great ideas, and all found themselves disappointed in, sent out a squadron commanded by General Beaulieu, which arrived in January 1621, and finally left it in December of the same year. He brought magnificent presents to the king, but these did not content his insatiable avarice, and he employed a variety of mean arts to draw from him further gifts. Beaulieu met also with many difficulties, and was forced to submit to much extortion in his endeavours to procure a loading of pepper, of which Achin itself, as has been observed, produced but little. The king informed him that he had some time since ordered all the plants to be destroyed, not only because the cultivation of them proved an injury to more useful agriculture, but also lest their produce might tempt the Europeans to serve him, as they had served the kings of Jakatra and Bantam. From this apprehension he had lately been induced to expel the English and Dutch from their settlements at Priaman and Tiku, where the principal quantity of pepper was procured, and of which places he changed the governor every third year to prevent any connexions dangerous to his authority from being formed. He had likewise driven the Dutch from a factory they were attempting to settle at Padang; which place appears to be the most remote on the western coast of the island to which the Achinese conquests at any time extended.

1628.

Still retaining a strong desire to possess himself of Malacca, so many years the grand object of Achinese ambition, he imprisoned the ambassador then at his court, and made extraordinary preparations for the siege, which he designed to undertake in person. The laksamana or commander in chief (who had effected all the king’s late conquests) attempted to oppose this resolution; but the maharaja, willing to flatter his master’s propensity, undertook to put him in possession of the city and had the command of the fleet given to him, as the other had of the land forces. The king set out on the expedition with a fleet of two hundred and fifty sail (forty­seven of them not less than a hundred feet in the keel), in which were twenty thousand men well appointed, and a great train of artillery. After being some time on board, with his family and retinue as usual, he determined, on account of an ill omen that was observed, to return to the shore. The generals, proceeding without him, soon arrived before Malacca. Having landed their men they made a judicious disposition, and began the attack with much courage and military skill. The Portuguese were obliged to abandon several of their posts, one of which, after a defence of fifty days, was levelled with the ground, and from its ruins strong works were raised by the laksamana. The maharaja had seized another post advantageously situated. From their several camps they had lines of communication, and the boats on the river were stationed in such a manner that the place was completely invested. Matters were in this posture when a force of two thousand men came to the assistance of the besieged from the king of Pahang, and likewise five sail of Portuguese vessels from the coast of Coromandel; but all was insufficient to remove so powerful an enemy, although by that time they had lost four thousand of their troops in the different attacks and skirmishes. In the latter end of the year a fleet of thirty sail of ships, large and small, under the command of Nunno Alvarez Botello, having on board nine hundred European soldiers, appeared off Malacca, and blocked up the fleet of Achin in a river about three miles from the town. This entirely altered the complexion of affairs. The besiegers retired from their advanced works and hastened to the defence of their galleys, erecting batteries by the side of the river. The maharaja being summoned to surrender returned a civil but resolute answer. In the night, endeavouring to make his escape with the smaller vessels through the midst of the Portuguese, he was repulsed and wounded. Next day the whole force of the Achinese dropped down the stream with a design to fight their way, but after an engagement of two hours their principal galley, named the Terror of the World, was boarded and taken, after losing five hundred men of seven which she carried. Many other vessels were afterwards captured or sunk. The laksamana hung out a white flag and sent to treat with Nunno, but, some difficulty arising about the terms, the engagement was renewed with great warmth. News was brought to the Portuguese that the maharaja was killed and that the king of Pahang was approaching with a hundred sail of vessels to reinforce them. Still the Achinese kept up a dreadful fire, which seemed to render the final success doubtful; but at length they sent proposals desiring only to be allowed three galleys of all their fleet to carry away four thousand men who remained of twenty that came before the town. It was answered that they must surrender at discretion; which the laksamana hesitating to do, a furious assault took place both by water and land upon his galleys and works, which were all effectually destroyed or captured, not a ship and scarcely a man escaping. He himself in the last extremity fled to the woods, but was seized ere long by the king of Pahang’s scouts. Being brought before the governor he said to him, with an undaunted countenance, “Behold here the laksamana for the first time overcome!” He was treated with respect but kept a prisoner, and sent on his own famous ship to Goa in order to be from thence conveyed to Portugal: but death deprived his enemies of that distinguished ornament of their triumph.

 

Hendrik Brouwer

 

 

Portrait of Hendrik Brouwer

Hendrik Brouwer (spring 1581 – August 7, 1643) was a Dutch explorer, admiral, and colonial administrator both in Japan and the Dutch East Indies.

He is thought to first have sailed to the East Indies for the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1606. In 1610 he left again to the Indies, now as commander of three ships. On this trip he devised the Brouwer Route, a route from South Africa to Java that reduced voyage duration from a year to about 6 months by taking advantage of the strong westerly winds in the Roaring Forties (the latitudes between 40° and 50° south). Up to that point, the Dutch had followed a route copied from the Portuguese via the coast of Africa, Mauritius and Ceylon. By 1617, the VOC required all their ships to take the Brouwer route.[1]

After his arrival in 1611 in the East Indies, he was sent to Japan to replace Jacques Specx temporarily as opperhoofd at Dejima from August 28, 1612 to August 6, 1614.[2] During that time he made a visit to the Japanese court at Edo. In 1613 he made a trip to Siam that laid the foundation for the Dutch trade with Siam.

Early in 1632, he was part of a delegation sent to London to solve trade disagreements between the British and Dutch East India companies. Afterwards he left for the Indies, and on April 18 of that same year he was appointed Governor-General of the East Indies, again following Jacques Specx, a position which he held until January 1, 1636. Anthony van Diemen was his assistant during this entire period, and many of the Dutch explorations into the Pacific carried out under Van Diemen’s command were suggested in writing by Brouwer before he left.

In 1642, the VOC joined the Dutch West Indies Company in organizing an expedition to Chile to establish a base for trading gold at the abandoned ruins of Valdivia. The fleet sailed from Dutch Brazil where John Maurice of Nassau provided them with supplies. While rounding Cape Horn, the expedition established that Staten Island was not part of the unknown Southern land. After landing on Chiloe Island, Brouwer made a pact with the Mapuche (then known as the Araucanians) to aid in establishing a resettlement at Valdivia. However, on August 7, 1643 Hendrik died (at the age of 62) before arriving, and was succeeded by his vice-admiral Elias Herckman, who landed at the ruins of Valdivia on August 24. Brouwer was buried in the new settlement, which Herckman named Brouwershaven after him. Herckman and his men occupied the location only until October 28, 1643. Having been told that the Dutch had plans to return to the location, the Spanish viceroy in Peru sent 1000 men in twenty ships (and 2000 men by land, who never made it) in 1644 to resettle Valdivia and fortify it. The Spanish soldiers in the new garrison disinterred and burned Brouwer’s body.[3][4]

 

1635.

This signal defeat proved so important a blow to the power of Achin that we read of no further attempts to renew the war until the year 1635, when the king, encouraged by the feuds which at this time prevailed in Malacca, again violated the law of nations, to him little known, by imprisoning their ambassador, and caused all the Portuguese about his court to be murdered. No military operations however immediately took place in consequence of this barbarous proceeding.

 

Anthony van Diemen

.

Anthony van Diemen


Portrait of Anthony van Diemen

Born

1593
Culemborg, Utrecht, Dutch Republic

Died

19 April 1645(1645-04-19)
Batavia, Dutch East India

Nationality

Dutch

Occupation

Explorer, colonial governor

Anthony van Diemen (also Antonie, Antonio, Anton, Antonius) (Culemborg, 1593 – Batavia, 19 April 1645), Dutch colonial governor, was born in Culemborg in the Netherlands, the son of Meeus Anthonisz van Diemen[1] and Christina Hoevenaar. In 1616 he moved to Amsterdam, in hope of improving his fortune as a merchant; in this he failed and was declared bankrupt. After a year he became a servant of the Dutch East India Company and sailed to Batavia (Jakarta), capital of the Dutch East Indies. On the voyage out, to the East Indiaman Mauritius he inadvertently went more south to an unknown coast of Australia.[2]

Governor Jan Pieterszoon Coen found van Diemen to be a talented official and by 1626 he was Director-General of Commerce and member of the Council for the Indies. In 1630 he married Maria van Aelst. A year later he returned to the Netherlands as Admiral on the ship Deventer. In 1632 he returned to Batavia and in 1635 he was appointed Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, his appointment taking effect on 1 January 1636.

Van Diemen’s nine years as Governor-General were successful and important for both the colony and the commercial success of the East India Company. He devoted much of his energy to expanding the power of the company throughout Asia. Under his rule Dutch power was established in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka).

Van Diemen is best remembered for his efforts to foster exploration of the “Great South Land”, Australia, resulting in “the final and most ambitious Dutch voyages of the century”.[3] The first voyage under his energetic administration was undertaken within three months of his arrival in Batavia; starting from Cape York its ships were to chart the unknown coasts, but the venture ended in failure, when its commander was killed by natives in New Guinea, and the ships returned. In 1639 he commissioned two voyages to the north, in search of the “Gold and Silver Islands” that Spanish reports placed in the North Pacific to the east of Japan, and sent Maarten Gerritsz Vries to explore the coasts of Korea and “Tartaria“; these, two returned fruitlessly.[4] Undeterred, Van Diemen appointed Frans Visscher to draw up a plan for new discoveries. Visscher mapped out three different routes and van Diemen decided in August 1642 to send Abel Janszoon Tasman, accompanied by Visscher, in search of the Great South Land, which Tasman would soon dub “Nieuw Holland“.

In November 1642, headed east from Mauritius on latitude 44 and missing the south coast of Australia, Tasman sighted land (the west coast of the island of Tasmania), and followed the southern coastline around to the east coast. Tasman sent a party ashore at Blackman Bay, on the Tasman Peninsula, who planted a flag and encountered a few of the native inhabitants. Believing he had found a large territory, Tasman named it Van Diemen’s Land in honour of his patron.[5] Van Diemen is also commemorated in Van Diemen Gulf on the coast of northern Australia.

Van Diemen commissioned a further voyage from Tasman in 1644.

Anthony van Diemen died in April 1645 in Batavia, Dutch East Indies. The company granted his wife a large pension and she retired to the Netherlands. Her name is perpetuated in the name of the westernmost point of the North Island of New Zealand, Cape Maria van Diemen, named by Tasman in 1643, and by Maria Island off the east coast of Tasmania.

 

 

1640. 1641.

In the year 1640 the Dutch with twelve men of war, and the king of Achin with twenty-five galleys, appeared before that harassed and devoted city; which at length, in the following year was wrested from the hands of the Portuguese, who had so long, through such difficulties, maintained possession of it. This year was also marked by the death of the sultan, whom the Dutch writers name Paduka Sri, at the age of sixty, after a reign of thirty-five years; having just lived to see his hereditary foe subdued; and as if the opposition of the Portuguese power, which seems first to have occasioned the rise of that of Achin, was also necessary to its existence, the splendour and consequence of the kingdom from that period rapidly declined.

The prodigious wealth and resources of the monarchy during his reign are best evinced by the expeditions he was enabled to fit out; but being no less covetous than ambitious he contrived to make the expenses fall upon his subjects, and at the same time filled his treasury with gold by pressing the merchants and plundering the neighbouring states. An intelligent person (General Beaulieu), who was for some time at his court, and had opportunities of information on the subject, uses this strong expression–that he was infinitely rich. He constantly employed in his castle three hundred goldsmiths. This would seem an exaggeration, but that it is well known the Malayan princes have them always about them in great numbers at this day, working in the manufacture of filigree, for which the country is so famous. His naval strength has been already sufficiently described. He was possessed of two thousand brass guns and small arms in proportion. His trained elephants amounted to some hundreds. His armies were probably raised only upon the occasion which called for their acting, and that in a mode similar to what was established under the feudal system in Europe. The valley of Achin alone was said to be able to furnish forty thousand men upon an emergency. A certain number of warriors however were always kept on foot for the protection of the king and his capital. Of these the superior class were called ulubalang, and the inferior amba-raja, who were entirely devoted to his service and resembled the janizaries of Constantinople. Two hundred horsemen nightly patrolled the grounds about the castle, the inner courts and apartments of which were guarded by three thousand women. The king’s eunuchs amounted to five hundred.

The disposition of this monarch was cruel and sanguinary. A multitude of instances are recorded of the horrible barbarity of his punishments, and for the most trivial offences. He imprisoned his own mother and put her to the torture, suspecting her to have been engaged in a conspiracy against him with some of the principal nobles, whom he caused to be executed. He murdered his nephew, the king of Johor’s son, of whose favour with his mother he was jealous. He also put to death a son of the king of Bantam, and another of the king of Pahang, who were both his near relations. None of the royal family survived in 1622 but his own son, a youth of eighteen, who had been thrice banished the court, and was thought to owe his continuance in life only to his surpassing his father, if possible, in cruelty, and being hated by all ranks of people. He was at one time made king of Pidir but recalled on account of his excesses, confined in prison and put to strange tortures by his father, whom he did not outlive. The whole territory of Achin was almost depopulated by wars, executions, and oppression. The king endeavoured to repeople the country by his conquests. Having ravaged the kingdoms of Johor, Pahang, Kedah, Perak, and Dilli, he transported the inhabitants from those places to Achin, to the number of twenty-two thousand persons. But this barbarous policy did not produce the effect he hoped; for the unhappy people, being brought naked to his dominions, and not allowed any kind of maintenance on their arrival, died of hunger in the streets. In the planning his military enterprises he was generally guided by the distresses of his neighbours, for whom, as for his prey, he unceasingly lay in wait; and his preparatory measures were taken with such secrecy that the execution alone unravelled them. Insidious political craft and wanton delight in blood united in him to complete the character of a tyrant.

It must here be observed that, with respect to the period of this remarkable reign, the European and Malayan authorities are considerably at variance, the latter assigning to it something less than thirty solar years, and placing the death of Iskander Muda in December 1636. The Annals further state that he was succeeded by sultan Ala-eddin­Mahayat-shah, who reigned only about four years and died in February 1641. That this is the more accurate account I have no hesitation in believing, although Valentyn, who gives a detail of the king’s magnificent funeral, was persuaded that the reign which ended in 1641 was the same that began in 1607. But he collected his information eighty years after the event, and as it does not appear that any European whose journal has been given to the world was on the spot at that period, the death of an obscure monarch who died after a short reign may well have been confounded by persons at a distance with that of his more celebrated predecessor. Both authorities however are agreed in the important fact that the successor to the throne in 1641 was a female. This person is described by Valentyn as being the wife of the old king, and not his daughter, as by some had been asserted; but from the Annals it appears that she was his daughter, named Taju al-alum; and as it was in her right that Maghayat-shah (certainly her husband), obtained the crown, so upon his decease, there being no male heir, she peaceably succeeded him in the government, and became the first queen regent of Achin. The succession having thenceforward continued nearly sixty years in the female line, this may be regarded as a new era in the history of the country. The nobles finding their power less restrained, and their individual consequence more felt under an administration of this kind than when ruled by kings (as sometimes they were with a rod of iron) supported these pageants, whom they governed as they thought fit, and thereby virtually changed the constitution into an aristocracy or oligarchy. The business of the state was managed by twelve orang-kayas, four of whom were superior to the rest, and among these the maharaja, or governor of the kingdom, was considered as the chief. It does not appear, nor is it probable, that the queen had the power of appointing or removing any of these great officers. No applications were made to the throne but in their presence, nor any public resolution taken but as they determined in council. The great object of their political jealousy seems to have been the pretensions of the king of Johor to the crown, in virtue of repeated intermarriages between the royal families of the two countries, and it may be presumed that the alarms excited from that quarter materially contributed to reconcile them to the female domination. They are accordingly said to have formed an engagement amongst themselves never to pay obedience to a foreign prince, nor to allow their royal mistress to contract any marriage that might eventually lead to such a consequence.* At the same time, by a new treaty with Johor, its king was indirectly excused from the homage to the crown of Achin which had been insisted upon by her predecessors and was the occasion of frequent wars.

(*Footnote. However fanciful it may be thought, I cannot doubt that the example of our Queen Elizabeth, whose character and government were highly popular with the Achinese on account of her triumphant contest with the united powers of Spain and Portugal, had a strong influence in the establishment of this new species of monarchy, and that the example of her sister’s marriage with Philip may have contributed to the resolution taken by the nobles. The actions of our illustrious queen were a common topic of conversation between the old tyrant and Sir James Lancaster.)

In proportion as the political consequence of the kingdom declined, its history, as noticed by foreigners, becomes obscure. Little is recorded of the transactions of her reign, and it is likely that Achin took no active part in the concerns of neighbouring powers, but suffered the Hollanders, who maintained in general a friendly intercourse with her, to remain in quiet possession of Malacca.

1643.

In 1643 they sent an ambassador to compliment her upon her accession, and at the same time to solicit payment for a quantity of valuable jewels ordered by the deceased king, but for the amount of which she declined to make herself responsible.

Cornelis van der Lijn

 

 

Portrait of Cornelis van der Lijn [1]

Cornelis van der Lijn (1608? – 27 July 1679) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1646 until 1650.

Early career

Van der Lijn was born in Alkmaar, possibly in 1608. He went, in 1627, as Assistant (Dutch: assistent) to Batavia, Dutch East Indies aboard the Wapen van Hoorn. From 1632 to 18 January 1636 he was Accountant-General (Dutch: boekhouder-generaal). In 1639 he became Counsellor-Extraordinary (Dutch: Raad extra-oridinair) to the Council of the Indies. A year later he was appointed President of the Schepenrechtbank (a maritime court, but with various other functions). One further year later he was made a full Counsellor (Dutch: Raad ordinair) he followed Philips Lucasz (whose portrait was painted by Rembrandt [2]) as Director-General of the Indies.

Council of the Indies

Shortly before his death on 19 April 1645, Governor-General Antonio van Diemen called upon the Council of the Indies (12 April 1645) to establish Cornelis van der Lijn as his successor. This was not in line with the instructions of the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII), who has laid down in 1617 that immediately after the death of a Governor-General, the Council should choose a provisional Governor-General. Only once the Seventeen Lords had agreed to the choice would the appointment come into actual force. The Heren XVII at first cancelled Van Diemen’s decision, but then afterwards named the very same Cornelis van der Lijn as his successor. On 10 October 1646 he was named by them as Governor-General.

 

1646

Banten

 

The City of Banten, Bird View

 

The Battle of Banten Between Dutch and Portuguese

 

Banten’s Mangkubumi and his Attendants

 

 

Portuguese Residents at Banten

 

The Journey of Cornelis de Houtman to Banten in 1596. Sketch in 1646

 

The Journey of Cornelis de Houtman to Banten in 1596. Sketch in 1646

 

 

The Town of Banten in the Days of the Dutch East India Company. 

Notes: 
The naval Battle of Banten took place on 27 December 1601 in Banten Bay,Indonesia, when an exploration fleet of 5 Dutch vessels defeated a larger Portuguese fleet including galleons and fustas.

 

The Dutch Take Banten from Portuguese. This product is reproduced from a publication, advertisement, or vintage print. In an effort to maintain the artistic accuracy of the original image, this final product has not been retouched. This giclée print delivers a vivid image with maximum color accuracy and exceptional resolution. The standard for museums and galleries around the world, giclée (French for “to spray”) is a printing process where millions of ink droplets are sprayed onto the paper’s surface. With the great degree of detail and smooth transitions of color gradients, giclée prints appear much more realistic than other reproduction prints. The high-quality paper (235 gsm) is acid free with a smooth surface.

 

 

Without Frame

 

With Black Frame

 

With Wood Frame

 

With Luxury Frame

Label: Gallery

 

(Hikayat ini adalah contoh sastra lisan di Banten dan Jawa Barat yang lebih bersifat kiasan, yang memaksudkan dirinya untuk bercerita tentang bagaimana peralihan kultural dan politik di Banten dan Jawa Barat dari Era Hindu ke Era Islam).

 

 

 

Prabu Siliwangi memiliki beberapa putra dan putri, diantaranya adalah Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang, yang keduanya adalah putra dan putri kesayangan sang Prabu. Raden Kian Santang terkenal dengan kesaktiannya yang luar biasa. Di dunia persilatan nama Raden Kian Santang sudah tak asing lagi sehingga seluruh Pulau Jawa bahkan Nusantara saat itu sangat mengenal siapa Raden Kian Santang. Tak ada yang sanggup mengalahkannya. Bahkan, Raden Kian Santang sendiri tak pernah melihat darahnya sendiri.

 

Suatu ketika, Raden Kian Santang yang adalah putra Prabu Siliwangi itu terkejut ketika di dalam mimpinya ada seorang kakek berjubah yang mengatakan bahwa ada seorang manusia yang sanggup mengalahkannya, dan kakek tersebut tersenyum. Mimpi itu terjadi beberapa kali hingga Raden Kian Santang bertanya-tanya siapa gerangan orang itu. Dalam mimpi selanjutnya sang kakek menunjuk ke arah lautan dan berkata bahwa orang itu di sana.

 

Penasaran dengan mimpinya, Raden Kian Santang pun meminta ijin kepada ayahandanya, Prabu Siliwangi untuk pergi menuju seberang lautan, dan menceritakan semuanya. Prabu Siliwangi walaupun berat hati tetap mempersilahkan putranya itu pergi. Namun Ratu Rara Santang, adik perempuan Raden Kian Santang, ingin ikut kakaknya tersebut.

 

Meski dicegah, Ratu Rara Santang tetap bersikeras ikut kakaknya, yang akhirnya mereka berdua pergi menyeberangi lautan yang sangat luas menuju suatu tempat yang ditunjuk orang tua alias si kakek berjubah di dalam mimpi Raden Kian Santang itu.

 

Hari demi hari, minggu berganti minggu dan genap delapan bulan perjalanan sampailah Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang ke sebuah dataran yang asing, tanahnya begitu kering dan tandus, padang pasir yang sangat luas serta terik matahari yang sangat menyengat mereka melabuhkan perahu yang mereka tumpangi.

 

Tiba-tiba datanglah seorang kakek yang begitu sangat dikenalnya. Yah, kakek yang pernah datang di dalam mimpinya itu. Kakek itu tersenyum dan berkata: “Selamat datang anak muda! Assalamu alaikum!” Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang hanya saling berpandangan dan hanya berkata: “Aku ingin bertemu dengan Ali, orang yang pernah kau katakan sanggup mengalahkanku.”

 

Dengan tersenyum kakek itu pun berkata: “Anak muda, kau bisa bertemu Ali jika sanggup mencabut tongkat ini!” Lalu si kakek itu menancapkan tongkat yang dipegangnya.

 

Kembali Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang saling berpandangan, dan Raden Kian Santang tertawa terbahak-bahak. “Hai orang tua! Di negeri kami adu kekuatan bukan seperti ini, tapi adu olah kanuragan dan kesaktian. Jika hanya mencabut tongkat itu buat apa aku jauh-jauh ke negeri tandus seperti ini?  Ujar Raden Kian Santang mengejek.

 

Kakek itu kembali tersenyum. “Anak muda, jika kau sanggup mencabut tongkat itu kau bisa mengalahkan Ali, jika tidak kembalilah kau ke negerimu anak sombong.” Kata orang tua itu.

 

Akhirnya Raden Kian Santang mendekati tongkat itu dan berusaha mencabutnya. Namun  upayanya tak berhasil. Semakin dia mencoba semakin kuat tongkat itu menghunjam.

 

Keringatnya bercucuran, sementara Ratu Rara Santang tampak khawatir dengan keadaan kakaknya, ketika tiba-tiba darah di tangan Raden Kian Santang menetes, dan menyadari bahwa orang tua yang di hadapan mereka bukan orang sembarangan.

 

Saat itu, lutut Raden Kian Santang bergetar dan dia merasa kalah. Ratu Rara Santang yang terus memperhatikan kakaknya segera membantunya, namun tongkat itu tetap tak bergeming, akhirnya mereka benar-benar mengaku kalah.

 

“Hai orang tua! Aku mengaku kalah dan aku tak mungkin sanggup melawan Ali. Melawan  dirimu pun aku tak bisa! Tapi ijinkan aku bertemu dengannya dan berguru kepadanya.” Ujar Raden Kian Santang.Kakek itu kembali tersenyum. “Anak muda! Jika Kau ingin bertemu Ali, maka akulah Ali.” Tiba-tiba mereka berdua bersujud kepada orang tua itu, namun tangan orang tua itu dengan cepat mencegah keduanya bersujud. “Jangan bersujud kepadaku anak muda! Bersujudlah kepada Zat yang menciptakanmu, yaitu Allah!”

 

Akhirnya mereka berdua mengikuti orang tua tersebut, yang ternyata Ali Bin Abi Tholib, ke Baitullah dan memeluk agama Islam.

 

Begitulah, Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang mempelajari Islam dengan sungguh-sungguh. Dalam perjalanannya Raden Kian Santang kembali ke pulau Jawa dan menyebarkan Islam di daerah Garut hingga meninggalnya. Sedangkan Ratu Rara Santang dipersunting oleh salah satu pangeran dari tanah Arab yang bernama Syarif Husen. Perkawinan antara Ratu Rara Santang dan Syarif Husen itu menghasilkan dua putra, yaitu Syarif Nurullah dan Syarif Hidayatullah. Syarif Nurullah menjadi penguasa Makkah saat itu, sedangkan Syarif Hidayatullah pergi ke Jawa untuk bertemu dengan ayah dan kakeknya.

 

Syarif Hidayatullah pamit untuk pergi ke Jawa dan ingin menyebarkan Islam ke sana. Dan pergilah Syarif Hidayatullah mengarungi samudera nan luas seperti halnya dulu ibu dan pamannya, Ratu Rara Santang dan Raden Kian Santang.

 

Setibanya di tanah Jawa, Syarif Hidayatullah tidak kesulitan berjumpa dengan ayah dan kakeknya. Namun Syarif Hidayatullah prihatin karena hingga saat itu kakeknya masih belum masuk ke dalam agama Islam dan tetap bersikukuh dengan agamanya yaitu agama Sunda Wiwitan, meski berbagai upaya terus dilakukan dan dia hanya berdoa semoga kakeknya suatu saat diberi hidayah oleh Allah.

 

Melihat keuletan cucunya dalam menyebarkan Agama Islam, Prabu Siliwangi memberikan tempat kepada cucunya sebuah hutan yang kemudian bernama Cirebon. Dan di sinilah pusat penyebaran Islam dimulai. Murid – muridnya kian bertambah dan Islam sangat cepat menyebar.

 

Dalam penyebarannya Syarif Hidayatullah mengembara ke ujung barat pulau Jawa, ke daerah kulon, tempat pendekar-pendekar banyak tersebar. Di Pandeglang ada Pangeran Pulosari dan pangeran Aseupan, juga terdapat Raja Banten yang terkenal sangat sakti, bahkan Raden Kian Santang pun segan kepadanya, yaitu Prabu Pucuk Umun, Raja Banten yang memiliki ilmu Lurus Bumi yang sangat sempurna, juga pukulan braja musti yang bisa menghancurkan gunung, bahkan menggetarkan bumi.

 

Rupanya Syarif Hidayatullah telah mengetahui kesaktian Prabu Pucuk Umun yang menguasai daerah itu. Untuk langsung mengajak Prabu Pucuk Umun masuk ke dalam Agama Islam sangat tidak mungkin, sebab Syarif Hidayatullah tahu Prabu Pucuk Umun mudah sekali murka, dan hal ini sangat berbahaya.

 

Dengan bersusah payah Syarif Hidayatullah menemui Pangeran Pulosari dan juga Pangeran Aseupan, yang merupakan sepupu dari Prabu Pucuk Umun, dan rupanya Pangeran Pulosari dan Pangeran Aseupan sangat tertarik dengan ajaran agama yang di bawa oleh cucu Raja Pajajaran itu, dan keduanya menganut agama Islam.

 

Masuknya kedua pangeran itu ke dalam agama yang dibawa Syarif Hidayatullah terdengar juga oleh Prabu Pucuk Umun, dan hal ini membuatnya murka. Tiba-tiba langit menjadi gelap, halilintar bergelegar bersahutan. Pangeran Aseupan dan Pangeran Pulosari memahami bahwa kakak sepupunya telah mengetahui masuknya mereka kepada agama yang dibawa Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Dengan ilmu Lurus Buminya, Prabu Pucuk Umun memburu kedua pangeran yang menurutnya berkhianat itu, dan terjadilah perkelahian yang sangat dahsyat. Pangeran Pulosari dan Pangeran Aseupan berusaha mengelak dari serangan-serangan yang dilakukan kakak sepupunya itu. Namun kesaktian luar biasa yang dimiliki Prabu Pucuk Umun membuat mereka lari ke arah selatan, dan di sanalah Syarif Hidayatullah menunggu mereka, dan dengan luka yang diderita mereka, akhirnya mereka pun berlindung di belakang Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Prabu Pucuk Umun berteriak: “Hai cucu Siliwangi! Jangan kau ganggu tanahku dengan agamamu, jangan kau usik ketenangan rakyatku, enyahlah kau dari sini sebelum kau menyesal dan berdosa kepada kakekmu.”

 

Dengan tersenyum Syarif Hidayatullah menjawab: “Aku diperintahkan oleh Allah untuk menyebarkan agama ini, karena agama ini bukan hanya untuk satu orang tapi untuk semua orang di dunia ini. Agama yang akan menyelamatkanmu.”

 

“Aku tidak menyukai basa-basimu anak lancang!” Teriak Prabu Pucuk Umun dengan lantang dan menggelegar, dan dari arah depan tiba-tiba angin berhembus sangat kencang, tampak Syarif Hidayatullah mundur beberapa langkah, sedangkan Pangeran Pulosari dan Pangeran Aseupan memasang kuda-kuda untuk menggempur serangan Prabu Pucuk Umun.

 

Pertarungan itu begitu dahsyatnya hingga Prabu Siliwangi dan Raden Kian Santang pun bersemedi memberikan energi kepada Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Prabu Pucuk Umun merasakan panas yang teramat sangat, dia mengetahui bahwa serangannya telah berbalik arah kepadanya, dan dengan menggunakan Ilmu Lurus Bumi, Prabu Pucuk Umun melarikan diri, namun dengan sigap Pangeran Aseupan dan Pangeran Pulosari mengejarnya. Dengan menggunakan ilmu yang sama terjadilah kejar-kejaran antara ketiganya. Dan akhirnya, di puncak Gunung Karang, Prabu Pucuk Umun tertangkap, atas restu Prabu Siliwangi, Prabu Pucuk Umun tidak dibunuh, tapi dimasukan ke kerangkeng di bawah kawah Gunung Krakatau.

 

Prabu Pucuk Umun memiliki putri yang cantik dan juga memiliki kesaktian yang tidak kalah dengan ayahnya, bahkan lebih dari 1000 Jin di bawah pengaruhnya, dan dia bernama Ratu Kawunganten, Putri Prabu Pucuk Umun yang kemudian diperistri oleh Syarif Hidayatullah. Ratu Kawunganten pun masuk Islam dan berganti nama menjadi Siti Badariah.

 

Tidak berapa lama, Siti Badariah atau Ratu Kawunganten pun hamil, namun dia mengidam hal yang tidak wajar menurut pemikiran Syarif Hidayatullah, dia menginginkan daging manusia. Sontak, Syarif Hidayatullah pun kaget dan marah. “Isteriku, kau telah menganut agama Islam, keinginanmu itu terlarang.” Tandas Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Namun isterinya tetap menginginkan daging manusia, dan Syarif Hidayatullah tak bisa berbuat banyak, beliau sangat marah dan meninggalkan isterinya dalam keadaan hamil dan kembali ke Cirebon.

 

Sepeninggal Syarif Hidayatullah, Siti Badariah atau Ratu Kawunganten kembali ke agama leluhurnya yaitu Agama Sunda Wiwitan, agama yang sudah menjadi darah dan dagingnya.

 

Ratu Kawunganten atau Siti Badariah pun melahirkan seorang putra, dan diberi nama Pangeran Sabakingking, seorang Pangeran yang suatu saat mendirikan Kesultanan Banten

 

Pangeran Sabakingking beranjak dewasa, dan dia menjadi pemuda yang gagah,  pemuda yang keras, berani dan memiliki kesaktian yang luar biasa, ilmu-ilmu kesaktian ibunya mengalir ke tubuhnya, lebih dari 1000 Jin takluk atas perintahnya. Pangeran Sabakingking tak pernah merasa takut kepada siapapun, dan hampir semua pendekar di tanah Banten pernah berhadapan dengannya.

 

Suatu hari, Pangeran Sabakingking dipanggil ibunya, karena ia harus mengetahui siapa ayahnya, Sabakingking pun menghadap ibunya.“Anakku, kau sudah dewasa dan sudah saatnya kau mengetahui siapa ayahmu. Ia berada di Cirebon dan telah menjadi Sultan di sana. Jika kau ke sana berikan tasbih ini kepadanya. Tasbih inilah yang dulu menjadi mahar perkawinan ibu dengan ayahmu.

 

Pergilah Pangeran Sabakingking menuju utara melewati hutan dan sungai, bukit bahkan gunung di tempat yang dituju Pangeran Sabankingking langsung menuju kesultanan Cirebon.

 

Di Kesultanan Cirebon itulah Pangeran Sabakingking melihat sebuah perbedaan yang mendasar. Terdengar suara adzan, serta alunan al Quran yang asing baginya, namun begitu menyejukkan hatinya. Tak berapa lama bertemulah Pangeran Sabakingking dengan seorang tua berjanggut panjang dengan mengenakan sorban. Orang tua itu tampak berwibawa dan memiliki sorot mata yang tajam. “Anak muda, ada keperluan apa kau ke sini? Tanya orang tua yang tak lain adalah Syarif Hidyayatullah itu.“Aku ingin bertemu dengan Syarif Hidayatullah dan menyerahkan tasbih ini dari ibuku.” Tasbih itu pun diterima Syarif Hidayatullah sembari menerawangkan matanya. “Apakah kau anak Kawunganten?” “Benar! Aku Sabakingking Putra Kawunganten!”

 

“Akulah Syarif Hidayatullah yang kaucari anak muda. Namun aku tidak begitu saja mengakui kau sebagai anakku, sebab ada syarat yang harus kau laksanakan.” “Apa itu?” Buatlah sebuah bangunan masjid lengkap dengan menaranya di Banten. Tapi ingat, hanya 1 malam saja. Jika  sampai muncul matahari dan perkerjaanmu belum selesai, jangan harap aku akan mengakui kau sebagai anakku.” Ujar Syarif Hidayatullah. “Baiklah! aku akan melaksanakan perintahmu.” Jika sudah selesai, kumandangkan adzan yang dapat kau dengar dari menaranya. Ingat, hanya dalam waktu 1 malam saja!”

 

Setelah mendengar perintah ayahnya, Pangeran Sabakingking bergegas meninggalkan Cirebon untuk kembali ke Banten. Setelah sampai di Banten diceritakanlah semua yang dialami selama di Cirebon kepada ibunya. Ibunya maphum dan bersedia membantu anaknya. Dipanggilah lebih dari 1000 jin sakti untuk membantu Pangeran Sabakingking, dan tepat saat matahari terbenam mereka mulai membangun fondasi Masjid di pesisir Banten. Semua bekerja dengan berbagai ilmu, lebih dari 1000 Jin dikerahkan, dan mendekati matahari terbit menara pun baru selesai. Saat itulah Pangeran Sabakingking menaiki menara dan mengumandangkan Adzan seperti apa yang ia dengar di Kesultanan Cirebon, dan dengan tenaga dalam yang nyaris sempurna, terdengarlah alunan adzan yang menggema hingga ke seluruh alam.

 

Mendengar suara adzan yang memiliki kekuatan yang luar biasa itu, Syarif Hidayatullah pun keluar dari keraton Kesultanan Cirebon dan segera memperhatikan arah suara itu, yang tak salah lagi itu adalah suara anaknya. Dan dengan ilmu Sancang, ilmu berlari cepat yang sulit diterima akal manusia, yang dimilikinya, hanya dalam waktu beberapa menit saja tibalah Syarif Hidayatullah ke Mesjid yang dibangun anaknya tersebut dan melakukan sholat subuh di sana.

 

Pangeran Sabakingking mengetahui datangnya seseorang yang masuk ke Mesjidnya, dan dia bergegas menuju ke dalam. Alangkah kagetnya Pangeran Sabakingking saat ternyata dihadapannya adalah Syarif Hidayatullah, ayahnya. “Anakku. Kau telah membangun Mesjid ini dengan baik, Mesjid ini akan menjadi pusat penyebaran agama yang kubawa dan kau adalah pemimpinnya.  Mulai hari ini namamu adalah Hasanudin. Dan bangunlah Kesultanan di sini, syiarkan Islam kepada rakyatmu.

 

Hasanudin pun membangun keraton di sekitar masjid yang dibangunnya, yang tidak berapa lama berdirilah keraton lengkap dengan singgasananya, untuk membantu penyebaran Islam di Banten, dan Syarif Hidayatullah memerintahkan rakyatnya untuk ikut membangun Banten. Berduyun-duyunlah rakyat Cirebon menuju Banten. Mereka disambut rakyat Banten dengan antusias, seakan-akan perbauran antara rakyat Cirebon dan penduduk asli itu seperti halnya perpaduan antara Muhajirin dan Anshor jaman Nabi Muhammad. Budaya dan bahasa yang hampir sama dengan Cirebon merupakan bukti otentik yang terwariskan hingga saat ini.

 

Sementara itu, Padjajaran setelah mangkatnya prabu Siliwangi pecah menjadi jadi dua kerajaan yaitu Kerajaan Pakuan dan Kerajaan Galuh. Kerajaan Pakuan di berikan kepada cucunya Ratu Dewata yang merupakan putri Raden Surawisesa yang dikenal dengan Pangeran Walangsungsang, salah seorang putra Prabu Siliwangi. Keinginan Kesultanan Cirebon untuk mengislamkan seluruh Kerajaan Padjajaran didukung penuh oleh Maulana Hasanudin, yang juga dibantu oleh putra mahkota yaitu Sultan Maulana Yusuf, yang merupakan hasil pernikahan Maulana Hasanudin dengan Ratu Ayu Kirana, Putri Sultan Trenggono dari Kesultanan Demak. Selain Maulana Yusuf, Maulana Hasanudin memiliki putri bernama Ratu Pembayun yang menikah dengan Tubagus Angke putra Ki Mas Wisesa Adimarta dimana Tubagus Angke merupakan panglima perang Banten yang nantinya memiliki putra bernama Pangeran Jayakarta, yang kelak menjadi pajabat Kesultanan Banten di Jakarta, di mana nama Jakarta diambil dari namanya. (*)

 

 

 

Selain memiliki warisan kekayaan budaya dan intelektual Sunda, Banten juga memiliki warisan kekayaan budaya dan intelektual berbahasa Jawa. Secara historis, sebagaimana dipaparkan para sejarawan dan arkeolog yang meneliti dan menulis tentang sejarah dan budaya Banten, semisal Claude Guillot, penggunaan bahasa Jawa di Banten sebenarnya tak hanya telah ada semenjak Kesultanan Banten berdiri. Namun jauh sebelum itu, yaitu pada abad ke-10 yang bermula di Kerajaan Hindu Banten Girang. Hal ini dibuktikan dengan ditemukannya prasasti yang bertitimangsa Prabu Sri Jayabupati yang menggunakan bahasa Jawa di Banten Girang dan di Cicatih Sukabumi yang dengan nyata menggunakan aksara dan bahasa Jawa.

 

Hanya saja, demikian lanjut Claude Guillot dalam bukunya yang berjudul Banten Sebelum Zaman Islam itu, penggunaan bahasa Jawa di Banten Girang itu memang sempat terputus, hingga akhirnya penggunaan bahasa Jawa di Banten mencapai periode mapannya bersamaan dengan berdirinya Kesultanan Banten hingga sekarang. Di jaman Kesultanan Banten ini, bahasa Jawa yang mulanya digunakan sebagai bahasa keraton, bahasa resmi perdagangan dan politik Kesultanan Banten, termasuk juga sebagai bahasa kesusastraan, lambat laun menjadi bahasa yang digunakan secara massif oleh masyarakat Banten, terutama masyarakat Banten di Banten Utara, semisal Cilegon, Serang, dan sebagain kecil wilayah Tangerang.

 

Hal itu merupakan sesuatu yang wajar, mengingat banyaknya kaum pendatang dari Cirebon, Demak, dan dari daerah lain, semisal Bali dan Jawa Timur menjadi penduduk dan masyarakat resmi Kesultanan Banten, hingga saat ini, selain masyarakat yang sudah sejak lama ada di Banten, yang di antaranya masyarakat yang bertutur bahasa Sunda. Bersamaan dengan itu pulalah, dengan sendirinya, berkembanglah bahasa dan budaya Jawa di Banten, yang kelak dikenal sebagai Jawa-Banten, tak terkecuali tumbuh dan berkembangnya folklore dan dolanan yang menggunakan tuturan bahasa Jawa di Banten tersebut, kemudian juga turut menjadi khasanah akulturasi dan penetrasi budaya dan bahasa Jawa di Banten tersebut.

 

Dan seperti umumnya dolanan dan folklore, selain sebagai unsur hiburan dan permainanan, sebenarnya terkandung juga di dalamnya rekaman historis dan psikologis dalam folklore dan dolanan yang hidup di dalam masyarakat, selain juga siratan kearifan, yang khusus dalam hal ini tercermin dalam folklore dan dolanan yang menggunakan tuturan bahasa Jawa di Banten. Ambil sebagai contohnya bunyi lagu dolanan berikut: “Iris-iris timun // timun giliran santri // tambing etan ana payung // payung wong lamaran // tae em em ta em em ta em em // sapa sing dadi ratune.” (Potong-potonglah buah timun // buah timun kepunyaan santri // di sebelah timur ada payung // payung orang yang mau melamar // ta em em ta em em ta em em // siapa yang jadi rajanya?).

 

Jika ditafsir secara bebas, bunyi lagu dolanan di atas sebenarnya menyiratkan suatu peristiwa historis Banten yang dikemas secara halus dalam nyanyian. Lagu dolanan tersebut seakan-akan hendak menceritakan, sekali lagi bila ini ditafsir secara bebas, terjadinya akulturasi budaya dan politik antara kaum migran dan lokal di Banten, di mana kaum migran dikiaskan sebagai seorang yang melamar. Atau bisa juga ditafsirkan bahwa lagu dolanan tersebut tengah menceritakan diangkatnya seorang raja di Banten, seperti tercermin dalam bait atau larik terakhir lagu dolanan itu sendiri: “Siapa yang jadi rajanya?”

 

Kesusastraan lisan masa silam, semisal lagu dolanan itu, selain hendak menceritakan kisah oral dari mulut ke mulut, sebenarnya dapat juga ditafsirkan sebagai ikhtiar sebuah masyarakat untuk merekam sejarah mereka sendiri. Sebab, seringkali folklore dan dolanan, selain tentu saja dapat mencerminkan kandungan psikologis masyarakatnya atau yang menjadi dunia rasa seperti harapan, keinginan, dan cita-cita mereka sebagai masyarakat dan manusia, tersirat juga relevansi historis tentang bagaimana kondisi sosial dan kesejarahan folklore dan lagu dolanan. Bukan hanya itu saja, dengan membaca dan menyimak folklore dan lagu dolanan, kita juga dapat mengetahui bagaimana kondisi dan suasana kehidupan masa silam masyarakat: “Kijing-kijing mati // matine ning pinggirkali // cecindil sing ngadusi, kekunang sing ngedamari // cecebong sing nangisi, baye sing ngiliri!”

 

Lagu dolanan di atas, meski tentu saja diciptakan sudah lama dan dalam konteks yang berlainan, mengingatkan saya ketika saya masih bocah yang mencari kijing (makhluk hidup yang hidup di sungai) ketika air sungai surut bersama banyak orang dan teman-teman saya sendiri. Jika demikian, folklore dan dolanan, salah-satunya, memang secara langsung menceritakan kehidupan sebuah masyarakat sembari dimaksudkan sebagai kiasan yang hendak mendedahkan kearifan. Dan karena sifatnya yang alegoris itulah, folklore dan dolanan juga sebenarnya dapat ditafsirkan secara bebas alias tak mesti ditafsirkan sebagai satu arti atau satu makna saja. Semisal lagu Kijing-kijing, itu sebagai contohnya, seolah hendak mendedahkan sebuah sindiran tanpa harus membuat yang disindirnya merasa tersinggung.

 

Selain mengandung aspek psikologis dan historis, yang tentu juga kandungan kearifan yang umum sifatnya, ada juga folklore dan lagu dolanan yang hendak menyindir, mengejek, sekaligus memotivasi atau menyemangati siapa saja atau seseorang yang ragu-ragu dan kurang memiliki tekad untuk berbuat sesuatu, semisal dicontohkan lagu dolanan yang berjudul Sumbul Bamban berikut: “Sumbul bamban sumbul bamban // Isine bebotok doang // Subuh dandan subuh dandan // Bisane dodok doang.” Lagu dolanan ini juga sebenarnya multi-tafsir. Contohnya kita bisa saja menerjemahkannya sebagai sindirian kepada seorang perempuan yang malas dan terlampau senang berhias atau berdandan hingga sehari-harinya malas bekerja atau hanya duduk-duduk saja.

 

Atau kita juga bisa menafsirkan dan menerjemahkan lagu dolanan tersebut sebagai ejekan dan sindiran kepada seseorang yang meski telah rajin berdandan dan berhias, ternyata tak bisa berbuat apa-apa untuk memikat lawan jenisnya. Ragam tafsir itu sah-sah saja mengingat folklore dan lagu dolanan memang banyak yang tidak terlampau verbal alias yang secara saklek hendak mengemukakan apa yang dimaksudkan dan diceritakannya secara jelas atau rigid. Hingga kira-kira, di situ pulalah, terletak kearifan dan kekuatan literer folklore dan dolanan itu sendiri sebagai sebuah khasanah kesusastraan sekaligus historiografis dan psikologis masyarakat yang memproduksi dan menuturkan folklore dan dolanan tersebut.

 

Dalam folklore dan dolanan, kearifan masyarakat, sebagai contohnya, diaplikasikan dan diterjemahkan ke dalam nyanyian dan permainan. Dan selain memiliki maksud pedagogik dan memiliki kandungan yang sifatnya historis, folklore dan dolanan juga dapat menjadi cerminan rasa dan apa yang ada dalam jiwa, atau katakanlah aspek psikologis, masyarakat yang memproduksi dan menuturkannya, seperti dicontohkan lagu dolanan bahasa Jawa Banten berikut, yang pada saat bersamaan mengandung aspek pedagogik, psikologis, dan historiografis:

 

“Pitik tulak pitik tukung // tetulak si jabang bayi, // ngadohaken cacing racak, // sawan sarab pan sumingkir,  si tukang merkungkung arsa, // tetulak si jabang bayi. // Ngingu pitik berangbung, // tulak walik rob jaladri, // wulane amantya warna, // abang ireng putih kuning, // sing tukang majoni marga, // tulak walik aneng wuri. // Yen lara tan tambane pun, // godong pasrah ing Yang Widi, // brangbang lega ing manah, // adas lawan Pulosari, // lawan sinandingan do;a, // puraging jabang bayi. // Si Jabang bayi puniku, // kekasihing sukma jati, // rinaksa ing malaikat, // kinipasan widadari, // ginendeng para oliya, // pinayungan kanjeng nabi. // Jabang bayi agi turu, // pungpung raine becik, // ana ule lan kelabang, // ana lamuk memedeni, //lah uwis agi turuwa, // ana kokok beluk muni. // Ana kinjeng-tangis mabur, // miber ing kayangan niki, // angrungu tangis si jabang, // anulye si kinjeng balik, // ngetokaken kang memala // tumungkul sarwi cempuni.

 

Sebagai penutup tulisan ini, seperti diungkapkan Dr. Mufti Ali dari Bantenologi, ada satu paparan menarik yang diutarakan Mas Mangoen Dikaria tentang lagu dolanan Jawa-Banten yang berjudul Gegempalang, yang bunyinya sebagai berikut: Gegempalang wohing aren gelondong // wohing penjalin // umah-umah Banjar Kulon // kulon-kulon sekedaton // kedatone kupat kuning // kupat kuning kayu andong // andong kayu ketumpang // ketumpang lalawuh urang // dening rangde lusuh kembang. Menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria, lagu dolanan ini menjelaskan tentang taksonomi tumbuhan, tanaman, dan sejumlah toponimi atau nama tempat. Kata gegempalang artinya adalah buah enau yang sudah tua atau wohing aren. Sementara gelondong adalah rotan atau wohing penjalin, dan kedaton artinya keraton. Sedangkan kayu andong dan ketumpang merujuk pada sejenis tanaman yang kayunya dipakai sebagai tumbak dan sejenis tanaman dengan batang kecil yang berdaun lebar dan biasanya dapat dipakai sebagai obat. Dan rangde kembang berarti janda yang masih muda.

 

Akan tetapi, menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria, seperti diungkapkan kembali oleh Dr. Mufti Ali dari Bantenologi, lagu dolanan ini sebenarnya mengandung makna sindiran jika dipahami secara mendalam. Lagu dolanan ini, salah-satunya, memberikan gambaran ilustratif tentang kemaluan pria dan wanita. Gegempalang menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria sesungguhnya bermakna “gegem palang”, di mana kata “gegem” merujuk pada kayu yang bentuknya seperti bagian belakang kura-kura, bagian pinggirnya rendah dan tengahnya cembung, yang akan mengingatkan kita kepada bentuk kemaluan perempuan. Sementara “wohing aren” atau buah enau, ketika masih muda disebut cengkaleng, yang bilang dilafalkan sukukata akhirnya saja maka akan berbunyi “leng” yang artinya lubang.

 

Selanjutnya, gelondong artinya jaro atau kepala desa, yang penyebutannya hampir sama dengan kata jero (dalam). Wohing penjalin atau buah rotan disebut kesur yang hampir sama bunyinya dengan susur (tembakau yang digunakan untuk membersihkan gigi) yang biasanya ditempatkan di antara dua bibir. Sedangkan umah-umah maksudnya adalah posisi atau tempat susur tersebut, dan banjar berbanjar atau berbaris. Kulon artinya kilen atau kekalen dan sekedaton artinya seperti kedaton (keraton) raja-raja dahulu yang biasanya berada di ujung kampung atau perkampungan. Lalu, kupat kuning atau ketupat kuning sering disebut juga koja berukuran segitiga, karena ada kupat jantung yang bentuknya seperti jantung. Kayu andong biasa dipakai untuk tombak. Jadi, menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria, kupat kuning dan kayu andong dalam lagu dolanan gegempalang itu merujuk pada kemaluan laki-laki. Dan pelafalan andong hampir mirip dengan gendong, dan pelafalan ketumpang hampir mirip dengan numpang.

 

Jika demikian, menurut Mas Mangun Dikaria, salah-satu makna tersembunyi dari lagu dolanan gegempalang tersebut adalah bahwa lagu dolanan itu sebenarnya sedang menggambarkan adegan intim seorang pria dengan seorang janda kembang. Makna dan maksud tersembunyi tersebut, setidak-tidaknya, telah menunjukan kearifan orang-orang Banten masa lalu dalam menggubah sebuah nyanyian yang mengandung kiasan dan sindiran, yang tak ragu lagi telah mencerminkan tingginya kearifan dan kemahiran literer masyarakat Banten di masa lalu.

 

Sulaiman Djaya

Sumber: Harian Radar Banten 15 Februari 2013

 

Banten Girang di Tahun 1920

 

 

Carel Reyniersz

 

 

Portrait of Carel Reyniersz

Carel Reyniersz (1604–1653) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1650 until 1653.

Reyniersz (or Reiniersz) was born in Amsterdam in 1604 (or perhaps 1602). He left for the Indies in 1627 as Upperbuyer (opperkoopman) on the Dutch Coromandel (Karnataka). He was promoted to Governor of the Coromandel Coast in 1635, even though he had been accused of engaging in (forbidden) private/personal trading. In 1636 he became Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extra-ordinair) of the Dutch Council of the Indies. He returned to Amsterdam as Admiral of the returning fleet in 1638 and established himself as a merchant there. However, he lost his entire fortune, so left again, this time aboard the Salamander, for India on 24 April 1645. He arrived there on 3 December 1645. The following year, 1646, he became a full Counsellor of the Indies.

His allocated task was to carry out a new policy in the Indies. Most importantly, he was, as far as possible to eliminate sources of competition. He was to take action against private trading and to deal with too much production of spices by having trees cut down. Reinier stuck strictly to this policy, which lead to much conflict in West Ceram, where the population would not accept the destruction of their plantations. It took until 1658 for the area to be pacified.

Four years after Reyniersz become a Counsellor, Governor-General Cornelis van der Lijn received an honorable discharge (sic) and on 26 April 1650, Reyniersz was named his successor, a task he very much looked forward to. Four years later he was dismissed. The governors of the company were not pleased by the weakness of his rule. There still exists in the Netherlands his letter of dismissal. It indicates he was being dismissed because he had been unable to carry out the duties of his office, particularly maintaining peace. The letter was never sent, because Reynier had already written to the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) asking to be relieved of his office on health grounds. This letter arrived just before his dismissal letter was to be sent. The Seventeen Lords willingly agreed to his request, though he died before their response reached him, on the night of 18/19 May 1653. He was buried in Batavia, Dutch East Indies and was succeed as Governor-General by Joan Maetsuycker.

 

Joan Maetsuycker

 

 

Joan Maetsuycker, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. Painting by Jacob Jansz. Coeman in the Rijksmuseum

Joan Maetsuycker (October 14, 1606, Amsterdam – January 24, 1678, Batavia) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1653 to 1678.

Maetsuycker studied law in Leuven, and was a lawyer first in The Hague, and later in Amsterdam. From 1636, he lived in the Dutch East Indies. In 1646 he became the first Dutch Governor-General of Ceylon, and seven years later, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He stayed on that post for 25 years, which is the longest period for any Governor-General. The Dutch colony in the Indies flourished under Maetsuycker. Under his rule, the Portuguese lost Ceylon (1658), the coast of Coromandel (1658) and Malabar (1663); Makassar was conquered (1667), the west coast of Sumatra was occupied, and the first expedition to the interior of Java was held.

 

 

 

 

 

1660.

It is said (but the fact will admit of much doubt) that in 1660 she was inclined to marry one of their countrymen, and would have carried her design into execution had not the East India Company prevented by their authority a connexion that might, as they prudently judged, be productive of embarrassment to their affairs.

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States of western Borneo, ca 1800

Sulawesi and Maluku (The Moluccas)

Like Nusatenggara, the island of Sulawesi offers only a sparse historical and archaeological record before the 17th century. By the 14th century, states had begun to form in the southwestern peninsula (generally called South Sulawesi), but because there appears to have been little Indic cultural influence in this process, there are no significant inscriptions from this era. In 1300, the main states were Luwu’ (by tradition the oldest state in the region) and Soppeng, both of them consisting of powerful centres dominating a number of surrounding lesser states, including Sidenreng and Lamuru. Soppeng’s power seems to have been based especially on the export of rice, while Luwu’ exported iron from the interior. In the late 15th century, Soppeng appears to have declined in power, while Wajo’ emerged as junior member of an alliance with Luwu’. The dominance of Luwu’, however, was checked by the rise of Bone in the early 16th century, while a new power arose in the south in the form of Gowa. Little is known about the other peninsulas of Sulawesi in this period.

1700

In 1700

Sukadana (Matan)

suffered defeat in the war with the Hedgehog (vazal Bantam). Hedgehogs assisted Bantam and VOCs, so the porcupine and Sukadana Banten claims (mostly West Kalimantan) as its territory

Joan van Hoorn

 

 

Zijn portret door Cornelis de Bruijn.

Joan van Hoorn (1653–1711) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1704 until 1709.

Joan (or Johan) van Hoorn was born on 16 November 1653, son to the wealthy Amsterdam gunpowder manufacturer, Pieter Janszn van Hoorn and his wife Sara Bessels, a grandchild of Gerard Reynst. As the gunpowder trade was no longer doing so well, his influential friends got him named as Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extraordinair) to the Dutch Council of the Indies. The whole family left for the Indies in 1663, including Joan.

In 1665, when he was still only 12 years old, Joan van Hoorn was already Under-assistant (onder-assistant) in the Dutch East India Company (VOC). From July 1666 until January 1668, he accompanied his father on a mission to China, where he was received by the Kangxi Emperor. Thereafter, Van Hoorn made rapid progress in his career. He became Assistant (assistent) in 1671, Underbuyer (onderkoopman) in 1673, Buyer (koopman) and First Clerk to the general secretarial function in 1676. He was made Secretary to the High Government (Hoge Regering) of the Indies in 1678. On 11 August 1682 he became Counsellor-extraordinary to the Council of the Indies. In that same year he was sent on a visit to Bantam. He was also named President of the Weeskamer (overseeing the estates of orphans, etc.). In 1684, he became President of the College van Heemraden (looking after land boundaries, roads, etc.). A further visit to Bantam took place in 1685, following which he was named full Counsellor (Raad ordinair) of the Indies.

In 1691 Van Hoorn married Anna Struis. They had a daughter, Petronella Wilhelmina. She later married Jan Trip, the Mayor’s son. A later marriage saw Petronella married to the extremely wealthy Lubbert Adolf Torck, Lord of Roozendael.

Van Hoorn became Director-General in 1691. In this post, he completely reorganised the Company’s administration. Following the death of his wife, he remarried, in 1692, this time to Susanna, the daughter of the then Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn. He himself was named, on 20 September 1701, as Governor-General in succession to his father-in-law. However, he declined to accept the post until three other high officials (Mattheus de Haan, Hendrick Zwaardecroon and de Roo), nominated by him, were admitted to the High Government of the Indies. He did this as he had no faith in the existing Council. The Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) acceded to this demand and on 15 August 1704, Joan van Hoorn accepted the post of Governor General.

The early years of Joan van Hoorn’s term of office were marked by the war then raging – the First Javanese War of Succession (1704 – 1708) . At first the Company wanted to stay out of the conflict, but eventually they had to take sides. In 1705, Joan van Hoorn concluded an agreement with Mataram, which ceded West Java to the Company. Joan van Hoorn experimented with coffee plantation. Prices were determined by the merchants at Mocha so to do something about this, the Company tried growing coffee in other regions. Subsequently, there was great expansion of coffee growing, especially in the Priangan uplands near Batavia.

1705

Tuanku Panglima Gandar Wahid lahir dikerajaan deli.

On 16 November 1706,

 following the death of Susanna, Van Hoorn re-married, this time to Joanna Maria van Riebeeck, oldest daughter of the then Director-General Abraham van Riebeeck. She was also the widow of Gerard de Heere, who had been Counsellor of the Indies and Governor of Ceylon. A son was born on 2 February 1708, but he died shortly afterwards.

On 2 March 1708,

Joan van Hoorn’s request to leave post was granted. On 30 October 1709, he handed over the post to his father-in-law Abraham van Riebeeck. Despite his further request to remain in the Indies, he was recalled to the Netherlands, as Commander of the returning fleet. He bought a very pleasant house on the Herengracht in Amsterdam. The Heren XVII presented him with a gold chain and medallion. He died six months following his return on 21 February 1711. He was buried in the evening, as was then the fashion.

 

 

 

 

 

Christoffel van Swoll

Christoffel van Swoll (1663 – 12 November 1718) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 17 November 1713 until his death.

He was born in 1663 in Amsterdam. On 19 December 1683, he left for Batavia on board the Juffrouw Anna as an assistant in the service of the Dutch East India Company. He arrived in Batavia on 19 June 1664 and began working in the General Secretariat. He was regularly promoted. In 1686 he was promoted to Accountant, in 1690 to First Clerk to the General Secretariat, and in 1691 to Buyer. In 1696, he was appointed as Secretary to the High Government (de Hoge Regering). In 1700 he became Raad extra-ordinair (Counsellor extraordinary) and President of the College van Weesmeesteren (an orpanage). In 1701 he was named Raad ordinair van Indië (Full Counsellor of the Indies). On 3 May 1703 he became President of the College van Schepenen (Aldermen) at Batavia. Following the death of Governor-General Abraham van Riebeeck, the Council (Raad) chose van Swoll, by a slim majority, as Governor-General (on 17 November 1713). This proposal was sent to the 17 Lords of the Indies (de Heren XVII) on 18 May 1714 who confirmed his appointment in 1715, despite his difficulty character. His honesty was the deciding factor in those times of corruption and maladministration.

As Governor-General, he put a lot of energy into dealing with the private, or unofficial, trade. In this he was not really successful. In general, there was nothing particularly remarkable about his time in office. He was no great promoter of development, such as extending coffee farming. He was also against extending the territory of the Company, because he thought it would then become ungovernable.He suddenly dropped the price the Chinese got for tea by a third. The result was that the trade in tea (and porcelain) collapsed for years.

Four years after his provisional appointment as Governor-General, he died in Batavia on 12 November 1718. He was buried in the Church of the Holy Cross (Kruiskerk). His successor was named as Hendrick Zwaardecroon.

 

 

Hendrick Zwaardecroon

Hendrick or Henricus Zwaardecroon (26 January 1667, Rotterdam – 12 August 1728, Batavia, Dutch East Indies) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1718 until 1725.

[edit] Early career

Zwaardecroon left for the East Indies as a midshipman aboard the Purmer in December 1684 and arrived in Batavia in October 1685. During the trip he had several times been employed as secretary to Commissioner-General Van Rheede, which enabled him to make quick progress in his career with the Dutch East India Company (VOC). In 1686 he became Bookkeeper (boekhouder) and subsequently Underbuyer (onderkoopman). In 1694, he was promoted to Buyer (koopman) and in 1694 to Senior Buyer (opperkoopman). In the same year he was appointed Commander (commandeur) in Jafnapatham in Ceylon. He was Commissioner (commissaris) on the Malabar Coast and acting Governor of Ceylon in 1697. He became, in 1703, Secretary to the High Government of the Indies (Hoge Regering) in Batavia, and in 1704, through the influence of the Governor-General, Joan van Hoorn, an extraordinary member of the Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van de Indië). Through that membership, and later because the Governor-General Christoffel van Swoll had been trying to get him removed from the Council, preferably by promotion elsewhere, it took until 1715 before the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) named him as full member (gewoon lid).

[edit] Governor-general of the Dutch East Indies

The day after the death of Christoffel van Swoll, on 12 November 1718, Zwaardecroon was named Governor-General. Only on 10 September 1720, was he confirmed in this post. His dismissal, by his own desire, came on 16 October 1724, though he handed the actual office to Mattheus de Haan only on 8 July 1725.

During his term of office, Zwaardecroon had to deal with a lot of unrest in Batavia, including arson in the dockyards and an attack on the gunpowder stores. The wealthy Pieter Eberveld, had inherited some land from his father. The government laid claim to a part of this estate. Eberveld planned an attack on the Dutchmen but some of his slaves warned the government and the attack was thwarted. He confessed on the rack and was condemned to death, along with other plotters. His house was destroyed and a wall erected around where it had stood.[1] His head was stuck on a lance and attached to the wall. A stone with an inscription was erected, indicating that never again would anything be built on that spot. [2] It was only removed during the Japanese occupation (World War II).

Zwaardecrood had always had a great interest in developing new products. He encouraged coffee-planting in Priangan in Java so that coffee production grew quickly. From 1723, the whole of the harvest had to be delivered to the Company. Then Zwaardecroon introduced silk production into Java as well as the production of vegetable dyes. Silk production was not so successful. In 1772 he re-established the Chinese tea trade, which had been disrupted.

In 1719, Pakubuwono I of Kartasura in East Java died and was succeeded by his son, Amangkurat IV. Two of his brothers did not recognise his succession and rose in revolt, attacking Kartasura. This was repulsed by the Dutch occupying troops, but Zwaardecroon felt himself compelled to send more troops to East Java. The revolt was put down by 1723, but it took until 1752 until real peace was restored in the area. (Second Javanese War of Succession 1719 – 1723 [3]). Zwaardecroon took action against private traders, and thus got better relations with local Company top shareholders (Bewindhouders). In 1726, he had 26 Company servants brought to Batavia on charges of corruption.

Zwaardecroon died on 12 August 1738 in his estate at Kaduang near Batavia. He said he felt more at home with ordinary townsfolk, and so at his request he was not buried with his predecessors as Governor-General, but in the graveyard of the Portuguese Church Outside the Walls at Batavia (Portuguese Buitenkerk) in Batavia, where his grave can still be visited

 

Mattheus de Haan

Mattheus de Haan (1663 – 1729) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1725 to 1729. (His portrait can be seen at [1]).

He was born in Dordrecht in 1663. On 26 October 1671 he left for the Indies, where his father had been appoined as Underbuyer (onderkoopman) in the Dutch East India Company (VOC). He then quickly went through posts in the lower levels of that organisation in Dutch Suratte. There, in 1676, he was made Provisional Assistant (provisioneel assistent), and in 1681 he became assistent. He became Bookkeeper (boekhouder) in 1683, and, in 1685, onderkoopman (Underbuyer/Undermerchant). Ten years later, in 1695, he was promoted to Buyer/Merchant (koopman). The next year he had to move to Batavia, to take up the post of Second Senior Buyer (tweede opperkoopman) in the Company’s headquarters there. Two years later, in 1698, he was promoted to First Senior Buyer (eerste opperkoopman). He became Secretary (secretaris) to the High Government of the Indies in 1700 and, in 1702, Vice-President of the Council of Justice. He was made a Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extraordinair) of the Dutch Council of the Indies in 1704. He was then appointed President of the College van Schepenen in 1705. Five years later, he was made full Counsellor of the Indies and in 1722 he became Director-General. On 16 October 1724 he was nominated Governor-General, taking over from Henrick Zwaardecroon on 8 July 1725.

Characteristic of his time in office was his opposition Zwaardecroon’s encouragement of silk cultivation. Coffee production in the de Preanger region (the Priangan fr:Priangan uplands to the south of Batavia) went enormously well and de Haan felt that this would lead to a decline in coffee prices in Europe, so he lowered the prices paid to the coffee farmers. Their response was to chop down some of the coffee plantations. This was not what was intended, and De Haan forbade it. Meanwhile, there was further heavy damage to the production of coffee. Coffee from Java went mainly to Europe. They never managed to get into the Asian market. Coffee from Mocha took off there, as did the Arabic coffee of the English. No action was taken against this. The English also began to play a more important role in the cotton and tea trade.

Following a very unremarkable term in office (De Haan had all his life been more interested in repose than in action), the Governor-General died, after lying ill for three days, on 1 June 1729. He was buried in Batavia and was followed as Governor-General by Diederik Durven.

1728

Tuanku Panglima Penderap Sultan Deli II wafat, dan dimakamkan dipulau berayan.Pada waktu memilih penerus kerajan Deli, timbul perselisihan antara keempat putera sultan Deli II Panglima Penderap, Tuanku Jalaludin sebagai putra pertama tidak dapat menjadi penerus karena ada cacat dimatanya, Tuanku Pasutan sangat berambisi menjadi sultan deli, terjadilah perselisihan diantara mereka, Tuanku Umar Johan bersama ibunya Tuanku Puan sampali  diusir  keSerdang ,sedangkan Tuanku Gandar Wahid sebagai  Raja deli V’

Pasutan tahun 1728 memindahkan  pusat kerjaan dari Padang datar  sebutan kota meedan saat itu ke Kampung Alai sebutan dari Lahuan deli saat itu.Untuk memperkuat dirinya dia mengangkat gelar datuk kepada 4 suku  yang dikenal dengan nama Datuk empat suku yaitu : Datuk XII kota(daerah hamparan Perak dan sekitarnya), Datuk Sebarnyaman( daerah sunggal dan sekitarnya), Datuk Senembah (Daerah Patumbak,Tanjung Morawa dan sekitarnya0, Datuk suka Piring (daerah Kampung Baru dan medan sekitarnya)

Pada Masa  Tuanku Pasutan ini  Kerajaan siak XSri inderaPura berperang dengan kerajaan Aceh untuk merebut  Kerajaan Deli.

Diederik Durven

 

 

Diederik Durven

Diederik Durven (born Delft, 1676, died 26 February 1740) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1 June 1729 until 28 May 1732

Durven studied Law at Leiden University where he graduated in 19 July 1702. He became an advocate in Delft in 1704. In 1705, he was nominated as a member of the Council of Justice at Batavia in the Indies. He left for Batavia on the “Grimmestein” on the 4 January 1706. In 1706, he arrived in Batavia. After his appointment in 1720 to the Council of the Indies, he was sent, in 1722 and 1723, to supervise the gold- and silver-mines in Parang province. Subsequently, he became(in 1723) chairman of the College van Heemraden (i.e. drainage board, comparable to a polder board in the Dutch Republic), which was responsible for the management of land outside the city, including supervision of boundaries. He later become President of the Council of Justice – the supreme court of Dutch Asia. In 1729, Mattheus de Haan died. Diederik Durven succeeded him as provisional Governor-General. This did not last long, as the Directors of the East India Company were very impatient of the speed of change there. Following alleged financial misbehaviour, though more probably as a scapegoat, he was dismissed on 9 October 1731. Diederik Durven died in the Netherlands on 26 February 1740. He was succeeded by Dirck van Cloon.

 

Dirck van Cloon

 

 

Dirck van Cloon as Governor General of the Indies

Dirck van Cloon (1684 – 10 March 1735) was Eurasian Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He died of malaria at the age of 46.

He was born in Batavia sometime in 1684. For his education and training he was sent to the Netherlands. He graduated in Law at Leiden University on 1 April 1707.

He returned he to Batavia on the clipper ‘Donkervliet’ and spent some time in Dutch Coromandel. He was among other things a district overseer in Sadraspatnam. He got into a fight with the governor of Coromandel, Adriaan de Visser, who accused Van Cloon of delivering bad quality goods. The government in Batavia sent Van Cloon back to the Netherlands, but he persuaded the Directors of the Dutch East India Company that de Visser was not to be trusted. Van Cloon was reinstated and he left for the Indies on 4 November 1719 on board the ‘van de Huis te Assenburg’ as Supercargo. In 1720, he became district chief at Negapatnam. In 1723, he became Governor of Dutch Coromandel. In 1724, he returned to Batavia to advise the Governor-General and in 1730, he became “Raad-ordinair” (chief advisor) of the Indies.

On the 9th of October 1731 the Directors of the Dutch East India Company named Dirck van Cloon Governor-General of the Indies, to which he succeed on 28 May 1732, following the disgrace of Diederik Durven. By 20 December 1733 van Cloon was asking to resign because of sickness. He died in post, however, and it was not until after he had died that his successor took over. Van Cloon was involved in a stand-off with the nascent Swedish East India Company, but he resolved it amicably. Less happy was an insurrection of unemployed Chinese sugar plantation workers. This was caused by the collapse of the sugar market, due to over-production and government mishandling.

 

Abraham Patras

 

 

Governor General Abraham Patras

Abraham Patras (22 May 1671 – 3 May 1737) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 11 March 1735 until 3 May 1737. He was born in Grenoble of a refugee French Huguenot family. In 1685, his family fled to the Netherlands.

[edit] Early career

Patras first took a job in the offices of an Amsterdam merchant named Nathaniël Gauthier (a fellow Huguenot), but he left for the Indies aboard the Hobree on 4 January 1690, where he is described as a soldier in the employ of the Enkhuizen branch of the Dutch East India Company. In 1691, he sought a change of career and got a temporary post as an agent in Batavia. In 1695 he became assistant/secretary to the Chinese estates-management administration in Ambon Island. In 1698 he was put in charge of children and matrimonial matters. He married in 1699 to a daughter of an official of the Judicial Council in Ambon. His wife died on the 16 December 1700. His only daughter also died young.

[edit] Rising through the ranks

Patras was nominated to the Council of Justice in 1700, and in 1703, he went to work as under-secretary (onderkoopman) for the Governor of the Moluccas Islands. In 1707, he became the Head (opperhoofd) of the trading post at Jambi, where his headquarters were attacked. Although severely wounded in the back, he survived. He was merchant, then Chief Factor in Palembang in 1711. In 1717, he was promoted to Chief Merchant (opperkoopman) and Office holder (gezaghebber) of the west coast of Sumatra. It was 1720 that saw him promoted to Inspector General of Accounts for the Dutch East Indies (visitateur-generaal van Nederlands-Indië). In 1721, he was sent as an envoy to Jambi. In 1722, he was appointed deputee-overseer of goods coming in and out of the castle at Batavia. In 1724, he got the very lucrative post of Head of the Dutch Bengal trading post. In 1731, he was appointed as extraordinary (i.e. co-opted) member of the Council of the Indies.

[edit] Governor-General

On the 10 March 1735 on the death of Governor-General Dirck van Cloon, Patras very surprisingly was nominated Governor-General. He had never been a full member of the Council of the Indies, so this was a first, and was caused by him slipping through as a compromise candidate following a stalemate in the voting. He was not keen to take on the post in these circumstances, but agreed to do so until a better candidate could be found. On 11 March 1735 he was nominated interim Governor-General, a decision which was approved by the Directors of the East India Company.

During his short period of office, no significant decisions were made. Although he was a competent leader and had built up a great deal of practical knowledge of the territories, his age (at 64) probably ensured that he was not a very powerful Governor-General.

He died two years after his appointment during the night of 3 May 1737. He was buried in Batavia on 6 May 1737. He was a pious and good-hearted man who had lived a very modest life. The governor-generalship was taken over by Adriaan Valckenier.\\

 

 

 

Adriaan Valckenier

 

 

Adriaan Valckenier

Adriaan Valckenier (6 June 1695, Amsterdam – 20 June 1751, Batavia, Dutch East Indies), was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 3 May 1737 until 6 November 1741 and involved in the Chinese Massacre of 1740. Valckenier died in a prison in Batavia.

[edit] Biography

Valckenier’s father, an alderman and secretary in Amsterdam, was an official of the Dutch East India Company based in Amsterdam. He was the son to Gillis Valckenier, one of the great regents of Amsterdam during the later Dutch Golden Age. On 22 October 1714, Adriaan left on board the ‘Linschoten’ to be assistant buyer (onderkoopman) in the Dutch East Indies, where he arrived on 21 June 1715 at Batavia.

In 1726, he became merchant and chief buyer (opperkoopman); in 1727 he was “Accountant General” (boekhouder-generaal) of the Dutch Indies; in 1730, he was first appointed to the Council of the Indies (Raad extra-oridinair), and, in 1733, as a full “Councillor”. In 1736, he was made “First Councillor” and “Director-General”, but was beaten to the post of Governor General by Abraham Patras. On the latter’s death, he was named Governor General by the Council of the Indies on 3 May 1737.

[edit] The Chinese Massacre of 1740

Main article: 1740 Batavia massacre

It was during the rule of Adriaan Valckenier that the notorious slaughter of Chinese took place in Batavia (the so-called Chinese Massacre). A previous Governor General (Henricus Zwaardecroon) had encouraged many Chinese to come to Batavia. Something between 20% and 50% of the population were Chinese. They worked in the construction of the houses and fortifications of Batavia and on the sugar plantations outside the city. Many Chinese merchants also took a leading, if (from the Dutch point of view) illegal, role in the trade with China. From 1725 the sugar trade began to collapse (partly because of competition from Brazil).[citation needed] Unemployment in the countryside grew, and along with that, unrest. This spread to Batavia as unemployed Chinese left the countryside to seek work or food relief there. The authorities were alarmed at this and began issuing residence permits, and requiring those with permits to live in specific areas. Unrest grew to a full scale insurrection in the countryside in September 1740, when the Dutch had suggested transporting unemployed Chinese to other Dutch colonies in Ceylon and South Africa. A rumour spread that they would all be thrown overboard en route, and riots in the countryside exploded

The Dutch authorities were afraid that the Chinese within Batavia were collaborating with the insurrection and, over the 9 and 10 October, brutal searches were made of Chinese areas, in which many thousands were killed, often after having been arrested. This “massacre” lasted three days, followed by many more days of looting and arson, with no obvious attempt on the government’s part to stop the violence. One estimate is that between 5,000 and 10,000 Chinese (men, women and children) were killed in total

 

Johannes Thedens

 

 

Johannes Thedens (1680, Friedrichstadt – 19 March 1748, Batavia) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 6 November 1741 until 28 May 1743.

Thedens, born in a largely Dutch settlement in Schleswig-Holstein, sailed on 17 December 1697 as a soldier aboard the ‘’’Unie’’’ to the Dutch East Indies. In 1702 he was appointed to the post of ‘’’Assistant’’’ in the Dutch East India Company and in 1719, to ‘’’Buyer’’’ (‘’’koopman’’’). He then progressed (between 1723 and 1725) up through the ranks to ‘’’Chief Buyer’’’ (‘’’opperkoopman’’’) then ‘’’Head of Post’’’ (opperhoofd) at Deshima in Japan.[1]

In 1731, he was co-opted to the Council of the Indies and in 1736, he was made a full member (‘’’Raad-ordinair of Indie’’’). In 1740 he was appointed by the Directors as a ‘’’First Councillor and Director General’’’ of the Indies. On 6 November 1741, following the dismissal of Adriaan Valckenier, (whom he had arrested and placed in prison in the castle at Batavia), he became ‘’’interim’’’ Governor General . He continued in office up to 28 May 1743, and was able to overcome the Chinese insurrection and put the sugar trade on a better footing. He was succeeded by Gustaaf Willem baron van Imhoff.

Jacob Mossel

 

 

Jacob Mossel

Jacob Mossel (28 November 1704 – 15 May 1761) went from being a common sailor to become Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1750 to 1761.

He was of noble birth, born in Enkhuizen. When he was 15 he left as an able-bodied seaman aboard a Fluyt (a type of Dutch sailing cargo vessel) called de Haringthuyn, bound for the Indies. As his family had a coat of arms, he was able to obtain a privileged position, through Dirk van Cloon, and was sent to the Dutch Coromandel (1721). On the 30th of March 1730, he married Adriana Appels, the fourteen-year old stepdaughter of Adriaan van Pla, Governor of Dutch Coromandel. Jacob Mossel worked himself up finally to Governor and Director of Dutch Coromandel. In 1740 he got the title of Counsellor-extraordinary of the Indies and in 1742 he became a member of the Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van Indië) in Batavia/Jakarta. In 1745, he became the first Director of the Amfioensociëteit, which tried to regulate its monopoly of the trade in opium. In 1747, he was named as the Director-General (the second highest post in the Dutch East Indies). When in 1750, Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff died, Mossel succeeded him as Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He remained in post until his own death in 1761.

Jacob Mossel ruled the Indies during a period in which things got steadily worse for the Dutch East India Company. He made may economies and he ended the war in Bantam Province,recognising that his predecessor had handled things badly. The Dutch were threatened by the expansion of the British East India Company. In the battle for Bengal, Mossel lost to the British. Mossel was a supporter of the policy to allow private entrepreneurs to trade for themselves in the territory of the Indies. This concerned small scale trading in which the Company could make no profit. Following that, Batavia/Jakarta underwent a period of growth, which, because of his successors tax regulations, came to nothing. The Company was plagued by corruption and self-interest among its office holders. Jacob Mossel was also involved in this. His great fortune could not in any case have been put together from his official salary. The initiatives he took against corruption were not very effective. To curb exaggerated displays of wealth, in 1754 he brought in a so-called “Regulation against pomp and splendour”, which tried to lay down exactly what wealth an officer could display. These details went from the number of buttonholes they could have to the size of their houses. Of course, the regulations did not apply to himself, and there was great feasting at his daughter’s wedding. After his death at Batavia/Jakarta, from a wasting disease, he was given a magnificent funeral

1761

Tuanku Pasutan gandar Wahit mangkat, dimakamkan didaerah labuhan.Dia digantikan oleh putranya Tuanku Panglima Kanduhid sebagai Sultan Deli V.Kanduhid menikah dengan putri Datuk XII Hamparan Perak dan ditahun yang sama lahirlah Tuanku Amaluddin.

Dibawah pemerintahannya Datuk Empat suku  semakin kokoh sebagai Wakil Rakyat karena peranannya semakin nyata sebagai pengaman rakyat.

Raja deli V ini memindahkan pusat pemerintahan dari hulu ke hilir Labuhan deli ,pemindahan pusat pemerintahan yang berulang kali ini tujuannya untuk mengkokohkan kawasan tersebut.Dalam pemerintahan sultan deli V ini mengokohkan perdagangan hasil bumi dengan daerah lain.

Petrus Albertus van der Parra

Petrus Albertus van der Parra (29 September 1714 – 28 December 1775) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 15 May 1761 to 28 December 1775. (See portrait at [1])

[edit] Biography

Petrus Albertus van der Parra was born in Colombo, the son of a Secretary to the government of Ceylon. His great-grandfather had come to India and the family had lived there ever since. In 1728, he began his career at fourteen years old. As everyone had to start as a soldier, he began as a “soldaat van de penne”, then became an “assistent” in 1731, and “boekhouder” (bookkeeper) in 1732. He had to move house in 1736 to take up a new job as “onderkoopman” (underbuyer/undermerchant), and at the same time “collectionist” (collector) and “boekhouder” to the General Secretary at Batavia/Jakarta. He became “koopman” (buyer/merchant) and “geheimschrijver” (secrets secretary) in 1739. He became Second Secretary to the High Government (Hoge Regering), becoming First Secretary in 1747. He became Counsellor-extraordinary of the Indies later that year (November) and in 1751 became a regular Counsellor. In 1752 he became President of the College van Heemraden (in charge of estate boundaries, roads, etc.). He was later a member of the “Schepenbank” (the local government and court in Batavia), a Regent (a board member) of the hospital and in 1755 he became First Counsellor and Director-General (Eerste Raad en Directeur-Generaal)

On 15 May 1761, following the death of Jacob Mossel he became Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. Confirmation of his appointment by the Heren XVII (the Seventeen Lords, who controlled the Dutch East India Company) came in 1762. He held a lavish inauguration on his birthday on 29 September. Subsequently, his birthday was a national holiday in the Indies. During his time as Governor-General, he overthrew the Prince of Kandy, in Ceylon, though with difficulty, and he conquered the sultanate of Siak in Sumatra. Contracts were entered into with various regional leaders in Bima, Soembawa, Dompo, Tambora, Sangar and Papekat. Apart from that, the rule of Van der Parra can be called weak. He favoured his friends and gave out well-paid posts if he could get anything in return for them. It was said he was a typical colonial ruler, idle, grumpy but generous to those who fawned upon him and recognised his greatness. It was a golden time for the preachers in Batavia, who got gifts, translations of the New Testament and scholarships from Van der Parra. They worshipped and eulogised him. Although the Heren XVII knew about his behaviour, as five Counsellors had written to them about his pretentions to kingly behaviour, they did nothing about it.

In 1770, Captain James Cook had to ask for his help to proceed on his journeys on HMS Endeavour (See s:Captain Cook’s Journal, First Voyage/Chapter 9). At the end of the 19th Century, a steamship, trading to the Indies, was named after him. ([2])

After over fourteen years in power, he died on 28 September 1775 in Weltevreden, the imposing palace built for him outside Batavia/Jakarta. (See images at [3] and [4]). He apparently left a great deal of his fortune to the widows of Colombo and a smaller part to the poor of Batavia ([5]) He was followed as Governor by Jeremias van Riemsdijk

 

Jeremias van Riemsdijk

Jeremias van Riemsdijk (18 October 1712 – 3 October 1777) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, from 28 December 1775 to 3 October 1777.

Jeremias van Riemsdijk was born on 18 October 1712 in Utrecht, the son to Scipio van Riemsdijk, the minister of Bunnik near Houten, and Johanna Bogaert. He entered into service with the Dutch East India Company as a sergeant left for the Indies, aboard the van de Proostwijk, on 25 February 1735. Very shortly after his arrival in Batavia/Jakarta on 14 September 1735, he entered the civil (as opposed to military) service. Jeremias was the nephew of the future Governor-General Adriaan Valckenier (1737-1741), who at the time was still a member of the Council of the Indies. H could therefore expect to make rapid progress in his career. In 1736 he became onderkoopman (underbuyer/undermerchant), in 1738 koopman (buyer/merchant), in 1740 tweede opperkoopman (second upperbuyer/uppermerchant) and in 1742 eerste opperkoopman (first upperbuyer/uppermerchant) in the castle headquarters at Batavia/Jakarta. In 1743 he became the chief (kapitein) of the company of clerical/writing staff (pennisten) and in October Jeremias van Riemsdijk was named Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extra-ordinaier) to the Council of the Indies. In 1759 he was appointed President of the College van Weesmeesters (dealing with the affairs of orphans, minors, etc.). On 15 October 1760 he was named ordinary Counsellor (Raad ordinair) and on 17 August 1764 Director-General.

On 28 December 1775, following the death of Petrus Albertus van der Parra, Van Riemsdijk was chosen as Governor-General. He had had at the time five marriages, to leading Eurasian ladies. He had learned a lot from the eleven years he had worked with his predecessor, whose great appetite for money he had acquired. During his term in office, there was a shortage of ships and ship personnel. This problem was solved with help from the homeland. However, shortly after his governorship had begun, Jeremias van Riemsdijk died in Batavia/Jakarta. He was followed as Governor-General by Reynier de Klerck

 

Reynier de Klerck

Reynier de Klerck (or Reinier de Klerck) (1710 – 1780) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 9 October 1778 until 1 September 1780.

De Klerk’s date of birth is not known but he was baptised on 19 November 1710 in Middelburg. He worked as midshipman aboard the Kamer van Zeeland, a warship, whose duty was to protect the routes of homeward bound cargo ships. He made two trips to India as a sailor in the service of the Dutch East India Company. In December 1730, he left permanently for India aboard the t Vliegend Hert.

Between 1735 and 1737 he was the pilot aboard a small ship which traded to and fro between Batavia and Padang. In 1737 he became an accountant (boekhouder) with the Dutch East India Company, and so began for him a life on land. In 1738, he was onderkoopman and resident (underbuyer/undermerchant and resident) in Lampung. In 1741 he was a secretary with the army on Java. In 1742 he became Chief in Surabaya and in 1744 koopmand en eerste administrateur (buyer/merchant and first administrator) in Semarang. In 1747, he was named opperkoopmand en tweede bestuurder (upperbuyer/uppermerchant and second in charge) of Java’s Northeast Coast. In 1748 he became Governor and Director of Banda. He moved to Batavia/Jakarta in 1754 when he was made president of the College van Boedelmeesteren der Chinesche en andere onchristelijke sterfhuizen (which looked after Chinese and other non-Christian burial facilities) for Batavia. In October 1754, Reynier de Klerck was installed as Counsellor-extraordinary of the Indies, and in 1762 was appointed as Counsellor in the Dutch Council of the Indies. In 1775 he became acting Director-General, being named actual Director-General in 1776.

On 4 October 1777, the day after the death of Governor-General Jeremias van Riemsdijk, he was unanimously chosen as Governor-General. He took up the official functions of the post one year later, 9 October 1778. Reynier de Klerck was a hardworking governor. He was a powerful reformer, who however could not realise all his ideas. He was very committed to bringing Dutch culture to the Indies. Thus he wanted to replace Portugueseand Malay with Dutch in the education system. His endeavours failed however because the local population did not want this. During his term of office, few important happenings occurred. A conflict in the Celebes was brought to an end by occupying Gowa, while the Sultan of Bantam Landak and Batjan gave way to the Dutch East India Company. To preserve the spice monopoly, the Princes of Tidore and Batjan were deposed and sent into exile to Batavia. They were replaced by puppets of the Company.

The term of office of van Reynier de Klerck did not last long, for he died on 1 September 1780 in Molenvliet near Batavia. He was followed as governor by Willem Arnold Alting.

Reynier de Klerck’s house in old Batavia can still be seen, as the National Archives Museum on Jalan Gajah Mada, Jakarta.

1780

Kesultanan Siak menaklukan Kerajaan deli.

Willem Arnold Alting

 

 

Portret van Willem Alting uit (Tischbein, 1788)

Willem Arnold Alting (1724 – 1800) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1780 until 1797.

Alting was born in Groningen on 11 November 1724. He studied in his hometown and graduated in law.

He left on 18 October 1750 for the Indies on board the de Middelburg as an onderkoopman (underbuyer/undermerchant) for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). He spent the rest of his life in the Indies. In 1754 he became koopman (buyer/merchant) and in 1759 First Secretary to the government. In 1763 he became Counsellor-extraordinary (Buitengewoon Raad) and in 1772 full Counsellor (Raad ordinaris). In 1777 he became First Counsellor (Eerste Raad) was named Director-General.

From March 1780 he was acting Governor-General, because of the sickness of his predecessor, Reynier de Klerck. Following the death of de Klerck, on 1 September 1780 he was chosen by the Dutch Council of the Indies as provisional Governor-General. He carried on this function for seventeen years.

De Klerck had wanted to bring the use of Dutch into the educational system, but Alting revoked this in 1786, so that Malay and Portuguese were once again used. Alting’s term of office was marked by a steep decline of the Dutch East India Company and its power in the Indies. Three months after he took up post, the Netherlands went to war with Britain (1780 – 1784) and a great part of the territory of the Dutch East India Company was occupied by the British. The government in Batavia/Jakarta did not, on the whole, offer much resistance. By the Peace of Paris (1784), Britain obtained the right to unhindered trade in the East Indies. The Dutch had to cede Negapatam in India to the British. The image of the Dutch in the eyes of the local rulers was thoroughly shattered.

From the Netherlands, three Commissioners-General were sent to work with Alting to reorganise. On the way there, one of them died and Alting managed to get his son-in-law Johannes Siberg to take his place. The Alting/Siberg duo dominated the Commission and, from the reports of one of the other Commissioners, it seems they worked very hard in their own interests. The Commission cost a lot of money but brought no improvement. In 1795, it became known in Batavia/Jakarta that their homeland (in the meantime having become the Batavian Republic) was once again at war with Britain.

On 17 February 1797, Willem Arnold Alting resigned as Governor-General and Commissioner-General and handed the post over to Pieter Gerardus van Overstraten. Alting remained as an ordinary citizen, without official position, living on his estate at Kampong Melajoe near Batavia/Jakarta. He died there on 7 June 1800

 

 

18th century Dutch mansion at Kali Besar Barat

1619

 

Castle batavia

1622

 

Amasterdam Gate

 

1627

 

Batavia city hall

 

Calangan VOC Restaurant tan sa yen,

later became Carpewnter Restaurant

 

Jacatra  fort

 

 

 

 

1632

Bastion Enkhuizen(demolished)

 

Bastion hollandia 1632

 

1635

 

House for single women

 

 

 

 

1640

 

 

Old Hollandse Church

Java, 1595-1625

Mataram’s overseas empire

Mataram at the height of its power, early 17th century

Mataram’s period of dominance was brief. Sultan Agung’s brutality in eliminating potential opposition was exceeded by that of his successor, Amangkurat I, who soon alienated a large part of the Javanese elite. Full-scale rebellion broke out in 1675, led by a disaffected prince of Madura named Trunojoyo, who was in league both with Makasar refugees from southern Sulawesi and with the crown prince, Amangkurat’s son. The rebellion began in the coastal regions which had felt the brunt of Mataram’s hostility to trade, but quickly found support in the interior after Trunojoyo defeated the Mataram forces at Gogodog in 1676 and, abandoning the crown prince, declared himself king.

Mataram would certainly have fallen but for the fact that the VOC, fearing the rise of a new, assertive dynasty on Java, gave military support to Mataram in exchange for territorial and trading concessions. In 1678, after Amangkurat I had died and the crown prince had been installed as Amangkurat II, Dutch troops marched into eastern Java to begin a three-year campaign alongside Mataram forces which destroyed the rebel armies. The intervention established the VOC as the single most powerful military force in Java, gave it hegemony over a large hinterland south and east of Batavia, as well as control of the enclave of Semarang, and reduced the power and territory of Banten.

 

 

1646

 

 

Chinese hospital and home for oldage(demolized)

1650

 

Chinezse temple Jin De Yuan

1652

 

VOC Warehouse,now Museum Bahari

 

Fish market,now pasar ikan

(unidentified building at Jakarta)

1655

 

 

Engle brug(jembatan gantung)

 

1658

 

fort nordwijk

 

 

1680

 

The portugeus City Church ,burned in 1880

1695

 

 

Sion Church

 

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Oldest image

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     

Gereja Tugu

   
     
     
     
     
     

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Museum Sejarah Jakarta

   

Nieuwe Hollandse Kerk, “New Church of Holland” (destroyed by earthquake in 1808, Wayang Museum is now on its site)

   

Nieuwe Poort, “New Gate” (demolished)

   

Old Gelderland defence works (demolished after 1667)[4]

   

Oude Hollandse Kerk, “Old Holland Church” (demolished in 1732, bottom part still viewable)[nb 3]

   

Oude Utrechtse Poort, “Old Utrecht Gate” (demolished)

   

Pasar Ikan, “Fish Market”

   

Raja Kuring Restaurant

   

Sinees Sieken Huys, Chinese hospital and home for the aged (demolished)

   

Spinhuis, “spinning-house for single women” (demolished)

   

The Latin and Greek School (demolished)[2]

   

Toko Merah, “Red Shop”

   

Vihara Dharma Bhakti

   

Vismarkt, “Fish Market” (earlier structure) (demolished)

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Indonesia Historic Collections

1700-1800

 

created by

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Privated Limited Edition E-book In CD-ROM

copyright@2012

 

 

Batavia in 1682

The Ommelanden fell under the authority of a ‘delegate for native affairs’, responsible to the Governor-General in Batavia, but for the most part they were left to their own devices under a system of private estates (particuliere landerijen), whose landlords had quasi-feudal rights over their tenants. The granting of private estates continued into the early 18th century, by which time they encompassed virtually the whole of the northern coastal plain of West Java. The region was fertile and productive, sugar, rice and cotton being the main crops, but it was also unruly: small-scale landlords and entrepreneurs squeezed their tenants for what they could, and the tenants in turn simmered constantly on the threshold of revolt or brigandage.

18th Century

1702.

Under these circumstances he was induced to resign the government in 1702, and died about a month after his abdication.

Perkasa-alum, a priest, found means by his intrigues to acquire the sovereignty, and one of his first acts was to attempt imposing certain duties on the merchandise imported by English traders, who had been indulged with an exemption from all port charges excepting the established complimentary presents upon their arrival and receiving the chap or licence. This had been stipulated in the treaty made by Sir James Lancaster, and renewed by Mr. Grey when chief of the Company’s factory. The innovation excited an alarm and determined opposition on the part of the masters of ships then at the place, and they proceeded (under the conduct of Captain Alexander Hamilton, who published an account of his voyage in 1727) to the very unwarrantable step of commencing hostilities by firing upon the villages situated near the mouth of the river, and cutting off from the city all supplies of provisions by sea. The inhabitants, feeling severely the effects of these violent measures, grew clamorous against the government, which was soon obliged to restore to these insolent traders the privileges for which they contended.

1704.

Advantage was taken of the public discontents to raise an insurrection in favour of the nephew of the late queen, or, according to the Annals, the son of Beder al-alum (who was probably her brother), in the event of which Perkasa-alum was deposed about the commencement of the year 1704, and after an interregnum or anarchy of three months continuance, the young prince obtained possession of the throne, by the name of Jemal al-alum. From this period the native writers furnish very ample details of the transactions of the Achinese government, as well as of the general state of the country, whose prosperous circumstances during the early part of this king’s reign are strongly contrasted with the misery and insignificance to which it was reduced by subsequent events. The causes and progress of this political decline cannot be more satisfactorily set forth than in a faithful translation of the Malayan narrative which was drawn up, or extracted from a larger work, for my use, and is distinct from the Annals already mentioned:

When raja Jemal al-alum reigned in Achin the country was exceedingly populous, the nobles had large possessions, the merchants were numerous and opulent, the judgments of the king were just, and no man could experience the severity of punishment but through his own fault. In those days the king could not trade on his own account, the nobles having combined to prevent it; but the accustomed duties of the port were considered as his revenue, and ten per cent was levied for this purpose upon all merchandise coming into the country. The city was then of great extent, the houses were of brick and stone. The most considerable merchant was a man named Daniel, a Hollander; but many of different nations were also settled there, some from Surat, some from Kutch, others from China. When ships arrived in the port, if the merchants could not take off all the cargoes the king advanced the funds for purchasing what remained, and divided the goods among them, taking no profit to himself. After the departure of the vessel the king was paid in gold the amount of his principal, without interest.

His daily amusements were in the grounds allotted for the royal sports. He was attended by a hundred young men, who were obliged to be constantly near his person day and night, and who were clothed in a sumptuous manner at a monthly expense of a hundred dollars for each man. The government of the different parts of the country was divided, under his authority, amongst the nobles. When a district appeared to be disturbed he took measures for quelling the insurrection; those who resisted his orders he caused to be apprehended; when the roads were bad he gave directions for their repair. Such was his conduct in the government. His subjects all feared him, and none dared to condemn his actions. At that time the country was in peace.

When he had been a few years on the throne a country lying to the eastward, named Batu Bara, attempted to throw off its subjection to Achin. The chiefs were ordered to repair to court to answer for their conduct, but they refused to obey. These proceedings raised the king’s indignation. He assembled the nobles and required of them that each should furnish a vessel of war, to be employed on an expedition against that place, and within two months, thirty large galleys, without counting vessels of a smaller size, were built and equipped for sea. When the fleet arrived off Batu Bara (by which must be understood the Malayan district at the mouth of the river, and not the Batta territory through which it takes its course), a letter was sent on shore addressed to the refractory chiefs, summoning them to give proof of their allegiance by appearing in the king’s presence, or threatening the alternative of an immediate attack. After much division in their councils it was at length agreed to feign submission, and a deputation was sent off to the royal fleet, carrying presents of fruit and provisions of all kinds. One of the chiefs carried, as his complimentary offering, some fresh coconuts, of the delicate species called kalapa-gading, into which a drug had been secretly introduced. The king observing these directed that one should be cut open for him, and having drunk of the juice, became affected with a giddiness in his head. (This symptom shows the poison to have been the upas, but too much diluted in the liquor of the nut to produce death). Being inclined to repose, the strangers were ordered to return on shore, and, finding his indisposition augment, he gave directions for being conveyed back to Achin, whither his ship sailed next day. The remainder of the fleet continued off the coast during five or six days longer, and then returned likewise without effecting the reduction of the place, which the chiefs had lost no time in fortifying.

About two years after this transaction the king, under pretence of amusement, made an excursion to the country lying near the source of the river Achin, then under the jurisdiction of a panglima or governor named Muda Seti; for it must be understood that this part of the kingdom is divided into three districts, known by the appellations of the Twenty-two, Twenty-six, and Twenty-five Mukims (see above), which were governed respectively by Muda Seti, Imam Muda, and Perbawang­Shah (or Purba-wangsa). These three chiefs had the entire control of the country, and when their views were united they had the power of deposing and setting up kings. Such was the nature of the government. The king’s expedition was undertaken with the design of making himself master of the person of Muda Seti, who had given him umbrage, and on this occasion his followers of all ranks were so numerous that wherever they halted for the night the fruits of the earth were all devoured, as well as great multitudes of cattle. Muda Seti however, being aware of the designs against him, had withdrawn himself from the place of his usual residence and was not to be found when the king arrived there; but a report being brought that he had collected five or six hundred followers and was preparing to make resistance, orders were immediately given for burning his house. This being effected, the king returned immediately to Achin, leaving the forces that had accompanied him at a place called Pakan Badar, distant about half a day’s journey from the capital, where they were directed to entrench themselves. From this post they were driven by the country chief, who advanced rapidly upon them with several thousand men, and forced them to fall back to Padang Siring, where the king was collecting an army, and where a battle was fought soon after, that terminated in the defeat of the royal party with great slaughter. Those who escaped took refuge in the castle along with the king.

1699

In 1699, rebels from Landak joined forces with the Javanese state of Banten to conquer Sukadana. Banten’s domination of Sukadana was brief. With the help of Bugis mercenaries based in Banjarmasin, the sultan managed to recover his throne and Sukadana once more became the major trading power of the west coast.

 

 

 

 

 

1700

Batavia Map 1700

Jakarta , pianta del 1700. Occorre ricodare che la città fu progettata e costruita dagli olandesi sul modello di Delf

 

 

1701

Three years of confusion in the VOC ensue over the post of Governor-General. Sultan of Banjar tries to eject the British post by force, but fails.

 

1702

Amangkurat II sends a secret representative to the VOC, hoping for help in the face of court intrigues. Antonio Coelho Guerreiro arrives as the first official governor of Portuguese Timor. The Portuguese on Timor were limited to outposts along the northern coast only.

 

1703

Amangkurat II dies. Amangkurat III faces opposition from Pangeran Puger.

 

Teuku Umar

1703:

Sultan Aji Muhammad Sultan Alam became Paser I through the year 1726, the first ruler of Paser take a higher degree of Sultan.

.
 1704

Amangkurat III demands that the VOC return Puger to his custody. VOC refuses, but VOC army takes Demak and other coastal areas on behalf of Pangeran Puger.

1704

Mataram truncated: Amangkurat II and his rivals, 1681-1704

Although Dutch troops had preserved the Mataram dynasty, the kingdom was now a shadow of its former power. Territorial concessions to the Dutch in the west, creeping political influence by the Madurese along the coast, and a full-scale rebellion by Surapati in the east left it sadly truncated. Moreover, when Amangkurat II died in 1703, the Dutch backed his brother, Pangeran Puger, to succeed to the throne over Amangkurat’s son, Amangkurat III. In 1706, in what came to be called the First Javanese War of Succession, VOC forces with numerous indigenous allies marched on Kartasura and installed Puger as Pakubuwana I. Amangkurat III fled to join the former slave, Surapati, whose followers controlled much of Java’s eastern peninsula. Bitter fighting continued in which Surapati was killed and Amangkurat III captured by ruse and sent into exile. In exchange for VOC support, Pakubuwana ceded eastern Madura to the Dutch and gave them the right to build fortifications anywhere in Java.

The six decades which followed were a time of constant turmoil for Java. The descendants of Surapati maintained his kingdom south of the Brantas; further east, they fought with Balinese princes and with remnants of the kingdom of Balambangan for control of the eastern peninsula. The coastal regions from Surabaya to Juana remained under the influence of the powerful Cakraningrat family in western Madura, while the question of whether the VOC was Mataram’s greatest enemy or its best potential ally underpinned incessant factional conflict within the Mataram court

1705

VOC sends reinforcements to Semarang. Surapati offers to make a conditional surrender to the VOC, but the VOC rejects his offer. VOC bribes the commander of the troops at Kartasura, allowing them to take Salatiga and other approaches without significant resistance. VOC recognizes Pangeran Puger as Susuhunan Pakubuwono I.

1705:

Hussin Kamaluddin became Sultan of Brunei (period I) until the year 1730.

De Vossenbosch, Waaier and Nova Hollandia, 1705

Under the command of Commander Maarten van Delft, the de Vossenbosch, Waaier and Nova Hollandia explored the Gulf of Carpentaria and north coast of New Holland.

October 5:

Pakubuwono I makes a deal with the VOC: Mataram debts to VOC are wiped out; East Madura goes to VOC control; Semarang is officially a VOC city after years of occupation; Cirebon is officially a VOC protectorate; VOC gets extensive trade rights; Javanese sailors must stick to their home waters; Mataram must deliver rice on demand to the VOC at a price set by the VOC. In addition, the two sides agree that no other European nation will be allowed to build factories or fortifications anywhere on Java. October 11: Pakubuwono I signs an agreement to pay the costs of the VOC garrison at Kartasura.

1706

VOC and Mataram armies take Kediri, and defeat Amangkurat III and Surapati.

1706:

Britain allowed to set up factories in Banjar

1707

VOC and Pakubuwono I of Mataram battle the forces of Amangkurat III at Madiun, and take Pasuruan.

On June 27, 1707,

the British merchant settlements in Banjarmasin was suddenly attacked by the natives, most British people were killed, and the survivors fled to the ship. EIC company property lost in this place, estimated at $ 50,000. [29] The British were expelled from English-Banjar Banjar War II in 1707, so that Chinese people can be free again to enter into transactions with the merchants pepper Banjar and Biaju. The number of Chinese people who gathered in the area of ​​the Sultanate of Banjar increasingly composed of junk merchants and traders settled.

1708:

Omar Akamuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until the year 1732

1708

VOC forces land at Surabaya to continue fighting against Amangkurat III. July 17 Amangkurat III surrenders himself at Surabaya, after receiving a false VOC promise of lands and freedom in exchange for surrender. August 24 Amangkurat III, his family and attendants are sent by ship from Surabaya to Batavia. At Batavia, he is told that the VOC representative at Surabaya had no authority to offer him terms of surrender. He is taken as a prisoner of war and sent to exile in Ceylon.

1708

 

Batavia  1708. Chinese Qing Ceramic  Export for the Dutch

1710

VOC opens tin mines on Bangka. Around this time, many Bugis, who had been wandering as mercenaries or refugees due to the wars involving Makassar and Bone, began to settle on and around the Malay peninsula

1712

Pakubuwono I sends repeated requests to the VOC in Batavia for help against continuing unrest in Balambangan and Madura.

1712

THE SECOND GARRISON:
CHRONICLES OF FORT MALBOROUGH

In 1712, Joseph Collets wrote mail to the council proposed to build a new garrison in Carrang (probably refers to Ujung Karang). It is about three kilometers far from Fort York.

1714This fort was established in 1714-1719 by Joseph Collet (1712-16). The progress was continued by his successors: Thiophilus Shyllinge (1716-17), Richard Farmer (1717-18), and Thomas Cooke (1718-19).


Gravestone of Cap. James Cuney (moved from British Cemetery in Jitra)

1714

British begin building Fort Marlborough at Bengkulu. Sultan of Tidore cedes claim on Irian Jaya to VOC. After this time (especially after the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, which ended 13 years of war between the European powers and their colonies) the Dutch and the VOC began to lose prominence, and Britain became the dominant colonial and naval power in the world.

1714

The fortification was under contruction for four year and was compled in its firts form in 1718

Due to the lack of  a qualifed engineer the fort gradually fell into a state of decay  and when joseph collet was appointend deputy Fovendor in 1712 he requested permission to abandon yort fort and to contruct a new fort on the ‘carang’, small hill about two mill from york and overlooking the bay. colet was eventually given permission to commace work on this new fotification in 1714. It was to be large enough to provide living accommodation for the factor and writers of the company and their servanst well as the militiary garrison. Joseph colled name his fort ‘marlboroug’  in honour of john Churhill, the firs Duke of marlborough, who wasbeing hailed as a national hero after winning a number of strategic battles in Erouppe against the friench  and their allies.

———————————————————————————————–
Pland of the original fort 1714-1718
North

 

Al old print of FortMarlborough looking north towerd Gunung Bungkuk (Sugar loaf Mountain) Showing the lookout tower which was demolished towar the end of 1700s.

 

1717

VOC accuses the Adipati of Surabaya of collaborating with the rebels in eastern Java. The son of the Adipati of Surabaya, Jaya Puspita, leads a renewed rebellion against Mataram in the areas around Surabaya, Kediri, Probolinggo, Balambangan, and Madura, with help from Bali. The VOC organizes further reinforcements to counter the threat.

 

Bali warriors

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1717

Hamengkubuwana I (1717-1792)

Spoiler for sedikit tentang beliau


Nama aslinya adalah Raden Mas Sujana yang setelah dewasa bergelar Pangeran Mangkubumi.

 

Ia merupakan putra Amangkurat IV raja Kasunanan Kartasura yang lahir dari selir bernama Mas Ayu Tejawati pada tanggal 6 Agustus 1717.

1718

VOC takes Surabaya and Madiun from the rebels. Some rebellions continue in east Java. Cakraningrat III of Madura is killed by VOC soldiers while travelling to talks; Cakraningrat IV takes power.

1718

 

Balinese_slave_in_Batavia_in_1718_

from_Cornelis_de_Bruin_Voyages_de_Corneille_le_Brun_1718.

 

1719

Amangkurat IV takes rule in Mataram. Court rebellion breaks out almost immediately; rebel princes flee eastward. A combined VOC and Mataram force drives the rebels back from Kediri to Malang.

Java, 1719

A Second War of Succession followed from 1719 to 1723, after the death of Pakubuwana I. His son, Amangkurat IV, again held his throne against rebel forces thanks only to VOC intervention. During the reign of Amangkurat IV’s son, Pakubuwana II, a further round of fighting broke out, eventually merging into the Third Javanese War of Succession. Although conflict had been endemic in the intervening years,

1721

Rumors of a conspiracy against the VOC spread in Batavia. Peter Erberfelt and several others are tried and executed.

1722

VOC receives a monopoly on tin from Bangka and Belitung from the Sultan of Palembang.

1723

Rebel princes and Surapati’s descendants in East Java are subdued by VOC forces. VOC begins compulsory coffee production in Priangan.

1723.

Under these disastrous circumstances he called upon the chiefs who adhered to him to advise what was best to be done, surrounded as they were by the country people, on whom he invoked the curse of God; when one of them, named Panglima Maharaja, gave it as his opinion that the only effectual measure by which the country could be saved from ruin would be the king’s withdrawing himself from the capital so long as the enemy should continue in its vicinity, appointing a regent from among the nobles to govern the country in his absence; and when subordination should be restored he might then return and take again possession of his throne. To this proposition he signified his assent on the condition that Panglima Maharaja should assure him by an oath that no treachery was intended; which oath was accordingly taken, and the king, having nominated as his substitute Maharaja Lela, one of the least considerable of the ulubalangs, retired with his wives and children to the country of the Four mukims, situated about three hours journey to the westward of the city. (The Annals say he fled to Pidir in November 1723.) Great ravages were committed by the insurgents, but they did not attack the palace, and after some days of popular confusion the chiefs of the Three districts, who (says the writer) must not be confounded with the officers about the person of the king, held a consultation amongst themselves, and, exercising an authority of which there had been frequent examples, set up Panglima Maharaja in the room of the abdicated king (by the title, say the Annals, of Juhar al-alum, in December 1723). About seven days after his elevation he was seized with a convulsive disorder in his neck and died. A nephew of Jemal al-alum, named Undei Tebang, was then placed upon the throne, but notwithstanding his having bribed the chiefs of the Three districts with thirty katties of gold, they permitted him to enjoy his dignity only a few days, and then deposed him. (The same authority states that he was set up by the chiefs of the Four mukims, and removed through the influence of Muda Seti.)

1724. 1735.

The person whom they next combined to raise to the throne was Maharaja Lela (before mentioned as the king’s substitute). It was his good fortune to govern the country in tranquillity for the space of nearly twelve years, during which period the city of Achin recovered its population. (According to the Annals he began to reign in February 1724, by the title of Ala ed-din Ahmed shah Juhan, and died in June 1735.) It happened that the same day on which the event of his death took place Jemal al-alum again made his appearance, and advanced to a mosque near the city. His friends advised him to lose no time in possessing himself of the castle, but for trifling reasons that mark the weakness of his character he resolved to defer the measure till the succeeding day; and the opportunity, as might be expected, was lost. The deceased king left five sons, the eldest of whom, named Po-chat-au (or Po-wak, according to another manuscript) exhorted his brothers to unite with him in the determination of resisting a person whose pretensions were entirely inconsistent with their security. They accordingly sent to demand assistance of Perbawang-shah, chief of the district of the Twenty-five mukims, which lies the nearest to that quarter. He arrived before morning, embraced the five princes, confirmed them in their resolution, and authorised the eldest to assume the government (which he did, say the Annals, by the title of Ala ed-din Juhan-shah in September 1735.) But to this measure the concurrence of the other chiefs was wanting. At daybreak the guns of the castle began to play upon the mosque, and, some of the shot penetrating its walls, the pusillanimous Jemal al-alum, being alarmed at the danger, judged it advisable to retreat from thence and to set up his standard in another quarter, called kampong Jawa, his people at the same time retaining possession of the mosque. A regular warfare now ensued between the two parties and continued for no less than ten years (the great chiefs taking different sides), when at length some kind of compromise was effected that left Po-chat-au (Juhan­shah) in the possession of the throne, which he afterwards enjoyed peaceably for eight years, and no further mention is made of Jemal al-alum. About this period the chiefs took umbrage at his interfering in matters of trade, contrary to what they asserted to be the established custom of the realm, and assembled their forces in order to intimidate him. (The history of Achin presents a continual struggle between the monarch and the aristocracy of the country, which generally made the royal monopoly of trade the ground of crimination and pretext for their rebellions).

1723

Further north, Acehnese power recovered somewhat, but the more significant power was the sultan of Siak Sri Indrapura, a state founded in 1723, which had extended its hegemony northwards as far as Tamiang by 1780.

1724:

Government of the Kingdom of Matan / Sukadana by Sultan Ma’aziddin (1724-1762)

1726

KING OF SUKARNAPURA
• Wiradedaha IV (1726-1745)
• Satjapati (1745-1747)
• Wiradedaha V (1747-1765)
• Jayamenggala (1765-1807)
• Demang Anggadipa (1807-1813)
• Suryalaga (1813-1814)
• Wiradedaha VI (1814-1828)
• Wiratanubaja I (1828-1835)
• Wiratanubaja II (1835-1854)
• Adipati Wiradedaha VII (1854-1874)
• Wirahadiningrat (1874-1906)
• Aria Prawiradiningrat (1906-1908)
• Wiratanudiningrat (1908-1925)
Beberapa peristiwa penting di Sukapura
Abad 17. Priangan Tengah dibagi menjadi empat kadipaten. Salah satunya adalah Sukapura di bawah pimpinan Ki Wirawangsa Umbul Sukakerta bergelar Tumenggung Wiradedaha. Beliau adalah leluhur para adipati/ bupati Sukapura.
1811/ 1813 Raden Demang Anggadipa (1807-1811/1813) dicopot dari kedudukannya oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda karena menolak penanaman paksa nila sebagai pengganti beras. Beliau keberatan dengan kebijakan Belanda itu karena akan mengakibatkan rakyat kelaparan. Akibat pembangkangan itu, Kadipaten Sukapura sementara waktu dihapuskan dan diserahkan pemerintahannya pada Limbangan di bawah Raden Tumenggung Wangsareja (1805-1811).
Akhir abad ke-19. Belanda menata ulang pemerintahan Priangan dan membaginya menjadi 9 afdeeling (Jerman: Abteilung). Salah satunya adalah Sukapura di bawah Raden Tumenggung Wiratanubaya IV.
Wirahadiningrat (1874-1906) memperoleh penghargaan bintang Oranye Nassau dari Belanda.SOURCE:Cribb, Robert. Digital Atlas of Indonesian History.
Hardjasaputra, Sobana A. Bupati di Priangan: Kedudukan dan Peranannya pada abad ke-17-19 dalam Seri Sundalana, Pusat Studi Sunda, Bandung, 2004.
Sutherland, Heather. Notes on Java’s Regent Family, Cornel University, 1973
Taniputera, Ivan. Kerajaan-kerajaan Nusantara Pascakeruntuhan Majapahit: Hikayat dan Sejarahnya, Arruzzwacana, Jogjakarta (sedang dalam proses penerbitan).

 

 

Banjar kINGDOM

 

 

 

 

 

 

SOURCE : An alphabetical enumeration of the former princely states of Indonesia, from the earliest time to the modern period, with simplified genealogies and order of succession by Hans Haegerdal.

1726:

As the daughter of King Paser, La Madukelleng (National Hero) served King Paser until the year 1736.

1728

Court intrigues in Kartasura result in Pangeran Mangkunegara being sent into exile by Dutch.

.
.

 

 

1730

 

1730

 

 

Residence of Governor General von Imhoff(rumah merah)

 

1730

West Java: colonial political divisions, 1730-1808

In Cirebon, the Dutch preserved an unusual arrangement in which the heads of two related families, Kanoman and Kesupuhan, both carried the hereditary rank and powers of sultan. The upland regions to the south were incorporated into the Priangan System, but the sultans retained extensive powers in the lowlands, where they farmed their estates out to Chinese entrepreneurs, with miserable consequences for the peasants. Cirebon was the scene of repeated famine and uprising in the late 18th century

1730:

Mohammad Alauddin became the Sultan of Brunei until the year 1745.
 1731:

Amir Wira Bulungan I became ruler until the year 1777. Amiril Pengiran Dipati II served Tidung ruler until 1765.
 1732:

Abubakar I to the Sultan of Sambas Kamaluddin until the year 1762. The Sultanate’s capital was moved from the Kutai Kutai Lama to Pemarangan.

 

1733:

A warlord’s men attacked the La Madukelleng Banjarmasin but failed.
 1733: Puana Dekke Bugis leaders borrowed land to Sultan Banjar Tahlilullah to establish settlements in Pagatan with a population that became known as the Bugis Pagatan. [31]
 1734:

Sultan Banjar Tamjidillah I to XII until the year 1759.
 1735: Sultan Aji Muhammad Idris Kukar XIV became King until the year 1778. He is the King of Kutai first took the title of Sultan.
 1736: Sultan Alam Sepuh I became Sultan Paser II until the year 1766.

 

1736

 

New hollandse Church

1737
“Here
Lyeth Interrd the
Body of
Cap. James Cuney
Who departed this
Life
February 7th 1737
A.Aetatis 36”Explanation:
“A.Aetatis 36”, it stands for “anno aetatis suae 36”,
that means “”in the year of his age 36 years


Gravestone of Henry Stirling (moved from British Cemetery in Jitra)

 

1731

– Gov.-Gen. Durven and several other high officials are ordered to return to the Netherlands by the Heeren XVII for financial misdeeds. Malaria epidemic sweeps Batavia in 1732.

1733

– Pakubuwono II agrees to heavier debt service payments to VOC. He has his minister Danureja sent into exile in Ceylon.

Gouvenor general VOC

 

Governor Jacob Christiaan Pielat 1733‑tfull.jpg

1734

– Pakubuwono II transfers his claim to Balambangan to VOC.

1735

– Official VOC archives in Batavia are founded.

.

1735

Shipwreck ‘Viegent Hart’ Silver Coin

 

 

Shipwreck coin ‘Viegent Hart’ shipwrecked 1735, Dutch East Indies on voyage to Batavia, Java

1738

VOC tells Pakubuwono II to exile Pangeran Purbaya.

1739

Arung Singkang attacks Bone and Makassar, but VOC drives him back.

1739

 

Luar batang mosque

 

1739

Arung Singkang attacks Bone and Makassar, but VOC drives him back.

 

1740

Pada tahun 1740 terjadi pemberontakan orang-orang Cina di Batavia yang menyebar sampai ke seluruh Jawa. Pada mulanya, Pakubuwana II (kakak Mangkubumi) mendukung pemberontakan tersebut.

Namun, ketika menyaksikan pihak VOC unggul, Pakubuwana II pun berubah pikiran.

 

1740

VOC begins a campaign to have “superfluous Chinese” deported to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) or South Africa.

 

Kapitan Pattimura

1740:

Panembahan Mempawah Manambung Opu Daeng brought mine workers from mainland China.

 

1740

marked the beginning of an era of cataclysmic violence. The era began with a wholesale massacre of Chinese in Batavia – probably about 10,000 perished – by Dutch citizens resentful of their prosperity and stirred by VOC fears of a Chinese rebellion. Chinese bands fleeing the destruction moved along the north Java coast destroying VOC posts one by one and massacring their inhabitants. Pakubuwana II joined the rebels in attacking Semarang, while the VOC formed an alliance with the Cakraningrats. As the tide turned towards the VOC, Pakubuwana sued for peace, but found himself at once facing a rebellion amongst Javanese and in mid-1742 he was driven out of his capital. VOC troops on the coast, however, and Madurese troops inland were successful in stemming the rebellion and in late 1743, Pakubuwana was formally restored to his throne in exchange for further territorial concessions to the VOC, the guarantee of a perpetual tribute in rice, and the acceptance of a VOC garrison in the Kartasura court. Although the Cakraningrats had been instrumental in the VOC victory, their fate was still less favourable. They were given none of the concessions they wanted on the eastern Java mainland

1740

 

Within Batavia’s walls, wealthy Dutch built tall houses and pestilential canals. Commercial opportunities attracted Indonesian and especially Chinese immigrants, the increasing numbers creating burdens on the city. Tensions grew as the colonial government tried to restrict Chinese migration through deportations. On 9 October 1740, 5,000 Chinese were massacred

1740

Batavia massacre

The 1740 Batavia massacre was a pogrom against ethnic Chinese living in the port city of Batavia, the Dutch East Indies. The incident lasted for two weeks in October.Up to 80,000 ethnic Chinese lived in Batavia in the early 18th century…. and the following year, Chinese inhabitants were moved to Glodok

Glodok

Glodok is a part of the Jakarta Old Town, Indonesia. The area is also known as Pecinan or Chinatown since the Dutch colonial era, and is considered the biggest in Indonesia, as a majority of the traders in Glodok are of Chinese descent

 

Octob. 1740. –

Afbelding van dat gBATAVIA. TABLEAU DE LA PARTIE BATAVIA, où s’est fait proprement le terrible massacre des Chinois, le 9edeelte van Batavia, alwaar eigentlyk de schrikkelyke slagting der Chinezen geschied is, den 9 Octob. 1740. (Amsterdam, 1755).Engraving by J. van Schley. Ca. 19 x 28 cm. From: A.F. Prevost. Historische beschrijving der reizen. – Striking bird’s eye view of Batavia depicting the massacre of the Chinese by the Dutch in Batavia, October 9, 1749.Feith 74; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 159,1. [Boeknr.: 14562 ]

Read more info

 

The Queen of the East: 18th century Batavia

In the decades after its founding, Batavia grew rapidly as a colonial capital and an international entrepôt.

In 1624 it had had a total population of just 8000, but by 1670 the city was home to around 130,000 people, 27,000 of them living inside the walls.  No more than 2000 of these Batavians were Europeans; the rest were a mix of Asian immigrants, chancers and slaves.

There were Arabs and Indians, hundreds of mardijkers – the term by which the Dutch knew emancipated slaves and ‘black Portuguese’ – and thousands of Chinese.Then as now it was the ethnic Chinese who toiled in the economic engine rooms of the great Southeast Asian cities.

 

Their communities, often intermarried with local women, had been established in Indonesia for centuries; they were the businessmen, the shopkeepers and the investors, and without them a city would stagnate.

Batavia’s founder, Jan Pieterszoon Coen, had recognised this right at the start – he encouraged the Chinese to come to his new capital and allowed them to trade freely at a time when not even Dutchmen were permitted to set up a private business.

Before long they accounted for almost a quarter of Batavia’s entire population – and the most productive quarter at that.

The Jews of Asia

The Dutch had very quickly developed some deeply negative opinions of the indigenous Indonesians, and attached to their ‘national character’ a string of unflattering epithets, foremost of which was ‘lazy’ and its various synonyms.

Javanese natives, for reasons of security and contempt, had been banned from living within the city walls of Batavia from the moment they were built.

But the Chinese elicited more complex reactions from those around them.  Europeans found much to praise in the apparent Chinese sense of industry; even when they did nothing more than grow vegetables or hawk goods on the streets they seemed to do so with an energetic business plan in mind.

But whenever a particular ethnic group can be identified with wealth, the opprobrium won’t be far behind, and European commentators dished out lashings of contempt along with their backhanded compliments to the industrious Chinese.

A rear-admiral in the Dutch fleet who passed through Batavia in the 18th century drew the most telling of parallels:

Like the Jews in Europe, they are very cunning in trade, both in the largest dealings and in the most trifling pedlary.

They are so desirous of money, that a Chinese will run three times from one end of the city to the other, if he have but the prospect of gaining one penny.  In doing any business with them, the greatest care must be taken to avoid being cheated.

And then, having established the Chinese as a race of usurers – and condemning their religion of smoky temples and brassy statues as ‘the most abominable idolatry’ – he wound things up with a most spectacular piece of slander:

The Chinese are of a very lustful temper.  They are accused of the most detestable violations of the laws of nature; and it is even said, that they keep swine in their houses, for purposes the most shameful and repugnant.

With views like this being bandied about it was little wonder that jealousy of the Chinese could – and still can – tip over into outright violence from time to time.

Barbarity and Rapine

In 1740 the arrival of some bands of wandering Chinese freebooters on the outskirts of Batavia sent panic-prompting rumours rattling around both the Chinese and European communities of the city.

The Dutch believed that the Chinese were plotting to rebel and annihilate them; the Chinese took whispers of deportation to mean that they were all to be shipped over the horizon and then summarily tipped into the sea.

 

On the rampage: the 1740 massacre

The entire resident Chinese population was curfewed and several dozen of their number clapped in irons, but with the atmosphere approaching hysteria on both sides, it was inevitable that the prophesies of doom should become self-fulfilling.

When word seeped through the walls that there had been some kind of altercation with the freebooters, and that Dutchmen may have been killed, the entire non-Chinese population of Batavia – very much including the Europeans – went on the rampage.  A Dutch resident of the city named Ary Huysers recorded what happened:

An instantaneous cry of murder and horror resounded through the town, and the most dismal scene of barbarity and rapine presented itself on all sides.

All the Chinese, without distinction, men, women, and children, were put to the sword.  Neither pregnant women nor suckling infants were spared by the relentless assassins.

The prisoners in chains, about a hundred in number, were at the same time slaughtered like sheep.  European citizens, to whom some of the wealthy Chinese had fled for safety, violating every principle of humanity and morality, delivered them up to their sanguinary pursuers, and embezzled the property confided to them.  In short, all the Chinese, guilty and innocent, were exterminated.

That last was not hyperbole: Huysers really did mean all of them.  There had been around 10,000 Chinese residents in Batavia intra-muros before the massacre.

One result of the slaughter was that the few surviving Chinese from outside the walls, together with their vagabonding countrymen whose arrival had precipitated the carnage, ricocheted off around Java prompting rebellion and uproar wherever they went, and dragging the VOC forces into yet more military entanglement with the decaying royal court of Mataram.

The other result was that Batavia received an economic and social blow that it could ill afford – for by the middle of the 18th century the city, the Company, and the empire it ran, were unmistakably in the pits…

 

 

 

 

1742
Pada tahun 1742 istana Kartasura diserbu kaum pemberontak . Pakubuwana II terpaksa membangun istana baru di Surakarta, sedangkan pemberontakan tersebut akhirnya dapat ditumpas oleh VOC dan Cakraningrat IV dari Madura.

1743

Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff

 

 

Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff

Gustaaf Willem, Baron van Imhoff (August 8, 1705 Leer–November 1, 1750) was the governor of Ceylon and then the Dutch East Indies for the Dutch East India Company (VOC-Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie).

[edit] Early years

Van Imhoff was born into an East Frisian aristocratic family. His father, Wilhelm Heinrich Freiherr von Imhoff, came from the town of Leer in northwestern Germany, a few kilometers from the Dutch border.

 

 

In 1725,

Van Imhoff entered into the service of the Dutch East India Company in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta), then colonial capital of the Dutch East Indies. Van Imhoff was promoted several times within the company before being appointed colonial governor in Ceylon (Modern-day Sri Lanka) on July 23, 1736.

Ceylon

Van Imhoff’s tenure as governor of Ceylon put an end to the chaos that had pervaded the previous administration. He established constructive relations with the king of Kandy, Vira Narendra Sinha.

King Narendra was married to a Tamil princess of Madurai (Tamil Nadu, India), and their child, Sri Vijaya Rajasinha who succeeded him after Narendra’s death on May 24, 1739, was seen to be more Tamil than Sinhalese (the majority ethnic group in Ceylon). Imhoff was concerned about this succession because closer contact between the Tamils of Ceylon, under Sri Vijaya Rajasinha, and the Tamils of south India might endanger the Dutch East India Company’s commercial monopoly. In his letters, Van Imhoff expressed his surprise that the Sinhalese people had accepted such a king, considering their haughty attitude towards the Tamils of India. However, Van Imhoff saw an interesting opportunity in this turn of events. He proposed to the Lords Seventeen (Heeren XVII, the directors of the VOC) that the kingdom of Ceylon be divided in two, but they rejected the proposition: a war would be too costly.

Despite the profitable production of spices, the colony was always in a state of deficit because its profits were allotted to the VOC in general, not to the colony itself. This practice prevented the Governors from becoming too extravagant in their habits, as was the case in other colonies.

 

 

 

[edit] Batavia

On March 12, 1740,

Willem Mauritiz Bruininck replaced Van Imhoff as governor of Ceylon and Imhoff returned to Batavia, which he found in a precarious situation. Governor-General Adriaan Valckenier believed that the Chinese population in the area surrounding Batavia had grown too large. He attempted to relocate the population to Ceylon and the Cape Colony (South Africa), but a rumor alleging that the Dutch were planning to throw Chinese people overboard in the middle of the ocean started an insurrection against the VOC. Vackenier responded by massacring approximately 5000 Chinese. Imhoff contested this brutal policy, which led to his arrest and deportation to the Netherlands. Upon his arrival, the Lords Seventeen named him governor-general of the Dutch East Indies and sent him back to Batavia.

En route to Batavia, Imhoff visited the Dutch colony in Cape Town, in the Cape Colony, where he discovered that the citizens were penetrating farther and farther into the interior and were losing contact with the VOC. Imhoff proposed to improve education and the work of the Protestant Church in the colony.

In May 1743,

Imhoff began his tenure in Batavia which was in the midst of a war. The Javanese princes took advantage of the chaotic situation following Valckenier’s actions to begin a war against the VOC. Imhoff succeeded in reestablishing the peace and began several reforms. He founded a Latin school, the first post offices in the Dutch East Indies, a hospital and a newspaper. He also founded the city of Buitenzorg and suppressed the opium trade. In 1746, Imhoff embarked on a tour of Java to inspect the company’s holdings and decided on several institutional reforms.

Imhoff’s tenure was also marked by catastrophe. A ship, the Hofwegen, was struck by lightning and exploded in the port of Batavia along with six tons of silver, totalling around 600,000 Dutch florins.

Ultimately, Imhoff’s progressive policies made him many enemies. Imhoff’s want of diplomacy and his lack of respect for local customs caused the colony to become embroiled in the third war of Javanese succession. Put in an untenable position by his enemies, Imhoff wanted to resign from his post, but the VOC would not allow it. Imhoff was forced to remain in office until his death in 1750, having come to believe that most of his work had been done in vain.

During his stay in Batavia, Imhoff stayed in a high-class residence today known as Toko Merah.[1

 

1744

“Here
lies interred
the body
of
Henry Stirling
Late Council at Fort Marlborough on this coast
He was ninth son of
James Stirling of Key Esq.
And the honourable
Mr. Maron Stewart
of the Kingdom of Scotland and Departed
this life on first day
of April 1744
Aged 25 years

1746

Sisa-sisa pemberontak yang dipimpin oleh Raden Mas Said (keponakan Pakubuwana II dan Mangkubumi) berhasil merebut tanah Sukowati. Pakubuwana II mengumumkan sayembara berhadiah tanah seluas 3.000 cacah untuk siapa saja yang berhasil merebut kembali Sukowati.

Mangkubumi dengan berhasil mengusir Mas Said pada tahun 1746, namun ia dihalang-halangi Patih Pringgalaya yang menghasut raja supaya membatalkan perjanjian sayembara.

Datang pula Baron van Imhoff gubernur jenderal VOC yang makin memperkeruh suasana.

Ia mendesak Pakubuwana II supaya menyewakan daerah pesisir kepada VOC seharga 20.000 real untuk melunasi hutang keraton terhadap Belanda. Hal ini ditentang Mangkubumi. Akibatnya, terjadilah pertengkaran di mana Baron van Imhoff menghina Mangkubumi di depan umum.

Mangkubumi yang sakit hati meninggalkan Surakarta pada bulan Mei 1746 dan menggabungkan diri dengan Mas Said sebagai pemberontak.Sebagai ikatan gabungan Mangkubumi mengawinkan Mas Said dengan puterinya yaitu Rara Inten atau Gusti Ratu Bendoro.

Perang antara Mangkubumi melawan Pakubuwana II yang didukung VOC disebut para sejarawan sebagai Perang Suksesi Jawa III.

1747

Pada tahun 1747 diperkirakan kekuatan Mangkubumi mencapai 13.000 orang prajurit.

Pertempuran demi pertempuran dimenangkan oleh Mangkubumi, misalnya pertempuran di Demak dan Grobogan.

 

1749

Pada akhir tahun 1749, Pakubuwana II sakit parah dan merasa kematiannya sudah dekat. Ia pun menyerahkan kedaulatan negara secara penuh kepada VOC sebagai pelindung Surakarta tanggal 11 Desember.

Sementara itu Mangkubumi telah mengangkat diri sebagai raja bergelar Pakubuwana III tanggal 12 Desember di markasnya, sedangkan VOC mengangkat putra Pakubuwana II sebagai Pakubuwana III tanggal 15.

Dengan demikian terdapat dua orang Pakubuwana III. Yang satu disebut Susuhunan Surakarta, sedangkan Mangkubumi disebut Susuhunan Kebanaran, karena bermarkas di desa Kebanaran di daerah Mataram.

 

 

Borneo, ca 1750

Brunei, meanwhile, was also in decline before the rising sultanate of Sulu, based in the archipelago between Borneo and Mindanao. In return for backing the successful claimant in a succession dispute in Brunei, Sulu received suzerainty over much of Borneo north of Brunei itself. Sulu’s influence also increased on the east coast of Borneo.

The principal state of the east coast was Kutai, a Malay kingdom in the Mahakam river basin which converted to Islam in the 16th century. From the late 17th century, however, many Buginese settled on the east coast, founding the state of Pasir and for a time dominating the Tidung, Bulungan and Berau regions, though these northern areas were to come under the Sulu sultanate.

1751


Perang kembali berlanjut. Pertempuran besar terjadi di tepi Sungai Bogowonto tahun 1751 di mana Mangkubumi menghancurkan pasukan VOC yang dipimpin Kapten de Clerck. Orang Jawa menyebutnya Kapten Klerek.

 

1752

Pada tahun 1752 Mangkubumi dengan Raden Mas Said terjadi perselisihan.Perselisihan ini berfokus pada keunggulan supremasi Tunggal atas Mataram yang tidak terbagi.Dalam jajak pendapat dan pemungutan suara dukungan kepada Raden Mas Said oleh kalangan elite Jawa dan tokoh tokoh Mataram mencapai suara yang bulat mengalahkan dukungan dan pilihan kepada Mangkubumi.

 

Dalam dukungan elite Jawa menemui fakta kalah dengan Raden Mas Said maka Mangkubumi menggunakan kekuatan bersenjata untuk mengalahkan Raden Mas Said tetapi Mangkubumi menemui kegagalan.Raden Mas Said kuat dalam dukungan-pilihan oleh elite Jawa dan juga kuat dalam kekuatan bersenjata.Mangkubumi bahkan menerima kekalahan yang sangat telak dari menantunya yaitu Raden Mas Said.Akibat kekalahan yang telak Mangkubumi kemudian menemui VOC menawarkan untuk bergabung dan bertiga dengan Paku Buwono III sepakat menghadapi Raden Mas Said.

 

Nyi Ageng Serang

(1752-1828)

 

Spoiler for keturunan Sunan Kalijaga dan Neneknya Ki Hajar Dewantara


Nyi Ageng Serang bernama asli Raden Ajeng Kustiyah Wulaningsih Retno Edi (Serang, Purwodadi, Jawa Tengah, 1752 – Yogyakarta, 1828) adalah seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia.

Ia adalah anak Pangeran Natapraja yang menguasai wilayah terpencil dari kerajaan Mataram tepatnya di Serang yang sekarang wilayah perbatasan Grobogan-Sragen.

Setelah ayahnya wafat Nyi Ageng Serang menggantikan kedudukan ayahnya.

Nyi Ageng Serang adalah salah satu keturunan Sunan Kalijaga,

ia juga mempunyai keturunan seorang Pahlawan nasional yaitu Soewardi Soerjaningrat atau Ki Hajar Dewantara.

Ia dimakamkan di Kalibawang, Kulon Progo. Ia pahlawan nasional yang hampir terlupakan,mungkin karena namanya tak sepopuler R.A. Kartini atau Cut Nyak Dhien tapi beliau sangat berjasa bagi negeri ini.Warga Kulon Progo mengabadikan monumen beliau di tengah kota Wates berupa patung beliau sedang menaiki kuda dengan gagah berani membawa tombak

 

1754

Tawaran Mangkubumi untuk bergabung mengalahkan Raden Mas Said akhirnya diterima VOC tahun 1754.

 

Pihak VOC diwakili Nicolaas Hartingh, yang menjabat gubernur wilayah pesisir utara Jawa.

Sebagai perantara adalah Syaikh Ibrahim, seorang Turki.

Perudingan-perundingan dengan Mangkubumi mencapai kesepakatan, Mangkubumi bertemu Hartingh secara langsung pada bulan September 1754.

Perundingan dengan Hartingh mencapai kesepakatan.

Mangkubumi mendapatkan setengah wilayah kerajaan Pakubuwana III, sedangkan ia merelakan daerah pesisir disewa VOC seharga 20.000 real dengan kesepakatan 20.000 real dibagi dua;10.000 real untuk dirinya Mangkubumi dan 10.000 real untuk Pakubuwono III.