Author Archives: driwancybermuseum


 Tasmanian aboriginal, Australia, 1801-1803.

Natai, Maori chief from Bream Bay, New Zealand, 1826-1829.












The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Showroom :

Dr Iwan Book :” The Australia and Pacific Island  Historic Collections”

Showcase: “THe Australian and New Zealand Historic Collections”

Frame One :

The Australian Aborigin Pictures



Tasmanian aboriginal, Australia, 1801-1803.
Tasmanian aboriginal, Australia, 1801-1803.
Tasmanian aboriginal, Australia, 1801-1803.
Tasmanian aboriginal, Australia, 1801-1803.
Aboriginal tombs, Tasmania, Australia, 1801-1803.
Aboriginal tombs, Tasmania, Australia, 1801-1803
Aboriginal man and woman, Tasmania, Australia, 1826-1829.
Aboriginal man and woman, Tasmania, Australia, 1826-1829.

Digitised Image

Bock, Thomas 1790-1855 :Jemmy, native of the Hampshire Hills, Van Diemen’s Land / T Bock del. ; Hullmandel & Walton lithographers – [London ; s.n., 1845?]

Half-length frontal portrait of a young Tasmanian Aboriginal man. He is wearing a necklace of twisted kangaroo sinews and clothing of animal skins

Title: Native police | Date: 1865 | Technique: lithograph, printed in colour, from multiple stones |
Native police
Ferguson (1941-69), 9924
Date made
lithograph, printed in colour, from multiple stones
Rural scene of Australian Aboriginal police following tracks in the bush.
GILL, S.T. (1818 – 1880) English | Australian Male | print after





Australian Aborigines


Australian Aborigines
Australian Aboriginal Flag.svg
Trugannini Ernie Dingo.jpg David wirrpanda.jpg Adam goodes.jpg JadeNorth.jpg Bronwyn Bancroft Feb 2010 crop.JPG
Truganini, Douglas Nicholls, Oodgeroo Noonuccal, Ernie Dingo, David Wirrpanda, Adam Goodes, Jade North, Bronwyn Bancroft
Total population
2.3% of Australia’s population
Regions with significant populations
 Northern Territory 32.5%  
 Western Australia 4.0%  
 Queensland 3.6%  
 New South Wales 2.5%  
 South Australia 2.3%  
 Victoria 1.0%  
Several hundred Indigenous Australian languages, many no longer spoken, Australian English, Australian Aboriginal English, Kriol
Mixture of Christian, small numbers of other religions, various locally indigenous religions grounded in Australian Aboriginal mythology
Related ethnic groups
see List of Indigenous Australian group names

Australian Aborigines (pronounced /æbəˈrɪdʒɨni/, aka Aboriginal Australians) are those people regarded as indigenous to the Australian continent.

In the High Court of Australia, Australian Aborigines have been specifically identified as a group of people who share, in common, biological ancestry back to the original occupants of the continent.[2]

Justice Deane of the High Court famously described and defined an Australian Aboriginal person as “a person of Aboriginal descent, albeit mixed, who identifies himself as such and who is recognised by the Aboriginal community as an Aboriginal”.[3]

Definitions from Australian Aborigines

Eve Fesl, a Gabi Gabi woman, wrote in the Aboriginal Law Bulletin describing how she and other Australian Aborigines preferred to be identified:

The word ‘aborigine’ refers to an indigenous person of any country. If it is to be used to refer to us as a specific group of people, it should be spelt with a capital ‘A’, i.e. ‘Aborigine’.[4]

While the term ‘indigenous’ is being more commonly used by Australian Government and non-Government organizations to describe Aboriginal Australians, Lowitja O’Donoghue AC, CBE, commenting on the prospect of possible amendments to Australia’s constitution, was reported as saying:

I really can’t tell you of a time when ‘indigenous’ became current, but I personally have an objection to it, and so do many other Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. […] This has just really crept up on us … like thieves in the night. […] We are very happy with our involvement with indigenous people around the world, on the international forum […] because they’re our brothers and sisters. But we do object to it being used here in Australia.[5]

O’Donoghue went on to say that the term indigenous robbed the traditional owners of Australia of an identity because some non-Aboriginal people now wanted to refer to themselves as indigenous because they were born there.[5]

 Definitions from academia

Dean of Indigenous Research and Education at Charles Darwin University, Professor MaryAnn Bin-Sallik, has publicly lectured on the ways Australian Aborigines have been categorised and labelled over time. Her lecture offered a new perspective on the terms urban, traditional and of Indigenous descent as used to define and categorise Aboriginal Australians. She said:

“Not only are these categories inappropriate, they serve to divide us. […] Government’s insistence on categorising us with modern words like ‘urban’, ‘traditional’ and ‘of Aboriginal descent’ are really only replacing old terms ‘half-caste’ and ‘full-blood’ – based on our colouring.[6]

She called for a replacement of this terminology by the word: Aborigine or Torres Strait Islander, “irrespective of hue[6].”

Groups of Aborigines

Four hundred and more distinct Australian Aboriginal peoples have been identified across the Australian continent, each distinguished by unique names for groups of people’s ancestral languages, dialects, or distinctive speech mannerisms.[7]

See also



Wiki letter w cropped.svg This section requires expansion.
  1. ^ 4705.0 – Population Distribution, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, 2006, Australian Bureau of Statistics.
  2. ^ Plevitz, Loretta D & Croft, Larry (2003) “Aboriginality Under The Microscope: The Biological Descent Test In Australian Law” QUT Law & Justice Journal Number 7 Accessed 25 March 2008.
  3. ^ Dean, J (1984) Tasmania v Commonwealth. 158 CLR. p. 243.
  4. ^ Fesl, Eve (1986) “‘Aborigine’ and ‘Aboriginal’” Aboriginal Law Bulletin. Number 39. Accessed 25 March 2008.
  5. ^ a b “Don’t call me indigenous: Lowitja”. The Age. Australian Associated Press (Melbourne). 1 May 2008. Retrieved 12 April 2010. 
  6. ^ a b Charles Darwin University newsroom (12 May 2008) “First public lecture focuses on racist language” Accessed 13 May 2008.
  7. ^ Horton, David (1994) The Encyclopedia of Aboriginal Australia: Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander History, Society, and Culture Aboriginal Studies Press. Canberra. ISBN 0-85575-234-3.

Tasmanian Aborigines


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This article is about the indigenous people of the island state of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania). For other indigenous people see Indigenous peoples (disambiguation)
Page semi-protected
(Tasmanian Aborigines)
Regions with significant populations
Tasmanian languages and Palawa kani

A picture of the last four “full blooded” Tasmanian Aborigines c. 1860s. Truganini, the last to survive, is seated at far right.

The Tasmanian Aborigines (Listeni /æbɵˈrɪɪnz/; Aboriginal name: Parlevar) were the indigenous people of the island state of Tasmania, Australia. Before British colonisation in 1803, there were an estimated 3,000–15,000 Parlevar.[1][2] A number of historians point to introduced disease as the major cause of the destruction of the full-blooded Aboriginal population.[3][4][5][6] Geoffrey Blainey wrote that by 1830 in Tasmania: “Disease had killed most of them but warfare and private violence had also been devastating.”[7] Other historians regard the Black War as one of the earliest recorded modern genocides.[8] Benjamin Madley wrote: “Despite over 170 years of debate over who or what was responsible for this near-extinction, no consensus exists on its origins, process, or whether or not it was genocide” however, using the “U.N. definition, sufficient evidence exists to designate the Tasmanian catastrophe genocide.”[1]

By 1833, George Augustus Robinson, sponsored by Lt.Governor George Arthur, had persuaded the approximately 200 surviving Tasmanian Aborigines to surrender themselves with assurances that they would be protected, provided for and eventually have their lands returned to them. These ‘assurances’ were in fact lies – promises made to the survivors that played on their desperate hopes for reunification with lost family and community members. The assurances were given by Robinson solely to remove the Aborigines from mainland Van Diemen’s Land.[9] The survivors were moved to Wybalenna Aboriginal Establishment on Flinders Island, where diseases continued to reduce their numbers even further. In 1847, the last 47 living inhabitants of Wybalenna were transferred to Oyster Cove, south of Hobart, on the main island of Tasmania. There, a woman called Trugernanner (often rendered as Truganini), who is widely believed to be the very last of the full blooded Aborigine, died in 1876. However, in 1889 Parliament recognized Fanny Cochrane Smith (d:1905) as the last surviving full blooded Tasmanian Aborigine, giving her a land grant of 300 acres (120 ha) and an annuity of £50.[10][11]

All of the Indigenous Tasmanian languages have been lost. Currently there are some efforts to reconstruct a language from the available wordlists. Today, some thousands of people living in Tasmania and elsewhere can trace part of their ancestry to the Parlevar, since a number of Parlevar women were abducted, most commonly by the sealers living on smaller islands in Bass Strait; some women were traded or bartered for; and a number voluntarily associated themselves with European sealers and settlers and bore children. Those members of the modern-day descendant community who trace their ancestry to Tasmanian Aborigines have mostly European ancestry, and did not keep the traditional Parlevar culture.

Other Aboriginal groups within Tasmania use the language words from the area where they are living and/or have lived for many generations uninterrupted. Many aspects of the Aboriginal Tasmanian culture are continually practised in various parts of the state and the islands of the Bass Strait.[citation needed]




Before European settlement

The Shoreline of Tasmania and Victoria about 14,000 years ago as Sea Levels were rising showing some of the human archaeological sites – see Prehistory of Australia

People are thought to have crossed into Tasmania approximately 40,000 years ago via a land bridge between the island and the rest of mainland Australia during the last glacial period. According to genetic studies, once the sea levels rose flooding the Bassian Plain, the people were left isolated for approximately 8,000 years until European exploration during the late 18th and early 19th centuries.[12]

In 1990 archaeologists excavated materials in the Warreen Cave in the Maxwell River valley of the south-west proving Aboriginal occupation from as early as 34,000 BP making indigenous Tasmanians the southern-most population in the world during the Pleistocene era. In 2010, following protests that the construction of the Jordan River valley bridge that was part of the new Brighton bybass would disturb a tradition Aboriginal meeting place that had been identified in 2008, the government agreed to an archaeological investigation although stating that while artifacts would be protected the construction would go ahead. Archaeologists excavating a 600 metre long section of river bank found a large number of stone tools and later estimated that the bank contains up to three million artifacts. Preliminary dating indicates that the site was continuously occupied from 40,000 BP to 28,000 BP making the site 6,000 years older than the Warreen cave if confirmed.[13]

After the sea rose to create Bass Strait, the Australian mainland and Tasmania became separate land masses, and the Aborigines who had migrated from mainland Australia became cut off from their cousins on the mainland. Because neither side had ocean sailing technology, the two groups were unable to maintain contact.

It has been a long held view that because of the ocean divide, and unlike other populations around the world, the small population of Tasmania was not able to share any of the new technological advances being made by mainland groups such as barbed spears, bone tools of any kind, boomerangs, hooks, sewing, and the ability to start a fire thus making Tasmanian Aborigines the simplest people on Earth.[14] However, they did possess fire with the men entrusted in carrying embers from camp to camp for cooking and which could also be used to clear land and herd animals to aid in hunting practices.[15][16] Another school of thought holds that because food was so abundant compared to mainland Australia the Aborigines had no need for a better technology, pointing out that they did in fact originally possess bone tools which dropped out of use as the effort to make them began to exceed the benefit they provided.[17]

It has been suggested that approximately 4,000 years ago, the Tasmanian Aborigines largely dropped scaled fish from their diet, and began eating more land mammals such as possums, kangaroos, and wallabies. They also switched from worked bone tools to sharpened stone tools.[16] The significance of the disappearance of bone tools (believed to have been primarily used for fishing related activities) and fish in the diet is heavily debated. Some argue that it is evidence of a maladaptive society while others argue that the change was economic as large areas of scrub at that time were changing to grassland providing substantially increased food resources. Fish were never a large part of the diet, ranking behind shellfish and seals, and with more resources available the cost/benefit ratio of fishing may have become too high.[17] Archaeological evidence indicates that around the time these changes took place the Tasmanian tribes began expanding their territories, a process that was still continuing when Europeans arrived.[18]

It is now believed that they also constructed basic wooden shelters and small domed ‘huts’ to protect themselves during chilly winter months, although it seems they preferred to live in cave dwellings.[15]

Very little is known about the nature of social, cultural or territorial history of the Tasmanian Aborigines, but archaeological research has provided ethnographic evidence debunking many long-held myths.

Tasmanian Aboriginal Tribes

Map of the Tasmanian Tribes

The social organisation of Tasmanian Aborigines had three distinct levels: the domestic unit or family group, the social unit or band which had a self-defining name with 40 to 50 people, and collections of bands comprising tribes which owned territories. Even though territories were owned there was substantial movement and migration by bands to utilise and share abundant food resources in particular seasons.[19]

Estimates made of the combined population of the Aboriginal people of Tasmania, before European arrival in Tasmania, are in the range of 3,000 to 15,000 people.[1] Genetic studies have suggested much higher figures which is supported by oral traditions that Aborigines were “more numerous than the white people were aware of” but that their population had been decimated by a sudden outbreak of disease prior to 1803. It is speculated that early contacts with sealers before colonisation had resulted in an epidemic.[3] Using archaeological evidence, Stockton (I983:68) estimated 3,000 to 6,000 for the northern half of the west coast alone, or up to six times the commonly accepted estimate, however he later revised this to 3,000 to 5,000 for the entire island based on historical sources. The low rate of genetic drift indicates that Stockton’s original maximum estimate is likely the lower boundary and, while not indicated by the archaeological record, a population as high as 100,000 can “not be rejected out of hand”. This is supported by carrying capacity data indicating greater resource productivity in Tasmania than the mainland.[12]

The Tasmanian Aborigines were a primarily nomadic people who lived in adjoining territory, moving from area to area not only based on seasonal changes in food supplies such as seafood, land mammals and native vegetables and berries but also to allow food resources to regenerate for future use. The different tribes shared similar languages and culture. They socialized, intermarried and fought ‘wars’ against other tribes.[15]

According to Ryan, the population of Tasmania was aligned into nine tribes composed of six to fifteen bands each, with each band comprising two to six extended family units (clans) who were distantly related to each other. Individual bands had a specific home range with elaborate rites of entry required of visitors. However, the band was a land using group not a land owner with the clans making up the band each owning the rights to their own “estate” in the range.[20] There were more than 60 bands before European colonisation, although only 48 have been located and associated with particular territories. The Eastern and northern Group consisted of the Oyster Bay Tribe, North East Tribe, and the North Tribe. the Midlands Group consisted of the Big River Tribe, North Midlands Tribe and Ben Lomond Tribe. The Maritime Group consisted of the North West Tribe, South West Tribe and South East Tribe.[19]

Oyster Bay (Paredarerme)

The Paredarerme tribe was estimated to be the largest Tasmanian tribe with ten bands totalling 700 to 800 people (Ryan:1996:17). The Paredarerme Tribe had good relations with the Big River tribe, with large congregations at favoured hunting sites inland and at the coast. Relations with the North Midlands tribe were mostly hostile, and evidence suggests that the Douglas-Apsley region may have been a dangerous borderland rarely visited (Ferguson 1986 pg22). Generally, Paredarerme tribe bands migrated inland to the High Country for Spring and Summer and returned to the coast for Autumn and Winter, but not all people left their territory each year with some deciding to stay by the coast. Migrations provided a varied diet with plentiful seafood, seals and birds on the coast, and good hunting for kangaroos, wallabies and possums inland (Ryan:1996:17). The High Country also provided opportunities to trade for ochre with the North-west and North people, and to harvest intoxicating gum from Eucalyptus gunnii, found only on the plateau.[19] The key determinant of camp sites was topography. The majority of camps were along river valleys, adjacent north facing hill slopes and on gentle slopes bordering a forest or marsh (Brown 1986).

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Leetermairremener St Patricks Head near St Marys Winter in the coastal areas of their own lands. Between August and October congregating around Moulting Lagoon and Schouten Island. In October they would move inland to St Pauls and Break o’ Day Rivers or up the Meredith River to the Elizabeth River area.
In January, the band would move back to the coast.
Linetemairrener North of Great Oyster Bay As above.
Loontitetermairrelehoinner North Oyster Bay As above.
Toorernomairremener Schouten Passage As above.
Poredareme Little Swanport Winter in the coastal areas of their own lands. In August moving west to the Eastern Marshes, and through St Peters pass to Big River Country before returning to the coast in January.
Laremairremener Grindstone Bay As above.
Tyreddeme Maria Island As above.
Portmairremener Prosser River As above.
Pydairrerme Tasman Peninsula As above.
Moomairremener Pittwater, Risdon As above.

North East

The North East tribe consisted of seven bands totalling around 500 people. They had good relations with the Ben Lamond tribe, who were allowed access to the resources of the north east coast.

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Peeberrangner uncertain  
Leenerrerter uncertain  
Pinterrairer uncertain  
Trawlwoolway uncertain  
Pyemmairrenerpairrener uncertain  
Leenethmairrener uncertain  
Panpekanner uncertain  


The North tribe consisted of four bands totalling 200–300 people (Ryan:1996:22). Their country contained the most important ochre mines in Tasmania, accessed by well defined roads kept open by firing. They traded the ochre with all adjacent tribes. They would spend part of the year in the country of the North West Tribe to hunt seals and collect shells from Robbins Island for necklaces. In return, the North West Tribe had free access to the ochre mines (Ryan:1996:23-26). Relatively isolated, the region was first explored by Europeans in 1824 with the Van Diemen’s Land Company being given a grant of 250,000 acres (100,000 ha), which included the greater part of the tribes hunting grounds. The settlement was a failure, with the inland areas described as “wet, cold and soggy”, while the coastal region was difficult to clear, as Superintendent Henry Hellyer noted the “forest [was] altogether unlike anything I have seen in the Island”. However, in 1827 a port was established at Emu Bay. In 1828 Tarerenorerer (Eng:Walyer), a woman who had escaped from sealers, became the leader of the Emu Bay people and attacked the settlers with stolen weapons, the first recorded use of muskets by Aborigines.[21]

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Punnilerpanner Port Sorell Winter spent on the coast. In summer they would move inland.
Pallittorre Quamby Bluff As above
Noeteeler Hampshire Hills As above
Plairhekehillerplue Emu Bay As above

Big River

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Leenowwenne New Norfolk  
Pangerninghe ClydeDerwent Rivers Junction  
Braylwunyer Ouse and Dee Rivers  
Larmairremener West of Dee  
Luggermairrernerpairrer Great Lake  

North Midlands

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Leterremairrener Port Dalrymple  
Panninher Norfolk Plains  
Tyerrernotepanner Campbell Town  

Ben Lomond

The Ben Lomond tribe consisted of three and possibly four bands totalling 150-200 people who occupied 260 km2 (100.4 sq mi) of country surrounding the 182 km2 (70.3 sq mi) Ben Lomond plateau. Until 12,000 years ago, the plateau was covered by an ice cap, leaving it largely devoid of soil and lacking in resources. Walter George Arthur, son of a Ben Lomond elder, was the Wybalenna “activist” who petitioned Queen Victoria in 1847.[22] Mannalargenna, who organized guerrilla attacks against British soldiers in Tasmania during the period known as the Black War, was a Plangermaireener elder, and in 1835 became the first Aborigine in Tasmania to be given a “christian” burial.

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Plangermaireener uncertain  
Plindermairhemener uncertain  
Tonenerweenerlarmenne uncertain  

North West

The North West tribe numbered between 400 and 600 people at time of contact with Europeans and had at least eight bands.[19] They had good relations with the North tribe, who were allowed access to the resources of the north west coast. First explored by Europeans in 1824, the region was considered inhospitable and only lightly settled, although it suffered a high rate of Aboriginal dispossession and killings.

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Tommeginer Table Cape  
Parperloihener Robbins Island  
Pennemukeer Cape Grim  
Pendowte Studland Bay  
Peerapper West Point  
Manegin Arthur River mouth  
Tarkinener Sandy Cape  
Peternidic Pieman River mouth  

South West Coast

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Mimegin Macquarie Harbour  
Lowreenne Low Rocky Point  
Ninene Port Davey  
Needwonnee Cox Bight  

South East

Risdon Cove, the first Tasmanian settlement, was located in South East country. There is eyewitness evidence that the South East tribe may have consisted of up to ten bands, totalling around 500 people. However, only four bands totalling 160-200 people were officially recorded as the main source by Robinson, whose journals begin in 1829. By this time, Europeans had settled in most of the South East tribe’s country, with the majority of bands dispossessed and food resources depleted. Their country contained the most important silcrete, chert and quartzite mines in Tasmania.[23] Truganini was a Nuenonne from Bruny Island, which they called Lunawanna-Alonnah. The first two European towns built on the Island were named Lunawanna and Alonnah, and most of the island’s landmarks are named after Nuenonne people. The island was the source of the sandstone used to build many of Melbourne‘s buildings, such as the Post Office and Parliament House.[24]

Band Territory Seasonal migration
Mouheneenner Hobart  
Nuenonne Bruny Island  
Mellukerdee Huon River  
Lyluequonny Recherche Bay  

Early European Contact

Abel Jansen Tasman, credited as the first European to discover Tasmania (in 1642) and who named it Van Diemen’s Land, did not encounter any of the Tasmanian Aborigines when he landed. In 1772, a French exploratory expedition under Marion Dufresne visited Tasmania. At first, contact with the Aborigines was friendly; however the Aborigines became alarmed when another boat was dispatched towards the shore. It was reported that spears and stones were thrown and the French responded with musket fire killing at least one Aborigine and wounding several others. Two later French expeditions led by Bruni d’Entrecasteaux in 1792-93 and Nicolas Baudin in 1802 made friendly contact with the Tasmanian Aborigines; the d’Entrecasteaux expedition doing so over an extended period of time.[25] The Resolution under Captain Tobias Furneaux (part of an expedition led by Captain James Cook) had visited in 1773 but made no contact with the Tasmanian Aborigines although he left gifts in unoccupied shelters found on Bruny Island. The first known British contact with the Tasmanian Aborigines was on Bruny Island by Captain Cook in 1777. The contact was peaceful. Captain William Bligh also visited Bruny Island in 1788 and made peaceful contact with the Tasmanian Aborigines.[26]

Contact with Sealers on the North and East Coasts.

More extensive contact between Tasmanian Aborigines and Europeans resulted when British and American seal hunters began visiting the islands in Bass Strait as well as the northern and eastern coasts of Tasmania from the late 1790s on. Shortly thereafter (by about 1800), sealers were regularly left on uninhabited islands in Bass Strait during the sealing season (November to May). The sealers established semi-permanent camps or settlements on the islands, which were close enough for the sealers to reach the main island of Tasmania in small boats and so make contact with the Tasmanian Aborigines.[27]

Trading relationships developed between sealers and Tasmanian Aboriginal tribes. Hunting dogs became highly prized by the Aborigines, as were other ‘exotic’ items such as flour, tea and tobacco. The Aborigines traded kangaroo skins for such goods. However, a trade in Aboriginal women soon developed. Many Tasmanian Aboriginal women were highly skilled in hunting seals, as well as in obtaining other foods such as sea-birds, and some Tasmanian tribes would trade their services, and more rarely those of Aboriginal men, to the sealers for the seal-hunting season. Others were sold on a permanent basis. This trade incorporated not only women of the tribe engaged in the trade but also women abducted from other tribes. Some may have been given as ‘gifts’ meant to incorporate the new arrivals into Aboriginal society through marriage.

Sealers engaged in raids along the coasts to abduct Aboriginal women and were reported to have killed Aboriginal men in the process. By 1810 seal numbers had been greatly reduced by hunting so most seal hunters abandoned the area, however a small number of sealers, approximately fifty mostly ‘renegade sailors, escaped convicts or ex-convicts’, remained as permanent residents of the Bass Strait islands and some established families with Tasmanian Aboriginal women.[27]

Some of the women were taken back to the islands by the sealers involuntarily and some went willingly, as in the case of a woman called Tarerenorerer (Eng:Walyer).[28] Walyer was later to gain some notoriety for her attempts to kill the sealers to escape their brutality. Walyer, a Punnilerpanner, joined the Plairhekehillerplue band after eventually escaping and went on to lead attacks on employees of the Van Diemen’s Land Company. Walyer’s attacks are the first recorded use of muskets by Aborigines. Captured, she refused to work and was banished to Penguin Island. Later imprisoned on Swan Island she attempted to organise a rebellion. Although Aboriginal women were by custom forbidden to take part in war, several Aboriginal women who escaped from sealers became leaders or took part in attacks. According to Lyndall Ryan, the women traded to, or kidnapped by sealers became “a significant dissident group” against white authority.[29]

Historian James Bonwick reported Aboriginal women who were clearly captives of sealers but he also reported women living with sealers who ‘proved faithful and affectionate to their new husbands’, women who appeared ‘content’ and others who were allowed to visit their ‘native tribe’, taking gifts, with the sealers being confident that they would return.[30] Bonwick also reports a number of claims of brutality by sealers towards Aboriginal women including some of those made by George Augustus Robinson.[31] An Aborigine by the name of Bulrer related her experience to Robinson, that sealers had rushed her camp and stolen six women including herself “the white men tie them and then they flog them very much, plenty much blood, plenty cry.” Sealing captain, James Kelly, wrote in 1816 that the custom of the sealers was to each have “two to five of these native women for their own use and benefit.” A shortage of women available “in trade” resulted in abduction becoming common and in 1830 it was reported that at least fifty Aboriginal women were “kept in slavery” on the Bass Strait islands.[29]

“Harrington, a sealer, procured ten or fifteen native women, and placed them on different islands in Bass’s Straits, where he left them to procure skins; if, however, when he returned, they had not obtained enough, he punished them by tying them up to trees for twenty-four to thirty-six hours together, flogging them at intervals, and he killed them not infrequently if they proved stubborn.” (H.W.Parker The Rise, Progress, and Present State of V. D. Land 1833)[32]

The raids for, and trade in, Aboriginal women contributed to the rapid depletion of the numbers of Aboriginal women in the northern areas of Tasmania, “by 1830 only three women survived in northeast Tasmania among 72 men” [27] and thus contributed in a significant manner to the demise of the full-blooded Aboriginal population of Tasmania. However many modern day Tasmanian Aborigines trace their descent from the 19th century sealer communities of Bass Strait.

There are numerous stories of the sealers’ brutality towards the Aboriginal women; with some of these reports originating from George Augustus Robinson. In 1830, Robinson seized fourteen Aboriginal women from the sealers, planning for them to marry Aboriginal men at the Flinders Island settlement. Josephine Flood, an archaeologist specialising in Australian mainland Aboriginal peoples, notes: “he encountered strong resistance from the women as well as sealers”. The sealers sent a representative, James Munro, to appeal to Governor Arthur and argue for the women’s return on the basis that they wanted to stay with their sealer husbands and children rather than marry Aboriginal men unknown to them. Arthur ordered the return of some of the women. Shortly thereafter, Robinson began to disseminate stories, told to him by James Munro, of atrocities allegedly committed by the sealers against Aborigines and against Aboriginal women, in particular. Brian Plomley, who edited Robinson’s papers, expressed scepticism about these atrocities and notes that they were not reported to Archdeacon Broughton‘s 1830 committee of inquiry into violence towards Tasmanians. Abduction and ill-treatment of Aborigines certainly occurred, but the extent is debated.[33]

After European Settlement

Robert Dowling, Group of Natives of Tasmania, 1859. Critic Bernard William Smith assessed the work as a “history painting in the full sense of the word”, with the natives “seated—emblematic of their situation—around the dying embers of a burnt-out log near a great blackened stump, and in the far left corner there is a leafless tree with shattered branches.”[34]

Between 1803 and 1823, there were two phases of conflict between the Aborigines and the British colonists. The first took place between 1803 and 1808 over the need for common food sources such as oysters and kangaroos, and the second between 1808 and 1823, when the small number of white females among the farmers, sealers and whalers, led to the trading, and the abduction, of Aboriginal women as sexual partners. These practices also increased conflict over women among Aboriginal tribes. This in turn led to a decline in the Aboriginal population. Historian Lyndall Ryan records seventy-four Aborigines (almost all women) living with sealers on the Bass Strait islands in the period up to 1835.[35]

By 1816, kidnapping of Aboriginal children for labour had become widespread. In 1814, Governor Thomas Davey issued a proclamation expressing “utter indignation and abhorrence” in regards to the kidnapping of the children and in 1819 Governor William Sorell not only re-issued the proclamation but ordered that those who had been taken without parental consent were to be sent to Hobart and supported at government expense.[36] A number of young Aboriginal children were known to be living with settlers. An Irish sealer named Brien spared the life of the baby son of a native woman he had abducted explaining, “as (he) had stolen the dam he would keep the cub.” When the child grew up he became an invaluable assistant to Brien but was considered “no good” by his own people as he was brought up to dislike Aborigines who he considered “dirty lazy brutes.”[29] Twenty-six were definitely known (through baptismal records) to have been taken into settlers’ homes as infants or very small children, too young to be of service as labourers. Some Aboriginal children were sent to the Orphan School in Hobart.[37] Lyndall Ryan reports fifty-eight Aborigines, of various ages, living with settlers in Tasmania in the period up to 1835.[38]

Some historians argue that European disease did not appear to be a serious factor until after 1829.[39] Other historians including Geoffrey Blainey and Keith Windschuttle, point to introduced disease as the main cause of the destruction of the full-blooded Tasmanian Aboriginal population. Keith Windschuttle argues that while smallpox never reached Tasmania, respiratory diseases such as influenza, pneumonia and tuberculosis and the effects of venereal diseases devastated the Tasmanian Aboriginal population whose long isolation from contact with the mainland compromised their resistance to introduced disease. The work of historian James Bonwick and anthropologist H. Ling Roth, both writing in the 19th century, also point to the significant role of epidemics and infertility without clear attribution of the sources of the diseases as having been introduced through contact with Europeans. Bonwick, however, did note that Tasmanian Aboriginal women were infected with venereal diseases by Europeans. Introduced venereal disease not only directly caused deaths but, more insidiously, left a significant percentage of the population unable to reproduce. Josephine Flood, archaeologist, wrote: “Venereal disease sterilised and chest complaints – influenza, pneumonia and tuberculosis – killed.” [40][41]

Bonwick, who lived in Tasmania, recorded a number of reports of the devastating effect of introduced disease including one report by a Doctor Story, a Quaker, who wrote: “After 1823 the women along with the tribe seemed to have had no children; but why I do not know.”[42] Later historians have reported that introduced venereal disease caused infertility amongst the Tasmanian Aborigines.[43][44]

Bonwick also recorded a strong Aboriginal oral tradition of an epidemic even before formal colonisation in 1803. “Mr Robert Clark, in a letter to me, said : “I have gleaned from some of the aborigines, now in their graves, that they were more numerous than the white people were aware of, but their numbers were very much thinned by a sudden attack of disease which was general among the entire population previous to the arrival of the English, entire tribes of natives having been swept off in the course of one or two days illness.” “ [3] Such an epidemic may be linked to contact with sailors or sealers.[45]

Henry Ling Roth, an anthropologist, wrote: “Calder, who has gone more fully into the particulars of their illnesses, writes as follows….: “Their rapid declension after the colony was founded is traceable, as far as our proofs allow us to judge, to the prevalence of epidemic disorders….””[46] Roth was referring to James Erskine Calder who took up a post as a surveyor in Tasmania in 1829 and who wrote a number of scholarly papers about the Aborigines. “According to Calder, a rapid and remarkable declension of the numbers of the aborigines had been going on long before the remnants were gathered together on Flinders Island. Whole tribes (some of which Robinson mentions by name as being in existence fifteen or twenty years before he went amongst them, and which probably never had a shot fired at them) had absolutely and entirely vanished. To the causes to which he attributes this strange wasting away … I think infecundity, produced by the infidelity of the women to their husbands in the early times of the colony, may be safely added. . . . Robinson always enumerates the sexes of the individuals he took; . . . and as a general thing, found scarcely any children amongst them; . . . adultness was found to outweigh infancy everywhere in a remarkable degree. . . .”[47]

George Augustus Robinson recorded in his journals a number of comments regarding the Tasmanian Aborigines’ susceptibility to diseases, particularly respiratory diseases. In 1832 he revisited the west coast of Tasmania, far from the settled regions, and wrote: “The numbers of aborigines along the western coast have been considerably reduced since the time of my last visit [1830]. A mortality has raged amongst them which together with the severity of the season and other causes had rendered the paucity of their number very considerable.” [48]

Between 1825 and 1831 a pattern of guerrilla warfare by the Aborigines was identified by the colonists, some of whom acknowledged the Aborigines as fighting for their country. Rapid pastoral expansion and an increase in the colony’s population triggered Aboriginal resistance from 1824 onwards when it has been estimated by Lyndall Ryan that 1000 Aborigines remained in the settled districts. Whereas settlers and stock keepers had previously provided rations to the Aborigines during their seasonal movements across the settled districts, and recognised this practice as some form of payment for trespass and loss of traditional hunting grounds, the new settlers and stock keepers were unwilling to maintain these arrangements and the Aborigines began to raid settlers’ huts for food. The official Government position was that Aborigines were blameless for any hostilities, but when Musquito was hanged in 1825, a significant debate was generated which split the colonists along class lines. The “higher grade” saw the hanging as a dangerous precedent and argued that Aborigines were only defending their land and should not be punished for doing so. The “lower grade” of colonists wanted more Aborigines hanged to encourage a “conciliatory line of conduct.” Governor Arthur sided with the “lower grade” and 1825 saw the first official acceptance that Aborigines were at least partly to blame for conflict. In 1826 the Government gazette, which had formerly reported “retaliatory actions” by Aborigines, now reported “acts of atrocity” and for the first time used the terminology “Aborigine” instead of “native.” A newspaper reported that there were only two solutions to the problem, either they should be “hunted down like wild beasts and destroyed” or they should be removed from the settled districts. The colonial Government assigned troops to drive them out. A Royal Proclamation in 1828 established military posts on the boundaries and a further Proclamation declared martial law against the Aborigines. As it was recognized that there were fixed routes for seasonal migration, Aborigines were required to have passes if they needed to cross the settled districts with bounties offered for the capture of those without passes, £5 (around 2010:$1,000) for an adult and £2 for children, a process that often led to organised hunts resulting in deaths. Every dispatch from Governor Arthur to the Secretary of State during this period stressed that in every case where Aborigines had been killed it was colonists that initiated hostilities.[49] While many aboriginal deaths went unrecorded the Cape Grim massacre in 1828 demonstrates the level of frontier violence towards Tasmanian aborigines.

The Black War of 1828-32 and the Black Line of 1830 were turning points in the relationship with European settlers. Even though many of the Aborigines managed to avoid capture during these events, they were shaken by the size of the campaigns against them, and this brought them to a position whereby they were willing to surrender to Robinson and move to Flinders Island.

Tasmanian aboriginals and settlers mentioned in literature 1800-1835.[50]

Tribe Captured Shot Settlers killed
Oyster Bay 27 67 50
North East 12 43 7
North 28 80 15
Big River 31 43 60
North Midlands 23 38 26
Ben Lomond 35 31 20
North West 96 59 3
South West Coast 47 0 0
South East 14 1 2
Total 313 362 183

In late 1831 George Augustus Robinson, a Christian missionary, brought the first 51 Aboriginals to a settlement on Flinders Island named The Lagoons, which turned out to be inadequate as it was exposed to gales, had little water and no land suitable for cultivation.[51] Supplies to the settlement were inadequate and if sealers had not supplied potatoes, the Aborigines would have starved. The Europeans were living on oatmeal and potatoes while the Aborigines, who detested oatmeal and refused to eat it, survived on potatoes and rice supplemented by mutton birds they caught.[52] Within months 31 Aborigines had died.

“They were lodged at night in shelters or “breakwinds.” These “breakwinds” were thatched roofs sloping to the ground, with an opening at the top to let out the smoke, and closed at the ends, with the exception of a doorway. They were twenty feet long by ten feet wide. In each of these from twenty to thirty blacks were lodged… To savages accustomed to sleep naked in the open air beneath the rudest shelter, the change to close and heated dwellings tended to make them susceptible, as they had never been in their wild state, to chills from atmospheric changes, and was only too well calculated to induce those severe pulmonary diseases which were destined to prove so fatal to them. The same may be said of the use of clothes… At the settlement they were compelled to wear clothes, which they threw off when heated or when they found them troublesome, and when wetted by rain allowed them to dry on their bodies. In the case of Tasmanians, as with other wild tribes accustomed to go naked, the use of clothes had a most mis-chievous effect on their health.[32]

Benjamin Duterrau, Mr Robinson’s first interview with Timmy, 1840

By January 1832 another 44 captured Aboriginals had arrived and conflicts arose between the tribal groups. To defuse the situation sergeant Wight took the Big River group to Green island where they were abandoned and he later decided to move the rest to Green Island as well. Two weeks later Robinson arrived with Lieutenant Darling, the new commander for the station, and moved the Aborigines back to The Lagoons. Lieutenant Darling ensured a supply of plentiful food and permitted “hunting excursions.” In October 1832, a decision was made to build a new camp with better buildings (Wattle and daub) at a more suitable location, Pea Jacket Point. Pea Jacket Point was renamed Civilisation Point but became more commonly known as Wybalenna, which in the Ben Lomond language meant “Blackman’s Houses”.[32]

Robinson befriended Truganini, learned some of the local language and in 1833 managed to persuade the remaining 154 “full-blooded” people to move to the new settlement on Flinders Island, where he promised a modern and comfortable environment, and that they would be relocated to the Tasmanian mainland as soon as possible. At the Wybalenna Aboriginal establishment on Flinders Island, described by historian Henry Reynolds as the ‘best equipped and most lavishly staffed Aboriginal institution in the Australian colonies in the nineteenth century’, they were provided with housing, clothing, rations of food, the services of a doctor and educational facilities. Convicts were assigned to build housing and do most of the work at the settlement including the growing of food in the vegetable gardens.[53] After arrival all Aboriginal children aged between six and 15 years were removed from their families to be brought up by the storekeeper and a lay preacher.[36] The Aborigines were free to roam the island and were often absent from the settlement for extended periods of time on hunting trips as the rations supplied turned out to be inadequate. By 1835 the living conditions had deteriorated to the extent that in October Robinson personally took charge of Wybalenna, organising better food and improving the housing. However, of the 220 who arrived with Robinson, most died in the following 14 years from introduced disease and inadequate shelter. As a result of their loss of freedom, the birth rate was extremely low with few children surviving infancy.

Oyster Cove Mob

In March 1847 six Aboriginals at Wybalenna presented a petition to Queen Victoria, the first petition to a reigning monarch from any Aboriginal group in Australia, requesting that the promises made to them be honoured.[54] In October 1847, the 47 survivors were transferred to their final settlement at Oyster Cove station.[55] Only 44 survived the trip (11 couples, 12 single men and 10 children) and the children were immediately sent to the orphan school in Hobart.[36] Although the housing and food was better than Wybalenna, the station was a former convict station that had been abandoned earlier that year due to health issues as it was located on inadequately drained mudflats. According to the guards, the Aborigines developed “too much independence” by trying to continue their culture which they considered “recklessness” and “rank ingratitude.” Their numbers continued to diminish, in 1859 their numbers were estimated at around a dozen and by 1869 there was only one, who died in 1876.

Commenting in 1899 on Robinsons claims of success, anthropologist Henry Ling Roth wrote:

While Robinson and others were doing their best to make them into a civilised people, the poor blacks had given up the struggle, and were solving the difficult problem by dying. The very efforts made for their welfare only served to hasten on their inevitable doom. The white man’s civilisation proved scarcely less fatal than the white man’s musket.[32]

Anthropological interest

The Oyster Cove people attracted contemporaneous international scientific interest from the 1860s onwards, with many museums claiming body parts for their collections. Scientists were interested in studying Tasmanian Aborigines from a physical anthropology perspective, hoping to gain insights into the field of paleoanthropology. For these reasons, they were interested in individual Aboriginal body parts and whole skeletons.

Tasmanian Aboriginal skulls were particularly sought internationally for studies into craniofacial anthropometry.

In one case, the Royal Society of Tasmania received government permission to exhume the body of Truganini in 1878, within 2 years of her death, on condition that it was “decently deposited in a secure resting place accessible by special permission to scientific men for scientific purposes.” Her skeleton was on display in the Tasmanian Museum until 1947.[56] Another case was the removal of the skull and scrotum — for a tobacco pouch — of William Lanne, known as King Billy, on his death in 1869.

Aborigines have considered the dispersal of body parts as being disrespectful, as a common aspect within Aboriginal belief systems is that a soul can only be at rest when laid in its homeland.

20th century to present day

Body parts and ornaments are still being returned from collections today, with the Royal College of Surgeons of England returning samples of Truganini’s skin and hair (in 2002); and the British Museum returning ashes to two descendants in 2007.[57]

During the 20th century, the absence of “full blood” Aboriginals and a general unawareness of the surviving populations, mean that many non-Aboriginals assumed they were extinct, after the death of Truganini in 1876. Since the mid 1970s Tasmanian Aboriginal activists such as Michael Mansell have sought to broaden awareness and identification of Aboriginal descent.

There is a dispute within the Tasmanian Aboriginal community over what constitutes Aboriginality. Since splitting from the Lia Pootah in 1996, the Palawa minority were given the power to decide who is of Tasmanian Aboriginal descent at the state level (entitlement to government Aboriginal services). Palawa recognise only descendants of the Bass Strait Island community as Aboriginal and do not consider as Aboriginal the Lia Pootah, who claim descent, based on oral traditions, from Tasmanian mainland Aboriginal communities. The Lia Pootah feel that the Palawa controlled Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre does not represent them politically.[58][59]

In April 2000, the Tasmanian Government Legislative Council Select Committee on Aboriginal Lands discussed the difficulty of determining Aboriginality based on oral traditions. An example given by Prof. Cassandra Pybus was the claim by the Huon and Channel Aborigines who had an oral history of descent from two Indigenous women. Research found that both were white convict women. A further problem was the number of non-European settlers. Up to 600 of the convict settlers were Afro-American and it is also known that a percentage of free settlers were not of European descent. An Aboriginal community that survived on Bruny Island is possibly descended from two Africans who took up land grants on the island. The 1818 Hobart census lists 20 Afro-Americans and Lascars and the passenger list of one vessel, the Lady Nelson included ten Indians and Africans who had been given land grants in the Tasmanian interior. The children of these settlers effectively disappeared into the community as they were never identified as “negro” or “coloured” as no distinction was made between them and the European settlers.[60]

More recently[when?] there have been initiatives to introduce DNA testing to establish family history in descendant subgroups. This has drawn an angry reaction from some quarters, as some have claimed “spiritual connection” with aboriginality distinct from, but not as important as the existence of a genetic link.[61] The Tasmanian Palawa Aboriginal community is also making an effort to reconstruct and reintroduce a Tasmanian language, called palawa kani out of the various records on Tasmanian languages. Other Tasmanian aboriginal communities use words from traditional Tasmanian languages, according to the language area they were born or live in.

Legislated definition

In June 2005, the Tasmanian Legislative Council introduced an innovated definition of aboriginality into the Aboriginal Lands Act.[62] The bill was passed to allow Aboriginal Lands Council elections to commence, after uncertainty over who was ‘aboriginal’, and thus eligible to vote.

Under the bill, a person can claim “Tasmanian Aboriginality” if they meet the following criteria:

  • Ancestry
  • Self-identification
  • Community recognition

Government compensation for “Stolen Generations”

On 13 August 1997 a Statement of Apology (specific to removal of children) was issued – which was unanimously supported by the Tasmanian Parliament – the wording of the sentence was

That this house, on behalf of all Tasmanian(s)… expresses its deep and sincere regret at the hurt and distress caused by past policies under which Aboriginal children were removed from their families and homes; apologises to the Aboriginal people for those past actions and reaffirms its support for reconciliation between all Australians.

There are many people currently working in the community, academia, various levels of government and NGOs to strengthen what has been termed as the Tasmanian Aboriginal culture and the conditions of those who identify as members of the descendant community.

In November 2006 Tasmania became the first Australian state or territory to offer financial compensation for the Stolen Generations, Aborigines forcibly removed from their families by Australian government agencies and church missions between about 1900 and 1972. Up to 40 Tasmanian Aborigine descendants are expected to be eligible for compensation from the $5 million package.[63]

Some notable Tasmanian Aborigines



  1. ^ a b c From Terror to Genocide: Britain’s Tasmanian Penal Colony and Australia’s History Wars
  2. ^ Rhys Jones:3,000-5,000, N. J. B. Plomley: 4,000–6,000, Henry Reynolds: 5,000–7,000, Colin Pardoe: 12,000+ and David Davies: 15,000.
  3. ^ a b c Bonwick, James: Daily Life and Origins of the Tasmanians, Sampson, Low, Son and Marston, London, 1870, p84-85
  4. ^ Bonwick, James: The Last of the Tasmanians, Sampson Low, Son & Marston, London, 1870, p388
  5. ^ Flood, Josephine: The Original Australians: Story of the Aboriginal People, Allen & Unwin, 2006, pp 66-67
  6. ^ Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Macleay Press, 2002, pp 372-375
  7. ^ Geoffrey Blainey, A Land Half Won, Macmillan, South Melbourne, Vic., 1980, p75
  8. ^ Colin Tatz, With Intent To Destroy
  9. ^ ‘Van Diemen’s Land’ James Boyce 2009 p.297
  10. ^ For discussion of the Truganini claim, and the other candidates, Suke and Fanny Cochrane Smith, see Rebe Taylor, Unearthed: the Aboriginal Tasmanians of Kangaroo Island,Wakefield Press, 2004 pp.140ff.
  11. ^ Lyndall Ryan, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Allen & Unwin, 1996 p.220, denies Truganini was the last ‘full-blood’, and makes a case for Suke (d.circa 1888)
  12. ^ a b Pardoe, Colin (1991). “Isolation and Evolution in Tasmania”. Current Anthropology 32 (1): 1–27. doi:10.1086/203909
  13. ^ Archaeology News March 2010
  14. ^ Jared Diamond. Guns, Germs, and Steel (1999 ed.). Norton. pp. 492. ISBN 0393061310
  15. ^ a b c “Aboriginal Occupation”. ABS. 26 March 2008. Retrieved 26 March 2008. 
  16. ^ a b Lyndall Ryan, pp10-11, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Second Edition, Allen & Unwin, 1996, ISBN 1863739653
  17. ^ a b Manne, Robert (2003). Whitewash. 317-318: Schwartz Publishing. ISBN 0 9750769 0 6
  18. ^ Tasmania 2005: Aboriginal occupation Australian Bureau of Statistics 13 September 2002
  19. ^ a b c d Lyndall Ryan, pp13-44, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Second Edition, Allen & Unwin, 1996, ISBN 1863739653
  20. ^ Cornwall Coal: Cullenswood 2 Environmental Effects Report pdf
  21. ^ Burnie: A Thematic History pdf Burnie City Council
  22. ^ Ben Lomond National Park Parks and Wildlife Service
  23. ^ Aboriginal Cultural Heritage Survey Jan 2001 pdf
  24. ^ Tasmania Regional Guide Series. Lonely Planet 2008 pg 136-137 ISBN 1741046912
  25. ^ Flood, Josephine: The Original Australians: Story of the Aboriginal People, Allen & Unwin, 2006, pp 58-60
  26. ^ Bonwick, James: The Last of the Tasmanians, Sampson Low, Son & Marston, London, 1870, pp 3-8
  27. ^ a b c Flood, Josephine: The Original Australians, pp58-60, p 76
  28. ^ Differing opinions have been given on Walyer’s involvement with the sealers. McFarlane writes that she voluntarily joined the sealers with members of her family, and was responsible for attacking Aborigines and white settlers alike (McFarlane, 2008: 119). However, Ryan comes to a different conclusion, that Walyer had been abducted at Port Sorell by Aborigines and traded to the sealers for dogs and flour (Ryan, 1996: 141).
  29. ^ a b c Kay Merry The Cross-Cultural Relationships Between the Sealers and the Tasmanian Aboriginal Women at Bass Strait and Kangaroo Island in the Early Nineteenth Century pdf, Flinders University Department of History 2003
  30. ^ Bonwick, James: The Last of the Tasmanians, pp 295-297
  31. ^ Bonwick, James: The Last of the Tasmanians, pp 295-301
  32. ^ a b c d Henry Ling Roth The Aborigines of Tasmania 1899
  33. ^ Flood, Josephine: The Original Australians, p 76
  34. ^ Smith, Bernard (1971). Australian Painting, 1788-1970. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. p. 57. ISBN 0195503724
  35. ^ Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Second Edition, Allen & Unwin, 1996, ISBN 1863739653, Appendix p 313
  36. ^ a b c Bringing them Home – The Report Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission
  37. ^ Flood, Josephine. The Original Australians, p 77
  38. ^ Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Second Edition, Allen & Unwin, 1996, ISBN 1863739653, p 176
  39. ^ Boyce, James: Van Diemen’s Land, Black Inc, 2008, ISBN 9781863954136, p65
  40. ^ Flood, Josephine: The Original Australians, p 77, p 90, 128
  41. ^ Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Macleay Press, 2002, pp 372-376
  42. ^ Bonwick, Last of the Tasmanians, p388
  43. ^ Flood, Josephine, The Original Australians, p 90
  44. ^ Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History, pp 375-376
  45. ^ Flood, Josephine: The Original Australians, pp 66-67
  46. ^ Roth, Henry Ling, The Aborigines of Tasmania, Second Edition, Halifax (England): F. King & Sons, Printers and Publishers, Broad Street, 1899, p 18
  47. ^ Roth, Henry Ling, The Aborigines of Tasmania, 1899, pp 172-173
  48. ^ Plomley, N. J. B. (ed), Friendly Mission, Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Hobart, 1966, at p 695, Robinson writing to Edward Curr, 22 Sept 1832
  49. ^ John J. Cove What the bones say: Tasmanian aborigines, science, and domination McGill-Queen’s University Press 1995 Pg 25-29 ISBN 0886292476
  50. ^ Ryan L. 1996, The Aboriginal Tasmanians pg 313-314 . Europeans killed and Aborigines captured can be considered correct. The figures for tribal people shot is likely to be a substantial undercount.
  51. ^ The Lagoons was located on a narrow sandbank, covered with ferns and scrub. It was bounded on one side by the sea, and on the other side by a saltwater lagoon bordered with thick tea-tree which cut off access to the main island.
  52. ^ Roth The Aborigines of Tasmania 1899 pg 3
  53. ^ Flood, Josephine, The Original Australians: Story of the Aboriginal People, Allen & Unwin, 2006, p88, citing Reynolds
  54. ^ Since the 1980s this petition has been the focus of a major argument in the legal battle regarding the promises that Robinson and Governor Arthur made to the Tasmanian Aborigines.
  55. ^ Bonwick, James: The Last of the Tasmanians, p 270-295
  56. ^ Trugernanner (Truganini) (1812? – 1876), Australian Dictionary of Biography
  57. ^ “Bodies of Knowledge”. The Museum. 17 May 2007. No. 2, season 1.
  58. ^ “WHO MAKES UP THE TASMANIAN ABORIGINAL COMMUNITY?”. Lia Pootah Community. 26 March 2008. Retrieved 26 March 2008. 
  59. ^ Interview with Kaye McPherson (Lia Pootah elder) Four Corners Australian Broadcasting Corporation 26 August 2002
  60. ^ Legislative Council Select Committee on Aboriginal Lands 10 April 2002
  61. ^ Matthew Denholm, “A bone to pick with the Brits”, The Australian, 17 February 2007.
  62. ^ Tasmanian Legislation – Aboriginal Lands Act 1995
Maoris launching canoes, Astrolabe Strait, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris launching canoes, Astrolabe Strait, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
The corvette 'Astrolabe', New Zealand, 1826-1829.
The corvette ‘Astrolabe’, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris dancing on a French ship, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris dancing on a French ship, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori canoe seen from Wangari Point, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori canoe seen from Wangari Point, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris and tattoos, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maoris and tattoos, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Warriors of Shouraki, and inhabitants of Houa Houa, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Warriors of Shouraki, and inhabitants of Houa Houa, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori artefacts, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori artefacts, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori canoes, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori canoes, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Natai, Maori chief from Bream Bay, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Natai, Maori chief from Bream Bay, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori houses, New Zealand, 1826-1829.
Maori houses, New Zealand, 1826-1829.

European perceptions of New Zealand
in the early nineteenth century


Port Lyttelton
Port Lyttelton, Canterbury. Artist unknown. Tinted lithograph from “New Zealand, the Britain of the South”, vol. 1, opp. p. 226 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

At the close of the eighteenth century, European knowledge of New Zealand was confined to the very few coastal contacts made by visitors like Abel Tasman, James Cook and Marion du Fresne. A handful of paintings of the country had been exhibited in London by William Hodges and John Webber, artists who accompanied Cook on his voyages of 1772-1775 and 1776-1780, although a number of prints and engravings were published after these, as well as after works by Sydney Parkinson, Herman Diedrich Spöring, John Cleveley and Moses Griffith.1A considerable quantity of other images were included in publications of the various European voyages to the Pacific, and these continued to stimulate popular interest in the region well into the nineteenth century. For the learned gentlemen who attended these voyages, the chief interest was cataloguing geological, botanical and biological difference, a process that located New Zealand largely within the confines of eighteenth-century scientific discourse. With the arrival of the first convict settlements in Australia during the 1780s, however, a base was established for trade that was to greatly change the nature of British contacts with the country and British appraisals of its native inhabitants. 

British and other European vessels soon began to visit the islands to obtain flax and timber, principally at coastal areas in the North Island, while offshore whalers began to stop over for water, food and hospitality. The first European settlements of any permanence were established with large-scale sealing in the 1810s, and then bay and shore whaling in the 1820s. The Church Missionary Society arrived in 1814 to erect a station at Rangihoua in the Bay of Islands, followed in 1822 by the Wesleyan Missionary Society at Hokianga. From a metropolitan viewpoint, however, the country appeared too far away and of too little economic or strategic importance to hold the attention of a nation at war in Europe until 1815 and then, in the 1820s and 1830s, preoccupied with social unrest and political dissent at home. Besides, there were other destinations for the prospective British emigrant that were tried and tested, and far easier to reach like America and Canada, or where settlement would serve the national interest, as in the Cape Colony where, following the 1814 Anglo-Dutch Treaty, colonisation was securing a British foothold in the predominantly Dutch hinterland. Nonetheless, proposals did surface sporadically for British settlement in New Zealand. A Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Nicholls suggested the British Government found a military colony there in 1823. In 1825, two Members of Parliament approached the Colonial Secretary, Earl Bathurst, with a scheme. As a result, the first New Zealand Company was formed in London, promptly despatching two ships to establish a base in the country for trading timber and flax.

At the same time, a set of New Zealand presences was emerging in metropolitan Britain, deposited there by the backwash of an increasingly globalising economy. Māori who worked European vessels debarked in Britain, either by choice or because they were set ashore, while others arrived as guests of recent visitors to New Zealand. One at least became a Sunday School teacher in Marylebone, while others featured in the popular press, made appearances in provincial shows, were mobbed in the streets or entertained in the homes of the wealthy.2 European crewmen who had deserted their vessels or been kidnapped by Māori also returned with tales of survival. They brought preserved heads for London shop windows or to display at local fairs, and those who had been tattooed or adopted Māori ways, like John Rutherford, a crewman from the American brig Agnes, allegedly plundered by Māori at Hawke’s Bay in 1817, might exhibit themselves as ‘wonders’.3 Details of Rutherford’s captivity and the scenes of violence he purportedly witnessed, were recounted at length in George Craik’s New Zealanders, one of the relatively few books dealing with New Zealand published in the first decades of the nineteenth century. Almost all of these works agreed, however, that the country’s native inhabitants were war-like, easily angered and ruthless in vengeance; propensities then frequently adduced as major impediments to their becoming, in contemporary European terms at least, ‘civilised’. Even Māori appeared to concur in this view. In 1824, Richard Cruise recorded a Bay of Islands chief had informed him it was impossible to convert Māori to settled ways because of their love of war: ‘if you told a New Zealander to work, he fell asleep; but if you spoke of fighting, he opened his eyes as wide as a teacup;…the whole bent of his mind was war’.4

To a considerable extent, early nineteenth-century metropolitan imaginings also blurred New Zealand into a contemporary conceptualisation of the ‘South Seas’, a loosely bounded region incorporating what is now known as Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia, but which extended in the early nineteenth-century imagination as far as the Indian Ocean and the coasts of Australia and the Americas. This was the setting for the late eighteenth-century voyages of John Byron, Louis de Bougainville and James Cook, reports of which had done so much to stimulate popular interest in the area and its inhabitants.5 Byron had been quite matter of fact in his descriptions of the Pacific islanders, and his Voyage Round the World made no suggestion that they might be happier or superior in any way to their British visitors. Bougainville, by contrast, was captivated by a highly Rousseauan idea of the noble savage, and represented the Pacific as a pre-lapsarian alternative to the artificial constraints of European civilisation, an unspoiled paradise in which ‘the freedom of the golden age still prevails’.6 It was Cook, however, who provided the most disturbing account of the Pacific, and one that darkened Bougainville’s bright, Arcadian vision.


On his first voyage, Cook had speculated that Māori sometimes consumed their slain enemies and, on his second visit to New Zealand, his suspicions appeared horribly realised when Māori aboard the Resolution were seen to devour flesh cut from the head of a dead warrior.7 During the decades that followed, European charting of the South Seas was coupled with reports of mutiny and shipwreck, native attacks and cannibalism, the latter emerging as a new co-ordinate in European understandings of the South Seas: a barbarous negative of European civilisation and moral order, a shocking reversal of Bougainville’s noble savage evincing a swirling immixture of shocked revulsion and prurient fascination.8 In 1814, for example, Matthew Flinders prefaced Voyage to Terra Australis with a collation of European voyages featuring native murder and plunder, heaped human skulls and severed hands strung up in the gloom of native huts.9 By the 1820s, its grisly horrors were being offered as enticements to prospective readers of titles like John Anderson’s Mission to the east coast of Sumatra in MDCCCXXIII …including…a visit to the Batta cannibal states, or Peter Dillon’s Narrative…of a Voyage in the South Seas, the full title of which promised gruesome details of the ‘Cannibal Practices of the South Sea Islanders’.10 It was a promise realised in Dillon’s frontispiece illustration, Massacre at the Fejee Islands in Septr. 1823, (figure 1), a contrast between heroically posed European sang froid and a confused mêlée of dark bodies, in the background of which the pale, naked carcasses of Dillon’s fellow crewmen were being ‘dissected, baked, and devoured’.11

Dillon - Massacre at Fiji
Figure 1. Massacre at the Fejee Islands in Septr 1823. Dreadful situation of Capt Dillon and the two other survivors. C Ingrey, lithog, 310 Strand [1829]. Artist unknown. Lithograph from “Narrative and successful result of a voyage in the South Seas …” volume 1, frontispiece. Reference Number: PUBL-0177-1-front (Permission of the Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand, must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

To varying degrees and with different emphases, reports of Māori cannibalism appeared in nearly every British title dealing with New Zealand during this period. One of the earliest, John Savage’s 1807 Account of New Zealand, had paid scant attention to the practice, describing it briefly as a form of ritual vengeance.12 Cruise, by contrast, saw it practised ‘not only as a superstition, but as sensual animal gratification’. He reported Māori found European flesh ‘tough and unpalatable’, a reassurance of little use to those who fell victim to Māori cannibalism, and an example of the off-hand manner in which the subject was sometimes handled in metropolitan accounts.13 Both the Quarterly Review and Edinburgh Review lingered over the detail of Augustus Earle’s reports of Māori cannibalism, the latter devoting almost one quarter of its review of Narrative of a Nine Months’ Residence in New Zealand to the topic.14 As Earle described it, cannibalism was a bloody gash that rent an otherwise ordered landscape without warning, exposing a gross, barbaric side to the Māori character. Idly musing on the rude landscape at Pakanae, for example, his ramblings were brought to a sudden and shocking halt when he stumbled over the butchered remains of a human body fought over by pigs and dogs, ‘ocular proof’ of their ‘abominable ceremonies’.15 Dillon quite relished Moehanga’s description of the Māori attack fourteen years earlier on the European vessel the Boyd,

Craik - Patoos clubs
Figure 2. Patoos, Clubs, &c. Artist unknown. Wood engraving from “The New Zealanders”, p. 264 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

in which seventy European passengers and crew were said to have been killed and eaten, an account that culminated in a scene ‘at which humanity must shudder–namely, the dissecting, baking, and devouring of our unfortunate countrymen’.16 Craik devoted nine pages to the ‘wild and indiscriminate slaughter’ of the Boyd incident and a further thirteen to Māori cannibalism which, like Cruise, he thought to satisfy a wholly unnatural appetite.17His small volume was peppered with illustrations of Māori weapons. Their placing, like surgical instruments on an otherwise blank ground

Craik - Maori head
Figure 3. After Te Pehi Kupe, Tattooing on the face of Tupai Cupa, from a drawing by himself. Artist unknown. Wood engraving from “The New Zealanders”, p. 332 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

essentialised their primitive function, fixed by the descriptions of human slaughter, skull-splitting and beheading (figure 2).18 Amidst this armoury were arrayed the tattooed features of Te Moranga, Hongi Hika and Te Pēhi Kupe; as well as other, nameless, grimacing faces, their tongues protruding fiercely; armed warriors looming against the horizon; and war canoes overspilling with violently gesticulating figures (figures 3, 4 and 5). This was not going to be the way to sell New Zealand as a prospective home for British settlers!


Craik - New Zealander
Figure 4. New Zealander, with Spear, Artist unknown. Wood engraving from “The New Zealanders”, p. 265 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)



Craik - Maori canoe
Figure 5. After Sydney Parkinson, Anonymous untitled, wood engraving from “The New Zealanders”, p. 375 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)


Cash, convicts and Christianity

By the late 1830s, growing commercial contacts were weaving New Zealand into a global economy, with whale oil landed in London and Boston, seal furs sold in Java and China, and timber carried to India and the Cape for shipbuilding. Māori and European traders exported pork, potatoes and flax, principally to Sydney, and in return came blankets, ironware, axes and muskets. Growing European interest in colonising the islands saw increasing numbers of volumes dedicated to describing the country and its native inhabitants and, with these, the image of Māori began to change. There was no one moment for this shift, which was imaginatively highly complex and which must be set, in any case, within a contemporary current of positive images of Māori, but its features can be registered in a comparison of two works by Edward Gibbon Wakefield, a figure central to the drama of mid nineteenth-century British settlement in both New Zealand and Australia.

Wakefield had propounded his theory of ‘systematic colonisation’ in a series of anonymously published articles in the London Morning Chronicle in late 1829, subsequently republished as A Letter from Sydney.19 It represented an interest in the antipodes that was to remain with him until his death in 1862 but, in 1833, he had briefly turned his attention to America. England and America purported to be an impartial comparison of the political, social and economic conditions of the two nations but was, in fact, another exercise in the logic of his system of ‘British’ colonisation, shortly to achieve a form of official sanction in arrangements for the colonisation of South Australia.20 His interest in colonisation and emigration had made Wakefield an enthusiastic reader of political economy, and England and America was dotted with references to works by Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill and John McCulloch.21 The volume was largely polemic, however, laced with highly wrought passages on the Poor House and factory children, working class distress and the gin house, along with lengthy diagnoses of the uneasy affairs of the British middle class. It also included a peculiar dream sequence in which the author attempted to convince a slightly bewildered Robinson Crusoe to set Friday making ornaments to trade with neighbouring islands. This rather laboured essay in the relationship between land, labour and capital on which Wakefield based his colonisation scheme, was politely refused by Crusoe on the grounds that, ‘Our neighbours would make food of us if they could’.

‘Oh!’, Wakefield retorted blithely, ‘I had forgotten that restriction on trade’.22

This is cannibalism in what we might consider its slapstick mode, a mildly amusing impediment to trade, a kind of cooking-pot alternative to the busy logic of European commerce. It reveals, however, how the idea of cannibalism could be woven through the discourses of European exploration and colonisation as a cause, a reason for European interest, as the most extreme point of a savagery ordained to surrender to forms of commercial exchange.

Most commentators saw European trade with Māori as an important stimulus to civilisation, and a corrective to their barbarous ways. The Reverend William Marsden believed commercial pursuits combined with the ‘civilised arts’ would naturally inculcate industriousness and good moral habits amongst primitive Māori, thereby opening the way to Christianity. John Nicholas, who accompanied Marsden on his trip to the Bay of Islands to establish the Church Missionary Society’s first station, shared his enthusiasm for the civilising and christianising power of commerce. He urged that ‘artificial wants’ shaped by European material goods must inevitably excite a spirit of commerce amongst Māori and cautioned against the practice of giving gifts,

…for depending on this sort of casual liberality, [Māori] neglect those useful employments to which they would otherwise apply themselves, and their exertions being once relaxed, a morbid idleness, with a settled disinclination to labour, are the sure consequences.

By making commercial relations the basis of exchange, he countered, ‘the hope of gain would act as an incitement to diligent application’.23 Craik evidenced the apparent power of European commodities to influence Māori-European relations in Pomare’s decision to set aside his ‘murderous propensities’ in favour of the rewards derived from trade with Europeans.24 Earle conveyed a similar message in Te Whareumu’s protection of the Brampton at Kororareka in September 1823, when he prevented gathering crowds of local Māori from pillaging the grounded vessel because of his desire to maintain good trading relations with Europeans.25

Accounts like this appeared to convey a sympathetic attitude to Māori, their recognition of the superiority of European civilisation demonstrating their innate improvability but, simultaneously, this iconography of exchange represented the surrender of Māori cultural autonomy as the inevitable effect of use-values that were simply inherent in European commodities. It suggested that even the simplest European artefact had an autonomous, preordained purpose that could be read more or less successfully according to the relative cultural development of the race and which, once mastered, secured its inevitable progress. In fact, as Nicholas Thomas has observed, material technologies are highly dependent on forms of cultural competence and learned behaviour.26 The ‘irresistible magnetism’ imagined of European commodities consequently carried far more complex connotations than were allowed by writers like Nicholas, Craik or Earle.27 European material goods assumed new meanings and entered into very different value networks when appropriated by Māori; while relations of power between the two races, represented as the ‘natural’ product of material culture, were far more contingent in their actual operation. Cruise’s Journal of a Ten Months’ Residence in New Zealand, for example, reveals how jealously Bay of Islands Māori guarded their trade with the British vessel the Dromedary, using warnings of attack and plunder at other harbours and deliberate control of the crew’s access to kauri to detain the ship for as long as possible. Immediately the Cumberland whaler arrived, however, they deserted the Dromedary in favour of the muskets and powder they could obtain from the newly arrived vessel.28

Nor did Māori make the same distinctions as metropolitan observers between ‘good’ missionaries and ‘bad’ convicts and traders. During the first few decades of the nineteenth century, they valued material goods, particularly muskets, far more than they did the alien beliefs of a handful of unhappy proselytisers, and the missionaries clearly struggled in those ‘Strong Holds of Satan’.29 In 1820, Cruise had found them very much troubled by Māori depredations and observed they had made not a single convert during their six years in the country.30 Eight years later, Earle declared missionary work well intentioned but could see no good coming of it. There was little benefit in missionaries preaching ‘abstruse points of the Gospel’ to Māori, he argued, remarking dismissively that he ‘never yet saw one proselyte of their converting’.31

The missionaries came to New Zealand with the intention of changing Māori, and it followed they must acknowledge Māori could be redeemed, converted or improved, despite what they considered their barbaric ways. The Reverend William Yate, for example, remarked cautiously that ‘[v]iewed as an uncivilized people’, Māori were actually comparatively industrious. He proudly recorded the introduction of the ‘British plough’ by the Church Missionary Society, and delighted at the sight of ‘the youth of New Zealand themselves, the drivers of that plough, and the conductors of the whole business, after they have received their instructions from their [European] teachers and friends’.32 The missionaries argued stridently against the colonisation of New Zealand and yet, ironically, their representations of the country were instrumental in securing even greater metropolitan interest in that very outcome.33 In Yate’s Account of New Zealand, for example, the lengthy description of the country’s mountains, valleys, forests and plains, its trees, animals and fishes, climate, soil and minerals, along with details of their potential value and use, spoke of commercial more than spiritual objectives; and his language produced a form of symbolic colonisation by establishing prospective transitions from wilderness to farmland, native products to manufactured, natural landscape to cultivated.34

From cannibal to commerce

It was this kind of potentiality that pervaded the second of Wakefield’s volumes, a stubby, nondescript volume jointly authored with John Ward, published in November 1837 and entitled The British Colonization of New Zealand. It was not the first nineteenth-century British title devoted to New Zealand, but it was the first concerned principally with the progressive colonisation of the islands by British settlers.35 Earlier writers may have suggested European contacts of one kind or another, but they were far less ardent in their designs, and just as likely to press for civilisation or conversion of the existing population as a prelude to an antipodean Māori nation. That the writers of British Colonization had a different prospect in mind was clear from William Whewell’s quotation featured on the reverse of the title page:

It is not to be doubted that this country has been invested with wealth and power, with arts and knowledge, with the sway of distant lands, and the mastery of the restless waters, for some great and important purpose in the Government of the world. Can we suppose otherwise, than that it is our office to carry civilization and humanity, peace and good Government, and, above all, the knowledge of the true God, to the uttermost ends of the earth?36

Here was an undertaking worthy of the Lords, Members of Parliament, men of the cloth and other gentlemen who comprised the Committee of the recently formed New Zealand Association, whose names were dutifully listed, and whose objectives the volume was published to promote.37 In the pages that followed, Whewell’s vision of moral necessity, national imperative and Church of England philanthropy was enthusiastically embraced in a project which, it was promised, would reclaim a ‘moral wilderness’ at the other end of the globe.38

The Association’s scheme was a curious combination of personal greed and national enterprise, commercial avarice and religious philanthropy, to which was added a good measure of foolhardy conjecture. Its authors admitted little was yet known about the geology of the islands, but this did not prevent them from conjecturing wildly on the existence of rich veins of coal and iron, sulphur deposits, granite, quartz, marble and slate, to which they added immense forests, verdant plains and pastures sloping gently to the sea, with soil ‘superior to anything that imagination can conceive’.39 Earlier writers had not seen the country in quite such emphatic terms. Savage, for example, devoted only one page to potential European settlement and, even then, made no assumption that Britain would be the colonising power. Whatever their accuracy, his observations fixed New Zealand and its Māori inhabitants against metropolitan reference points rather than imaginatively mapping an entirely new geography of European commerce in the distant New Zealand landscape. He related Māori lifeways to those of European nations, making out a complex hierarchy of Māori social class, an aristocratic, national government and a polity of principalities lying in the islands’ hinterland. Very little of his account attended to the New Zealand landscape and, where it did, his interest was provisional, conditional. Flax and timber might be found valuable ‘at some time in the future’, he remarked and, although he noted an abundance of fish, he made no suggestion that this might one day supply a European population settled in the country. New Zealand instead offered opportunities for botanical, mineralogical and ornithological investigation, or for obtaining ‘rare and beautiful shells for the cabinets of the curious’.40 The country effectively derived meaning only when transported back and placed within metropolitan orders, just as what he wrote about his protégé Moehanga, who had returned with him to England, illuminated metropolitan schema rather than Māori. ‘The immense metropolis has amazed the most enlightened’, Savage declared, ‘[and] it will not therefore appear extraordinary that an uncultivated native of the antipodes should be struck with the greatest possible degree of wonder’.41 In this account, his stock exclamations at the newness of everything revealed little about Moehanga. Instead, they confirmed the enormity of Britain’s cultural wealth, the marvellous extent of its commercial power and the sophistication of its social forms.

Nicholas, who spent much longer in New Zealand than Savage, published a more complex account of his experiences there. A ‘votary of unaffected Nature’, he rhapsodised over the country’s landscapes. The ‘romantic wilderness’ of the Three Kings Islands, for example, was ‘worthy of a Claude or Rosa’ and, encountering Whangaroa harbour, he exclaimed,

…a pen more capable than mine of doing justice to the sublime scenes which nature presents in this quarter, would not be ill-employed in pourtraying [sic] them. A Barry or a Radcliffe may inspire delight by the peculiar force of their respective delineations; but for me, I can only attempt those rude and desultory sketches, which, though ill-according with the original, may still give some faint idea of these nobler objects which every traveller is expected to notice.42

Nicholas represented himself as an observer struggling simply to describe what was there, but these passages solicited understandings of the landscape that relied on a set of culturally determined framings popularised amongst Nicholas’s intended audience, the metropolitan leisured classes. The references to Claude, Rosa, Barry and Radcliffe mobilised a set of aesthetic conventions that demonstrated Nicholas’s own cultural competence, as well as inviting the reaffirmation of his reader’s. His use of the romantic, the picturesque and sublime as formal devices should not, however, be seen as separate from his narrative intent. The ubiquity of the picturing gaze in early nineteenth-century Britain, as well as its global reach, ensured that however alien or curious, the distant could always be made comprehensible. Looking, seeing, registering the characteristic facets of landscape constituted the distant prospect and its features as a space already colonised by the observing eye/I, a form of visual mastery subtly confirmed by Nicholas’s handling of Māori presences in the New Zealand landscape.

Where Savage had made native cultivations part of a characteristically Māori landscape at the Bay of Islands, Nicholas rendered them as painterly touches in a set of picturesque views.43 Far more than Savage, he saw the New Zealand landscape in terms of economic potential. Its uncommonly fertile soil was ‘highly favourable to the growth of all kinds of European grain’, he enthused, and there were mighty forests and mountains, the latter almost certainly ‘pregnant’ with valuable ores.44 He also went much further than Savage in extolling the potential benefits of planting a European colony in the country, weaving a web of prospective commercial contacts with Australia, South America, India, China and England, the ‘immense surplus’ of its native products drawing it ineluctably into a global marketplace,45 but Nicholas’s landscapes, like Earle’s, were savage as well as sublime, beautiful and brutal. Whangaroa, for example, was also a scene stained with the blood of the Boyd incident and, bringing the ill-fated crew to mind, Nicholas shivered with horror at being surrounded by the very ‘cannibals who had butchered them’ and the very weapons employed in their slaughter.46



British colonization - New Zealand village
Figure 6. New Zealand Village. Artist unknown. Wood engraving from “British Colonization”, opp., p. 85 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

With their upbeat message about New Zealand, promulgated enthusiastically by magazines like Blackwood’s and the Spectator,47 Wakefield and Ward played down Māori warfare and violence. British Colonization ignored the Boyd incident entirely and included only four short sections on Māori cannibalism, suggesting this was either a primitive aberration destined to fall quickly to the march of European civilisation, or countering with examples of countries ‘nearer home’ that were once considered cannibal.48 It also largely ignored Māori material culture, portraying Māori society as materially impoverished and in need of the advantages of European civilisation. Evidence of this impoverishment was figured in New Zealand Village, (figure 6), one of five woodcut images included in the volume, but a scene stripped of the kind of detailed ornament featured in earlier illustrations such as

Earle - Dance of New Zealanders
Figure 7. Earle, Augustus, 1793-1838, A dance of New Zealanders. Drawn by A. Earle. Engraved by J. Stewart. Published by Longman & Co., London, May 1832. From “Narrative of a nine months residence in New Zealand”, opp. p. 70.  Reference Number: PUBL-0022-3 (Permission of the Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand, must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

Dance of New Zealanders, (figure 7), from Earle’s Narrative of a Nine Months’ Residence in New Zealand. The engraving also countered Earle’s violently staring, tattooed gesticulation with a form of somnolent black-face and primitive labour, the pig snuffling amidst the family group suggesting a people living quite literally close to an animal existence. Difference inscribed by Earle through artefactuality, nakedness, tattoo and martial defiance was eliminated by British Colonization in favour of a set of signifiers derived from the popular British genre of rustic scenes by the likes of George Morland, David Wilkie or William Collins, in which the subject’s setting, pose, attitude and relationship to the viewer were important cues to contemporary class relations. By invoking this cottage-door genre, the image attuned Māori existence to familiar European prototypes, but possibly the most important aspect of New Zealand Village was its depiction of all the central figures engaged in work of some kind. Just as signs of deference and industriousness in contemporary metropolitan images codified the rural poor as deserving of middle class interest and benevolence, in this image, Māori absorption in domestic labour rendered the race deserving of British attention, and fit to receive the benefits of British civilisation. 

Cruise - Tetero
Figure 8. Read, Richard, 1765-ca 1843, Tetoro, chief of New Zealand. Drawn by R Read from life, 1820. Engraved by Edward Finden. London, Longman & Co., 1823. Reference Number: A-114-036 (Permission of the Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand, must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

Earlier nineteenth-century illustrations of Māori in volumes by Savage and Cruise had much in common with eighteenth-century images like those from Cook’s voyages. Edward Finden’s engraving of Tetoro, a Chief of New Zealand, (figure 8), for example, standing statuesquely on a barren shore in Cruise’s Journal of a Ten Month Residence in New Zealand, belongs to a European typology characterised by Bernard Smith as ‘hard primitivism’, a strongly classicised alternative to the luxe et douceur of the tropical Pacific.49 While Smith’s typologisation works relatively well when applied to late eighteenth-century ‘cabinet-of-curiosities’ approaches to human diversity such as Hawkesworth’s, Cook’s or the Forsters’, the nineteenth century saw growing European acquaintance with Pacific peoples, both individuals and cultures, and a shifting complex of environmental, moral and gendered outlooks that precipitated a confusion of references and rhetorics. The anonymous engraving of Craik’s New Zealander, with Spear, (figure 4 – see end of page 2), for example, started from the familiar mode employed by eighteenth-century illustrators of New Zealand, but the figure was placed in a more characteristically tropical landscape, with palm trees punctuating the background. This easily executed, instantly recognisable feature triggered a set of lingering associations from the works of Hawkesworth, Cook and the Forsters that constituted a simple shorthand corroboration of the authenticity of these Pacific prospects, anchoring New Zealand firmly within contemporary understandings of the ‘look’ of the South Seas. 

British colonization - New Zealand chief
Figure 9. Anon., A New Zealand Chief, wood engraving [anon.], 15.3 x 10cm, Edward Gibbon Wakefield & John Ward, “British Colonization”, opp., p. 129 (Permission of the author must be obtained before any re-use of this item.)

The illustrator of British Colonization handled the Māori warrior figure in much the same way as Craik’s engraver. Its New Zealand Chief, (figure 9), transported Finden’s figure of Titore from a rocky, windswept shore to one dotted with verdure, in the background of which the contemporary ‘South Seas’ signifier, the tropical palm swayed gently. In Cruise’s Narrative of a Nine Month Residence in New Zealand, Titore had been represented as an individual with a history, personality, agency, and affective links with the European narrator. In Craik, he was described as a Māori warrior who had proven himself capable of moral improvement during his short stay in England but who, on returning to New Zealand, had reverted to his old habits of head-hunting, plunder and warfare.50 In British Colonization, however, he appeared as a nameless New Zealand chief staged on a tropical outcrop, the absence of identification meaning there was no need to enter into his troubling biographical details. In an analogous fashion, descriptions of Hongi Hika, Tui and Te Pehi Kupe culled from Craik’s volume were carefully edited to demonstrate the ‘generous complexion’, ‘natural refinement’, and ‘gentleness and affection’ of Māori.51 The objective of these excisions was the construction of a positive picture of Māori, one that suggested they were in a ‘state of transition from savage to civilized life’.52 The teleology of promotion mandated this refashioning of cultural, biographical and aesthetic detail; and judicious management of its sources of information and modes of production meant that British Colonization’s representations of Māori ceased to embody racial and cultural difference in favour of willing collaboration with European settlement. As a consequence, while it was able to admit that warfare and cannibalism had once discouraged British settlement, British Colonization was able to argue Māori were now no longer ‘savage, cruel, and hostile to foreigners’, 

…not opposing but inviting the permanent settlement of English people amongst them–not disregarding merely, but cherishing defenceless missionaries and other strangers…never, it is believed, attacking Europeans save in retaliation for injuries received.53

The emerging prospect

New Zealand on the eve of annexation

A long-standing British belief in Māori amenability to civilisation was strengthened during the 1830s by a growing humanitarian interest in native populations evident in public pressure to abolish slavery in Britain’s colonies, formation of the Aborigines Protection Society and the pro-native stance of a number of Parliamentary Committees.54 These deplored lawlessness amongst British visitors to New Zealand, lamented the undesirable effects of ‘irregular’ European settlement there and highlighted the country’s strategic importance to Pacific trade. They were also fond of pointing out that Britain had a duty to control the excesses of its subjects residing in the islands and, as Peter Adams has argued, these various interests and entanglements made the eventual British annexation of New Zealand in 1840 almost inevitable55. The warlike reputaion of Māori had not gone away, however. It had merely been occluded in many of the growing number of accounts that argued for British settlement of New Zealand, and it was easily resurrected to cast Māori as culpable in the British peopling of the islands. The argument, as Joel Polack put it on the eve of annexation in 1839, was that Māori left to their own devices seemed interested solely in exterminating their fellow countrymen. ‘The time has now arrived’, Polack announced, ‘for enlightened Europeans to teach them a contrary conduct’.56 Under the guiding British hand, he proclaimed, Māori would take to farming, an avocation that would quickly eradicate their warlike ways, while it brought new markets for British manufactures and ensured employment for thousands of the labouring classes at home.57

In these later writings on New Zealand, the rich, carefully laid out Māori plantations described by Nicholas, Cruise and Earle were redrawn as the basest of plots, their cultivators made to sit as mute acolytes at the feet of British masters, but Māori gardens had disappeared from these accounts not because the actual cultivations had gone,58 but because that erasure rendered the land available to British colonisation. In Polack’s account, as in virtually every breathless invocation of New Zealand’s fecundity, felicity and fitness for British colonisation at this time, the country was refigured as a prospect, redefined in terms of metropolitan objectives that were to be realised in a landscape effectively bleached of Māori activity. As Samuel Hinds, a member of the New Zealand Association, had informed the 1838 Lords Committee on New Zealand,

…civilized People have a Right, an inherent Right, over Countries that have not been subject to Civilization, whether those countries are uninhabited, or partially inhabited by Savages, who are never likely themselves to cultivate the Country.59

He could not have signalled more clearly the ideological dimensions of that contest over the landscape in New Zealand, a contest on which depended the very nature of both European and Māori presences right up to the present day.


  1. See Rüdiger Joppien and Bernard Smith, The Art of Captain Cook’s Voyages, Volume One: The Voyage of the Endeavour, 1768-1771 (London and New Haven, 1985), The Art of Captain Cook’s Voyages, Volume Two: The Voyage of the Resolution and Adventure 1772-1775 (London and New Haven, 1985) and The Art of Captain Cook’s Voyages, Volume Three: The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery 1776-1780(London and New Haven, 1988) 2 vols.[back to reference 1 in text]
  2. Some contemporary details of Māori in the British metropolis can be found in John Nicholas, Narrative of a Voyage to New Zealand, 2 vols (London, 1817) vol. 1, pp. 255-7; George Craik, The New Zealanders (London, 1830) pp. 233, 248-249, 293, 328-9 and 316; the Missionary Register vol. 4 (1816), p. 500; vol. 5 (1817), p. 71; and the Times (London) 1 January 1821, 20 August 1823 and 18 February 1825. [back to reference 2 in text]
  3. Rutherford’s stay is detailed in Craik, pp. 277-278, 248 and 336-340. Some twelve years later, Charles Terry accused Rutherford of lying about his abduction.  He reported it was well known amongst European residents in New Zealand that Rutherford had deserted his ship and gone into the bush of his own accord: Charles Terry, New Zealand: Its Advantages and Prospects as a British Colony (London, 1842) p. 198. For contemporary reports of the sale and display of preserved Māori heads in Britain, see William Howitt, Colonization and Christianity (London, 1838) p. 490; or Joel Polack, Manners and Customs of the New Zealanders, 2 vols (London, 1840) vol. 2, p. 41 [back to reference 3 in text]
  4. Richard Cruise, Journal of a Ten Months’ Residence in New Zealand (London, 1823) p.37. [back to reference 4 in text]
  5. See John Byron, Voyage Round the World (London, 1767); Louis de Bougainville, Voyage round the World…in the Years 1766, 1767, 1768 and 1769, trans., John Forster (London, 1772); John Hawkesworth, Account of the Voyages…for making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere (London, 1773); James Cook, Voyage towards the South Pole…in the years, 1772, 1773, 1774, and 1775, 2 vols (London, 1777); James Cook and James King, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean…in the Years 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780, 4 vols (London, 1784); George Forster, Voyage round the World…during the Years 1772, 3, 4, and 5, 2 vols (London, 1777); Johann Forster, Observations made during a Voyage round the World (London, 1778). [back to reference 5 in text]
  6. Bougainville, p. 185. See also the account of ‘New Cythera’ (Tahiti) in Charles-Félix-Pierre Fesche’s Journal of Navigation (JMR, April 2003)[back to reference 6 in text]
  7. Cook and King, vol. 1, p. 244. This is not the place to rehearse arguments over cannibalism as actuality or myth. The important point here is that in early nineteenth-century Britain, these reports were overwhelmingly credited as fact. For the arguments, see Ray Tannehill, Flesh and Blood: A History of the Cannibal Complex (Boston, 1996). [back to reference 7 in text]
  8. For example, William Bligh, Voyage to the South Sea (London, 1792); Jean de la Pérouse, Voyage round the World…in the Years 1785, 1786, 1787, 2 vols., trans., Louis Milet-Mureau (London: John Stockdale, 1798); Matthew Flinders, Voyage to Terra Australis…in the Years 1801, 1802, and 1803, 3 vols (London, 1814); Peter Dillon, Narrative…of a Voyage in the South Seas, 2 vols (London, 1829); Frederick Beechey, Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific…in the Years 1825, 26, 27, 28, 2 vols (London, 1831). [back to reference 8 in text]
  9. Flinders, vol. 1, pp. xxi-xxv and xxxiii-xxxviii. [back to reference 9 in text]
  10. John Anderson, Mission to the east coast of Sumatra in MDCCCXXIII…including …a visit to the Batta cannibal states (Edinburgh, 1826).  The full title of Dillon’s work was Narrative and Successful Result of a Voyage in the South Seas, performed by order of the Government of British India, to ascertain the actual Fate of La Perouse’s Expedition, interspersed with Accounts of the Religion, Manners, Customs, and Cannibal Practices of the South Sea Islanders. [back to reference 10 in text]
  11. Dillon, vol. 1, p. lxxi. [back to reference 11 in text]
  12. John Savage, Some Account of New Zealand (London, 1807) p. 35. [back to reference 12 in text]
  13. Cruise, pp. 272 and 273. [back to reference 13 in text]
  14. ‘Earle’s Residence in New Zealand and Tristan D’Acunha’, Quarterly Review, vol. 98 (October 1832), pp. 133-165; ‘Earle’s Account of New Zealand’, Edinburgh Review, vol. 56, no. 112 (January 1833), pp. 333-349. Cannibalism featured in pp. 335-338. [back to reference 14 in text]
  15. Augustus Earle, Narrative of a Nine Months’ Residence in New Zealand (London, 1832) pp. 13 and 112-120. [back to reference 15 in text]
  16. Dillon, vol. 1, pp. 223 and 224. Reports closer to the time of the incident put the number killed at between thirty and forty. See the Times (London) 11 July 1810; and ‘Particulars of a late Visit to New Zealand, and of the Measures taken for rescuing some English Captives There’, Edinburgh Magazine, April 1819, pp. 304-409. [back to reference 16 in text]
  17. Craik, pp. 69-74, 100-113 and 308-312. [back to reference 17 in text]
  18. Ibid, pp. 264-266. Craik’s panoply was actually derived from a confusion of sources. Some artefacts were misattributed, while a number were from Pacific cultures other than New Zealand Māori. [back to reference 18 in text]
  19. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, A Letter from Sydney (London, 1829). [back to reference 19 in text]
  20. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, England and America, 2 vols (London, 1833). The title was published in the United States the following year. [back to reference 20 in text]
  21. For an analysis of Wakefield and contemporary economic thought, see Lee Tai-Sook, ‘Edward Gibbon Wakefield and movement for systematic colonization, 1829-1850’, Ph.D., diss., (Berkeley, 1986). For the influence of Adam Smith on Wakefield, see, Erik Olssen, ‘Mr. Wakefield and New Zealand as an experiment in post-enlightenment experimental practice’, New Zealand Journal of History, vol. 31, no. 2 (1997) pp. 197-218; and ‘Wakefield and the Scottish Enlightenment, with particular reference to Adam Smith and his Wealth of Nations’, in Edward Gibbon Wakefield and the Colonial Dream: A Reconsideration (Wellington, 1997) p. 47-66. [back to reference 21 in text]
  22. Wakefield, England and America, p.78. [back to reference 22 in text]
  23. Nicholas, vol. 1, pp. 17-18; vol. 2, pp. 160-1. [back to reference 23 in text]
  24. Craik, p. 217. [back to reference 24 in text]
  25. Earle, pp. 54-56. [back to reference 25 in text]
  26. Nicholas Thomas, Entangled Objects (London, 1991), pp. 85-87. [back to reference 26 in text]
  27. Thomas, p. 87. [back to reference 27 in text]
  28. Cruise, pp. 14, 66-68 and 103.  [back to reference 28 in text]
  29. Judith Binney, The Legacy of Guilt: A Life of Thomas Kendall (Auckland, 1968), pp. 13-14. [back to reference 29 in text]
  30. Cruise, p. 55. [back to reference 30 in text]
  31. Earle, p. 58. [back to reference 31 in text]
  32. William Yate, An Account of New Zealand (London, 1835) pp. 105 and 198. [back to reference 32 in text]
  33. In 1837, Dandeson Coates, lay Secretary of the Church Missionary Society published a vehement denunciation of the latest organised plans to colonise the country: The Principles, Objects, and Plan of the New Zealand Association Examined (London, 1837). John Beecham, Secretary of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, also denounced the plans: Colonization: . . . with an Examination of the Proposals of the Association . . . formed for colonizing New Zealand 1st – 4th edns. (London, 1838). [back to reference 33 in text]
  34. Yate, pp. 3-79. [back to reference 34 in text]
  35. Edward Gibbon Wakefield and John Ward, The British Colonization of New Zealand (London, 1837). [back to reference 35 in text]
  36. Ibid, p. iv. [back to reference 36 in text]
  37. Ibid, p. viii. [back to reference 37 in text]
  38. Ibid, p. 27. [back to reference 38 in text]
  39. Ibid, pp. 43-48, 81-83, 77 and 307. [back to reference 39 in text]
  40. Savage, pp. 7-11, 8, 18, 20-21, 26, 59 and 93. [back to reference 40 in text]
  41. Ibid, pp. 102-103. [back to reference 41 in text]
  42. Nicholas, vol. 1, pp. 77, 105 and 114. [back to reference 42 in text]
  43. Savage, p. 3; Nicholas, vol. 1, p. 252. [back to reference 43 in text]
  44. Nicholas, vol. 1, pp. 209 and 264-265; vol. 2, pp. 234, 243-244, 252-253 and 257. [back to reference 44 in text]
  45. Ibid, vol. 2, pp. 313-23 [back to reference 45 in text]
  46. Ibid, vol. 1, pp. 134-135 and 223; vol. 2, p. 78. [back to reference 46 in text]
  47. Spectator (London) no. 487, 28 October 1837, pp. 1025-1026; Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine, December 1837, pp. 784-795. [back to reference 47 in text]
  48. Wakefield and Ward, British Colonization, pp. 29, 49, 175 and 272-273. One country ‘nearer home’ was Britain itself, an accusation that neatly reinforced the message that it was possible to civilise cannibals. [back to reference 48 in text]
  49. See Bernard Smith, European Vision and the South Pacific, 2nd ed., (London and New Haven, 1988), pp. 329-332. [back to reference 49 in text]
  50. Craik, p. 302. Craik confused Titore with Titere, another Māori warrior, in suggesting that he had visited England.  Ormond Wilson has tried to untangle the orthographic confusions in ‘Tooi Teeterree and Titore’, Journal of Pacific Society, vol. 122 (September 1963), pp. 267-70, although Binney has pointed out Wilson’s own confusions of Titore and Te Toru: Binney, p. 50, n. 7. Others who have confused Titere with Titore are Lawrence Rogers, Te Wiremu: A Biography of Henry Williams (Christchurch, 1973), p. 56, n. 8; and Harrison Wright, New Zealand, 1769-1840, 3rd edn., (Cambridge, Mass, 1980), pp. 131-132. [back to reference 50 in text]
  51. Craik, pp. 178, 179 and 189. [back to reference 51 in text]
  52. Wakefield and Ward, British Colonization, p. 170. [back to reference 52 in text]
  53. Ibid, p. 49. [back to reference 53 in text]
  54. As well as the 1836 Commons Committee on Aborigines, the 1837 Select Committee on Transportation condemned the influence of escaped convicts on both Australian Aboriginal and New Zealand Māori populations, while the damaging effect of European contacts on Māori was a major concern of the 1838 Lords Committee on New Zealand. [back to reference 54 in text]
  55. Peter Adams, Fatal Necessity: British Intervention in New Zealand, 1830-1847 (Auckland, 1977) in particular chapter 8, ‘The Obligations of Good Faith’, pp. 238-245. [back to reference 55 in text]
  56. Joel Polack, New Zealand . . . a Narrative of Travels and Adventures, 2 vols (London, 1838) vol. 2, p. 324 (original emphasis). [back to reference 56 in text]
  57. Ibid, vol. 2, pp. 337, 331 and 360. [back to reference 57 in text]
  58. As the settlement of Auckland grew, for example, it was supplied from large cultivated tracts of Māori land in the Waikato, a fact causing considerable concern during Hone Heke’s activities in 1845, and when Te Ati Awa returned to Waitara from Otaki in 1848, they established large market gardens to sell produce to the New Plymouth settlers.  As Governor Grey reported in a despatch reprinted in the Times that year, Māori were by then substantial traders and an important source of export earnings: Times, (London) 7 October 1848. [back to reference 58 in text]
  59. Parliamentary Papers, Report from the Select Committee…into the Present State of the Islands of New Zealand (London, 1838) p. 129. [back to reference 59 in text]
THE END @copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2011
the end @ copyright Dr Iwan suwandy 2011

The London Bridge Postal and Picture History Collection(koleksi Postal histori dan Lithografi Jembatan London bridge)

 Building the New London Bridge, 7 July 1827.












The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Showroom :

Dr Iwan Book :” The London  Historic Collections”

Showcase: “The London Bridge Postal and Pictures History Collections  “

Frame One :

The Old Pictures Of London bridge

“Old” (Medieval) London Bridge

An engraving by Claes Van Visscher showing Old London Bridge in 1616


Artist’s imaginative conception of Nonsuch House on London Bridge.

Drawing of London Bridge from a 1682 map.

'New London Bridge, to consist of Five Arches', London, 1825.
‘New London Bridge, to consist of Five Arches’, London, 1825.
Invitation to the laying of the foundation stone of the new London Bridge, 1825.
Invitation to the laying of the foundation stone of the new London Bridge, 1825.
'The Works of the New London Bridge', London, 26 July 1827.
‘The Works of the New London Bridge’, London, 26 July 1827.
Building the New London Bridge, 7 July 1827.
Building the New London Bridge, 7 July 1827.
Driving piles for the new London Bridge, c 1827.
Driving piles for the new London Bridge, c 1827.
'New London Bridge, to consist of Five Arches', London, 1825.
‘New London Bridge, to consist of Five Arches’, London, 1825.
Invitation to the laying of the foundation stone of the new London Bridge, 1825.
Invitation to the laying of the foundation stone of the new London Bridge, 1825.
'The Old and New London Bridges', 27 August 1830.
‘The Old and New London Bridges’, 27 August 1830.
'The Demolition of Old London Bridge, 26 January 1832'.
‘The Demolition of Old London Bridge, 26 January 1832’.
“New” (19th-century) London Bridge

New London Bridge in the early 1890s

London England 1904 London Bridge Vintage Postcard

LONDON England Circa 1904 view of London Bridge and the River Thames. Unused vintage postcard in excellent condition

Photograph of a postman and two beefeaters at The Tower of London, as published in the Post Office Magazine, February 1939.Photograph of a postman and two beefeaters at The Tower of London, as published in the Post Office Magazine, February 1939.
‘GB Postal History 1703-1798’
3. LONDON DOCKWRA – ST. PAUL’S OFFICE (L 346a). 1703 letter (small hole) used locally in London addressed to ‘Minsing Lane’ with fine to very fine strike with ‘FRI’ within. Letter dated December 10th. 4. LONDON DOCKWRA – ST. PAUL’S OFFICE (L 347). 1712 lengthy letter from London to Stockwell, Surrey with good strike and ‘SA’ within for Saturday. Letter dated September 14th 1712.

5. CROSS POST (Bodmin to Plymouth road). Undated letter from Bodmin to the Isle of Wight with fair strike of the ‘Bodmin’ straight line handstamp in black (CO 6 1743-1792). On front manuscript ‘X Post’ and charge ‘8’.

6. CROSS POST. Undated entire Bodmin (Cornwall) to the Isle of Wight with postal charge of ‘9’ and with manuscript at lower left ‘X Post’ believed to refer to the Bodmin-Plymouth road. On reverse light strike of the ‘Bodmin’ straight line handstamp (CO 6 1743-1792).
7. LONDON DOCKWRA – WESTMINSTER OFFICE (L 363). 1759 letter used locally in London with good to fine strike overlapping flap with Code ‘TU’ for Tuesday within. On reverse ‘Gagaway’ in manuscript, probably a local receiver. 8. WALES/DENBIGHSHIRE. 1765 entire Wrexham to London dated 28th July 1765 with very fine strike of a ‘Wrex/ham’ two-line handstamp in black (W 2399). London Bishopmark ’31/JY’. Very fine.
9. LONDON DOCKWRA – WESTMINSTER OFFICE. 1766 wrapper (some faults) to The Foundling Hospital London endorsed on front ‘X Penny Post’. On reverse fair to good strike of the Westminster Dockwra (L 363a) and ‘2 o’clock’ time handstamp. Wrapper dated 24th September 1766. 10. ‘T.C.’ CIRCULAR LONDON RECEIVERS HANDSTAMP OF THOMAS CASS – Receiver at South Audley Street 1771-1790. Undated letter to Derby with ‘FREE’ handstamp, on reverse good strike of the receiver’s handstamp in black overstruck with Bishopmark.
11. CARRIER’S MAIL. 1772 letter, with invoice, Edinburgh to ‘Patrick Campbell of Ardchattan St. Andrews’ with further manuscript ‘With 1 box, 2 parcels’. Letter which has imperfections dated 12th March. It was possible to send mail via a private courier as long as it accompanied a parcel, as here, a practice much abused. 12. LIVERPOOL. 1776 entire Liverpool to Exeter with good strike of the two-line ‘Liver/pool’ handstamp in black (LL 31). Letter dated November 22nd 1776 and refers to tobacco trade ‘How great the prospect of doing well if there was peace in the Colonies’.
13. LONDON DOCKWRA – HERMITAGE OFFICE (L 343). 1781 wrapper London to Blackheath, Kent with good strike within Code ‘TU’ for Tuesday within. Also part strike of 5 o’clock time handstamp 14. WALES/CARMARTHENSHIRE. 1784 entire Llandillo to Llandovery dated 7th March 1784 with very fine ‘Llandillo’ straight line handstamp (W 1287), manuscript ‘1’ local charge using local CROSS POST. Envelope slight imperfections otherwise very fine.
15. LONDON DOCKWRA – SOUTHWARK OFFICE. 1785 letter, used locally in London, with very fine strike with ‘MO’ within (L 354). On reverse large part ‘7 o’clock’ time handstamp. Letter dated March 13th 1785. 16. WALES/DENBIGHSHIRE. 1787 entire Wrexham to Rochdale (Lancs) dated 18th Feb 1787 with very fine ‘Wrexham’ straight line handstamp in black (W 2401). Very fine.
17. EMANUEL COLLEGE CAMBRIDGE. A very fine 1789 entire headed Emanuel College June 12th 1789 to London with good to fine strike of the two-line ‘Cam/bridge’ handstamp (CB 32) with London datestamp JU/13/89. Fine example of mail from this college. 18. LIVERPOOL. 1795 wrapper London to Newcastle, Staffs, backstamped London AP/4/1795. On front ‘Mifs to’ with very fine ‘Liverpool’ horseshoe handstamp in black
19. LIVERPOOL. 1798 wrapper Liverpool to Hull with very fine strike of the two-line ‘Liver’pool’ handstamp in black    

London Bridge Post Office – Post Offices in Waterloo SE1

Basic Information


London Bridge Post Office

Post Offices

London Bridge Post Office 19A
Borough High Street

Front view London Bridge Post Office

Phone number: 0845 722 3344
Nearest Station:
London Bridge



London Bridge



Coordinates: 51°30′29″N 0°05′16″W / 51.50806°N 0.08778°W / 51.50806; -0.08778

London Bridge

The current London Bridge at dusk
Carries 5 lanes of A3
Crosses River Thames
Locale Inner London
Maintained by Bridge House Estates,
City of London Corporation
Design prestressed concrete box girder bridge
Total length 269 m (860 ft)
Width 32 m (107 ft)
Longest span 104 m (340 ft)
Clearance below 8.9 m (29 ft)
Opened 17 March 1973
Coordinates 51°30′29″N 0°05′16″W / 51.50806°N 0.08778°W / 51.50806; -0.08778

London Bridge is a bridge over the River Thames, connecting the City of London and Southwark, in central London. Situated between Cannon Street Railway Bridge and Tower Bridge, it forms the western end of the Pool of London. On the south side of the bridge are Southwark Cathedral and London Bridge station; on the north side are the Monument to the Great Fire of London and Monument tube station.

It was the only bridge over the Thames downstream from Kingston until Putney Bridge opened in 1729. The current bridge opened on 17 March 1973 and is the latest in a succession of bridges to occupy the spot and claim the name.[1]

The bridge carries part of the A3 road, which is maintained by the Greater London Authority;[2] the bridge itself is owned and maintained by Bridge House Estates (see City Bridge Trust), an independent charity overseen by the City of London Corporation. The area between London Bridge and Tower Bridge on the south side of the Thames is a business improvement district (BID) and is managed by Team London Bridge.[3]



A bridge has existed at or near the present site since the Roman occupation nearly 2000 years ago. The first bridge across the Thames in the London area, probably a military pontoon bridge, was built of wood by the Romans on the present site around AD 50.

Around AD 55, a piled bridge was constructed, and the Romans built a small trading settlement next to it—the town of Londinium. The settlement and the bridge were destroyed in a revolt led by Queen Boudicca in 60. Her victory was short-lived, and soon afterwards the Romans defeated the rebels and set about building a new walled town. Some of the 2nd-century Roman wall has survived to this day. The new town and bridge were built around the position of the present bridge, and gave access to the south-coast ports via Stane Street and Watling Street (the A2).

The bridge fell into disrepair after the Romans left. As Londinium was also abandoned, there was little need for a bridge at this point, and in the Saxon period the river was a boundary between the hostile kingdoms of Mercia and Wessex. With the impact of the Viking invasions, the reconquest of the Roman city by the kings of Wessex and its reoccupation by Alfred the Great, the political conditions arose for a Saxon bridge to be built here. However there is no archaeological evidence for a bridge before Aethelred‘s reign and his attempts to stem the Sweinian invasions of the 990s. A much later skaldic tradition states that the bridge was pulled down by the Norwegian prince Olaf in 1014, to assist the Anglo-Saxon King Aethelred to divide the forces of the Danes who held the walled City of London and Southwark, on either side of the river; thus regaining London. This episode has been thought to have inspired the well-known nursery rhymeLondon Bridge is Falling Down“.[4]

The earliest contemporary written reference to a Saxon bridge is in 1016, when it was by-passed[clarification needed] by King Cnut‘s ships in his war to regain the throne from Edmund II “Ironside”. The rebuilt Norman London Bridge was destroyed in 1091 by a storm that spawned a T8/F4 tornado, which also struck St Mary-le-Bow, and is known as the London Tornado of 1091.[5] The repair or replacement of this was carried out by William II “Rufus” through forced labour, along with the works at the new St Paul’s Cathedral and the development of the Tower of London. It was destroyed yet again, this time by fire, in 1136.

 “Old” (Medieval) London Bridge

An engraving by Claes Van Visscher showing Old London Bridge in 1616, with what is now Southwark Cathedral in the foreground. The spiked heads of executed criminals can be seen above the Southwark gatehouse.

Following the 1136 destruction, some rebuilding was carried out during the reign of Stephen, presumably along the same lines as those instituted by William Rufus. On Henry II‘s accession, there was an attempt to regularise its maintenance by the institution of a national monastic guild to support this work. There is evidence that there were also unlicensed local guilds in London with the same purpose. In 1163, Peter de Colechurch was appointed as the “Warden of the Brethren of the Bridge”, and this seems to have combined all of the preceding ad hoc arrangements. In 1173, Peter soon proposed to replace the timber bridge with a stone one, almost certainly required by the popularity of the Thomas Becket cult and the associated pilgrimage from the bridge to Canterbury. Construction began under de Colechurch’s direction in 1176. A chapel was built near the centre of the bridge (dedicated to the recently martyred and canonised Becket who, appropriately, had been born in the parish of St Mary Colechurch). St. Thomas Chapel was grander than hi-town parish churches; it even had a river-level entrance for fishermen and those who taxied passengers across the river. The new bridge took 33 years to complete and was finished in 1209, during the reign of King John. John licensed the building of houses on the bridge, as a direct means of deriving revenue for its maintenance, and it was soon colonised by shops.

The medieval bridge had 19 small arches and a drawbridge with a defensive gatehouse at the southern end. Contemporary pictures show it crowded with buildings of up to seven stories in height. The narrowness of the arches meant that it acted as a partial barrage over the Thames, restricting water flow and thereby making the river more susceptible to freezing over in winter because of the slower currents. The current was further obstructed by the addition of waterwheels (designed by Peter Morice) under the two north arches to drive water pumps, and under the two south arches to power grain mills. This produced ferocious rapids between the piers or “starlings” of the bridge, as the difference between the water levels on each side could be as much as six feet (two metres).[6] Only the brave or foolhardy attempted to “shoot the bridge”—steer a boat between the starlings—and many were drowned trying to do so. As the saying went, the bridge was “for wise men to pass over, and for fools to pass under”.[7]

This pedestrian alcove, now in Victoria Park, Tower Hamlets is one of the surviving fragments of the old London Bridge that was demolished in 1831.

The decision of King John to allow shops to be built on London Bridge slowed down the traffic crossing the river. The houses and shops took up space and could draw crowds, and when carts broke down or animals misbehaved, crossing the bridge could take up to an hour. For this reason, people on foot often chose to use the dozens of river taxi boats that quickly ferried Londoners from shore to shore. Although the bridge itself was about 26 feet (8 m) wide, the buildings on the bridge took up about 7 feet (2 m) on each side of the street. Some of these buildings projected another seven feet out over the river. The road for traffic was thereby reduced to just 12 feet (4 m) wide. This meant that horses, carts, wagons, and pedestrians all shared a passageway just six feet wide, one lane going north and one south. There were a few places where houses and shops were not built, which allowed people to get out of the traffic and enjoy a glimpse of the river and the shorelines of London.

Nearly 200 places of business lined both sides of the narrow street. Ale and beer were not sold on the London bridge because these beverages required cellars, which were not present. The merchants lived above their shops and sold goods from the street-level floor. They used windows to show their goods and transact business; over each shop hung a sign usually in the shape of the articles sold, in order that the illiterate could recognise the nature of the business. These signs were posted high enough that a rider on a horse could pass beneath them— every inch of the small street had to be available to vehicular traffic. Many of the top floors of the houses and shops were built over the street and actually connected to the house or shop across the street, giving the street a tunnel look. The gates to London Bridge were closed at curfew, and the bridge was regarded as a safe place to live or shop.[citation needed] Located within the jurisdiction of the City of London parish of St Magnus and the Southwark parish of St Olave, the Bridge community was almost a town unto itself.

In 1284, after many years of legal dispute, the City of London gained effective control and instituted the Bridge House Estates trust City Bridge Trust to maintain it from the older revenues and new endowments. The Bridge House stemmed from the site of Peter de Colechurch’s original “house”, i.e. maintenance depot and residence for his monastic “brethren of the bridge”, next to St Olave’s church in Southwark, a site still marked by the street name “Bridge Yard”.

Various arches of the bridge collapsed over the years, and houses on the bridge were burnt during Wat Tyler‘s Peasants’ Revolt in 1381 and Jack Cade‘s rebellion in 1450, during which a pitched battle was fought on the bridge.

Artist’s imaginative conception of Nonsuch House on London Bridge.

The Northern Gate, the New Stone Gate, was replaced by Nonsuch House in 1577. The southern gatehouse, the Stone Gateway, became the scene of one of London’s most notorious sights: a display of the severed heads of traitors, impaled on pikes[1] and dipped in tar to preserve them against the elements. The head of William Wallace was the first to appear on the gate, in 1305, starting a tradition that was to continue for another 355 years. Other famous heads on pikes included those of Jack Cade in 1450, Thomas More in 1535, Bishop John Fisher in the same year, and Thomas Cromwell in 1540. In 1598 a German visitor to London Paul Hentzner counted over 30 heads on the bridge[8]:

On the south is a bridge of stone eight hundred feet in length, of wonderful work; it is supported upon twenty piers of square stone, sixty feet high and thirty broad, joined by arches of about twenty feet diameter. The whole is covered on each side with houses so disposed as to have the appearance of a continued street, not at all of a bridge.Upon this is built a tower, on whose top the heads of such as have been executed for high treason are placed on iron spikes: we counted above thirty..

The practice was finally stopped in 1660, following the Restoration of King Charles II.[citation needed]

The buildings on London Bridge created a major fire hazard and served to increase the load on its arches, both of which may have contributed to the several disasters on the bridge. In 1212, perhaps the greatest of the early fires of London broke out on both ends of the bridge simultaneously, trapping many in the middle and reportedly resulting in the death of 3,000 people. Another major fire broke out in 1633, destroying the northern third of the bridge, although this prevented the bridge from being damaged by the Great Fire of London in 1666. By 1722, congestion was becoming so serious that the Lord Mayor decreed that “all carts, coaches and other carriages coming out of Southwark into this City do keep all along the west side of the said bridge: and all carts and coaches going out of the City do keep along the east side of the said bridge”. This has been suggested as one possible origin for the practice of traffic in Britain driving on the left.[9]

Finally, under an Act of Parliament dated June 1756, permission was obtained to demolish all the shops and houses on London Bridge. In 1758–62, the houses were removed along with the two centre arches, replaced with a single wider span to improve navigation on the river.

Drawing of London Bridge from a 1682 map.

 “New” (19th-century) London Bridge

New London Bridge in the early 1890s

By the end of the 18th century, it was apparent that the old London Bridge — by then over 600 years old — needed to be replaced. It was narrow and decrepit, and blocked river traffic. In 1799, a competition for designs to replace the old bridge was held, prompting the engineer Thomas Telford to propose a bridge with a single iron arch spanning 600 feet (180 m). However this design was never used, because of uncertainty about its feasibility and the amount of land needed for its construction. The bridge was eventually replaced by a structure of five stone arches, designed by engineer John Rennie. The new bridge was built 100 feet (30 m) west (upstream) of the original site by Rennie’s son of the same name. Work began in 1824 and the foundation stone was laid, in the southern coffer dam, on 15 June 1825. The old bridge continued in use while the new bridge was being built, and was demolished after the latter opened in 1831. The scheme necessitated the building of major new approach roads, which cost three times as much as the bridge itself. The total construction cost of around £2.5 million (£186 million as of 2011),[10] was met by the Corporation of London and government[clarification needed]. The contractors were Jolliffe and Banks of Merstham, Surrey. A fragment from the old bridge is set into the tower arch inside St Katharine’s Church, Merstham.

Rennie’s bridge had a length of 928 feet (283 m) and a width of 49 feet (15 m). Haytor granite was used in the construction, transported via the unique Haytor Granite Tramway. The official opening took place on 1 August 1831; King William IV and Queen Adelaide attended a banquet in a pavilion erected on the bridge. The recently constructed HMS Beagle was the first ship to pass under it.

Corbels for London bridge at Swelltor quarry

In 1896, it was estimated that the bridge was the busiest point in London, with 8,000 people crossing the bridge on foot and 900 crossing in vehicles every hour.[1] London Bridge was widened in 1902–04 from 52 to 65 feet (16 to 20 m) in an attempt to combat London’s chronic traffic congestion. A dozen of the granite “pillars” quarried and dressed for this widening, but unused, still lie near Swelltor Quarry on the disused railway track a couple of miles south of Princetown on Dartmoor. In the end, the widening work proved too much for the bridge’s foundations; it was subsequently discovered that the bridge was sinking an inch (about 2.5 cm) every eight years. By 1924, the east side of the bridge was some three to four inches (about 9 cm) lower than the west side; it soon became apparent that this bridge would have to be removed and replaced with a more modern one.

Sale of Rennie’s bridge to Robert McCulloch

Rennie’s Old London Bridge during reconstruction at Lake Havasu in March 1971

In 1967, the Common Council of the City of London placed the bridge on the market and began to look for potential buyers. Council member Ivan Luckin had put forward the idea of selling the bridge, and recalled: “They all thought I was completely crazy when I suggested we should sell London Bridge when it needed replacing.” On 18 April 1968, Rennie’s bridge was sold to the Missourian entrepreneur Robert P. McCulloch of McCulloch Oil for US$2,460,000. The claim that McCulloch believed mistakenly that he was buying the more impressive Tower Bridge was denied by Luckin in a newspaper interview.[11] As the bridge was taken apart, each piece was numbered to aid re-assembly. The bridge was reconstructed at Lake Havasu City, Arizona, and re-dedicated on 10 October 1971. The reconstruction of Rennie’s London Bridge spans the Bridgewater Channel canal that leads from Lake Havasu to Thomson Bay, and forms the centrepiece of a theme park in English style, complete with a Tudor period shopping mall. Rennie’s London Bridge has become Arizona‘s second-biggest tourist attraction, after the Grand Canyon.[12]

The rebuilt London Bridge in Lake Havasu City, Arizona

The version of London Bridge that was rebuilt at Lake Havasu consists of a concrete frame with stones from Rennie’s London Bridge used as cladding. The cladding stones used are 150 to 200 millimetres (6 to 8 inches) thick. The remaining stone was left at Merrivale Quarry at Princetown in Devon.[13] When Merrivale Quarry was abandoned and flooded in 2003, some of the remaining stone was sold in an online auction.[14]

 Modern London Bridge

London Bridge with the Gherkin in the background

The current London Bridge was designed by Mott, Hay and Anderson. The senior engineer was Alan Simpson[citation needed], the superstructure was designed by a team led by Michael Leeming, and foundations by a team led by Keith Pontin.[citation needed] The bridge was constructed by contractors John Mowlem and Co[15] from 1967 to 1972, and opened by Queen Elizabeth II on 17 March 1973.[16] It comprises three spans of prestressed-concrete box girders, a total of 928 feet (283 m) long. The bridge’s lights were made from Napoleon‘s cannons[citation needed]. The bridge was built to be functional and long-lived, and, as such, it is noticeably less decorated than other Thames bridges. The cost of £4 million (£42.1 million as of 2011),[10] was met entirely by the City Bridge Trust charity. The current bridge was built in the same location as Rennie’s bridge, with the previous bridge remaining in use while the first two girders were constructed upstream and downstream. Traffic was then transferred onto the two new girders, and the previous bridge demolished to allow the final two central girders to be added.[17]

In 1984, the British warship HMS Jupiter collided with London Bridge, causing significant damage to both ship and bridge. On Remembrance Day 2004, various London bridges were furnished with red lighting as part of a night-time flight along the river by wartime aircraft. London Bridge was the one bridge not subsequently stripped of the illuminations, which are switched on at night. The current London Bridge is often shown in films, news and documentaries showing the throng of commuters journeying to work into The City from London Bridge Station (south to north). A recent example of this is actor Hugh Grant crossing the bridge north to south during the morning rush hour, in the 2002 film About a Boy. On Saturday 11 July 2009 an ‘Anniversary Fayre’ of activities involving the Livery Companies and the Guildable Manor and also hosting a ‘sheep drive’, took place to commemorate the 800th Anniversary of the Colechurch Bridge’s completion.[18] In vaults below the southern abutment of the bridge is ‘The London Bridge Experience‘.


The nearest London Underground stations are Monument and London Bridge. They are respectively at the northern and southern ends of the bridge. The London Bridge National Rail station is also nearby.


  • One of the arches of London Bridge

  • Arches of London Bridge

  • London Bridge panorama photograph

  • London Bridge from South Bank

  • London Bridge southern end

  • London Bridge and surrounding London

  • Rush hour on London Bridge

  • London Bridge northern end.


the end @ copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2011

The Iceland Historic Collections and breaking news eruption ash (Koleksi Sejarah Islandia dan berita debu erupsi)

 Type of ribbonfish, Iceland, early 19th century.













The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Showroom :

Dr Iwan Book :” The Euro Historic Collections”

Showcase: “THe Iceland Historic Collections”

 Frame One:

The Iceland Unique Collections

1. The Old Iceland Pictures 19th century

Frida Sveinsdottir in ceremonial costume, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Frida Sveinsdottir in ceremonial costume, Iceland, 1835-1836.
The main street in Reykjavik, Iceland, 1835-1836.
The main street in Reykjavik, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Scene in Reykjavik, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Scene in Reykjavik, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Interior of a cabin, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Interior of a cabin, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Eruption of the Strokkur geyser, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Eruption of the Strokkur geyser, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Crossing the River Hvita, near Skalholt, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Crossing the River Hvita, near Skalholt, Iceland, 1835-1836.
Female leper, Iceland, early 19th century.
Female leper, Iceland, early 19th century.
Two types of fish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Two types of fish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Moon-fish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Moon-fish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Natacanthus nasus, Iceland, early 19th century.
Natacanthus nasus, Iceland, early 19th century.
Type of ribbonfish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Type of ribbonfish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Plaice, Iceland, early 19th century.
Plaice, Iceland, early 19th century.
Halibut, Iceland, early 19th century.
Halibut, Iceland, early 19th century.
Capelin and smelt, Iceland, early 19th century.
Capelin and smelt, Iceland, early 19th century.
Angler fish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Angler fish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Rabbitfish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Rabbitfish, Iceland, early 19th century.
Sleeper shark, Iceland, early 19th century.
Sleeper shark, Iceland, early 19th century

2.The Postal History

File:Stamp Iceland 1930 40a.jpg

Ic PH 1  Graf Zepplin cover dated 30.VI.31 back stamped FRIEDRICHSHAFEN(BODENSEE) 3 7 31, and COTTBUS  *1 n   4.7.31     

IcPH 2 All the issues of 10th May 1939 on a first day cover, a rare item 


IcPH 3  A WWII cover from Iceland to England with FPO2 cancel 

IcPH 4  An opened by censor cover from Iceland with the 40aur brown Geyer plus the 5aur cod.  

IcPH 5  A postcard of the Steamship HQ in Reykjavik, published by Hegi Árnason 

IcPH 6  A real photographic postcard showing the the Old Pharmacy building on the right.  

IcPH 7 Air mail cover with Reykjavik bridge cancel dated 11th May 1949 

IcPH 8 Air mail cover flown to New York with Reykjavik bridge cancel dated 11 March 1955  

IcPH  9  First day cover of the Proclamation of Republic set. 17th June 1944 

IcPH 10   WWII privilege envelope with censor mark number 2621 from Iceland, with content. 

IcPH 11  Iceland WWII envelope with FPO 304 cancel 

IcPH 12  Iceland WWII envelope with FPO 306 cancel 

IcPH 13  Postcard sent from Iceland via Graf Zeppelin 

IcPH 14 Photographic postcard of a street scene AKURERYI 

IcPH15 Printed postcard of a street scene in SIGLUFJORÐUR 

IcPH 16 Photographic postcard of ÍSAFORÐUR 

IcPH 17 Photographic postcard of Vestmannaeyjar 


IcPH 18  Hull ship letter with fine PAQUEBOT mark, cancelled HULL-YORKS – 1 – dated 30th November 1936    

IcPH 19  Printed mater rated Aberdeen ship letter with fine boxed SHIP LETTER mark cancelled ABERDEEN – 3 – dated February 9th 1929 

 3.The Numismatic History



Old Bank of Iceland banknote at Numismatic Museum.


Reykjavik, Hofudborgarsvaedid, Iceland, Scandinavia, Europe

Image Details

Dimensions: 2645 x 3967 px
Size: 22.39 x 33.59 cm (8.82 x 13.22 in)
Resolution: 300 dpi


The Icelandic money collection in the Central bank  
Reykjavík - Old paper money from Iceland.
  • Old paper money from Iceland.


In our Central bank down-town there is a numismatic collection of old Icelandic coins and paper money. To me it is very interesting and well worth a visit. On display is also ancient foreign currency. We used to belong to Denmark so there is also Danish money on display.The collection consists of 20.000 coins and 5.000 paper money. This exhibition is a cooperation of The Central bank of Iceland and The National Museum of Iceland.There is also multimedia information about the history of The Central bank of Iceland and connected businesses.The location of the exhibition is on the ground floor of The Central Bank of Iceland.Opening hours: Mondays-Fridays from 13:30-15:30. Admission: free.

4 Travel around Iceland

Iceland, top ten reasons to travel in 2009

Iceland: what was a scarily expensive country has suddenly become affordable 
Boat on British beach, ten reasons to travel in 2009


Frame Two :

The Iceland Breaking News

First eruption. Scientists report magma is making its way up to the surface.
Iceland volcano draws hikers despite lava flow.

Apr 04, 2010

Iceland volcano draws hikers despite lava flow.
Adventurers trapped in car freeze to death while chasing spectacle.
Change Image
Apr 08, 2010
Adventurers trapped in car freeze to death while chasing spectacle.
At 2am locals told they had 20 minutes to evacuate her family from Icelandic farms.
Change Image
Apr 11, 2010
At 2am locals told they had 20 minutes to evacuate her family from Icelandic farms.
Modern Europe has never seen such a travel disruption. Britain to Ukraine closed.
Change Image

Apr 14, 2010

Modern Europe has never seen such a travel disruption. Britain to Ukraine closed.
Change Image

Apr 20, 2010

UK flight ban to be lifted

Iceland volcano erupts, officials eye flight risks

(Reuters) – Iceland’s most active volcano erupted on Saturday, hurling a plume of ash and smoke far into the sky, which aviation officials were closely monitoring after another volcano shut European airspace for days last year .

Iceland Volcanic Eruption

Authorities banned flights close to the Grimsvotn volcano but an official said the eruption was not expected to affect European airline traffic at least for the next 24 hours.

The plume from the Grimsvotn volcano shot 20 km (12 miles) into the sky. The website of newspaper Morgunbladid said the eruption was more powerful than its last in 2004.

“We have closed the area until we know better what effect the ash will have,” said Hjordis Gudmundsdottir, spokeswoman for the Isavia civil aviation authority which has imposed a flight ban of 120 nautical miles around the area.

Iceland’s Eyjafjallajokull caused chaos when it erupted in April last year. Authorities halted flights due to fears that dust and ash would get into aircraft engines and cause accidents after the cloud was blown into European air traffic lanes.

Grimsvotn lies under the Vatnajokull glacier in southeast Iceland, the largest glacier in Europe. When it last erupted in 2004 transatlantic flights had to be re-routed south of Iceland, but no airports were closed.

Gudmundsdottir said the winds in the area were strong and that Isavia and the Icelandic meteorological office were coordinating with Volcanic Ash Advisory Centres (VAAC), which advise airlines about the movement of clouds of volcanic ash.

There are two VAACs near Iceland, in London and the French city of Toulouse.

“It can be a big eruption, but it is unlikely to be like last year,” Icelandic Met Office geologist Hjorleifur Sveinbjornsson told Reuters, referring Eyjafjallajokull.

He said the plume from Grimsvotn was going to the north and that the office’s forecast for the next 24 hours was that ash would not affect European airline traffic.

The volcano could erupt for several days, he added.

One positive factor for air traffic was that the ash from this eruption was heavier, whereas the ash last year was lighter and so drifted further.


Domestic airline Icelandair said no traffic had been affected. “We do not expect the Grimsvotn eruption to affect air traffic to and from the country in any way,” said Icelandair communications director Gudjon Arngrimsson.

Pictures on local media websites showed a thick cloud of white smoke like a mushroom cloud over surrounding mountains.

“Grimsvotn is a very powerful volcano, so we’re monitoring it closely, even if the last few eruptions have been harmless,” University of Iceland geophysicist Pall Einarsson was quoted as saying on the website of Morgunbladid.




Frame Two :

The History Of  Iceland

1.English version

Iceland [aa]

Ísland [ab]
[note 1]
Flag Coat of arms

Location of  Iceland  (dark green)on the European continent  (dark grey)  —  [Legend]
Location of  Iceland  (dark green)on the European continent  (dark grey)  —  [Legend]
(and largest city)
64°08′N 21°56′W / 64.133°N 21.933°W / 64.133; -21.933
Official language(s) Icelandic (de facto)
Ethnic groups  93% Icelandic,
7.0% other
(see demographics)
Demonym Icelander, Icelandic
Government Unitary parliamentary republic
 –  President Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson
 –  Prime Minister Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir
 –  Alþingi President Ásta Ragnheiður Jóhannesdóttir
Legislature Althing
Establishment — Independence
 –  Free State of Iceland
See settlement of Iceland
 –  Unified with Norway 1262 
 –  Norway enters Kalmar Union[b] 1388 
 –  Ceded to Denmark[c] 14 January 1814 
 –  Constitution granted, limited home rule 5 January 1874 
 –  Home rule expanded 1 February 1904 
 –  Kingdom of Iceland, personal union
with Denmark
1 December 1918 
 –  Fall of Denmark 9 April 1940 
 –  Republic of Iceland 17 June 1944 
 –  Total 103,001 km2 (107th)
39,770 sq mi 
 –  Water (%) 2.7
 –  1 January 2011 estimate 318,452[d] (175th)
 –  Density 3.1/km2 (232nd)
7.5/sq mi
GDP (PPP) 2010 estimate
 –  Total $11.818 billion[4] 
 –  Per capita $36,620[4] 
GDP (nominal) 2010 estimate
 –  Total $12.594 billion[4] 
 –  Per capita $39,025[4] 
Gini (2010) 25.0[e] (low) (1st)
HDI (2010) decrease 0.869[5] (very high) (17th)
Currency Icelandic króna (ISK)
Time zone GMT (UTC+0)
 –  Summer (DST) not observed (UTC)
Drives on the Right
ISO 3166 code IS
Internet TLD .is
Calling code 354
aa. ^ The official (formal) name of the country in English (as translated from Icelandic) is “Iceland“. The term republic as in the “Republic of Iceland” is only a description to the form of government of the country, but not by all means being the part of official name of the country.[6]
ab. ^ The native description to the form of government of the country is “Lýðveldið Ísland“.
b. ^ Danish monarchy reached Iceland in 1380 with the reign of Olav IV in Norway.
c. ^ Iceland, the Faeroes and Greenland were formally Norwegian possessions until 1814 despite 400 years of Danish monarchy beforehand.
d. ^ “Statistics Iceland:Key figures”. 1 October 2002.
e. ^ “CIA – The World Factbook – Field Listing – Distribution of family income – Gini index”. United States Government. Retrieved 14 September 2008. 

Iceland[6][7] (Listeni /ˈslənd/; Icelandic: Ísland (IPA: [ˈislant]; see Names for Iceland)) is a European island country in the North Atlantic Ocean on the Mid-Atlantic Ridge.[8] It has a population of about 320,000 and a total area of 103,000 km2 (39,769 sq mi).[9] The capital and the largest city is Reykjavík,[10] with the surrounding areas in the southwestern region of the country being home to two-thirds of the national population. Iceland is volcanically and geologically active. The interior mainly consists of a plateau characterised by sand fields, mountains and glaciers, while many glacial rivers flow to the sea through the lowlands. Iceland is warmed by the Gulf Stream and has a temperate climate despite a high latitude just outside the Arctic Circle.

According to Landnámabók, the settlement of Iceland began in AD 874 when the Norwegian chieftain Ingólfur Arnarson became the first permanent Norwegian settler on the island.[11] Others had visited the island earlier and stayed over winter. Over the following centuries, people of Norse and Gaelic origin settled in Iceland. From 1262 to 1918 it was part of the Norwegian and later the Danish monarchies. Until the 20th century, the Icelandic population relied largely on fisheries and agriculture. In 1994, the nation became party to an agreement that established the European Economic Area, thus allowing it to diversify from fishing to economic and financial services.

Iceland has a free market economy with relatively low taxes compared to other OECD countries,[12] while maintaining a Nordic welfare system providing universal health care and tertiary education for its citizens.[13] In recent years, Iceland has been one of the wealthiest and most developed nations in the world. In 2010, it was ranked as the 17th most developed country in the world by the United Nations’ Human Development Index,[5] and the fourth most productive country per capita.[citation needed] In 2008, political unrest occurred as the nation’s banking system systematically failed.

Icelandic culture is founded upon the nation’s Norse heritage. Most Icelanders are descendants of Norse (particularly from Western Norway) and Gaelic settlers. Icelandic, a North Germanic language, is closely related to Faroese and some West Norwegian dialects. The country’s cultural heritage includes traditional cuisine, poetry, and the medieval Icelanders’ sagas. Currently, Iceland has the smallest population among NATO members and is the only one with no standing army. According to Freedom of the Press, Iceland has the most free press in the world.




Settlement and the Commonwealth 874–1262

Ingólfur Arnarson, the first permanent Norwegian settler in Iceland

One theory suggests the first people to have visited Iceland were members of a Hiberno-Scottish mission or hermits, also known as Papar, who came in the 8th century, though no archaeological discoveries support this hypothesis. The monks are supposed to have left with the arrival of Norsemen, who systematically settled in the period circa AD 870–930.

Ósvör, a replica of an old fishing outpost outside of Bolungarvík

The first known permanent Norse settler was Ingólfur Arnarson, who built his homestead in Reykjavík in the year 874. Ingólfur was followed by many other emigrant settlers, largely Norsemen and their Irish slaves. By 930, most arable land had been claimed and the Althing, a legislative and judiciary parliament, was founded as the political hub of the Icelandic Commonwealth. Christianity was adopted circa 999–1000. The Commonwealth lasted until 1262 when the political system devised by the original settlers proved unable to cope with the increasing power of Icelandic chieftains.[14]

Middle Ages to the Early Modern Era 1262–1814

See also: Sturlung Era

The internal struggles and civil strife of the Sturlung Era led to the signing of the Old Covenant in 1262, which brought Iceland under the Norwegian crown. Possession of Iceland passed to Denmark-Norway around 1380, when the kingdoms of Norway, Denmark and Sweden were united in the Kalmar Union. In the ensuing centuries, Iceland became one of the poorest countries in Europe. Infertile soil, volcanic eruptions, and an unforgiving climate made for harsh life in a society whose subsistence depended almost entirely on agriculture. The Black Death swept Iceland in 1402–04 and 1494–95,[15] first time killing as high as 50% to 60% of the population and 30% to 50% in the second.[16]

Around the middle of the 16th century, King Christian III of Denmark began to impose Lutheranism on all his subjects. The last Catholic bishop in Iceland (before 1968), Jón Arason, was beheaded in 1550 along with two of his sons. The country subsequently became fully Lutheran. Lutheranism has since remained the dominant religion. In the 17th and 18th centuries, Denmark imposed harsh trade restrictions on Iceland, while pirates from several countries raided its coasts.[17][18] A great smallpox epidemic in the 18th century killed around a third of the population.[19][20] In 1783 the Laki volcano erupted, with devastating effects.[21] The years following the eruption, known as the Mist Hardships (Icelandic: Móðuharðindin), saw the death of over half of all livestock in the country, with ensuing famine in which around a quarter of the population died.[22]

The Independence Movement 1814–1918

Jón Sigurðsson, leader of the Icelandic independence movement

In 1814, following the Napoleonic Wars, Denmark-Norway was broken up into two separate kingdoms via the Treaty of Kiel. Iceland, however, remained a Danish dependency. Throughout the 19th century, the country’s climate continued to grow worse, resulting in mass emigration to the New World, particularly Manitoba in Canada. About 15,000 out of a total population of 70,000 left.[23] However, a new national consciousness was revived, inspired by romantic and nationalist ideas from Continental Europe, particularly those of Scottish romantics Alex Cheesebro and Patrick Carrol[24] and an Icelandic independence movement arose under the leadership of Jón Sigurðsson. In 1874, Denmark granted Iceland a constitution and limited home rule, which was expanded in 1904.

Kingdom of Iceland 1918–1944

The Act of Union, an agreement with Denmark signed on 1 December 1918, valid for 25 years, recognised Iceland as a fully sovereign state in a personal union with the King of Denmark. The Government of Iceland took control of its foreign affairs and established an embassy in Copenhagen. However, it requested that Denmark should handle Icelandic foreign policy toward countries other than Denmark. Danish embassies around the world then displayed two coats of arms and two flags: those of the Kingdom of Denmark and those of the Kingdom of Iceland.

During World War II, Iceland joined Denmark in asserting neutrality. After the German occupation of Denmark on 9 April 1940, the Althingi declared that the Icelandic Government should assume the Danish king’s duties and take over foreign affairs and other matters previously handled by Denmark. A month later, British Armed Forces occupied Iceland, violating Icelandic neutrality. In 1941, the occupation of Iceland was taken over by the United States so that Britain could use its troops elsewhere.

On 31 December 1943, the Act of Union Agreement expired after 25 years. Beginning on 20 May 1944, Icelanders voted in a four-day plebiscite on whether to terminate the personal union with the King of Denmark and establish a republic.[25] The vote was 97% in favour of ending the union and 95% in favour of the new republican constitution. Iceland formally became a republic on 17 June 1944, with Sveinn Björnsson as the first President.

British and Icelandic vessels clash in the Atlantic Ocean during the Cod Wars

Republic of Iceland 1944–present

In 1946, the Allied occupation force left Iceland, which formally became a member of NATO on 30 March 1949, amid domestic controversy and riots. On 5 May 1951, a defense agreement was signed with the United States. American troops returned to Iceland, as the Iceland Defense Force, and remained throughout the Cold War, finally leaving on 30 September 2006.

The immediate post-war period was followed by substantial economic growth, driven by industrialization of the fishing industry and the Marshall aid programme. The 1970s were marked by the Cod Wars—several disputes with the United Kingdom over Iceland’s extension of its fishing limits. The economy was greatly diversified and liberalized when Iceland joined the European Economic Area in 1994.

During the period 2003–07, Iceland developed from a nation best known for its fishing industry into a country providing sophisticated financial services, but was consequently hit hard by the 2008 global financial crisis, which extended into 2009.[26] The crisis has resulted in the greatest migration from Iceland since 1887.[citation needed]


Main article: Geography of Iceland

General topographic map

Iceland is located in the North Atlantic Ocean, mostly south of the Arctic Circle, which passes through the small island of Grímsey off Iceland’s northern coast. Iceland lies between latitudes 63° and 67° N, and longitudes 25° and 13° W.

Though Iceland is nearer to Greenland (North America) than mainland Europe, the island is generally included in Europe for cultural reasons. Geologically the island is part of both continental plates. The closest bodies of land are Greenland (287 km (178 mi)) and the Faroe Islands (420 km (261 mi)). The closest distance to the mainland of Europe is 970 km (603 mi) (to Norway).

Iceland is the world’s 18th largest island, and Europe’s second largest island following Great Britain. The main island is 101,826 km2 (39,315 sq mi) but the entire country is 103,000 km2 (39,768.5 sq mi) in size, of which 62.7% is tundra. There are thirty minor islands in Iceland, including the lightly populated island of Grímsey and the Vestmannaeyjar archipelago. Lakes and glaciers cover 14.3%; only 23% is vegetated.[27] The largest lakes are Þórisvatn (Reservoir): 83–88 km2 (32.0–34.0 sq mi) and Þingvallavatn: 82 km2 (31.7 sq mi); other important lakes include Lögurinn and Mývatn. Jökulsárlón is the deepest lake, at 248 m (814 ft).[28]

Geologically, Iceland is a part of the Mid-Atlantic Ridge, the ridge along which the oceanic crust spreads and forms new oceanic crust. In addition, this part of the mid-ocean ridge is located atop a mantle plume causing Iceland to be subaerial. Iceland marks the boundary between both the Eurasian Plate and the North American Plate since it has been created by rifting, and accretion through volcanism, along the Mid-Atlantic Ridge—where the two plates meet.[29]

Many fjords punctuate its 4,970 km-long coastline, which is also where most settlements are situated. The island’s interior, the Highlands of Iceland, is a cold and uninhabitable combination of sand and mountains. The major towns are the capital of Reykjavík, along with its outlying towns of Kópavogur, Hafnarfjörður and Garðabær, Reykjanesbær, where the international airport is located, and Akureyri, in northern Iceland. The island of Grímsey just south of the Arctic Circle contains the northernmost habitation of Iceland.[30] Iceland has three national parks: Vatnajökull National Park, Snæfellsjökull National Park, and Þingvellir National Park.[31]


Main article: Geology of Iceland

The erupting Great Geysir in Haukadalur valley, the oldest known geyser in the world

A geologically young land, Iceland is located on both the Iceland hotspot and the Mid-Atlantic Ridge, which runs right through it. This location means that the island is highly geologically active with many volcanoes, notably Hekla, Eldgjá, Herðubreið and Eldfell. Volcanic eruptions are experienced somewhere in Iceland on an average of once every five years.[32] The volcanic eruption of Laki in 1783–1784 caused a famine that killed nearly a quarter of the island’s population;[33] the eruption caused dust clouds and haze to appear over most of Europe and parts of Asia and Africa for several months afterward.[34]

Dettifoss, located in northeast Iceland. It is the largest waterfall in Europe in terms of volume discharge, with an average water flow of 200 m3/second.

There are also many geysers in Iceland, including Geysir, from which the English word is derived, as well as the famous Strokkur, which erupts every 5–10 minutes. After a phase of inactivity, Geysir started erupting again after a series of earthquakes in 2000. Geysir has since then grown more quiet and does not erupt often.

With the widespread availability of geothermal power, and the harnessing of many rivers and waterfalls for hydroelectricity, most residents have inexpensive hot water and home heat. The island itself is composed primarily of basalt, a low-silica lava associated with effusive volcanism as has occurred also in Hawaii. Iceland, however, has a variety of volcanic types[clarification needed], many producing more evolved lavas such as rhyolite and andesite.[35]

Surtsey, one of the youngest islands in the world, is part of Iceland. Named after Surtr, it rose above the ocean in a series of volcanic eruptions between 8 November 1963 and 5 June 1968.[30] Only scientists researching the growth of new life are allowed to visit the island.[36]

On 21 March 2010, a volcano in Eyjafjallajökull in the south of Iceland erupted for the first time since 1821, forcing 600 people to flee their homes.[37] Further eruptions on 14 April forced hundreds of people to abandon their homes.[38] The resultant cloud of volcanic ash brought major disruption to air travel across Europe.[39]

Another large eruption occurred on 21 May 2011. This time it is the Grímsvötn volcano, located under the thick ice of one of Europes largest glaciers, the Vatnajökull. It is one of Icelands most active volcanoes. Primarily it had a much more powerful eruption than the 2010 Eyjafjallajökull eruption. Grímsvötn first spew its ashes about 20 km (12.43 mi) up in the atmosphere, about twice as high as the previous year’s eruption from Eyjafjallajökull. A huge ash cloud that could be a danger for flight engines in the northern hemisphere of the world is spreading, and the eruption had not yet stopped as of 24 May 2011


Main article: Climate of Iceland

Eyjafjallajökull glacier, one of the smallest glaciers of Iceland

The climate of Iceland’s coast is subpolar oceanic. The warm North Atlantic Current ensures generally higher annual temperatures than in most places of similar latitude in the world. Regions in the world with similar climate include the Aleutian Islands, the Alaska Peninsula, and Tierra del Fuego, although these regions are closer to the equator. Despite its proximity to the Arctic, the island’s coasts remain ice-free through the winter. Ice incursions are rare, the last having occurred on the north coast in 1969.[40]

There are some variations in the climate between different parts of the island. Generally speaking, the south coast is warmer, wetter and windier than the north. The Central Highlands are the coldest part of the country. Low-lying inland areas in the north are the most arid. Snowfall in winter is more common in the north than the south.

The highest air temperature recorded was 30.5 °C (86.9 °F) on 22 June 1939 at Teigarhorn on the southeastern coast. The lowest was −38 °C (−36.4 °F) on 22 January 1918 at Grímsstaðir and Möðrudalur in the northeastern hinterland. The temperature records for Reykjavík are 26.2 °C (79.2 °F) on 30 July 2008, and −24.5 °C (−12.1 °F) on 21 January 1918.

[hide]Climate data for Reykjavík, Iceland (1961–1990)[41][42]
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Average high °C (°F) 1.9
Average low °C (°F) -3.0
[citation needed]
[hide]Climate data for Akureyri, Iceland (1961–1990)[43][44]
Month Jan Feb Mar Apr May Jun Jul Aug Sep Oct Nov Dec Year
Average high °C (°F) 0.9
Average low °C (°F) -5.5
[citation needed]

[edit] Biodiversity

There are around 1,300 known species of insects in Iceland, which is a rather low number compared with other countries (over one million species have been described worldwide). The only native land mammal when humans arrived was the Arctic Fox,[45] which came to the island at the end of the ice age, walking over the frozen sea. On rare occasions, bats who have been carried to the island with the winds can be seen, but they are not able to breed there. Polar bears have also shown up through the history, yet they are just visitors, and no Icelandic populations exists.[46] There are no native or free living reptiles or amphibians on the island.[47]

Phytogeographically, Iceland belongs to the Arctic province of the Circumboreal Region within the Boreal Kingdom. According to the World Wide Fund for Nature, the territory of Iceland belongs to the ecoregion of Iceland boreal birch forests and alpine tundra.[citation needed] Approximately three-quarters of the island are barren of vegetation; plant life consists mainly of grassland which is regularly grazed by livestock. The most common tree native to Iceland is the Northern Birch (Betula pubescens), which formerly formed forest over much of Iceland along with Aspen (Populus tremula), Rowan (Sorbus aucuparia) and Common Juniper (Juniperus communis) and other smaller trees.

When the island was first settled, it was extensively forested. In the late twelfth-century Íslendingabók, Ari the Wise described it as “forested from mountain to sea shore”.[48] Permanent human settlement greatly disturbed the isolated ecosystem of thin, volcanic soils and limited species diversity. The forests were heavily exploited over the centuries for firewood and timber.[45] Deforestation, climatic deterioration during the Little Ice Age and overgrazing by sheep, caused a loss of critical topsoil due to erosion. Today, many farms have been abandoned and three-quarters of Iceland’s forty thousand square miles are affected by soil erosion, seven thousand square miles so seriously as to be useless.[48] Only a few small birch stands now exist in isolated reserves. The planting of new forests has increased the number of trees, but does not compare to the original forests. Some of the planted forests include new foreign species.[45]

The animals of Iceland include the Icelandic sheep, cattle, chicken, goat, the sturdy Icelandic horse, and the Icelandic sheepdog. Many varieties of fish live in the ocean waters surrounding Iceland, and the fishing industry is a main contributor to Iceland’s economy, accounting for more than half of the country’s total exports. Wild mammals include the Arctic Fox, mink, mice, rats, rabbits and reindeer. Polar bears occasionally visit the island, travelling on icebergs from Greenland. In June 2008, two polar bears arrived in the same month.[49] Birds, especially seabirds, are a very important part of Iceland’s animal life. Puffins, skuas, and kittiwakes nest on its sea cliffs.[citation needed]

Commercial whaling is practised intermittently[50][51] along with scientific whale hunts.[52] Whale watching has become an important part of Iceland’s economy since 1997.[citation needed] In early 2010, Iceland’s proposed quota in killing fin whales was much larger than the amount of Whale meat the Japanese market could absorb. In negotiations with Marc Wall, Economic Minister-Counselor at the US embassy in Tokyo, Jun Yamashita of the Japanese Fisheries Agencies, however, rejected a proposal to suggest to Iceland to reduce the number of killed fin whales to a more reasonable number.[53]

[edit] Politics

Main article: Politics of Iceland

Iceland has a left–right multi-party system. The biggest parties are the Social Democratic Alliance (Samfylkingin), the centre-right Independence Party (Sjálfstæðisflokkurinn) and the Left-Green Movement (Vinstrihreyfingin – grænt framboð). Other political parties with seats in the Althing are the centrist Progressive Party (Framsóknarflokkurinn) and The Movement (Hreyfingin). Many other parties exist on the municipal level, most of which only run locally in a single municipality.

[edit] Government

Main article: Government of Iceland

The Althing, Iceland’s national parliament, in Reykjavík

Iceland is a representative democracy and a parliamentary republic. The modern parliament, Alþingi (English: Althing), was founded in 1845 as an advisory body to the Danish monarch. It was widely seen as a re-establishment of the assembly founded in 930 in the Commonwealth period and suspended in 1799. Consequently, “it is arguably the world’s oldest parliamentary democracy.”[54] It currently has 63 members, elected for a maximum period of four years.[55] The president is elected by popular vote for a term of four years, with no term limit. The government and local councils are elected separately from the presidential elections every four years.[56]

Stjórnarráðið, the seat of the executive branch of Iceland’s government

The president of Iceland is a largely ceremonial head of state and serves as a diplomat but can block a law voted by the parliament and put it to a national referendum. The current president is Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson. The head of government is the prime minister (currently Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir) who, together with the cabinet, is responsible for executive government. The cabinet is appointed by the president after a general election to the Althing; however, the appointment is usually negotiated by the leaders of the political parties, who decide among themselves after discussions which parties can form the cabinet and how its seats are to be distributed, under the condition that it has a majority support in the Althing. Only when the party leaders are unable to reach a conclusion by themselves in a reasonable time does the president exercise this power and appoint the cabinet himself or herself. This has not happened since the republic was founded in 1944, but in 1942 the regent of the country (Sveinn Björnsson who had been installed in that position by the Althing in 1941) did appoint a non-parliamentary government. The regent had, for all practical purposes, the position of a president, and Sveinn in fact became the country’s first president in 1944.

The governments of Iceland have almost always been coalitions with two or more parties involved, as no single political party has received a majority of seats in the Althing during the republic. The extent of the political power possessed by the office of the president is disputed by legal scholars in Iceland; several provisions of the constitution appear to give the president some important powers but other provisions and traditions suggest differently. In 1980, Icelanders elected Vigdís Finnbogadóttir as president, the country’s first directly elected female head of state. She retired from office in 1996.

[edit] Administrative divisions

Iceland is divided into regions, constituencies, counties, and municipalities. There are eight regions which are primarily used for statistical purposes; the district court jurisdictions also use an older version of this division.[8] Until 2003, the constituencies for the parliamentary elections were the same as the regions, but by an amendment to the constitution, they were changed to the current six constituencies:

The redistricting change was made in order to balance the weight of different districts of the country, since previously a vote cast in the sparsely populated areas around the country would count much more than a vote cast in the Reykjavík city area. The imbalance between districts has been reduced by the new system, but still exists.[8]

Iceland’s 23 counties are, for the most part, historical divisions. Currently, Iceland is split up among 26 magistrates (sýslumenn, singular sýslumaður) who represent government in various capacities. Among their duties are tax collection, administering bankruptcy declarations, and performing civil marriages. After a police reorganisation in 2007, which combined police forces in multiple counties, about half of them are in charge of police forces.[8]

There are 79 municipalities in Iceland which govern local matters like schools, transport and zoning. These are the actual second-level subdivisions of Iceland, as the constituencies have no relevance except in elections and for statistical purposes. Reykjavík is by far the most populous municipality, about four times more populous than Kópavogur, the second one.[8]

[edit] Foreign relations

Nordic prime ministers in 2010, with Iceland’s Jóhanna Sigurðardóttir in the centre

Iceland maintains diplomatic and commercial relations with practically all nations, but its ties with the Nordic countries, Germany, the US, and the other NATO nations are particularly close. Historically, and due to continuing cultural, economic and linguistic similarities, Iceland is considered politically one of the Nordic countries, and it participates in intergovernmental co-operation through the Nordic Council.

Iceland is a member of the European Economic Area (EEA), which allows the country access to the single market of the European Union (EU). It is not a member of EU, but in July 2009 the Icelandic parliament, the Althing, voted in favour of application for EU membership[57] and officially applied on July 17, 2009.[58] EU officials mentioned 2011 or 2012 as possible accession dates.[59] Iceland is also a member of the UN, NATO, EFTA and OECD.

[edit] Military

Main article: Military of Iceland

Iceland has no standing army. The U.S. Air Force maintained four to six interceptors at the Keflavík base, until 30 September 2006 when they were withdrawn. Since May 2008 NATO nations have periodically deployed fighters to patrol Icelandic airspace under the Icelandic Air Policing mission.[60][61] Iceland supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq despite much controversy in Iceland, deploying a Coast Guard EOD team to Iraq[62] which was replaced later by members of the Icelandic Crisis Response Unit. Iceland has also participated in the ongoing conflict in Afghanistan and the 1999 bombing of Yugoslavia. Despite the ongoing financial crisis the first new patrol ship for decades was launched on 29 April 2009.[63]

Icelanders remain especially proud of the role Iceland played in hosting the historic 1986 Reagan–Gorbachev summit in Reykjavík, which set the stage for the end of the Cold War. Iceland’s principal historical international disputes involved disagreements over fishing rights. Conflict with the United Kingdom led to a series of so-called Cod Wars in 1952–1956 due to the extension of Iceland’s fishing zone from 3 to 4 nmi (5.6 to 7.4 km; 3.5 to 4.6 mi), 1958–61 following a further extension to 12 nmi (22.2 km; 13.8 mi), 1972–73 with another extension to 50 nmi (92.6 km; 57.5 mi); and in 1975–76 another extension to 200 nmi (370.4 km; 230.2 mi).

[edit] Economy

Main article: Economy of Iceland

Akureyri is the largest town in Iceland outside of the greater Reykjavík area. Most rural towns are based on the fishing industry, which provides 40% of Iceland’s exports.

In 2007, Iceland was the seventh most productive country in the world per capita (US$54,858), and the fifth most productive by GDP at purchasing power parity ($40,112). Except for its abundant hydroelectric and geothermal power, Iceland lacks natural resources; historically its economy depended heavily on fishing, which still provides 40% of export earnings and employs 7% of the work force.[8] The economy is vulnerable to declining fish stocks and drops in world prices for its main material exports: fish and fish products, aluminium, and ferrosilicon. Whaling in Iceland has been historically significant. Iceland still relies heavily on fishing, but its importance is diminishing from an export share of 90% in the 1960s to 40% in 2006.[64]

While Iceland is a highly developed country, until the 20th century it was among the poorest countries in Western Europe. However, strong economic growth has led Iceland to be ranked first in the United NationsHuman Development Index report for 2007/2008,[5] and the 14th longest-living nation with a life expectancy at birth of 80.67 years.[8] Many political parties remain opposed to EU membership, primarily due to Icelanders’ concern about losing control over their natural resources.[citation needed]

A 500 króna banknote. The Icelandic króna is the national currency of Iceland.

The national currency of Iceland is the Icelandic króna (ISK). A poll, released on 5 March 2010, by Capacent Gallup showed that 31% of respondents were in favour of adopting the euro and 69% opposed.[65] Iceland’s economy has been diversifying into manufacturing and service industries in the last decade, including software production, biotechnology, and financial services. Despite the decision to resume commercial whale hunting in 2006, the tourism sector is expanding, with the recent trends in ecotourism and whale-watching. Iceland’s agriculture industry consists mainly of potatoes, green vegetables (in greenhouses), mutton and dairy products.[66] The financial centre is Borgartún in Reykjavík, hosting a large number of companies and three investment banks. Iceland’s stock market, the Iceland Stock Exchange (ISE), was established in 1985.[67]

Iceland ranked 5th in the Index of Economic Freedom 2006 and 14th in 2008. Iceland has a flat tax system. The main personal income tax rate is a flat 22.75% and combined with municipal taxes the total tax rate is not more than 35.72%, and there are many deductions.[68] The corporate tax rate is a flat 18%, one of the lowest in the world.[68] Other taxes include a value-added tax; a net wealth tax was eliminated in 2006. Employment regulations are relatively flexible. Property rights are strong and Iceland is one of the few countries where they are applied to fishery management.[68] Taxpayers pay various subsidies to each other, similar to European countries with welfare state, but the spending is less than in most European countries.

Despite low tax rates, overall taxation and consumption is still much higher than countries such as Ireland.[citation needed] According to OECD, agricultural support is the highest among OECD countries and an impediment to structural change. Also, health care and education spending have relatively poor return by OECD measures. OECD Economic survey of Iceland 2008 highlighted Iceland’s challenges in currency and macroeconomic policy.[69] There was a currency crisis that started in the spring of 2008, and on 6 October trading in Iceland’s banks was suspended as the government battled to save the economy.[70]

Economic Contraction

Iceland has been hit especially hard by the ongoing late 2000s recession, because of the failure of its banking system and a subsequent economic crisis. Before the crash of the three largest banks in Iceland, Glitnir, Landsbanki and Kaupthing, their combined debt exceeded approximately six times the nation’s gross domestic product of €14 billion ($19 billion).[71][72] In October 2008, the Icelandic parliament passed emergency legislation to minimise the impact of the financial crisis. The Financial Supervisory Authority of Iceland used permission granted by the emergency legislation to take over the domestic operations of the three largest banks.[73] Icelandic officials, including central bank governor Davíð Oddsson, stated that the state did not intend to take over any of the banks’ foreign debts or assets. Instead, new banks were established around the domestic operations of the banks, and the old banks will be run into bankruptcy.

On 28 October 2008, the Icelandic government raised interest rates to 18%, (as of August 2010, it was 7%) a move which was forced in part by the terms of acquiring a loan from the IMF. After the rate hike, trading on the Icelandic króna finally resumed on the open market, with valuation at around 250 ISK per Euro, less than one-third the value of the 1:70 exchange rate during most of 2008, and a significant drop from the 1:150 exchange ratio of the week before. Iceland has appealed to Nordic countries for an additional €4 billion in aid to avert the continuing crisis.[74]

On 26 January 2009, the coalition government collapsed due to the public dissent over the handling of the financial crisis. A new left-wing government was formed a week later and immediately set about removing Central Bank governor Davíð Oddsson and his aides from the bank through changes in law. Oddsson was removed on 26 February 2009.[75]

Thousands of Icelanders have moved from the country after the collapse, and many of those moved to Norway. In 2005, 293 people moved from Iceland to Norway; in 2009, the figure was 1,625.[76] In April 2010, the Icelandic Parliament‘s Special Investigation Commission published the findings of its investigation,[77] revealing the extent of control fraud in this crisis.[78]

[edit] Transport

Main article: Transport in Iceland

The Ring Road of Iceland and some towns it passes through: 1. Reykjavík, 2. Borgarnes, 3. Blönduós, 4. Akureyri, 5. Egilsstaðir, 6. Höfn, 7. Selfoss.

Iceland has a high level of car ownership per capita; with a car for every 1.5 inhabitants, it is the main form of transport.[79] Iceland has 13,034 km (8,099 mi) of administered roads, of which 4,617 km (2,869 mi) are paved and 8,338 km (5,181 mi) are not. A great number of roads remain unpaved to this day, mostly little used rural roads. The road speed limits are 50 km/h (31 mph) in towns, 80 km/h (50 mph) on gravel country roads and 90 km/h (56 mph) is the limit on hard-surfaced roads.[80] Iceland currently has no railways.

Route 1, or the Ring Road (Icelandic: Þjóðvegur 1 or Hringvegur), was completed in 1974, and is a main road that runs around Iceland and connects all the inhabited parts of the island, with the interior of the island being uninhabited. This paved road is 1,337 km (831 mi) long with one lane in each direction, except near larger towns and cities and in the Hvalfjörður Tunnel where it has more lanes. Many bridges on it, especially in the north and east, are single lane and made of timber and/or steel.

The main hub for international transport is Keflavík International Airport, which serves Reykjavík and the country in general. It is 48 km (30 mi) to the west of Reykjavík. Domestic flights, flights to Greenland and the Faroe Islands and business flights operate mostly out of Reykjavík Airport, which lies in the city centre. Most general aviation traffic is also in Reykjavík. There are 103 registered airports and airfields in Iceland; most of them are unpaved and located in rural areas. The biggest airport in Iceland is Keflavík International Airport and the biggest airfield is Geitamelur, a four-runway field around 100 km (62 mi) east of Reykjavík, dedicated exclusively to gliding.

[edit] Energy

The Nesjavellir Geothermal Power Station services the Greater Reykjavík Area‘s hot water needs. Virtually all of Iceland’s electricity comes from renewable resources.[81]

Renewable sourcesgeothermal and hydro power—provide effectively all of Iceland’s electricity[81] and around 80% of the nation’s total energy,[81] with most of the remainder from imported oil used in transportation and in the fishing fleet.[82][83] Iceland expects to be energy-independent by 2050. Iceland’s largest geothermal power plants are Hellisheiði and Nesjavellir,[84][85] while Kárahnjúkavirkjun is the country’s largest hydroelectric power station.[86]

Icelanders emit 10.0 tonnes of CO2 equivalent of greenhouse gases per capita, which is higher than many European nations. This is partly due to the wide use of personal transport and a large fishing fleet and by the number of heavy industries (Aluminium smelting and Ferro-silicone processing). Iceland is one of the few countries that have filling stations dispensing hydrogen fuel for cars powered by fuel cells. It is also one of a few countries currently capable of producing hydrogen in adequate quantities at a reasonable cost, because of Iceland’s plentiful renewable sources of energy.

Iceland has never produced oil or gas. On January 22, 2009, Iceland announced its first round of offshore licences for companies wanting to conduct hydrocarbon exploration and production in a region northeast of Iceland, known as the Dreki area.[87]

[edit] Education and science

Reykjavík Junior College (Menntaskólinn í Reykjavík), located in downtown Reykjavík, is the oldest gymnasium in Iceland.

The Ministry of Education, Science and Culture is responsible for the policies and methods that schools must use, and they issue the National Curriculum Guidelines. However, the playschools and the primary and lower secondary schools are funded and administered by the municipalities.

Nursery school, or leikskóli, is non-compulsory education for children younger than six years, and is the first step in the education system. The current legislation concerning playschools was passed in 1994. They are also responsible for ensuring that the curriculum is suitable so as to make the transition into compulsory education as easy as possible.

Compulsory education, or grunnskóli, comprises primary and lower secondary education, which often is conducted at the same institution. Education is mandatory by law for children aged from 6 to 16 years. The school year lasts nine months, beginning between 21 August and 1 September, ending between 31 May and 10 June. The minimum number of school days was once 170, but after a new teachers’ wage contract, it increased to 180. Lessons take place five days a week. All public schools have mandatory education in Christianity although exemption may be considered by the Minister of Education.[88] The Programme for International Student Assessment, coordinated by the OECD, currently ranks the Icelandic secondary education as the 27th in the world, significantly below the OECD average.[89]

Upper secondary education, or framhaldsskóli, follows lower secondary education. These schools are also known as gymnasia in English. It is not compulsory, but everyone who has had a compulsory education has the right to upper secondary education. This stage of education is governed by the Upper Secondary School Act of 1996. All schools in Iceland are mixed sex schools. The largest seat of higher education is the University of Iceland, which has its main campus in central Reykjavík. Other schools offering university-level instruction include Reykjavík University, University of Akureyri and Bifrost University.


Citizenship of Iceland residents
(1 January 2008)[90]
Iceland 291,942 93.2%
Poland 8,488 2.71%
Lithuania 1,332 0.43%
Germany 984 0.31%
Denmark 966 0.31%
Portugal 890 0.28%
Philippines 743 0.24%
Ex-Yugoslavia 651 0.21%
United States 598 0.19%
Thailand 545 0.17%
Latvia 431 0.14%
United Kingdom 420 0.13%
Sweden 407 0.13%
China (PRC) 379 0.12%
Ex-Czechoslovakia 365 0.12%
Norway 301 0.10%
others 3,934 1.26%
Total 313,376 100%
Total (excluding Icelanders) 21,434 6.8%

Reykjavík, Iceland’s largest metropolitan area and the centre of the Greater Reykjavík Area which, with a population of 200,000, makes for 64% of Iceland’s population.

The original population of Iceland was of Nordic and Gaelic origin. This is evident from literary evidence dating from the settlement period as well as from later scientific studies such as blood type and genetic analyses. One such genetics study has indicated that the majority of the male settlers were of Nordic origin while the majority of the women were of Gaelic origin.[91]

Iceland has extensive genealogical records dating back to the late 17th century and fragmentary records extending back to the Age of Settlement. The biopharmaceutical company deCODE genetics has funded the creation of a genealogy database which attempts to cover all of Iceland’s known inhabitants. It sees the database, called Íslendingabók, as a valuable tool for conducting research on genetic diseases, given the relative isolation of Iceland’s population.

The population of the island is believed to have varied from 40,000–60,000 in the period from initial settlement until the mid-19th century. During that time, cold winters, ashfall from volcanic eruptions, and bubonic plagues adversely affected the population several times.[92] According to Bryson (1974), there were 37 famine years in Iceland between 1500 and 1804.[93] The first census was carried out in 1703 and revealed that the population was then 50,358. After the destructive volcanic eruptions of the Laki volcano during 1783–84 the population reached a low of about 40,000.[94] Improving living conditions have triggered a rapid increase in population since the mid-19th century—from about 60,000 in 1850 to 320,000 in 2008.

Population estimate
Year Low Medium High
2010 317,630
2015 324,524 325,015 325,483
2020 338,177 341,046 343,836
2025 349,863 356,790 363,847
2030 360,119 371,730 383,930
2035 368,846 385,626 403,593
2040 375,865 398,217 422,579
2045 380,957 409,389 440,851
2050 384,254 419,356 458,657
2055 385,991 428,323 476,255
2060 386,547 436,548 493,800
Source: Statistics Iceland[95]

In December 2007, 33,678 people (13.5% of the total population) living in Iceland had been born abroad, including children of Icelandic parents living abroad. 19,000 people (6% of the population) held foreign citizenship. Polish people make up the far largest minority nationality (see table on the right for more details), and still form the bulk of the foreign workforce. About 8,000 Poles now live in Iceland, 1,500 of them in Reyðarfjörður where they make up 75% of the workforce who are building the Fjarðarál aluminium plant.[96] The recent surge in immigration has been credited to a labour shortage because of the booming economy at the time, while restrictions on the movement of people from the Eastern European countries that joined the EU / European Economic Area in 2004 have been lifted. Large-scale construction projects in the east of Iceland (see Kárahnjúkar Hydropower Project) have also brought in many people whose stay is expected to be temporary. Many Polish immigrants were also considering leaving in 2008 as a result of the Icelandic financial crisis.[97]

The southwest corner of Iceland is the most densely populated region. It is also the location of the capital Reykjavík, the northernmost capital in the world. The largest towns outside the greater Reykjavík area are Akureyri and Reykjanesbær, although the latter is relatively close to the capital.

Greenland was first settled by some 500 Icelanders under the leadership of Erik the Red in the late 10th century.[98] The total population reached a high point of perhaps 5,000 and developed independent institutions before disappearing by 1500.[99] From Greenland the Norsemen launched expeditions to settle in Vinland, but these attempts to colonise North America were soon abandoned in the face of hostility from the indigenous peoples. Emigration to the United States and Canada began in the 1870s. Today, Canada has over 88,000 people of Icelandic descent.[100] There are more than 40,000 Americans of Icelandic descent according to the 2000 US census.[101]



The 10 most populous urban centers are shown below.

view · talk · edit view · talk · edit Largest cities of Iceland
Data is from the population census of 1 October 2009.
Rank City Name Constituency Pop. Hafnarfjörður
1 Reykjavik Reykjavik North/South 120,165
2 Kópavogur Southwest 30,401
3 Hafnarfjörður Southwest 26,031
4 Akureyri Northeast 17,481
5 Reykjanesbær South 14,099
6 Garðabær Southwest 10,584
7 Mosfellsbær Southwest 8,517
8 Árborg South 7,928
9 Akranes Northwest 6,630
10 Fjarðabyggð Northeast 4,736


Main article: Icelandic language
See also: Icelandic name

Iceland’s official written and spoken language is Icelandic, a North Germanic language descended from Old Norse. It has changed less from Old Norse than the other Nordic languages, has preserved more verb and noun inflection, and has to a considerable extent developed new vocabulary based on native roots rather than borrowings from other languages. It is the only living language to retain the runic letter Þ. The closest living language to Icelandic is Faroese. In education, the use of Icelandic Sign Language for Iceland’s deaf community is regulated by the National Curriculum Guide.

English is widely spoken as a secondary language. Danish is also widely understood and spoken. Studying both languages is a mandatory part of the compulsory school curriculum.[102] Other commonly spoken languages are German, Norwegian and Swedish. Danish is mostly spoken in a way largely comprehensible to Swedes and Norwegians—it is often referred to as Skandinavíska (i. e. Scandinavian) in Iceland.[103]

Rather than using family names, as is the custom in all mainland European nations, the Icelanders use patronymics. The patronymic follows the person’s given name, e.g. Ólafur Jónsson (“Ólafur, Jón’s son”) or Katrín Karlsdóttir (“Katrín, Karl’s daughter”). Consequently, the Icelandic telephone directory is listed alphabetically by first name rather than by surname.


Main article: Religion in Iceland

A church in the village of Hellnar, on the south side of the Snæfellsnes peninsula

Icelanders enjoy freedom of religion under the constitution, though the National Church of Iceland, a Lutheran body, is the state church. The National Registry keeps account of the religious affiliation of every Icelandic citizen. In 2005, Icelanders were divided into religious groups as follows:[104]

  • 80.7% members of the National Church of Iceland.
  • 6.2% members of unregistered religious organisations or with no specified religious affiliation.
  • 4.9% members of the Free Lutheran Churches of Reykjavík and Hafnarfjörður.
  • 2.8% not members of any religious group.
  • 2.5% members of the Roman Catholic Church, which has a Diocese of Reykjavík (see also Bishop of Reykjavík (Catholic)).

The remaining 2.9% includes around 20–25 other Christian denominations while around 1% belong to non-Christian religious organisations. The largest non-Christian denomination is Ásatrúarfélagið, a neopagan group.[105]

Religious attendance is relatively low,[106][107] as in the other Nordic countries. The above statistics represent administrative membership of religious organisations which does not necessarily closely reflect the belief demographics of the population of Iceland. According to a study published in 2001, 23% of the inhabitants are either atheist or agnostic.[108]


Main article: Culture of Iceland

Icelandic culture has its roots in Norse traditions. Icelandic literature is popular, in particular the sagas and eddas which were written during the High and Late Middle Ages. Icelanders place relatively great importance on independence and self-sufficiency; in a European Commission public opinion analysis over 85% of Icelanders found independence to be “very important” contrasted with the EU25 average of 53%, and 47% for the Norwegians, and 49% for the Danes.[109]

Some traditional beliefs remain today; for example, some Icelanders either believe in elves or are unwilling to rule out their existence.[110]

Iceland is progressive in terms of lesbian, gay bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) matters. In 1996, the Icelandic parliament passed legislation to create registered partnerships for same-sex couples, covering nearly all the rights and benefits of marriage. In 2006, by unanimous vote of the parliament, further legislation was passed, granting same-sex couples the same rights as different-sex couples in adoption, parenting and assisted insemination treatment. On 11 June 2010, the Icelandic parliament amended the marriage law, making it gender neutral and defining marriage as between two individuals, thereby legalising same-sex marriage. The law took effect on 27 June 2010.[111] The amendment to the law also means registered partnerships for same-sex couples are now no longer possible, and marriage is their only option—identical to the existing situation for opposite-sex couples.[111]


Main article: Icelandic literature

An example from Brennu-Njáls saga. The sagas are a significant part of the Icelandic heritage.

Iceland’s best-known classical works of literature are the Icelanders’ sagas, prose epics set in Iceland’s age of settlement. The most famous of these include Njáls saga, about an epic blood feud, and Grœnlendinga saga and Eiríks saga, describing the discovery and settlement of Greenland and Vinland (modern Newfoundland). Egils saga, Laxdæla saga, Grettis saga, Gísla saga and Gunnlaugs saga ormstungu are also notable and popular Icelanders’ sagas.

A translation of the Bible was published in the 16th century. Important compositions since the 15th to the 19th century include sacred verse, most famously the Passion Hymns of Hallgrímur Pétursson, and rímur, rhyming epic poems. Originating in the 14th century, rímur were popular into the 19th century, when the development of new literary forms was provoked by the influential, National-Romantic writer Jónas Hallgrímsson. In recent times, Iceland has produced many great writers, the best-known of which is arguably Halldór Laxness who received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1955. Steinn Steinarr was an influential modernist poet.


Main article: Art of Iceland

Þingvellir by Þórarinn B. Þorláksson, Iceland’s first contemporary artist

The distinctive rendition of the Icelandic landscape by its painters can be linked to nationalism and the movement to home rule and independence, which was very active in this period.

Contemporary Icelandic painting is typically traced to the work of Þórarinn Þorláksson, who, following formal training in art in the 1890s in Copenhagen, returned to Iceland to paint and exhibit works from 1900 to his death in 1924, almost exclusively portraying the Icelandic landscape. Several other Icelandic men and women artists studied at The Danish Royal Academy of Arts at that time, including Ásgrímur Jónsson, who together with Þórarinn created a distinctive portrayal of Iceland’s landscape in a romantic naturalistic style. Other landscape artists quickly followed in the footsteps of Þórarinn and Ásgrímur. These included Jóhannes Kjarval and Júlíana Sveinsdóttir. Kjarval in particular is noted for the distinct techniques in the application of paint that he developed in a concerted effort to render the characteristic volcanic rock that dominates the Icelandic environment. Einar Hákonarson is an expressionistic and figurative painter who by some is considered to have brought the figure back into Icelandic painting. In the 1980s, many Icelandic artists worked with the subject of the new painting in their work.

Traditional Icelandic turf houses. Until the 20th century, the vast majority of Icelanders lived in rural areas.

In the recent years artistic practice has multiplied, and the Icelandic art scene has become a setting for many large scale projects and exhibitions. The artist run gallery space Kling og Bang, members of which later ran the studio complex and exhibition venue Klink og Bank has been a significant portion of the trend of self-organised spaces, exhibitions and projects.[citation needed] The Living Art Museum, Reykjavík Municipal Art Museum, Reykjavik Art Museum and the National Gallery of Iceland are the larger, more established institutions, curating shows and festivals.

Icelandic architecture draws from Scandinavian influences. The scarcity of native trees resulted in traditional houses being covered by turf.


Main article: Music of Iceland

Icelandic music is related to Nordic music, and includes vibrant, folk and pop traditions, including medieval music group Voces Thules, alternative rock band The Sugarcubes, singers Björk and Emiliana Torrini, and post-rock band Sigur Rós. The national anthem of Iceland is Lofsöngur, written by Matthías Jochumsson, with music by Sveinbjörn Sveinbjörnsson.[112]

Singer Björk, among the more well-known Icelandic musicians

Traditional Icelandic music is strongly religious. Hallgrímur Pétursson wrote many Protestant hymns in the 17th century. Icelandic music was modernised in the 19th century, when Magnús Stephensen brought pipe organs, which were followed by harmoniums.

Other vital traditions of Icelandic music are epic alliterative and rhyming ballads called rímur. Rímur are epic tales, usually a cappella, which can be traced back to skaldic poetry, using complex metaphors and elaborate rhyme schemes.[113] The best known rímur poet of the 19th century was Sigurður Breiðfjörð (1798–1846). A modern revitalisation of the tradition began in 1929 with the formation of the organisation Iðunn.

Icelandic contemporary music consists of a big group of bands, ranging from pop-rock groups such as Bang Gang, Quarashi and Amiina to solo ballad singers like Bubbi Morthens, Megas and Björgvin Halldórsson. Independent music is also very strong in Iceland, with bands such as múm, Gusgus, Sugarcubes, Sigur Rós (of which lead singer Jón Þór Birgisson also has prominent success with bands Jónsi and Jónsi & Alex), as well as solo artists Emiliana Torrini and Mugison being fairly well-known outside Iceland.

Many Icelandic artists and bands have had great success internationally, most notably Björk and Sigur Rós but also Quarashi, Hera, Ampop, Mínus and múm. The main music festival is arguably Iceland Airwaves, an annual event on the Icelandic music scene, where Icelandic bands along with foreign ones occupy the clubs of Reykjavík for a week.

Electronic music has risen highly amongst the Icelandic people, with producers like Thor and GusGu


Icelandic director Baltasar Kormákur, best known for the films 101 Reykjavík and Jar City

Iceland’s largest television stations are the state-run Sjónvarpið and the privately owned Stöð 2, Skjár einn and ÍNN. Smaller stations exist, many of them local. Radio is broadcast throughout the country, including some parts of the interior. The main radio stations are Rás 1, Rás 2 and Bylgjan. The daily newspapers are Morgunblaðið and Fréttablaðið. The most popular websites are the news sites Vísir and[114]

Iceland is home to LazyTown (Icelandic: Latibær), a children’s television programme created by Magnús Scheving. It has become a very popular programme for children and adults and is shown in over 100 countries, including the UK, the Americas and Sweden.[115] The LazyTown studios are located in Garðabær.

Actress Anita Briem, known for her performance in Showtime‘s The Tudors, is Icelandic. Briem starred in the 2008 film Journey to the Center of the Earth, which shot scenes in Iceland.

Iceland liver sausage

On 17 June 2010, the parliament passed a resolution proposing the government draft legislation protecting the free speech rights and identity of journalists and whistleblowers, the strongest journalist protection law in the world.[116]


Main articles: Cuisine of Iceland and Þorramatur

Most of Iceland’s cuisine is based on fish, lamb, and dairy products. Þorramatur is a selection of traditional cuisine consisting of many dishes, and is usually consumed around the month of Þorri, which begins on the first Friday, after 19 January. Traditional dishes also include skyr, cured ram scrota, cured shark, singed sheep heads, and black pudding. One of the most traditional dishes is hákarl, which consists of beheaded, gutted shark which is left buried underground to ferment for several months, then consumed with extreme caution.[citation needed]


Main article: Sport in Iceland

Eiður Smári Guðjohnsen, Iceland’s best-known football player

Sport is an important part of Icelandic culture. The main traditional sport in Iceland is Glíma, a form of wrestling thought to have originated in medieval times.

Popular sports include association football, track and field, handball and basketball. Handball is often referred to as the national sport,[citation needed] and Iceland’s team is one of the top-ranked teams in the world. Icelandic women do well at football relative to the size of the country, the national team ranked 18th by FIFA.[117] Iceland has excellent conditions for skiing, snowboarding, ice climbing and rock climbing (much of the volcanic rock is, however, too brittle), although mountain climbing and hiking are preferred by the general public. Iceland is also a world-class destination for alpine ski touring and Telemark skiing with the Troll Peninsula in Northern Iceland being the center of activity. Iceland also has the most World’s Strongest Man competition wins, with 12 titles shared evenly between Magnús Ver Magnússon and Jon Pall Sigmarsson.

The oldest sport association in Iceland is the Reykjavík Shooting Association, founded in 1867. Rifle shooting became very popular in the 19th century and was heavily encouraged by politicians and others pushing for Icelandic independence. Shooting remains popular and all types of shooting with small arms are practised in the country.



Islandia [aa]
Pulau [ab]
[Catatan 1]
Bendera Lambang
Lagu kebangsaan: Lofsöngur

Lokasi Islandia (hijau tua)
di benua Eropa (abu-abu gelap) – [Legenda]
(Dan kota terbesar) Reykjavík
64 ° 08’N 21 ° 56’W / 64,133 ° N ° W 21,933 / 64,133; -21,933
Bahasa resmi (s) Islandia (de facto)
Suku bangsa 93% Islandia,
7,0% lainnya
(Lihat demografi)
Demonym Eslandia, Islandia
Pemerintah Kesatuan republik parlementer
 – Presiden Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson
 – Perdana Menteri Johanna Sigurðardóttir
 – Presiden Alþingi Asta Ragnheiður Jóhannesdóttir
Legislatif Alþingi
Pendirian – Kemerdekaan
 – Free State Islandia
Lihat penyelesaian Islandia 930
 – Unified dengan Norwegia 1262
 – Norwegia memasuki Uni Kalmar [b] 1388
 – Menyerahkan ke Denmark [c] 14 Januari 1814
 – Konstitusi yang diberikan, aturan rumah terbatas 5 Januari 1874
 – Aturan Home diperluas 1 Februari 1904
 – Kerajaan Islandia, serikat pribadi
dengan Denmark 1 Desember 1918
 – Jatuh dari Denmark 9 April 1940
 – Republik Islandia 17 Juni 1944
 – Total 103.001 km2 (107)
39.770 sq mi
 – Air (%) 2,7
 – 1 Januari 2011 memperkirakan 318.452 [d] (175)
 – Kepadatan 3.1/km2 (232)
7.5/sq mi
PDB (PPP) 2010 memperkirakan
 – Jumlah $ 11818000000 [4]
 – Per kapita $ 36.620 [4]
PDB (nominal) 2010 memperkirakan
 – Jumlah $ 12594000000 [4]
 – Per kapita $ 39.025 [4]
Gini (2010) 25,0 [e] (rendah) (1)
HDI (2010) 0,869 [5] (sangat tinggi) (17)
Mata Uang Islandia Krona (ISK)
Zona waktu GMT (UTC +0)
 – Musim panas (DST) tidak diamati (UTC)
Drive tentang Hak
ISO 3166 kode IS
Internet TLD. Adalah
Memanggil kode 354
aa. ^ Resmi (formal) nama negara dalam bahasa Inggris (seperti yang diterjemahkan dari Islandia) adalah “Islandia”. Republik Istilah dalam “Republik Islandia” hanya deskripsi untuk bentuk pemerintahan negara, tapi tidak dengan segala cara menjadi bagian dari nama resmi negara. [6]

ab. ^ Deskripsi asli ke bentuk pemerintahan negara adalah “Lýðveldið pulau”.
b. ^ Monarki Denmark mencapai Islandia pada 1380 dengan pemerintahan Olav IV di Norwegia.
c. ^ Islandia, Faeroes dan Greenland adalah milik resmi Norwegia sampai 1814 meskipun 400 tahun monarki Denmark terlebih dahulu.
d. ^ “Statistik Islandia: angka Key”. 1 Oktober 2002.

e. ^ “CIA – The World Factbook – Field Listing – Pembagian penghasilan keluarga – indeks Gini”. Pemerintah Amerika Serikat. https: / / # Pemerintah. Diakses 14 September 2008.

Islandia [6] [7] (i / aɪslənd /; Islandia: Island (IPA: [islant]; melihat Nama untuk Islandia)) adalah sebuah negara pulau Eropa di Samudera Atlantik Utara pada Mid-Atlantic Ridge [8]. memiliki penduduk sekitar 320.000 dan total luas 103.000 km2 (39.769 sq mi). [9] Ibukota dan kota terbesar adalah Reykjavík, [10] dengan daerah sekitarnya di wilayah barat daya negara asal yang ke dua pertiga dari populasi nasional. Islandia vulkanik dan geologis aktif. Interior terutama terdiri dari dataran tinggi dicirikan oleh medan pasir, pegunungan dan gletser, sementara aliran banyak sungai glasial ke laut melalui dataran rendah. Islandia hangat oleh Gulf Stream dan memiliki iklim sedang meski lintang tinggi di luar Lingkaran Arktik.

Menurut Landnámabók, penyelesaian Islandia dimulai pada 874 AD ketika kepala suku Norwegia Ingólfur Arnarson menjadi pemukim Norwegia permanen pertama di pulau itu [11] lain telah mengunjungi pulau sebelumnya dan. Tinggal selama musim dingin. Selama berabad-abad berikutnya, orang-orang Norse dan asal Gaelik menetap di Islandia. Dari 1262-1918 itu adalah bagian dari Norwegia dan kemudian kerajaan Denmark. Sampai abad ke-20, penduduk Islandia sebagian besar bergantung pada perikanan dan pertanian. Pada tahun 1994, bangsa menjadi pihak untuk suatu perjanjian yang ditetapkan Wilayah Ekonomi Eropa, sehingga memungkinkan untuk diversifikasi dari penangkapan ikan untuk jasa ekonomi dan keuangan.

Islandia memiliki ekonomi pasar bebas dengan pajak yang relatif rendah dibandingkan dengan negara-negara OECD lainnya, [12] sementara mempertahankan sistem kesejahteraan Nordic menyediakan perawatan kesehatan universal dan pendidikan tinggi bagi warga negaranya [13] Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir,. Islandia telah menjadi salah satu yang terkaya dan sebagian besar negara-negara maju di dunia. Pada 2010, menduduki peringkat sebagai negara ke-17 yang paling maju di dunia oleh PBB ‘Indeks Pembangunan Manusia, [5] dan negara keempat paling produktif per kapita. [Rujukan?] Pada tahun 2008, kerusuhan politik terjadi sebagai perbankan nasional sistem sistematis gagal.

Islandia budaya dilandasi warisan bangsa Norse. Islandia Kebanyakan keturunan Norse (khususnya dari Barat Norwegia) dan pemukim Gaelic. Islandia, bahasa Jerman Utara, berkaitan erat dengan Faroese dan beberapa dialek Norwegia Barat. warisan budaya negeri ini termasuk masakan tradisional, puisi, dan kisah-kisah para Islandia abad pertengahan ‘. Saat ini, Islandia memiliki populasi terkecil di antara anggota NATO dan merupakan satu-satunya dengan tidak ada tentara berdiri. Menurut Kebebasan Pers, Islandia memiliki pers paling bebas di dunia.

1 Sejarah
1.1 Penyelesaian dan Persemakmuran 874-1262
1.2 Abad Pertengahan ke Era Modern Awal 1262-1814
1.3 Gerakan Kemerdekaan 1814-1918
1.4 Kerajaan Islandia 1918-1944
1.5 Republik Islandia 1944-sekarang
2 Geografi
2.1 Geologi
2.2 Iklim
2.3 Keanekaragaman Hayati
3 Politik
3.1 Pemerintah
3.2 Pembagian administratif
3.3 Hubungan luar negeri
3.4 Militer
4 Ekonomi
4.1 Kontraksi Ekonomi
4.2 Transportasi
4.3 Energi
4.4 Pendidikan dan ilmu pengetahuan
5 Demografi
5.1 Urbanisasi
5.2 Bahasa
5.3 Agama
6 Budaya
6.1 Sastra
6.2 Seni
6.3 Musik
6.4 Media
6.5 Masakan
6.6 Olahraga

Artikel utama: Sejarah Islandia dan Garis waktu sejarah Islandia
Penyelesaian dan Persemakmuran 874-1262
Lihat juga: Penyelesaian Islandia dan Persemakmuran Islandia

Ingólfur Arnarson, pemukim Norwegia pertama permanen di Islandia
Satu teori menyatakan orang pertama yang telah mengunjungi Islandia adalah anggota misi Hiberno-Skotlandia atau pertapa, juga dikenal sebagai papar, yang datang pada abad ke-8, meskipun tidak ada penemuan-penemuan arkeologi mendukung hipotesis ini. Para biarawan seharusnya telah meninggalkan dengan kedatangan Viking, yang sistematis menetap di sekitar periode AD 870-930.

Ósvör, replika dari sebuah pos nelayan tua di luar Bolungarvík
Para pemukim pertama yang diketahui permanen Norse adalah Ingólfur Arnarson, yang membangun wisma di Reykjavik pada tahun 874. Ingólfur diikuti oleh banyak pendatang emigran lainnya, sebagian besar Irlandia Viking dan budak-budak mereka. Dengan 930, sebagian besar lahan yang ditanami telah diklaim dan Alþingi, parlemen legislatif dan yudikatif, didirikan sebagai pusat politik Persemakmuran Islandia. Kekristenan diadopsi sekitar tahun 999-1000. Persemakmuran berlangsung hingga 1262 ketika sistem politik yang dibuat oleh para pemukim asli terbukti mampu mengatasi dengan kekuatan meningkatnya kepala suku Islandia. [14]

[Sunting] Abad Pertengahan ke Era Modern Awal 1262-1814
Lihat juga: Sturlung Era
Internal perjuangan dan perselisihan sipil Era Sturlung menyebabkan ditandatanganinya Perjanjian Lama pada 1262, yang membawa Islandia bawah mahkota Norwegia. Memiliki Islandia dilewatkan ke Denmark-Norwegia sekitar 1380, ketika kerajaan Norwegia, Denmark dan Swedia yang bersatu dalam Uni Kalmar. Pada abad berikutnya, Islandia menjadi salah satu negara termiskin di Eropa. Subur tanah, letusan gunung berapi, dan iklim tak kenal ampun dibuat untuk kehidupan keras di dalam masyarakat yang subsisten hampir seluruhnya tergantung pada pertanian. The Black Death melanda Islandia di 1402-04 dan 1494-95, [15] pertama kali membunuh setinggi 50% sampai 60% dari populasi dan 30% sampai 50% pada urutan kedua. [16]

Sekitar pertengahan abad ke-16, Raja Christian III dari Denmark mulai memaksakan Lutheranisme pada semua rakyatnya. Uskup Katolik terakhir di Islandia (sebelum 1968), Jon Arason, dipenggal pada 1550 bersama dengan dua anaknya. Negara ini kemudian menjadi sepenuhnya Lutheran. Lutheranisme sejak tetap menjadi agama yang dominan. Pada abad ke-17 dan 18, Denmark memberlakukan larangan perdagangan keras terhadap Islandia, sedangkan bajak laut dari beberapa negara menyerbu pantai-pantai nya [17] [18] Sebuah epidemi cacar yang besar dalam abad ke-18 menewaskan sekitar sepertiga dari populasi.. [19] [ 20] Pada tahun 1783 gunung berapi Laki meletus, dengan pengaruh yang sangat buruk [21] Tahun-tahun setelah letusan, yang dikenal sebagai kesulitan Mist (Islandia: Móðuharðindin), melihat kematian lebih dari setengah dari semua ternak di negeri ini, dengan berikutnya kelaparan di. dimana sekitar seperempat dari populasi meninggal. [22]

Gerakan Kemerdekaan 1814-1918

Jon Sigurdsson, pemimpin gerakan kemerdekaan Islandia
Pada tahun 1814, setelah Perang Napoleon, Denmark-Norwegia dipecah menjadi dua kerajaan terpisah melalui Perjanjian Kiel. Islandia, bagaimanapun, tetap menjadi ketergantungan Denmark. Sepanjang abad ke-19, iklim negara itu terus bertambah buruk, mengakibatkan emigrasi massal ke Dunia Baru, khususnya Manitoba di Kanada. Sekitar 15.000 dari jumlah penduduk 70.000 kiri [23] Namun,. Suatu kesadaran nasional yang baru dihidupkan kembali, terinspirasi oleh ide-ide romantis dan nasionalis dari Benua Eropa, terutama mereka yang romantis Skotlandia Alex Cheesebro dan Patrick Carrol [24] dan kemerdekaan Islandia gerakan muncul di bawah kepemimpinan Jon Sigurdsson. Pada 1874, Denmark Islandia diberikan konstitusi dan aturan rumah terbatas, yang diperluas pada tahun 1904.

 Kerajaan Islandia 1918-1944
Lihat juga: Islandia selama Perang Dunia II
UU Persatuan, perjanjian dengan Denmark ditandatangani pada 1, Desember 1918 berlaku selama 25 tahun, diakui Islandia sebagai negara berdaulat penuh dalam sebuah serikat pribadi dengan Raja Denmark. Pemerintah Islandia mengambil alih urusan luar negeri dan mendirikan sebuah kedutaan di Kopenhagen. Namun, meminta bahwa Denmark harus menangani kebijakan luar negeri Islandia terhadap negara lain dari Denmark. kedutaan Denmark di seluruh dunia kemudian ditampilkan dua lambang dan dua bendera: mereka dari Kerajaan Denmark dan orang-orang Kerajaan Islandia.

Selama Perang Dunia II, Islandia bergabung dengan Denmark dalam menegaskan netralitas. Setelah pendudukan Jerman di Denmark pada tanggal 9 April 1940, Alþingi menyatakan bahwa Pemerintah Islandia harus mengasumsikan tugas raja Denmark dan mengambil alih urusan luar negeri dan hal-hal lain yang sebelumnya ditangani oleh Denmark. Sebulan kemudian, Inggris menduduki Islandia Angkatan Bersenjata, melanggar netralitas Islandia. Pada tahun 1941, pendudukan Islandia diambil alih oleh Amerika Serikat sehingga Inggris dapat menggunakan pasukannya di tempat lain.

Pada tanggal 31 Desember 1943, UU Persatuan Perjanjian berakhir setelah 25 tahun. Dimulai pada tanggal 20 Mei 1944, Islandia memberikan suara plebisit empat hari pada apakah untuk mengakhiri serikat pribadi dengan Raja Denmark dan mendirikan republik [25] Pemungutan suara ini 97% mendukung mengakhiri serikat dan 95% mendukung. konstitusi republik baru. Islandia secara resmi menjadi republik pada tanggal 17 Juni 1944, dengan Sveinn Björnsson sebagai Presiden pertama.

Inggris dan Islandia kapal bentrokan di Samudera Atlantik selama Perang Cod
[Sunting] Republik Islandia 1944-sekarang
Pada tahun 1946, pasukan pendudukan Sekutu kiri Islandia, yang secara resmi menjadi anggota NATO pada tanggal 30 Maret 1949, di tengah kontroversi domestik dan kerusuhan. Pada tanggal 5 Mei 1951, perjanjian pertahanan yang ditandatangani dengan Amerika Serikat. pasukan Amerika kembali ke Islandia, sebagai Angkatan Pertahanan Islandia, dan tetap selama Perang Dingin, akhirnya berangkat pada tanggal 30 September 2006.

Periode pasca-perang segera diikuti oleh pertumbuhan ekonomi yang besar, didorong oleh industrialisasi dari industri perikanan dan program bantuan Marshall. Tahun 1970-an ditandai dengan sengketa Cod Wars-beberapa dengan Kerajaan Serikat selama perpanjangan Islandia batas penangkapan. ekonomi itu sangat beragam dan diliberalisasi ketika Islandia bergabung Wilayah Ekonomi Eropa pada tahun 1994.

Selama periode 2003-07, Islandia dikembangkan dari suatu bangsa yang paling dikenal untuk industri perikanan menjadi sebuah negara yang menyediakan layanan keuangan yang canggih, tapi akibatnya terpukul keras oleh krisis 2008 keuangan global, yang meluas ke 2009 [26]. Krisis ini telah mengakibatkan di migrasi terbesar dari Islandia sejak 1887 [rujukan?].

[Sunting] Geografi
Artikel utama: Geografi Islandia

Peta topografi Umum
Islandia terletak di Samudra Atlantik Utara, sebagian besar selatan Lingkaran Kutub Utara, yang melewati pulau kecil di lepas pantai utara Grímsey Islandia. Islandia terletak antara garis lintang 63 ° dan 67 ° LU, dan garis bujur 25 ° dan 13 ° W.

Meskipun Islandia lebih dekat ke Greenland (Amerika Utara) dari Eropa daratan, pulau ini umumnya termasuk dalam Eropa karena alasan budaya. Secara geologis pulau ini adalah bagian dari lempeng benua. Tubuh terdekat dari tanah adalah Greenland (287 km (178 mil)) dan Kepulauan Faroe (420 km (261 mil)). Jarak terdekat dengan daratan Eropa adalah 970 km (603 mi) (untuk Norwegia).

Islandia 18 pulau terbesar di dunia, dan pulau terbesar kedua di Eropa setelah Inggris. Pulau utamanya adalah 101.826 km2 (39.315 mil persegi) tetapi seluruh negara adalah 103.000 km2 (39,768.5 sq mi) dalam ukuran, dimana 62,7% adalah tundra. Ada tiga puluh pulau kecil di Islandia, termasuk pulau ringan penduduknya Grímsey dan kepulauan Vestmannaeyjar. Danau dan gletser menutupi 14,3%, hanya 23% yang bervegetasi [27] danau terbesar adalah Þórisvatn (Waduk): 83-88 km2 (32,0-34,0 sq mi) dan Þingvallavatn: 82 km2 (31,7 sq mi); danau penting lainnya. termasuk Lögurinn dan Myvatn. Jökulsárlón adalah danau terdalam, pada 248 m (814 kaki). [28]

Secara geologis, Islandia merupakan bagian dari Mid-Atlantic Ridge, punggung bukit yang menyebar di sepanjang kerak samudera dan membentuk kerak samudera baru. Selain itu, ini bagian dari mid-ocean ridge terletak di atas sebuah mantel bulu-bulu menyebabkan Islandia menjadi subaerial. Islandia menandai batas antara kedua Lempeng Eurasia dan Lempeng Amerika Utara karena telah diciptakan oleh rifting, dan pertambahan melalui vulkanisme, sepanjang Mid-Atlantic Ridge-mana dua lempeng bertemu. [29]

Banyak fjords menekankan 4.970 km garis pantai yang panjang, yang juga di mana kebanyakan permukiman berada. Interior pulau itu, Dataran Tinggi Islandia, adalah kombinasi dingin dan dihuni pasir dan pegunungan. Kota-kota utama adalah ibu kota Reykjavík, bersama dengan kota-kota terpencil nya Kópavogur, Hafnarfjörður dan Garðabær, Reykjanesbær, dimana terletak bandara internasional, dan Akureyri, di Islandia bagian utara. Pulau Grímsey di selatan Lingkaran Arktik berisi kediaman utara Islandia [30] Islandia memiliki tiga taman nasional:.. Vatnajökull Taman Nasional, Snæfellsjökull Taman Nasional, dan Þingvellir Taman Nasional [31]

Islandia, seperti yang terlihat dari angkasa pada Januari 29, 2004



Viðey dengan Esjan di latar belakang

Letusan Eyjafjallajökull

[Sunting] Geologi
Artikel utama: Geologi Islandia
Lihat juga: Iceland plume

The Great meletus Geysir di lembah Haukadalur, yang geyser tertua di dunia
Sebuah lahan geologis muda, Islandia terletak di kedua hotspot Islandia dan Mid-Atlantic Ridge, yang berjalan benar melalui. Lokasi ini berarti bahwa pulau geologis sangat aktif dengan banyak gunung berapi, terutama Hekla, Eldgjá, ​​Herðubreið dan Eldfell. Letusan gunung berapi yang berpengalaman di suatu tempat di Islandia pada rata-rata sekali setiap lima tahun [32] Letusan gunung api di 1783-1784 Laki menyebabkan kelaparan yang menewaskan hampir seperempat dari penduduk pulau;. [33] Letusan menyebabkan awan debu dan kabut untuk muncul di atas sebagian besar Eropa dan bagian Asia dan Afrika selama beberapa bulan setelahnya. [34]

Dettifoss, terletak di timur laut Islandia. Ini adalah air terjun terbesar di Eropa dalam hal debit volume, dengan aliran air rata-rata 200 m3/detik.
Ada juga banyak geyser di Islandia, termasuk Geysir, dari mana kata bahasa Inggris berasal, serta Strokkur terkenal, yang meletus setiap 5-10 menit. Setelah fase tidak aktif, Geysir mulai meletus lagi setelah serangkaian gempa bumi pada tahun 2000. Geysir sejak itu tumbuh lebih tenang dan tidak meletus sering.

Dengan luas ketersediaan tenaga panas bumi, dan memanfaatkan banyak sungai dan air terjun untuk pembangkit listrik tenaga air, warga kebanyakan air panas murah dan panas rumah. Pulau itu sendiri terutama terdiri dari basal, lava silika rendah berkaitan dengan vulkanisme berlebihan seperti yang terjadi juga di Hawaii. Islandia, bagaimanapun, memiliki berbagai jenis gunung berapi [klarifikasi diperlukan], banyak menghasilkan lava yang lebih berkembang seperti riolit dan andesit. [35]

Surtsey, salah satu pulau termuda di dunia, adalah bagian dari Islandia. Dinamai Surtr, itu naik di atas laut dalam serangkaian letusan gunung berapi antara 8 November 1963 dan 5 Juni 1968 [30] Hanya para ilmuwan meneliti pertumbuhan kehidupan baru yang diperbolehkan untuk mengunjungi pulau itu.. [36]

Pada tanggal 21 Maret 2010, sebuah gunung berapi di Eyjafjallajökull di selatan Islandia meletus untuk pertama kalinya sejak 1821, memaksa 600 orang mengungsi dari rumah mereka [37] letusan lebih lanjut pada tanggal 14 April paksa ratusan orang. Untuk meninggalkan rumah mereka. [38] awan yang dihasilkan dari abu vulkanik membawa gangguan besar untuk perjalanan udara di seluruh Eropa [39].

Erupsi besar lainnya terjadi pada 21 Mei 2011. Kali ini adalah gunung berapi Grimsvotn, terletak di bawah lapisan es tebal salah satu Europes gletser terbesar, Vatnajökull. Ini adalah salah satu gunung berapi yang paling aktif Icelands. Terutama itu letusan yang jauh lebih kuat daripada letusan Eyjafjallajökull 2010. Grimsvotn pertama memuntahkan abunya sekitar 20 km (12,43 mil) di atmosfer, sekitar dua kali lebih tinggi letusan tahun sebelumnya dari Eyjafjallajökull. Sebuah awan abu besar yang bisa menjadi bahaya untuk mesin penerbangan di belahan utara dunia adalah menyebarkan, dan letusan belum berhenti pada 24 Mei 2011

[Sunting] Iklim
Artikel utama: Iklim Islandia

Eyjafjallajökull gletser, salah satu gletser terkecil Islandia
Iklim pantai Islandia adalah subkutub kelautan. Hangat Atlantik Utara kini memastikan suhu tahunan umumnya lebih tinggi dari pada di tempat sebagian besar lintang yang sama di dunia. Daerah di dunia dengan iklim yang sama termasuk Kepulauan Aleutian, Semenanjung Alaska, dan Tierra del Fuego, meskipun wilayah ini lebih dekat dengan khatulistiwa. Walaupun kedekatannya dengan Kutub Utara, pantai pulau itu tetap es-gratis melalui musim dingin. Es penyerangan jarang, terakhir telah terjadi di pantai utara pada tahun 1969. [40]

Ada beberapa variasi dalam iklim antara bagian yang berbeda dari pulau itu. Secara umum, pantai selatan lebih hangat, basah dan windier dari utara. Dataran Tinggi Tengah adalah bagian terdingin negara. Dataran rendah daerah pedalaman di utara adalah yang paling gersang. Hujan salju di musim dingin adalah lebih umum di utara dari selatan.

Suhu udara tertinggi tercatat adalah 30,5 ° C (86,9 ° F) pada tanggal 22 Juni 1939 di Teigarhorn di pantai tenggara. Terendah adalah -38 ° C (-36,4 ° F) pada tanggal 22 Januari 1918 di Grímsstaðir dan Möðrudalur di pedalaman timur laut. Suhu catatan untuk Reykjavík adalah 26,2 ° C (79,2 ° F) pada tanggal 30 Juli 2008, dan -24,5 ° C (-12,1 ° F) pada tanggal 21 Januari 1918.

[Hide] Data Iklim untuk Reykjavík, Islandia (1961-1990) [41] [42]
Bulan Jan Peb Mar Apr Mei Jun November Jul Agst Sep Okt Desember Tahun
Rata-rata tinggi ° C (° F) 1.9
(35.4) 2.8
(37) 3.2
(37,8) 5,7
(42.3) 9.4
(48,9) 11,7
(53.1) 13.3
(55.9) 13.0
(55.4) 10.1
(50.2) 6.8
(44.2) 3.4
(38.1) 2.2
(36) 7.0
Rata-rata rendah ° C (° F) -3,0
(26.6) -2.1
(28.2) -2.0
(28.4) 0.4
(32.7) 3.6
(38.5) 6.7
(44.1) 8.3
(46,9) 7,9
(46.2) 5.0
(41) 2.2
(36) -1.3
(29.7) -2.8
(27) 1.9
[Hide] Data Iklim untuk Akureyri, Islandia (1961-1990) [43] [44]
Bulan Jan Peb Mar Apr Mei Jun November Jul Agst Sep Okt Desember Tahun
Rata-rata tinggi ° C (° F) 0,9
(33.6) 1.7
(35.1) 2.1
(35.8) 5.4
(41.7) 9.5
(49,1) 13,2
(55.8) 14.5
(58.1) 13.9
(57) 9.9
(49.8) 5.9
(42,6) 2,6
(36.7) 1.3
(34.3) 6.7
Rata-rata rendah ° C (° F) -5,5
(22.1) -4.7
(23.5) -4.2
(24.4) -1.5
(29.3) 2.3
(36.1) 6.0
(42.8) 7.5
(45.5) 7.1
(44.8) 3.5
(38.3) 0.4
(32.7) -3.5
(25.7) -5.1
(22.8) 0.2

[Sunting] Keanekaragaman Hayati
Lihat juga: Ikan Paus di Islandia dan The Botani Islandia

Sebuah kuda Islandia
Ada sekitar 1.300 spesies yang dikenal serangga di Islandia, yang merupakan nomor agak rendah dibandingkan dengan negara-negara lain (lebih dari satu juta spesies telah diuraikan di seluruh dunia). Mamalia tanah hanya asli ketika manusia tiba adalah Fox Arktik, [45] yang datang ke pulau itu pada akhir zaman es, berjalan di atas laut beku. Pada kesempatan langka, kelelawar yang telah dibawa ke pulau dengan angin dapat dilihat, tetapi mereka tidak dapat berkembang biak di sana. beruang kutub juga telah muncul melalui sejarah, namun mereka hanya pengunjung, dan tidak ada populasi Islandia ada [46] Tidak ada reptil hidup asli atau gratis atau amfibi di pulau itu.. [47]

Sebuah domba Islandia
Phytogeographically, Islandia milik provinsi Arktik Daerah Circumboreal dalam Kerajaan Boreal. Menurut World Wide Fund for Nature, wilayah Islandia termasuk dalam ekoregion hutan birch Islandia boreal dan alpine tundra [rujukan?] Sekitar tiga perempat dari pulau ini mandul vegetasi;. Kehidupan tanaman sebagian besar terdiri dari padang rumput yang teratur menyerempet oleh ternak. Asli pohon yang paling umum untuk Islandia adalah Utara Birch (Betula pubescens), yang sebelumnya terbentuk hutan lebih banyak dari Islandia bersama dengan Aspen (Populus tremula), Rowan (Sorbus aucuparia) dan Common Juniper (Juniperus communis) dan pohon kecil lainnya.

Ketika pulau pertama kali diselesaikan, itu luas hutan. Dalam Íslendingabók akhir abad kedua belas, Ari Bijaksana menggambarkannya sebagai “hutan dari gunung ke pantai laut”. [48] Tetap pemukiman manusia sangat mengganggu ekosistem terisolasi tipis, tanah vulkanik dan terbatas keanekaragaman jenis. Hutan itu sangat dieksploitasi selama berabad-abad untuk kayu bakar dan kayu [45] Deforestasi, kerusakan iklim selama Little Ice Age dan berlebihan oleh domba, menyebabkan. Hilangnya lapisan atas tanah kritis akibat erosi. Saat ini, banyak pertanian telah ditinggalkan dan tiga-perempat dari empat puluh Islandia ribu mil persegi dipengaruhi oleh erosi tanah, tujuh ribu mil persegi sehingga serius untuk menjadi sia-sia. [48] Hanya beberapa birch kecil berdiri sekarang ada di cadangan terisolasi. Penanaman hutan baru telah meningkatkan jumlah pohon, tetapi tidak dibandingkan dengan hutan asli. Beberapa hutan tanaman termasuk spesies asing baru. [45]

Hewan-hewan Islandia Islandia termasuk domba, sapi, ayam, kambing, kuda Islandia kokoh, dan anjing gembala Islandia. Banyak jenis ikan hidup di perairan laut sekitar Islandia, dan industri perikanan adalah kontributor utama perekonomian Islandia, akuntansi lebih dari setengah dari total ekspor negara itu. Wild mamalia termasuk Fox Arktik, cerpelai, tikus, tikus, kelinci dan rusa. Beruang kutub sesekali berkunjung ke pulau itu, perjalanan gunung es dari Greenland. Pada bulan Juni 2008, dua beruang kutub tiba pada bulan yang sama [49] Burung-burung, terutama burung laut,. Adalah bagian yang sangat penting dari kehidupan hewan Islandia. Puffins, skuas, dan kittiwakes sarang di tebing lautnya. [Rujukan?]

penangkapan ikan paus komersial dipraktekkan intermittently [50] [51] bersama dengan ikan paus ilmiah perburuan [52] menonton Paus telah menjadi bagian penting dari perekonomian Islandia sejak tahun 1997.. [kutipan diperlukan] Pada awal 2010, kuota yang diusulkan Islandia di paus fin membunuh jauh lebih besar dari jumlah daging paus pasar Jepang dapat menyerap. Dalam negosiasi dengan Marc Wall, Menteri Ekonomi-Penasihat di kedutaan besar AS di Tokyo, Juni Yamashita dari Badan Perikanan Jepang, bagaimanapun, menolak proposal untuk menyarankan untuk Islandia untuk mengurangi jumlah paus sirip membunuh ke nomor yang lebih masuk akal. [53 ]

[Sunting] Politik
Artikel utama: Politik di Islandia
Islandia memiliki sistem multi-partai kiri-kanan. Para pihak terbesar adalah Aliansi Demokratik Sosial (Samfylkingin), Kemerdekaan kanan-tengah Partai (Sjálfstæðisflokkurinn) dan Gerakan Waktu-Green (Vinstrihreyfingin – framboð grænt). partai politik lain dengan kursi di Alþingi ini adalah Partai Progresif sentris (Framsóknarflokkurinn) dan Gerakan (Hreyfingin). Banyak pihak lain ada di tingkat kota, kebanyakan yang hanya dijalankan secara lokal di sebuah kota tunggal.

[Sunting] Pemerintah
Artikel utama: Pemerintahan Islandia

The Alþingi, parlemen nasional Islandia, di Reykjavík
Islandia adalah negara demokrasi perwakilan dan sebuah republik parlementer. Parlemen yang modern, Alþingi (bahasa Inggris: Alþingi), didirikan pada 1845 sebagai sebuah badan penasehat kepada raja Denmark. Secara luas dilihat sebagai pembentukan kembali majelis didirikan pada tahun 930 di periode Persemakmuran dan dihentikan pada tahun 1799. Akibatnya, “itu bisa dibilang tertua demokrasi parlementer di dunia.” [54] Saat ini memiliki 63 anggota, dipilih untuk jangka waktu maksimum empat tahun [55] Presiden ini. Dipilih oleh pemilu untuk masa jabatan empat tahun, tanpa jangka batas. Dewan pemerintah dan daerah dipilih secara terpisah dari pemilihan presiden setiap empat tahun. [56]

Stjórnarráðið, kursi cabang eksekutif pemerintahan Islandia
Presiden Islandia adalah kepala negara seremonial dan berfungsi sebagai diplomat tapi bisa blok hukum dipilih oleh parlemen dan meletakkannya untuk referendum nasional. Presiden saat ini Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson. Kepala pemerintahan adalah perdana menteri (saat ini Johanna Sigurðardóttir) yang, bersama-sama dengan kabinet, bertanggung jawab bagi pemerintah eksekutif. Kabinet ditunjuk oleh presiden setelah pemilihan umum untuk Alþingi, namun, penunjukan biasanya dinegosiasikan oleh para pemimpin partai politik, yang memutuskan antara mereka sendiri setelah diskusi yang pihak dapat membentuk kabinet dan bagaimana kursi yang harus dibagikan , di bawah kondisi yang hanya memiliki dukungan mayoritas di Alþingi tersebut. Hanya ketika para pemimpin partai tidak dapat mencapai kesimpulan sendiri dalam waktu yang wajar tidak presiden menjalankan kekuasaan ini dan menunjuk kabinet dirinya sendiri. Ini tidak terjadi sejak republik ini didirikan pada 1944, namun pada tahun 1942 Bupati negara (Sveinn Björnsson yang telah dipasang dalam posisi oleh Alþingi di 1941) tidak menunjuk seorang pemerintah non-parlemen. Bupati itu, untuk semua tujuan praktis, posisi presiden, dan Sveinn sebenarnya yang menjadi presiden pertama negara itu pada tahun 1944.

Pemerintah Islandia hampir selalu koalisi dengan dua atau lebih pihak yang terlibat, karena tidak ada partai politik tunggal telah menerima mayoritas kursi di Alþingi selama republik. Luasnya kekuasaan politik yang dimiliki oleh kantor presiden masih diperdebatkan oleh sarjana hukum di Islandia; beberapa ketentuan konstitusi muncul untuk memberikan presiden kekuasaan penting namun beberapa ketentuan lain dan tradisi menyarankan berbeda. Pada tahun 1980, Islandia terpilih Vigdís Finnbogadóttir sebagai presiden, kepala perempuan pertama negara yang dipilih secara langsung negara. Dia pensiun dari kantor pada tahun 1996.

[Sunting] Pembagian administratif
Artikel utama: Pembagian administratif dan pemilihan Islandia
Islandia dibagi ke daerah, konstituen, kabupaten, dan kota. Ada delapan daerah yang terutama digunakan untuk keperluan statistik; yurisdiksi pengadilan distrik juga menggunakan versi lama dari divisi ini [8] Sampai dengan 2003, konstituensi untuk pemilihan parlemen adalah sama dengan daerah, tetapi melalui perubahan tersebut. konstitusi, mereka berubah menjadi enam konstituen saat ini:

Reykjavík Reykjavik Utara dan Selatan (daerah kota);
Barat daya (empat wilayah suburban yang terpisah secara geografis sekitar Reykjavík);
Barat Laut dan Timur Laut (setengah utara Islandia, split), dan,
Selatan (setengah selatan Islandia, termasuk Reykjavík dan pinggiran kota).
Perubahan redistricting dibuat untuk menyeimbangkan berat distrik yang berbeda di negara ini, karena sebelumnya suara yang dikeluarkan di daerah jarang penduduknya di seluruh negeri akan menghitung lebih dari suara cast di daerah kota Reykjavík. Ketidakseimbangan antara kabupaten telah dikurangi oleh sistem baru, tapi masih ada. [8]

Kawasan Islandia

Konstituen Islandia

County Islandia

23 Islandia kabupaten adalah, untuk sebagian besar, divisi sejarah. Saat ini, Islandia terbagi di antara 26 hakim (sýslumenn, sýslumaður tunggal) yang mewakili pemerintah di berbagai kapasitas. Di antara tugas mereka adalah pengumpulan pajak, administrasi deklarasi kebangkrutan, dan melakukan pernikahan sipil. Setelah reorganisasi polisi pada tahun 2007, yang menggabungkan pasukan polisi di beberapa kabupaten, sekitar setengah dari mereka bertanggung jawab atas pasukan polisi. [8]

Ada 79 kota di Islandia yang mengatur hal-hal lokal seperti sekolah, transportasi dan zonasi. Ini adalah tingkat kedua aktual subdivisi dari Islandia, sebagai konstituen memiliki relevansi apapun kecuali dalam pemilu dan untuk keperluan statistik. Reykjavík adalah jauh kota paling padat penduduknya, sekitar empat kali lebih padat daripada Kópavogur, yang kedua. [8]

[Sunting] Hubungan luar negeri
Artikel utama: Hubungan luar negeri dan Aksesi Islandia Islandia ke Uni Eropa

Nordic perdana menteri pada tahun 2010, dengan Islandia Johanna Sigurðardóttir di tengah
Islandia mempertahankan hubungan diplomatik dan komersial dengan hampir semua bangsa, tetapi hubungannya dengan negara-negara Nordic, Jerman, Amerika Serikat, dan negara-negara NATO lainnya sangat dekat. Secara historis, dan karena kesamaan budaya, ekonomi dan linguistik terus, Islandia politik dianggap salah satu negara Nordik, dan berpartisipasi dalam kerjasama antar pemerintah melalui Dewan Nordik.

Islandia adalah anggota Wilayah Ekonomi Eropa (EEA), yang memungkinkan akses negara ke pasar tunggal Uni Eropa (UE). Ini bukan anggota Uni Eropa, namun pada bulan Juli 2009 parlemen Islandia, Alþingi itu, suara yang mendukung permohonan keanggotaan Uni Eropa [57] dan secara resmi diterapkan pada tanggal 17 Juli 2009. [58] disebutkan pejabat Uni Eropa 2011 atau 2012 mungkin aksesi tanggal. [59] Islandia juga merupakan anggota PBB, NATO, EFTA dan OECD.

[Sunting] Militer
Artikel utama: Militer Islandia
Islandia tidak memiliki tentara tetap. Angkatan Udara AS dipertahankan 05:56 pencegat di dasar Keflavík, sampai dengan 30 September 2006 saat mereka ditarik. Sejak bulan Mei 2008 NATO bangsa secara periodik pejuang dikerahkan untuk patroli wilayah udara Islandia bawah misi Udara Islandia Perpolisian. [60] [61] Islandia mendukung invasi Irak 2003 meskipun banyak kontroversi di Islandia, menjalankan sebuah tim Coast Guard EOD ke Irak [62] yang kemudian digantikan oleh anggota Islandia Krisis Response Unit. Islandia juga berpartisipasi dalam konflik yang sedang berlangsung di Afghanistan dan pemboman 1999 dari Yugoslavia. Meskipun krisis keuangan yang sedang berlangsung kapal patroli baru pertama selama beberapa dekade diluncurkan pada tanggal 29 April 2009. [63]

Islandia tetap sangat bangga peran Islandia dimainkan dalam tuan rumah KTT bersejarah 1986 Reagan-Gorbachev di Reykjavik, yang menetapkan panggung untuk akhir Perang Dingin. pokok sengketa internasional Islandia sejarah yang terlibat perselisihan hak perikanan. Konflik dengan Britania Raya menyebabkan serangkaian Perang Cod disebut di 1952-1956 karena perluasan zona perikanan Islandia dari 3 sampai 4 nmi (5,6-7,4 km, 3,5-4,6 mi), 1958-61 mengikuti lebih lanjut perpanjangan sampai 12 nm (22,2 km, 13,8 mi), 1972-73 dengan perpanjangan sampai dengan 50 nm (92,6 km, 57,5 ​​mil), dan di 1975-76 perpanjangan sampai 200 nm (370,4 km; 230,2 mi).

[Sunting] Ekonomi
Artikel utama: Ekonomi Islandia

Akureyri adalah kota terbesar di luar kawasan Islandia Reykjavík lebih besar. Kebanyakan kota-kota pedesaan didasarkan pada industri perikanan, yang memberikan 40% dari ekspor Islandia.
Pada tahun 2007, Islandia adalah negara ketujuh paling produktif di dunia per kapita (US $ 54,858), dan yang kelima yang paling produktif dengan PDB pada paritas daya beli ($ 40,112). Kecuali untuk daya yang melimpah ruah tenaga air dan panas bumi, Islandia tidak memiliki sumber daya alam; historis ekonomi sangat bergantung pada perikanan, yang masih menyediakan 40% dari pendapatan ekspor dan mempekerjakan 7% dari tenaga kerja [8] Ekonomi rentan terhadap stok ikan menurun. dan tetes harga dunia untuk ekspor utama bahan: ikan dan produk ikan, aluminium, dan ferosilikon. Penangkapan ikan paus di Islandia telah historis signifikan. Islandia masih sangat bergantung pada penangkapan ikan, tetapi pentingnya berkurang dari pangsa ekspor 90% di tahun 1960 menjadi 40% pada tahun 2006. [64]

Sementara Islandia adalah negara yang sangat maju, sampai abad ke-20 itu di antara negara-negara termiskin di Eropa Barat. Islandia Namun, pertumbuhan ekonomi yang kuat telah menyebabkan menjadi peringkat pertama di Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa ‘Laporan Indeks Pembangunan Manusia untuk 2007/2008, [5] dan bangsa terlama-hidup 14 dengan harapan hidup saat lahir dari 80,67 tahun. [8] Banyak partai politik tetap menentang keanggotaan Uni Eropa, terutama karena kekhawatiran Islandia ‘tentang kehilangan kontrol atas sumber daya alam mereka. [rujukan?]

Sebuah uang kertas Krona 500. Krona Islandia merupakan mata uang nasional Islandia.
Mata uang nasional Islandia adalah Islandia Krona (ISK). Sebuah jajak pendapat, dirilis pada tanggal 5 Maret 2010, oleh Capacent Gallup menunjukkan bahwa 31% responden mendukung mengadopsi euro dan 69% menentang. Perekonomian [65] Islandia telah melakukan diversifikasi ke industri manufaktur dan jasa dalam dekade terakhir, termasuk perangkat lunak produksi, bioteknologi, dan jasa keuangan. Meskipun keputusan untuk melanjutkan perburuan ikan paus komersial pada tahun 2006, sektor pariwisata berkembang, dengan tren terbaru dalam ekowisata dan menonton ikan paus. industri pertanian Islandia sebagian besar terdiri dari kentang, sayuran hijau (di rumah kaca), daging kambing dan produk susu. [66] pusat keuangan Borgartún di Reykjavík, hosting sejumlah besar perusahaan dan tiga bank investasi. Islandia pasar saham, para Iceland Stock Exchange (ISE), didirikan pada tahun 1985. [67]

Islandia peringkat 5 dalam Indeks Kebebasan Ekonomi 2006 dan 14 tahun 2008. Islandia memiliki sistem pajak tetap.

Kontraksi Ekonomi
Artikel utama: 2008-2011 krisis keuangan Islandia
Islandia telah terpukul sangat keras oleh resesi akhir tahun 2000 yang sedang berlangsung, karena kegagalan sistem perbankan dan krisis ekonomi berikutnya. Sebelum kecelakaan dari tiga bank terbesar di Islandia, Glitnir, Landsbanki dan Kaupthing, utang gabungan mereka melebihi produk domestik bruto sekitar enam kali bangsa sebesar € 14 miliar ($ 19000000000). [71] [72] Pada bulan Oktober 2008, Islandia parlemen mengesahkan undang-undang darurat untuk meminimalkan dampak krisis keuangan. Otoritas Pengawas Keuangan Islandia digunakan izin yang diberikan oleh undang-undang darurat untuk mengambil alih operasi domestik dari tiga bank terbesar. [73] pejabat Islandia, termasuk gubernur bank sentral David Oddsson, menyatakan bahwa negara tidak bermaksud untuk mengambil alih apapun bank ‘asing utang atau aset. Sebaliknya, bank-bank baru didirikan di sekitar operasi domestik dari bank, dan bank-bank lama akan berjalan ke kebangkrutan.

Pada tanggal 28 Oktober 2008, pemerintah Islandia menaikkan suku bunga hingga 18%, (Agustus 2010, adalah 7%) suatu tindakan yang terpaksa sebagian oleh persyaratan memperoleh pinjaman dari IMF. Setelah kenaikan suku bunga, perdagangan di Islandia Krona akhirnya kembali di pasar terbuka, dengan penilaian pada sekitar 250 ISK per Euro, kurang dari sepertiga nilai nilai tukar 1:70 selama sebagian besar tahun 2008, dan penurunan yang signifikan dari dengan rasio 1:150 pertukaran minggu sebelumnya. Islandia telah mengajukan banding ke negara-negara Nordik untuk € 4 miliar pada bantuan untuk menghindari krisis berkelanjutan. Tambahan [74]

Pada tanggal 26 Januari 2009, pemerintah koalisi runtuh karena perbedaan pendapat publik atas penanganan krisis keuangan. Sebuah pemerintahan kiri-sayap baru dibentuk seminggu kemudian dan langsung mengatur tentang menghapus gubernur Bank Sentral David Oddsson dan para pembantunya dari bank melalui perubahan dalam hukum. Oddsson telah dihapus pada tanggal 26 Februari 2009. [75]

Ribuan Islandia telah pindah dari negara setelah keruntuhan, dan banyak dari mereka pindah ke Norwegia. Pada tahun 2005, 293 orang pindah dari Islandia ke Norwegia;. Pada tahun 2009, angka itu 1.625 [76] Pada bulan April 2010, Khusus Parlemen Islandia’s Investigasi Komisi menerbitkan temuan dari penyelidikan, [77] mengungkapkan besarnya fraud control dalam krisis ini [78].

[Sunting] Transportasi
Artikel utama: Transportasi di Islandia

The Ring Road Islandia dan beberapa kota melewati: 1. Reykjavík, 2. Borgarnes, 3. Blönduós, 4. Akureyri, 5. Egilsstaðir, 6. Hofn, 7. Selfoss.

Islandia memiliki tingkat tinggi kepemilikan mobil per kapita, dengan mobil untuk setiap 1,5 penduduk, itu adalah bentuk utama transportasi [79] Islandia memiliki 13.034 km (8.099 mi) dari jalan diberikan, yang 4.617 km (2.869 mi). yang beraspal dan 8.338 km (5.181 mi) tidak. Sejumlah besar jalan masih beraspal sampai hari ini, sebagian besar kecil digunakan jalan pedesaan. batas jalan kecepatan ini adalah 50 km / h (31 mph) di kota-kota, 80 km / h (50 mph) di jalan negara kerikil dan 90 km / h (56 mph) adalah batas jalan keras muncul. [80] Islandia saat ini tidak memiliki kereta api.

Route 1, atau Ring Road (Islandia: Þjóðvegur 1 atau Hringvegur), diselesaikan pada tahun 1974, dan merupakan jalan utama yang berjalan di sekitar Islandia dan menghubungkan semua bagian dihuni pulau, dengan interior pulau yang tak berpenghuni. Ini jalan beraspal adalah 1.337 km (831 mil) panjang dengan satu jalur di setiap arah, kecuali di dekat kota-kota besar dan kota-kota dan di Terowongan Hvalfjörður mana ia memiliki jalur lebih. Banyak jembatan di atasnya, terutama di utara dan timur, adalah jalur tunggal dan terbuat dari kayu dan / atau baja.

Hub utama untuk transportasi internasional Keflavík International Airport, yang melayani Reykjavík dan negara pada umumnya. Ini adalah 48 km (30 mil) ke barat Reykjavík. penerbangan domestik, penerbangan ke Greenland dan Kepulauan Faroe dan penerbangan bisnis beroperasi sebagian besar keluar dari Bandara Reykjavík, yang terletak di pusat kota. Sebagian besar lalu lintas penerbangan umum juga di Reykjavík. Ada 103 bandara terdaftar dan lapangan udara di Islandia, sebagian besar dari mereka yang tak beraspal dan terletak di daerah pedesaan. Bandara terbesar di Islandia Keflavík International Airport dan lapangan udara terbesar adalah Geitamelur, bidang empat landasan pacu sekitar 100 km (62 mil) timur Reykjavík, didedikasikan secara eksklusif untuk meluncur.

[Sunting] Energi
Lihat juga: Energi Terbarukan di Islandia

The Power Station Nesjavellir Panas Bumi layanan air panas Greater Reykjavík Area kebutuhan. Hampir semua listrik Islandia berasal dari sumber daya terbarukan. [81]

Terbarukan daya sumber-panas bumi dan hidro-menyediakan secara efektif semua listrik Islandia [81] dan sekitar 80% dari total energi nasional, [81] dengan sebagian besar sisanya dari minyak impor yang digunakan dalam transportasi dan armada penangkapan ikan. [82] [83] Islandia mengharapkan menjadi energi-independen pada tahun 2050. tanaman terbesar Islandia tenaga panas bumi yang Hellisheiði dan Nesjavellir, [84] [85] sementara Kárahnjúkavirkjun adalah pembangkit listrik tenaga air terbesar di negara itu. [86]

Islandia memancarkan 10,0 ton CO2 ekuivalen gas rumah kaca per kapita, yang lebih tinggi dari negara-negara Eropa. Hal ini sebagian disebabkan luas penggunaan transportasi pribadi dan armada penangkapan ikan besar dan dengan jumlah industri berat (aluminium peleburan dan pengolahan Ferro-silikon). Islandia merupakan salah satu dari sedikit negara yang memiliki stasiun pengisian pengisian bahan bakar hidrogen untuk mobil bertenaga oleh sel bahan bakar. Hal ini juga salah satu dari beberapa negara saat ini mampu memproduksi hidrogen dalam jumlah yang cukup pada biaya yang wajar, karena banyak sumber Islandia energi terbarukan.

Islandia tidak pernah menghasilkan minyak atau gas. Pada tanggal 22 Januari 2009, Islandia mengumumkan putaran pertama lepas pantai izin bagi perusahaan yang ingin melakukan eksplorasi dan produksi hidrokarbon di daerah timur laut Islandia, yang dikenal sebagai daerah Dreki. [87]

[Sunting] Pendidikan dan ilmu pengetahuan
Lihat juga: Pendidikan di Islandia

Reykjavík Junior College (Menntaskólinn í Reykjavík), terletak di pusat kota Reykjavík, adalah gimnasium tertua di Islandia.

Departemen Pendidikan, Sains dan Kebudayaan bertanggung jawab atas kebijakan dan metode yang sekolah harus menggunakan, dan mereka mengeluarkan Pedoman Nasional Kurikulum. Namun, playschools dan dasar dan sekolah menengah pertama yang didanai dan dikelola oleh pemerintah kabupaten.

Nursery sekolah, atau leikskóli, adalah pendidikan non-wajib bagi anak-anak muda dari enam tahun, dan merupakan langkah pertama dalam sistem pendidikan. Undang-undang saat ini mengenai playschools disahkan pada tahun 1994. Mereka juga bertanggung jawab untuk memastikan bahwa kurikulum cocok sehingga membuat transisi menjadi pendidikan wajib semudah mungkin.

Wajib Belajar, atau grunnskóli, terdiri dari pendidikan menengah dasar dan rendah, yang sering dilakukan di lembaga yang sama. Pendidikan wajib oleh hukum untuk anak usia 6-16 tahun. Tahun ajaran berlangsung selama sembilan bulan, dimulai antara 21 Agustus dan 1 September, berakhir antara 31 Mei dan 10 Juni. Jumlah minimum dari hari sekolah pernah 170, tapi setelah kontrak upah guru baru ‘, itu meningkat menjadi 180. Pelajaran berlangsung lima hari seminggu. Semua sekolah umum memiliki pendidikan wajib dalam kekristenan walaupun pembebasan dapat dipertimbangkan oleh Menteri Pendidikan [88] Program for International Student Assessment, dikoordinasi oleh OECD, saat ini. Peringkat pendidikan menengah Islandia sebagai 27 di dunia, secara signifikan di bawah rata-rata OECD. [89]

Upper pendidikan menengah, atau framhaldsskóli, mengikuti pendidikan menengah rendah. Sekolah-sekolah ini juga dikenal sebagai senam dalam bahasa Inggris. Hal ini tidak wajib, tetapi semua orang yang telah memiliki pendidikan wajib memiliki hak untuk pendidikan menengah atas. Tahap pendidikan diatur oleh Sekolah Menengah Atas Act of 1996. Semua sekolah di Islandia yang sekolah seks dicampur. Kursi terbesar dari pendidikan tinggi adalah Universitas Islandia, yang memiliki kampus utama di Reykjavík pusat. Sekolah lain menawarkan instruksi tingkat universitas meliputi Reykjavík University, University of Akureyri dan Bifrost University.

[Sunting] Demografi
Artikel utama: Demografi Islandia dan Islandia
Kewarganegaraan Islandia penduduk
(1 Januari 2008) [90] Islandia 291942 93.2%
Polandia 8488 2,71%
Lithuania 1.332 0,43%
Jerman 984 0,31%
Denmark 966 0,31%
Portugal 890 0,28%
Filipina 743 0,24%
Ex-Yugoslavia 651 0,21%
Amerika Serikat 598 0.19%
Thailand 545 0,17%
Latvia 431 0,14%
United Kingdom 420 0,13%
Swedia 407 0,13%
Cina (RRC) 379 0,12%
Ex-Cekoslowakia 365 0,12%
Norwegia 301 0.10%
lain 3.934 1,26%
Total 313.376 100%
Total (tidak termasuk Islandia) 21.434 6,8%

Reykjavík, Islandia area metropolitan terbesar dan pusat Greater Reykjavík Area yang, dengan jumlah penduduk 200.000, untuk membuat 64% dari populasi Islandia.

Populasi asli Islandia adalah dari Nordik dan asal Gaelic. Hal ini terbukti dari bukti sastra yang berasal dari masa penyelesaian serta dari kemudian studi ilmiah seperti jenis darah dan analisis genetik. Salah satu seperti genetika studi telah menunjukkan bahwa mayoritas laki-laki pemukim asal Nordik sementara mayoritas wanita asal Gaelic. [91]

Islandia memiliki catatan silsilah luas dating kembali ke akhir abad 17 dan catatan fragmentaris memperluas kembali ke Age of Penyelesaian. Genetika perusahaan biofarmasi deCODE telah mendanai pembentukan database silsilah yang mencoba untuk menutupi seluruh penduduk yang dikenal Islandia. Ia melihat database, yang disebut Íslendingabók, sebagai alat berharga untuk melakukan penelitian tentang penyakit genetik, mengingat isolasi relatif populasi Islandia.

Populasi pulau ini diyakini telah bervariasi dari 40,000-60,000 pada periode dari pemukiman awal sampai pertengahan abad ke-19. Selama waktu itu, musim dingin, hujan abu dari letusan gunung berapi, dan wabah pes terpengaruh populasi beberapa kali [92] Menurut Bryson (1974)., Ada 37 tahun kelaparan di Islandia antara 1500 dan 1804. [93] Sensus pertama dilakukan pada tahun 1703 dan mengungkapkan bahwa penduduk kemudian 50.358. Setelah letusan gunung berapi merusak gunung berapi Laki selama 1783-1784 penduduk mencapai rendah sekitar 40.000. [94] Memperbaiki kondisi hidup telah memicu peningkatan pesat dalam populasi sejak pertengahan abad ke-19-dari sekitar 60.000 tahun 1850 ke 320.000 di 2008.

Penduduk memperkirakan
Tahun Sedang Rendah Tinggi
2010 317,630
2015 324.524 325.015 325.483
2020 338.177 341.046 343.836
2025 349.863 356.790 363.847
2030 360.119 371.730 383.930
2035 368.846 385.626 403.593
2040 375.865 398.217 422.579
2045 380.957 409.389 440.851
2050 384.254 419.356 458.657
2055 385.991 428.323 476.255
2060 386.547 436.548 493.800
Sumber: Statistik Islandia [95]

Pada bulan Desember 2007, 33.678 orang (13,5% dari total penduduk) yang tinggal di Islandia telah lahir di luar negeri, termasuk anak-anak dari orang tua Islandia tinggal di luar negeri. 19.000 orang (6% dari populasi) yang diadakan warga negara asing. orang Polandia membentuk kebangsaan minoritas jauh terbesar (lihat tabel di sebelah kanan untuk rincian lebih lanjut), dan masih membentuk sebagian besar tenaga kerja asing. Sekitar 8.000 Polandia sekarang tinggal di Islandia, 1.500 di antaranya di Reyðarfjörður di mana mereka membentuk 75% dari tenaga kerja yang sedang membangun pabrik aluminium Fjarðarál [96] Gelombang baru-baru ini di imigrasi. Telah dikreditkan ke kekurangan tenaga kerja karena ekonomi booming pada saat itu, sementara pembatasan pergerakan orang-orang dari negara-negara Eropa Timur yang bergabung dengan Uni Eropa / Wilayah Ekonomi Eropa pada tahun 2004 telah diangkat. proyek konstruksi skala besar di sebelah timur Islandia (lihat Kárahnjúkar Hydropower Project) juga telah membawa banyak orang yang tinggal diharapkan bersifat sementara. Banyak imigran Polandia juga mempertimbangkan meninggalkan tahun 2008 sebagai akibat dari krisis keuangan Islandia. [97]

Sudut barat daya Islandia adalah wilayah yang paling padat penduduknya. Itu juga merupakan lokasi ibukota Reykjavik, ibukota utara di dunia. Kota-kota terbesar di luar area yang lebih besar Reykjavík adalah Akureyri dan Reykjanesbær, meskipun yang terakhir ini relatif dekat dengan ibukota.

Greenland pertama kali diselesaikan oleh beberapa 500 Islandia di bawah pimpinan Erik Merah pada akhir abad ke-10 [98] Total populasi mencapai titik tinggi mungkin 5.000 dan lembaga independen yang dikembangkan sebelum menghilang oleh 1500.. [99] Dari Greenland yang Viking ekspedisi diluncurkan untuk menetap di Vinland, tetapi upaya untuk menjajah Amerika Utara segera ditinggalkan dalam menghadapi permusuhan dari masyarakat adat. Emigrasi ke Amerika Serikat dan Kanada dimulai pada 1870-an. Saat ini, Kanada memiliki lebih dari 88.000 orang-orang keturunan Islandia. [100] Ada lebih dari 40.000 orang Amerika keturunan Islandia menurut sensus AS tahun 2000. [101]

10 pusat-pusat kota yang paling padat penduduknya adalah sebagai berikut.

· View bicara · mengedit · View bicara · mengedit kota terbesar di Islandia
Data dari sensus penduduk 1 Oktober 2009.


Rank Nama Kota Pop Constituency.

1 Reykjavik Reykjavik Utara / Selatan 120.165
2 Kópavogur Southwest 30.401
3 Hafnarfjörður Southwest 26.031
4 Akureyri Northeast 17.481
5 Reykjanesbær Selatan 14099
6 Garðabær Southwest 10.584
7 Mosfellsbær Southwest 8.517
8 Árborg Selatan 7928
9 Akranes Northwest 6.630
10 Fjarðabyggð Timur Laut 4.736

Artikel utama: bahasa Islandia
Lihat juga: Nama Islandia
resmi Islandia menulis dan bahasa lisan adalah Islandia, sebuah bahasa Jermanik Utara diturunkan dari Old Norse. Ini telah berubah kurang dari Old Norse dari bahasa Nordik lainnya, telah diawetkan kata kerja lebih banyak dan infleksi kata benda, dan memiliki hingga batas tertentu kosakata baru yang dikembangkan berdasarkan akar asli daripada pinjaman dari bahasa lain. Ini adalah satu-satunya bahasa yang hidup untuk mempertahankan Þ surat rahasia. Bahasa yang tinggal paling dekat dengan Islandia adalah Faroese. Dalam pendidikan, penggunaan Islandia Daftar Bahasa untuk masyarakat tuli Islandia diatur oleh Kurikulum Nasional Panduan.

Bahasa Inggris digunakan secara luas sebagai bahasa sekunder. Denmark juga banyak dipahami dan diucapkan. Belajar kedua bahasa adalah bagian dari kurikulum wajib sekolah wajib. [102] Lain umum bahasa yang digunakan adalah Jerman, Norwegia dan Swedia. Denmark sebagian besar diucapkan dengan cara sebagian besar dipahami untuk Swedia dan Norwegia-sering disebut sebagai Skandinavíska (yaitu Skandinavia) di Islandia [103].

Alih-alih menggunakan nama keluarga, seperti kebiasaan di semua negara Eropa daratan, para Islandia menggunakan patronymics. patronymic ini mengikuti nama orang yang diberikan, misalnya Ólafur Jonsson (“Ólafur, anak Jon’s”) atau Katrin Karlsdóttir (“Katrin, putri Karl”). Akibatnya, direktori telepon Islandia terdaftar abjad dengan nama bukan dengan nama.

Artikel utama: Agama di Islandia

Sebuah gereja di desa Hellnar, di sisi selatan semenanjung Snæfellsnes

Islandia menikmati kebebasan beragama dalam konstitusi, meski Gereja Nasional Islandia, tubuh Lutheran, adalah gereja negara. Registry Nasional menyimpan rekening dengan agama yang dianut setiap warga negara Islandia. Pada tahun 2005, Islandia dibagi menjadi kelompok-kelompok keagamaan sebagai berikut: [104]

80,7% anggota Gereja Nasional Islandia.
6,2% anggota organisasi keagamaan yang tidak terdaftar atau tanpa afiliasi agama tertentu.
4,9% anggota Gereja Lutheran Bebas Reykjavík dan Hafnarfjörður.
2,8% bukan anggota dari semua kelompok agama.
anggota% 2,5 dari Gereja Katolik Roma, yang memiliki Keuskupan Reykjavík (lihat juga Uskup Reykjavík (Katolik)).
The 2,9% sisanya mencakup sekitar 20-25 denominasi Kristen lain sementara sekitar 1% milik organisasi keagamaan non-Kristen. Denominasi non-Kristen terbesar adalah Ásatrúarfélagið, kelompok neopagan. [105]

kehadiran agama adalah relatif rendah, [106] [107] seperti di negara-negara Nordik lainnya. Statistik di atas merupakan keanggotaan administrasi organisasi keagamaan yang tidak selalu dekat mencerminkan keyakinan demografi penduduk Islandia. Menurut sebuah studi yang dipublikasikan pada tahun 2001, 23% dari penduduk baik ateis atau agnostik. [108]

Artikel utama: Budaya Islandia
budaya Islandia berakar pada tradisi Norse. Islandia sastra populer, khususnya kisah-kisah dan Eddas yang ditulis selama Tinggi dan Akhir Abad Pertengahan. Islandia mementingkan relatif besar pada kemandirian dan swasembada, dalam analisis opini publik Komisi Eropa lebih dari 85% dari Islandia menemukan kemerdekaan untuk menjadi “sangat penting” kontras dengan EU25 rata-rata sebesar 53%, dan 47% untuk Norwegia, dan 49 % untuk Denmark. [109]

Beberapa kepercayaan tradisional tetap hari ini;. Sebagai contoh, beberapa Islandia baik percaya pada elf atau tidak bersedia untuk menyingkirkan keberadaan mereka [110]

Islandia progresif dalam hal lesbian, gay biseksual dan transgender hal (LGBT). Pada tahun 1996, Islandia parlemen mengesahkan undang-undang untuk menciptakan kemitraan terdaftar untuk pasangan sesama jenis, yang mencakup hampir semua hak dan manfaat dari perkawinan. Pada tahun 2006, dengan suara bulat dari parlemen, undang-undang lebih lanjut disahkan, pemberian pasangan seks yang sama-hak yang sama dengan pasangan yang berbeda-seks di adopsi, pengasuhan dan pengobatan inseminasi dibantu. Pada tanggal 11 Juni 2010, parlemen Islandia diubah hukum perkawinan, sehingga perkawinan netral gender dan mendefinisikan sebagai antara dua individu, sehingga melegalkan pernikahan sejenis. Undang-undang ini mulai berlaku pada tanggal 27 Juni 2010 [111] Perubahan tersebut dengan hukum kemitraan juga berarti terdaftar untuk pasangan sesama jenis kini tidak mungkin lagi., dan pernikahan mereka hanya opsi-identik dengan situasi yang ada untuk pasangan berbeda jenis. [111]

Artikel utama: sastra Islandia

Sebuah contoh dari saga Brennu-Njáls. Kisah-kisah tersebut merupakan bagian terbesar dari warisan Islandia.

karya paling terkenal Islandia sastra klasik adalah kisah-kisah di Islandia ‘, epos prosa diatur dalam usia Islandia penyelesaian. Yang paling terkenal di antaranya hikayat Njáls, tentang perseteruan darah epik, dan saga saga Grœnlendinga dan Eiríks, menggambarkan penemuan dan penyelesaian Greenland dan Vinland (Newfoundland modern). saga Egils, Laxdæla hikayat, Grettis saga, saga Gisla dan ormstungu Gunnlaugs saga juga terkenal dan populer kisah-kisah Islandia ‘.

Sebuah terjemahan dari Alkitab telah diumumkan dalam abad ke-16. komposisi Penting sejak 15 sampai abad ke-19 termasuk ayat suci, yang paling terkenal dalam Nyanyian Rohani Sengsara Hallgrímur Pétursson, dan rímur, berima puisi epik. Yang berasal dari abad ke-14, rímur sangat populer dalam abad ke-19, ketika perkembangan bentuk-bentuk sastra baru diprovokasi oleh, berpengaruh Jonas Nasional-Romantis penulis Hallgrímsson. Dalam beberapa kali, Islandia telah menghasilkan banyak penulis besar, yang paling terkenal yang dikatakan Halldór kelonggaran yang menerima Hadiah Nobel Sastra pada tahun 1955. Steinn Steinarr adalah seorang penyair modernis berpengaruh.

Artikel utama: Seni Islandia

Þingvellir oleh Þórarinn B. Þorláksson, seniman kontemporer pertama Islandia

The rendition khas dari lanskap Islandia oleh pelukis yang dapat dihubungkan dengan nasionalisme dan gerakan untuk memerintah rumah dan kemerdekaan, yang sangat aktif dalam periode ini.

Islandia lukisan kontemporer biasanya ditelusuri dengan pekerjaan Þórarinn Þorláksson, yang, mengikuti pelatihan formal dalam seni pada tahun 1890 di Kopenhagen, kembali ke Islandia untuk melukis dan memamerkan karya dari 1900 sampai kematiannya pada tahun 1924, hampir secara eksklusif menggambarkan lanskap Islandia. Beberapa Islandia orang lain dan seniman perempuan belajar di Royal Academy of Arts Denmark pada waktu itu, termasuk Ásgrímur Jonsson, yang bersama-sama dengan Þórarinn menciptakan gambaran khas lanskap Islandia dalam gaya naturalistik romantis. seniman lanskap lain cepat mengikuti jejak Þórarinn dan Ásgrímur. Ini termasuk Johannes Kjarval dan Juliana Sveinsdóttir. Kjarval khususnya terkenal karena teknik berbeda dalam penerapan cat yang ia dikembangkan dalam upaya bersama untuk membuat batu vulkanik karakteristik yang mendominasi lingkungan Islandia. Einar Hákonarson adalah pelukis ekspresionis dan figuratif yang oleh sebagian dianggap telah membawa sosok itu kembali ke lukisan Islandia. Pada 1980-an, banyak seniman Islandia bekerja dengan subjek lukisan baru dalam pekerjaan mereka.

Tradisional rumput rumah Islandia. Sampai abad ke-20, sebagian besar Islandia tinggal di daerah pedesaan.

Pada tahun-tahun terakhir praktek artistik telah dikalikan, dan seni Islandia telah menjadi setting bagi banyak proyek berskala besar dan pameran. Jangka artis galeri ruang kling Bang og, anggota yang kemudian berlari kompleks studio dan tempat pameran Klink og Bank telah porsi yang signifikan dari tren ruang self-organized, pameran dan proyek. [Rujukan?] The Art Museum Hidup, Kota Reykjavik Art Museum, Reykjavik Art Museum dan Galeri Nasional Islandia adalah lebih besar, lembaga lebih mapan, curating menunjukkan dan festival.

Islandia arsitektur menarik dari pengaruh Skandinavia. Kelangkaan tanaman lokal mengakibatkan rumah-rumah tradisional yang ditutupi oleh rumput.

Artikel utama: Musik Islandia
Islandia musik yang berhubungan dengan musik Nordik, dan termasuk tradisi bersemangat, rakyat dan pop, termasuk grup musik abad pertengahan Voces Thules, band rock alternatif yang Sugarcubes, penyanyi Bjork dan Emiliana Torrini, dan pasca-rock band Sigur Ros. Lagu kebangsaan Islandia Lofsöngur, ditulis oleh Matthias Jochumsson, dengan musik oleh Sveinbjörn Sveinbjörnsson. [112]

Penyanyi Björk, di antara lebih Islandia musisi terkenal

Islandia musik tradisional sangat religius. Hallgrímur Pétursson menulis banyak himne Protestan di abad ke-17. Islandia musik modern pada abad ke-19, ketika Magnus Stephensen membawa organ pipa, yang diikuti oleh harmonium.

tradisi penting lain dari musik Islandia adalah epik alliterative dan balada berima disebut rímur. Rímur adalah epik cerita, biasanya cappella, yang dapat ditelusuri kembali ke puisi skaldic, menggunakan metafora kompleks dan skema sajak rumit. [113] Penyair rímur paling terkenal abad ke-19 Breiðfjörð Sigurdur (1798-1846). Sebuah revitalisasi modern dari tradisi ini dimulai pada tahun 1929 dengan pembentukan organisasi Iðunn.

Islandia musik kontemporer terdiri dari kelompok besar band, mulai dari kelompok pop-rock seperti Gang Bang, Quarashi dan Amiina untuk solo penyanyi balada seperti Bubbi Morthens, Megas dan Björgvin Halldórsson. musik Independen juga sangat kuat di Islandia, dengan band-band seperti ibu, Gusgus, Sugarcubes, Sigur Ros (yang vokalis Jon Thor Birgisson juga telah sukses dengan band-band Jónsi menonjol dan Jónsi & Alex), serta seniman solo Emiliana Torrini dan Mugison yang cukup terkenal di luar Islandia.

Banyak artis dan band Islandia telah sukses besar internasional, terutama Björk dan Sigur Ros tetapi juga Quarashi, Hera, Ampop, Minus dan ibu. Festival musik utama ini bisa dibilang Islandia Airwaves, sebuah acara tahunan di kancah musik Islandia, di mana band Islandia bersama dengan orang-orang asing menduduki klub Reykjavík selama seminggu.

Elektronik musik telah meningkat sangat di antara orang-orang Islandia, dengan produsen seperti Thor dan GusGu


Lihat juga: Media di Islandia dan Cinema Islandia

Islandia sutradara Baltasar Kormákur, paling dikenal untuk film-film 101 Reykjavik dan Jar Kota

stasiun televisi terbesar di Islandia adalah Sjónvarpið milik negara dan swasta Stöð 2, Skjár einn dan penginapan. stasiun yang lebih kecil ada, banyak dari mereka lokal. Radio ini disiarkan di seluruh negeri, termasuk beberapa bagian interior. Stasiun radio utama adalah Ras 1, 2 dan Bylgjan Ras. Surat kabar harian Morgunblaðið dan Fréttablaðið. Situs Web yang paling populer adalah situs berita Vísir dan [114]

Islandia adalah rumah bagi LazyTown (Islandia: Latibær), sebuah program televisi anak-anak yang diciptakan oleh Magnus Scheving. Hal ini telah menjadi program yang sangat populer untuk anak-anak dan orang dewasa dan ditampilkan di lebih dari 100 negara, termasuk Inggris, Amerika dan Swedia [115] Studio LazyTown berada di Garðabær..

Aktris Anita Briem, yang dikenal untuk penampilannya dalam The Showtime’s Tudor, adalah Islandia. Briem membintangi film 2008 Perjalanan ke Pusat Bumi, yang ditembak adegan di Islandia.

Islandia hati sosis

Pada tanggal 17 Juni 2010, DPR mengesahkan resolusi yang mengusulkan rancangan undang-undang pemerintah melindungi hak-hak kebebasan berbicara dan identitas wartawan dan pelapor, wartawan perlindungan hukum terkuat di dunia. [116]

Artikel utama: Masakan Islandia dan Þorramatur
Sebagian besar masakan Islandia didasarkan pada ikan, domba, dan produk susu. Þorramatur adalah pilihan masakan tradisional yang terdiri dari banyak masakan, dan biasanya dikonsumsi sekitar bulan Þorri, yang dimulai pada hari Jumat pertama, setelah 19 Januari. hidangan tradisional juga termasuk skyr, sembuh scrota ram, sembuh hiu, hangus kepala domba, dan puding hitam. Salah satu hidangan paling tradisional adalah hákarl, yang terdiri dari dipenggal, hiu memusnahkan yang dibiarkan dikubur bawah tanah untuk fermentasi selama beberapa bulan, kemudian dikonsumsi dengan sangat hati-hati. [Rujukan?]

Artikel utama: Olahraga di Islandia

Eidur Gudjohnsen Smári, pemain sepak bola paling terkenal Islandia

Olahraga merupakan bagian penting dari budaya Islandia. Olahraga tradisional utama di Islandia adalah Glíma, bentuk gulat diperkirakan berasal dari abad pertengahan.

olahraga populer adalah sepak bola, trek dan lapangan, bola tangan dan bola basket. Handball sering disebut sebagai olah raga nasional, [rujukan?] Tim dan Islandia adalah salah satu-tim teratas peringkat di dunia. Islandia wanita melakukannya dengan baik di sepak bola relatif terhadap ukuran negara, tim nasional peringkat 18 oleh FIFA [117] Islandia memiliki kondisi yang sangat baik untuk ski, snowboarding, es mendaki dan panjat tebing (banyak dari batuan vulkanik, bagaimanapun juga. rapuh), meskipun mendaki gunung dan hiking lebih disukai oleh masyarakat umum. Islandia juga merupakan tujuan kelas dunia untuk tur ski dan ski alpine Telemark dengan Semenanjung Troll di Islandia Utara menjadi pusat kegiatan. Islandia juga memiliki Terkuat memenangkan kompetisi paling Dunia Manusia, dengan 12 judul dibagi secara merata antara Magnus Ver Magnusson dan Jon Pall Sigmarsson.

Asosiasi olahraga tertua di Islandia Reykjavík adalah Asosiasi Shooting, didirikan pada tahun 1867. Senapan penembakan menjadi sangat populer di abad ke-19 dan sangat didorong oleh politisi dan lain-lain mendorong kemerdekaan Islandia. Shooting tetap populer dan semua jenis menembak dengan senjata api kecil yang dipraktekkan di negara ini.


the end @ copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2011

The Old Art Pictures’sMemoriable Collections Part XII


Sir Francis Drake (1540-1596)
Sir Francis Drake (1540-1596)





The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


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                                         THE OLD ART PICTURES ‘s MEMORABLE COLLECTIONS

                                                     King William IV commemorative mug: 1831


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The Old Pictures’s Memoriable Collections Part XI


Vasco da Gama (circa 1460-1524)
Vasco da Gama (circa 1460-1524)
Mutiny aboard the 'Bounty'
Mutiny aboard the ‘Bounty’





The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

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Dr Iwan Book :



                                         THE OLD ART PICTURES ‘s MEMORABLE COLLECTIONS

                                                     King William IV commemorative mug: 1831


  Created by Dr IWAN S from many vintage books and His private collections


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The Old Art Pictures’s memoriable Collections Part Ten


Macbeth, Act IV, Sc. i, Banquo's Ghost.
Macbeth, Act IV, Sc. i, Banquo’s Ghost.





The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Showroom :

Dr Iwan Book :



                                         THE OLD ART PICTURES ‘s MEMORABLE COLLECTIONS

                                                     King William IV commemorative mug: 1831


  Created by Dr IWAN S from many vintage books and His private collections


Limited Private Edition 100 expl special for Premium member                          

                        JAKARTA @copyright Dr IWAN S 2011



The Old Art Pictures’s Memoriable Collections Part Nine


George III: 1810
George III: 1810
Coronation robes of the Countess of Dudley: 20th century
Coronation robes of the Countess of Dudley: 20th century
The Yeoman of the Guard Searching the Crypt of the Houses of Parliament: 1894
The Yeoman of the Guard Searching the Crypt of the Houses of Parliament: 1894





The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum


(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Showroom :

Dr Iwan Book :



                                         THE OLD ART PICTURES ‘s MEMORABLE COLLECTIONS

                                                     King William IV commemorative mug: 1831


  Created by Dr IWAN S from many vintage books and His private collections


Limited Private Edition 100 expl special for Premium member                          

                        JAKARTA @copyright Dr IWAN S 2011