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KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 16 (BERSAMBUNG)

ABAD KE 16

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JAVA  16TH CENTURY MAP

OLEH

Dr Iwan Suwandy , MHA

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Southern Sulawesi, ca 1500

Minor states of northern Sulawesi, 16th century

From about 1530, the formerly small south Sulawesi state of Gowa began to grow in power, and its port, Makasar, became increasingly important as a centre of trade in the western archipelago. Gowa used military force to bring much of South Sulawesi under its domination, though the more distant and powerful states such as Wajo’ had the standing of slightly subordinate allies, rather than true vassals; only the Bugis state of Bone on the east coast successfully resisted Gowa’s campaigns. The port of Makasar became still more important in the early 17th century. Its ruler converted to Islam in 1605, making the port more attractive to Muslim traders, and it also became a centre for traders, both European and indigenous, excluded from Maluku by the monopoly practices of the VOC. Conversion to Islam led Gowa into a new bout of conquests in the region, including Wajo’ in 1610 and finally Bone in 1611. Further campaigns in the following decades took Gowa’s influence to Sumbawa, the east coast of Borneo and even the Kai and Aru Islands, though – except in Sumbawa and Butung – Makasar never exercised significant authority and in many areas, such as the northern parts of Sulawesi, the Makasar claim was a fiction supported only by the absence of significant local powers to question it.

1500

Kedatangan Portugis dan perang saudara

Di masa pemerintahan Sultan Bayanullah (1500-1521), Ternate semakin berkembang, rakyatnya diwajibkan berpakaian secara islami, teknik pembuatan perahu dan senjata yang diperoleh dari orang Arab dan Turki digunakan untuk memperkuat pasukan Ternate. Di masa ini pula datang orang Eropa pertama di Maluku, Loedwijk de Bartomo (Ludovico Varthema) tahun 1506. Tahun 1512 Portugis untuk pertama kalinya menginjakkan kaki di Ternate dibawah pimpinan Fransisco Serrao, atas persetujuan Sultan, Portugis diizinkan mendirikan pos dagang di Ternate. Portugis datang bukan semata – mata untuk berdagang melainkan untuk menguasai perdagangan rempah – rempah Pala dan Cengkih di Maluku. Untuk itu terlebih dulu mereka harus menaklukkan Ternate. Sultan Bayanullah wafat meninggalkan pewaris – pewaris yang masih sangat belia. Janda sultan, permaisuri Nukila dan Pangeran Taruwese, adik almarhum sultan bertindak sebagai wali. Permaisuri Nukila yang asal Tidore bermaksud menyatukan Ternate dan Tidore dibawah satu mahkota yakni salah satu dari kedua puteranya, pangeran Hidayat (kelak Sultan Dayalu) dan pangeran Abu Hayat (kelak Sultan Abu Hayat II). Sementara pangeran Tarruwese menginginkan tahta bagi dirinya sendiri. Portugis memanfaatkan kesempatan ini dan mengadu domba keduanya hingga pecah perang saudara. Kubu permaisuri Nukila didukung Tidore sedangkan pangeran Taruwese didukung Portugis. Setelah meraih kemenangan pangeran Taruwese justru dikhianati dan dibunuh Portugis. Gubernur Portugis bertindak sebagai penasihat kerajaan dan dengan pengaruh yang dimiliki berhasil membujuk dewan kerajaan untuk mengangkat pangeran Tabariji sebagai sultan. Tetapi ketika Sultan Tabariji mulai menunjukkan sikap bermusuhan, ia difitnah dan dibuang ke Goa – India.

Disana ia dipaksa Portugis untuk menandatangani perjanjian menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan Kristen dan vasal kerajaan Portugis, namun perjanjian itu ditolak mentah-mentah Sultan Khairun (1534-1570).

 

 

Kesultanan Bacan

1521

Kesultanan Bacan adalah suatu kerajaan yang berpusat di Pulau Bacan, Kepulauan Maluku. Raja Bacan pertama yang memeluk Islam adalah Raja Zainulabidin yang bersyahadat pada tahun 1521. Meski berada di Maluku, wilayahnya cukup luas hingga ke wilayah Papua. Banyak kepala suku di wilayah Waigeo, Misool dan beberapa daerah lain yang berada di bawah administrasi pemerintahan kerajaan Bacan

Makasar and the subordinate states of south Sulawesi, ca 1600

As the centre for trade which the Dutch regarded as smuggling, Makasar soon became the target for intermittent Dutch hostility, and Makasar responded by assisting the Company’s enemies in Maluku. In 1666, the Dutch decided to make an end once and for all to Makasar’s resistance. They made an alliance with Arung Palakka, a Bugis prince from Bone, who had been exiled by Makasar to Butung in 1660 after an abortive uprising. The combined force defeated Makasar in 1667, and forced the sultan to sign the Treaty of Bungaya in which Makasar relinquished all its vassals, both in south Sulawesi and abroad, and allowed the Dutch to build a fort in the heart of its main port. The treaty was decisive in ending Makasar’s power, but it took a further round of fighting until 1669 before Makasar was fully defeated. Arung Palakka became ruler of Bone and the dominant political force in the region, but his authoritarian rule and destructive military campaigns against rebellious vassals led to a massive exodus of Buginese and Makasar warriors seeking safer homes elsewhere in the archipelago. The northern arm of Sulawesi had come under Spanish influence from the nearby Philippines in the 16th century, but was incorporated in the Dutch sphere of influence after the Treaty of Bungaya.

Indonesia

During Dutch Colonial

 

Introductions

HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF ACHIN, FROM THE PERIOD OF ITS BEING VISITED BY EUROPEANS.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE PORTUGUESE.

The Portuguese, under the conduct of Vasco de Gama, doubled the Cape of Good Hope in the year 1497, and arrived on the coast of Malabar in the following year. These people, whom the spirit of glory, commerce, and plunder led to the most magnanimous undertakings, were not so entirely engaged by their conquests on the continent of India as to prevent them from extending their views to the discovery of regions yet more distant. They learned from the merchants of Guzerat some account of the riches and importance of Malacca, a great trading city in the farther peninsula of India, supposed by them the Golden Chersonnese of Ptolemy. Intelligence of this was transmitted to their enterprising sovereign Emanuel, who became impressed with a strong desire to avail himself of the flattering advantages which this celebrated country held out to his ambition.

1508.

He equipped a fleet of four ships under the command of Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, which sailed from Lisbon on the eighth day of April 1508 with orders to explore and establish connexions in those eastern parts of Asia.

 

1509.

After touching at Madagascar Sequeira proceeded to Cochin, where a ship was added to his fleet, and, departing from thence on the eighth of September 1509, he made sail towards Malacca; but having doubled the extreme promontory of Sumatra (then supposed to be the Taprobane of the ancients) he anchored at Pidir, a principal port of that island, in which he found vessels from Pegu, Bengal, and other countries. The king of the place, who, like other Mahometan princes, was styled sultan, sent off a deputation to him, accompanied with refreshments, excusing himself, on account of illness, from paying his compliments in person, but assuring him at the same time that he should derive much pleasure from the friendship and alliance of the Portuguese, whose fame had reached his ears. Sequeira answered this message in such terms that, by consent of the sultan, a monument of their amity was erected on the shore; or, more properly, as the token of discovery and possession usually employed by the European nations. He was received in the same manner at a place called Pase, lying about twenty leagues farther to the eastward on the same coast, and there also erected a monument or cross. Having procured at each of these ports as much pepper as could be collected in a short time he hastened to Malacca, where the news of his appearance in these seas had anticipated his arrival. Here he was near falling a sacrifice to the insidious policy of Mahmud, the reigning king, to whom the Portuguese had been represented by the Arabian and Persian merchants (and not very unjustly) as lawless pirates, who, under the pretext of establishing commercial treaties, had, at first by encroachments, and afterwards with insolent rapacity, ruined and enslaved the princes who were weak enough to put a confidence in them, or to allow them a footing in their dominions. He escaped the snares that were laid for him but lost many of his people, and, leaving others in captivity, he returned to Europe, and gave an account of his proceedings to the king.

1510

Before the building of the Suez Canal and the invention of steam it could take three years to get a message to Southeast Asia and to receive its reply.

The Seventeen Gentlemen, all frock coats, upright furniture and chilly winters, were well aware of this, and so, in 1510, they created the post of Governor-General for their head man in Indonesia.

The Governor-General was not supposed to be a colonial viceroy; he was supposed to be an area manager with executive powers, and for the first decade, from the VOC headquarters in Ambon in Maluku, that’s exactly what he was.

 

1510.

A fleet was sent out in the year 1510 under Diogo Mendez to establish the Portuguese interests at Malacca; but Affonso d’Alboquerque, the governor of their affairs in India, thought proper to detain this squadron on the coast of Malabar until he could proceed thither himself with a greater force.

 

1511.

And accordingly on the second of May 1511 he set sail from Cochin with nineteen ships and fourteen hundred men. He touched at Pidir, where he found some of his countrymen who had made their escape from Malacca in a boat and sought protection on the Sumatran shore. They represented that, arriving off Pase, they had been ill-treated by the natives, who killed one of their party and obliged them to fly to Pidir, where they met with hospitality and kindness from the prince, who seemed desirous to conciliate the regard of their nation. Alboquerque expressed himself sensible of this instance of friendship, and renewed with the sultan the alliance that had been formed by Sequeira. He then proceeded to Pase, whose monarch endeavoured to exculpate himself from the outrage committed against the Portuguese fugitives, and as he could not tarry to take redress he concealed his resentment. In crossing over to Malacca he fell in with a large junk, or country vessel, which he engaged and attempted to board, but the enemy, setting fire to a quantity of inflammable oleaginous matter, he was deterred from his design, with a narrow escape of the destruction of his own ship. The junk was then battered from a distance until forty of her men were killed, when Alboquerque, admiring the bravery of the crew, proposed to them that, if they would strike and acknowledge themselves vassals of Portugal, he would treat them as friends and take them under his protection. This offer was accepted, and the valiant defender of the vessel informed the governor that his name was Jeinal, the lawful heir of the kingdom of Pase; he by whom it was then ruled being a usurper, who, taking advantage of his minority and his own situation as regent, had seized the crown: that he had made attempts to assert his rights, but had been defeated in two battles, and was now proceeding with his adherents to Java, some of the princes of which were his relations, and would, he hoped, enable him to obtain possession of his throne.

1511.

Alboquerque promised to effect it for him, and desired the prince to accompany him to Malacca, where they arrived the first of July 1511. In order to save the lives of the Portuguese prisoners, and if possible to effect their recovery, he negotiated with the king of Malacca before he proceeded to an attack on the place; which conduct of his Jeinal construed into fear, and, forsaking his new friend, passed over in the night to the Malayan monarch, whose protection he thought of more consequence to him. When Alboquerque had subdued the place, which made a vigorous resistance, the prince of Pase, seeing the error of his policy, returned, and threw himself at the governor’s feet, acknowledged his injurious mistrust, and implored his pardon, which was not denied him. He doubted however it seems of a sincere reconciliation and forgiveness, and, perceiving that no measures were taking for restoring him to his kingdom, but on the contrary that Alboquerque was preparing to leave Malacca with a small force, and talked of performing his promise when he should return from Goa, he took the resolution of again attaching himself to the fortunes of the conquered monarch, and secretly collecting his dependants fled once more from the protection of the Portuguese. He probably was not insensible that the reigning king of Pase, his adversary, had for some time taken abundant pains to procure the favour of Alboquerque, and found an occasion of demonstrating his zeal. The governor, on his return from Malacca, met with a violent storm on the coast of Sumatra near the point of Timiang, where his ship was wrecked. Part of the crew making a raft were driven to Pase, where the king treated them with kindness and sent them to the coast of Coromandel by a merchant ship. Some years after these events Jeinal was enabled by his friends to carry a force to Pase, and obtained the ascendency there, but did not long enjoy his power.

Upon the reduction of Malacca the governor received messages from several of the Sumatran princes, and amongst the rest from the king of a place called Kampar, on the eastern coast, who had married a daughter of the king of Malacca, but was on ill terms with his father-in-law. He desired to become a vassal of the Portuguese crown, and to have leave to reside under their jurisdiction. His view was to obtain the important office of bandhara, or chief magistrate of the Malays, lately vacant by the execution of him who possessed it. He sent before him a present of lignum-aloes and gum-lac, the produce of his country, but Alboquerque, suspecting the honesty of his intentions, and fearing that he either aspired to the crown of Malacca or designed to entice the merchants to resort to his own kingdom, refused to permit his coming, and gave the superintendence of the natives to a person named Nina Chetuan.

1514.

After some years had elapsed, at the time when Jorge Alboquerque was governor of Malacca, this king (Abdallah by name) persisting in his views, paid him a visit, and was honourably received. At his departure he had assurances given him of liberty to establish himself at Malacca, if he should think proper, and Nina Chetuan was shortly afterwards removed from his office, though no fault was alleged against him. He took the disgrace so much to heart that, causing a pile to be erected before his door, and setting fire to it, he threw himself into the flames.*

(*Footnote. This man was not a Mahometan but one of the unconverted natives of the peninsula who are always distinguished from the Moors by the Portuguese writers.)

The intention of appointing Abdallah to the office of bandhara was quickly rumoured abroad, and, coming to the knowledge of the king of Bintang, who was driven from Malacca and now carried on a vigorous war against the Portuguese, under the command of the famous Laksamana, he resolved to prevent his arrival there. For this purpose he leagued himself with the king of Lingga, a neighbouring island, and sent out a fleet of seventy armed boats to block up the port of Kampar. By the valour of a small Portuguese armament this force was overcome in the river of that name, and the king conducted in triumph to Malacca, where he was invested in form with the important post he aspired to. But this sacrifice of his independence proved an unfortunate measure to him; for although he conducted himself in such a manner as should have given the amplest satisfaction, and appears to have been irreproachable in the execution of his trust, yet in the following year the king of Bintang found means to inspire the governor with diffidence of his fidelity, and jealousy of his power.

1515.

He was cruelly sentenced to death without the simplest forms of justice and perished in the presence of an indignant multitude, whilst he called heaven to witness his innocence and direct its vengeance against his interested accusers. This iniquitous and impolitic proceeding had such an effect upon the minds of the people that all of any property or repute forsook the place, execrating the government of the Portuguese. The consequences of this general odium reduced them to extreme difficulties for provisions, which the neighbouring countries refused to supply them with, and but for some grain at length procured from Siak with much trouble the event had proved fatal to the garrison.

1516.

Fernando Perez d’Andrade, in his way to China, touched at Pase in order to take in pepper. He found the people of the place, as well as the merchants from Bengal, Cambay, and other parts of India, much discontented with the measures then pursuing by the government of Malacca, which had stationed an armed force to oblige all vessels to resort thither with their merchandise and take in at that place, as an emporium, the cargoes they were used to collect in the straits. The king notwithstanding received Andrade well, and consented that the Portuguese should have liberty to erect a fortress in his kingdom.

1520.

Extraordinary accounts having been related of certain islands abounding in gold, which were reported by the general fame of India to lie off the southern coast of Sumatra, a ship and small brigantine, under the command of Diogo Pacheco, an experienced seaman, were sent in order to make the discovery of them. Having proceeded as far as Daya the brigantine was lost in a gale of wind. Pacheco stood on to Barus, a place renowned for its gold trade, and for gum benzoin of a peculiar scent, which the country produced. It was much frequented by vessels, both from the neighbouring ports in the island, and from those in the West of India, whence it was supplied with cotton cloths. The merchants, terrified at the approach of the Portuguese, forsook their ships and fled precipitately to the shore. The chiefs of the country sent to inquire the motives of his visit, which he informed them were to establish friendly connexions and to give them assurances of unmolested freedom of trade at the city of Malacca. Refreshments were then ordered for his fleet, and upon landing he was treated with respect by the inhabitants, who brought the articles of their country to exchange with him for merchandise. His chief view was to obtain information respecting the situation and other circumstances of the ilhas d’Ouro, but they seemed jealous of imparting any. At length, after giving him a laboured detail of the dangers attending the navigation of the seas where they were said to lie, they represented their situation to be distant a hundred leagues to the south-east of Barus, amidst labyrinths of shoals and reefs through which it was impossible to steer with any but the smallest boats. If these islands, so celebrated about this time, existed anywhere but in the regions of fancy,* they were probably those of Tiku, to which it is possible that much gold might be brought from the neighbouring country of Menangkabau. Pacheco, leaving Barus, proceeded to the southward, but did not make the wished-for discovery. He reached the channel that divides Sumatra from Java, which he called the strait of Polimban, from a city he erroneously supposed to lie on the Javan shore, and passing through this returned to Malacca by the east; being the first European who sailed round the island of Sumatra. In the following year he sailed once more in search of these islands, which were afterwards the object of many fruitless voyages; but touching again at Barus he met with resistance there and perished with all his companions.

(*Footnote. Linschoten makes particular mention of having seen them, and gives practical directions for the navigation, but the golden dreams of the Portuguese were never realized in them.)

A little before this time a ship under the command of Gaspar d’Acosta was lost on the island of Gamispola (Pulo Gomez) near Achin Head, when the people from Achin attacked and plundered the crew, killing many and taking the rest prisoners. A ship also which belonged to Joano de Lima was plundered in the road, and the Portuguese which belonged to her put to death. These insults and others committed at Pase induced the governor of Malacca, Garcia de Sa, to dispatch a vessel under Manuel Pacheco to take satisfaction; which he endeavoured to effect by blocking up the ports, and depriving the towns of all sources of provision, particularly their fisheries. As he cruised between Achin and Pase a boat with five men, going to take in fresh water at a river nigh to the latter, would have been cut off had not the people, by wonderful efforts of valour, overcome the numerous party which attacked them. The sultan, alarmed for the consequences of this affray, sent immediately to sue for reconciliation, offering to make atonement for the loss of property the merchants had sustained by the licentiousness of his people, from a participation in whose crimes he sought to vindicate himself. The advantage derived from the connexion with this place induced the government of Malacca to be satisfied with his apology, and cargoes of pepper and raw silk were shortly after procured there; the former being much wanted for the ships bound to China.

Jeinal, who had fled to the king of Malacca, as before mentioned, followed that monarch to the island of Bintang, and received one of his daughters in marriage. Six or seven years elapsed before the situation of affairs enabled the king to lend him any effectual assistance, but at length some advantages gained over the Portuguese afforded a proper opportunity, and accordingly a fleet was fitted out, with which Jeinal sailed for Pase. In order to form a judgment of the transactions of this kingdom it must be understood that the people, having an idea of predestination, always conceived present possession to constitute right, however that possession might have been acquired; but yet they made no scruple of deposing and murdering their sovereigns, and justified their acts by this argument; that the fate of concerns so important as the lives of kings was in the hands of God, whose vicegerents they were, and that if it was not agreeable to him and the consequence of his will that they should perish by the daggers of their subjects it could not so happen. Thus it appears that their religious ideas were just strong enough to banish from their minds every moral sentiment. The natural consequence of these maxims was that their kings were merely the tyrants of the day; and it is said that whilst a certain ship remained in the port no less than two were murdered, and a third set up: but allowance should perhaps be made for the medium through which these accounts have been transmitted to us.

The maternal uncle of Jeinal, who, on account of his father’s infirmities, had been some time regent, and had deprived him of the succession to the throne, was also king of Aru or Rou, a country not far distant, and thus became monarch of both places. The caprices of the Pase people, who submitted quietly to his usurpation, rendered them ere long discontented with his government, and being a stranger they had the less compunction in putting him to death. Another king was set up in his room, who soon fell by the hands of some natives of Aru who resided at Pase, in revenge for the assassination of their countryman.

1519.

A fresh monarch was elected by the people, and in his reign it was that Jeinal appeared with a force from Bintang, who, carrying everything before him, put his rival to death, and took possession of the throne. The son of the deceased, a youth of about twelve years of age, made his escape, accompanied by the Mulana or chief priest of the city, and procured a conveyance to the west of India. There they threw themselves at the feet of the Portuguese governor, Lopez Sequeira, then engaged in an expedition to the Red Sea, imploring his aid to drive the invader from their country, and to establish the young prince in his rights, who would thenceforth consider himself as a vassal of the crown of Portugal. It was urged that Jeinal, as being nearly allied to the king of Bintang, was an avowed enemy to that nation, which he had manifested in some recent outrages committed against the merchants from Malacca who traded at Pase. Sequeira, partly from compassion, and partly from political motives, resolved to succour this prince, and by placing him on the throne establish a firm interest in the affairs of his kingdom. He accordingly gave orders to Jorge Alboquerque, who was then proceeding with a strong fleet towards Malacca, to take the youth with him, whose name was Orfacam,* and after having expelled Jeinal to put him in possession of the sovereignty.

(*Footnote. Evidently corrupted, as are most of the country names and titles, which shows that the Portuguese were not at this period much conversant in the Malayan language.)

When Jeinal entered upon the administration of the political concerns of the kingdom, although he had promised his father-in-law to carry on the war in concert with him, yet, being apprehensive of the effects of the Portuguese power, he judged it more for his interest to seek a reconciliation with them than to provoke their resentment, and in pursuance of that system had so far recommended himself to Garcia de Sa, the governor of Malacca, that he formed a treaty of alliance with him. This was however soon interrupted, and chiefly by the imprudence of a man named Diogo Vaz, who made use of such insulting language to the king, because he delayed payment of a sum of money he owed him, that the courtiers, seized with indignation, immediately stabbed him with their krises, and, the alarm running through the city, others of the Portuguese were likewise murdered. The news of this affair, reaching Goa, was an additional motive for the resolution taken of dethroning him.

1521.

Jorge d’Alboquerque arrived at Pase in 1521 with Prince Orfacam, and the inhabitants came off in great numbers to welcome his return. The king of Aru had brought thither a considerable force the preceding day, designing to take satisfaction for the murder of his relation, the uncle of Jeinal, and now proposed to Alboquerque that they should make the attack in conjunction, who thought proper to decline it. Jeinal, although he well knew the intention of the enemy, yet sent a friendly message to Alboquerque, who in answer required him to relinquish his crown in favour of him whom he styled the lawful prince. He then represented to him the injustice of attempting to force him from the possession of what was his, not only by right of conquest but of hereditary descent, as was well known to the governor himself; that he was willing to consider himself as the vassal of the king of Portugal, and to grant every advantage in point of trade that they could expect from the administration of his rival; and that since his obtaining the crown he had manifested the utmost friendship to the Portuguese, for which he appealed to the treaty formed with him by the government of Malacca, which was not disturbed by any fault that could in justice be imputed to himself. These arguments, like all others that pass between states which harbour inimical designs, had no effect upon Alboquerque, who, after reconnoitring the ground, gave orders for the attack. The king was now sensible that there was nothing left for him but to conquer or die, and resolved to defend himself to extremity in an entrenchment he had formed at some distance from the town of Pase, where he had never yet ventured to reside as the people were in general incensed against him on account of the destruction of the late king of their choice; for though they were ever ready to demolish those whom they disliked, yet were they equally zealous to sacrifice their own lives in the cause of those to whom they were attached. The Portuguese force consisted but of three hundred men, yet such was the superiority they possessed in war over the inhabitants of these countries that they entirely routed Jeinal’s army, which amounted to three thousand, with many elephants, although they fought bravely. When he fell they became dispirited, and, the people of Aru joining in the pursuit, a dreadful slaughter succeeded, and upwards of two thousand Sumatrans lay dead, with the loss of only five or six Europeans; but several were wounded, among whom was Alboquerque himself.

The next measure was to place the young prince upon the throne, which was performed with much ceremony. The mulana was appointed his governor, and Nina Cunapan, who in several instances had shown a friendship for the Portuguese, was continued in the office of Shabandar. It was stipulated that the prince should do homage to the crown of Portugal, give a grant of the whole produce of pepper of his country at a certain price, and defray the charges of a fortress which they then prepared to erect in his kingdom, and of which Miranda d’Azeuedo was appointed captain, with a garrison of a hundred soldiers. The materials were mostly timber, with which the ruins of Jeinal’s entrenchment supplied them. After Alboquerque’s departure the works had nearly fallen into the hands of an enemy, named Melek-el-adil, who called himself sultan of Pase and made several desultory attacks upon them; but he was at length totally routed, and the fortifications were completed without further molestation.

1521.

A fleet which sailed from the west of India a short time after that of Alboquerque, under the command of Jorge de Brito, anchored in the road of Achin, in their way to the Molucca Islands. There was at this time at that place a man of the name of Joano Borba, who spoke the language of the country, having formerly fled thither from Pase when Diogo Vaz was assassinated. Being afterwards intrusted with the command of a trading vessel from Goa, which foundered at sea, he again reached Achin, with nine men in a small boat, and was hospitably received by the king, when he learned that the ship had been destined to his port. Borba came off to the fleet along with a messenger sent by the king to welcome the commander and offer him refreshments for his fleet, and, being a man of extraordinary loquacity, he gave a pompous description to Brito of a temple in the country in which was deposited a large quantity of gold: he mentioned likewise that the king was in possession of the artillery and merchandise of Gaspar d’Acosta’s vessel, some time since wrecked there; and also of the goods saved from a brigantine driven on shore at Daya, in Pacheco’s expedition; as well as of Joano de Lima’s ship, which he had caused to be cut off. Brito, being tempted by the golden prize, which he conceived already in his power, and inflamed by Borba’s representation of the king’s iniquities, sent a message in return to demand the restitution of the artillery, ship, and goods, which had been unlawfully seized. The king replied that, if he wanted those articles to be refunded, he must make his demand to the sea which had swallowed them up. Brito and his captains now resolved to proceed to an attack upon the place, and so secure did they make themselves of their prey that they refused permission to a ship lately arrived, and which did not belong to their squadron, to join them or participate in the profits of their adventure. They prepared to land two hundred men in small boats; a larger, with a more considerable detachment and their artillery, being ordered to follow. About daybreak they had proceeded halfway up the river, and came near to a little fort designed to defend the passage, where Brito thought it advisable to stop till the remainder of their force should join them; but, being importuned by his people, he advanced to make himself master of the fort, which was readily effected. Here he again resolved to make his stand, but by the imprudence of his ensign, who had drawn some of the party into a skirmish with the Achinese, he was forced to quit that post in order to save his colours, which were in danger. At this juncture the king appeared at the head of eight hundred or a thousand men, and six elephants. A desperate conflict ensued, in which the Portuguese received considerable injury. Brito sent orders for the party he had left to come up, and endeavoured to retreat to the fort, but he found himself so situated that it could not be executed without much loss, and presently after he received a wound from an arrow through the cheeks. No assistance arriving, it was proposed that they should retire in the best manner they could to their boats; but this Brito would not consent to, preferring death to flight, and immediately a lance pierced his thighs, and he fell to the ground. The Portuguese, rendered desperate, renewed the combat with redoubled vigour, all crowding to the spot where their commander lay, but their exertions availed them nothing against such unequal force, and they only rushed on to sacrifice. Almost every man was killed, and among these were near fifty persons of family who had embarked as volunteers. Those who escaped belonged chiefly to the corps-de-reserve, who did not, or could not, come up in time to succour their unfortunate companions. Upon this merited defeat the squadron immediately weighed anchor, and, after falling in with two vessels bound on the discovery of the Ilhas d’Ouro, arrived at Pase, where they found Alboquerque employed in the construction of his fortress, and went with him to make an attack on Bintang.

STATE OF ACHIN IN 1511.

At the period when Malacca fell into the hands of the Portuguese Achin and Daya are said by the historians of that nation to have been provinces subject to Pidir, and governed by two slaves belonging to the sultan of that place, to each of whom he had given a niece in marriage. Slaves, it must be understood, are in that country on a different footing from those in most other parts of the world, and usually treated as children of the family. Some of them are natives of the continent of India, whom their masters employ to trade for them; allowing them a certain proportion of the profits and permission to reside in a separate quarter of the city. It frequently happened also that men of good birth, finding it necessary to obtain the protection of some person in power, became voluntary slaves for this purpose, and the nobles, being proud of such dependants, encouraged the practice by treating them with a degree of respect, and in many instances they made them their heirs. The slave of this description who held the government of Achin had two sons, the elder of whom was named Raja Ibrahim, and the younger Raja Lella, and were brought up in the house of their master. The father being old was recalled from his post; but on account of his faithful services the sultan gave the succession to his eldest son, who appears to have been a youth of an ambitious and very sanguinary temper. A jealousy had taken place between him and the chief of Daya whilst they were together at Pidir, and as soon as he came into power he resolved to seek revenge, and with that view entered in a hostile manner the district of his rival. When the sultan interposed it not only added fuel to his resentment but inspired him with hatred towards his master, and he showed his disrespect by refusing to deliver up, on the requisition of the sultan, certain Portuguese prisoners taken from a vessel lost at Pulo Gomez, and which he afterwards complied with at the intercession of the Shabandar of Pase. This conduct manifesting an intention of entirely throwing off his allegiance, his father endeavoured to recall him to a sense of his duty by representing the obligations in which the family were indebted to the sultan, and the relationship which so nearly connected them. But so far was this admonition from producing any good effect that he took offence at his father’s presumption, and ordered him to be confined in a cage, where he died.

1521.

Irritated by these acts, the sultan resolved to proceed to extremities against him; but by means of the plunder of some Portuguese vessels, as before related, and the recent defeat of Brito’s party, he became so strong in artillery and ammunition, and so much elated with success, that he set his master at defiance and prepared to defend himself. His force proved superior to that of Pidir, and in the end he obliged the sultan to fly for refuge and assistance to the European fortress at Pase, accompanied by his nephew, the chief of Daya, who was also forced from his possessions.

1522.

Ibrahim had for some time infested the Portuguese by sending out parties against them, both by sea and land; but these being always baffled in their attempts with much loss, he began to conceive a violent antipathy against that nation, which he ever after indulged to excess. He got possession of the city of Pidir by bribing the principal officers, a mode of warfare that he often found successful and seldom neglected to attempt. These he prevailed upon to write a letter to their master, couched in artful terms, in which they besought him to come to their assistance with a body of Portuguese, as the only chance of repelling the enemy by whom they pretended to be invested. The sultan showed this letter to Andre Henriquez, then governor of the fort, who, thinking it a good opportunity to chastise the Achinese, sent by sea a detachment of eighty Europeans and two hundred Malays under the command of his brother Manuel, whilst the sultan marched overland with a thousand men and fifteen elephants to the relief of the place. They arrived at Pidir in the night, but, being secretly informed that the king of Achin was master of the city, and that the demand for succour was a stratagem, they endeavoured to make their retreat; which the land troops effected, but before the tide could enable the Portuguese to get their boats afloat they were attacked by the Achinese, who killed Manuel and thirty-five of his men.

Henriquez, perceiving his situation at Pase was becoming critical, not only from the force of the enemy but the sickly state of his garrison, and the want of provisions, which the country people now withheld from him, discontinuing the fairs that they were used to keep three times in the week, dispatched advices to the governor of India, demanding immediate succours, and also sent to request assistance of the king of Aru, who had always proved the steadfast friend of Malacca, and who, though not wealthy, because his country was not a place of trade, was yet one of the most powerful princes in those parts. The king expressed his joy in having an opportunity of serving his allies, and promised his utmost aid; not only from friendship to them, but indignation against Ibrahim, whom he regarded as a rebellious slave.

1523.

A supply of stores at length arrived from India under the charge of Lopo d’Azuedo, who had orders to relieve Henriquez in the command; but, disputes having arisen between them, and chiefly on the subject of certain works which the shabandar of Pase had been permitted to erect adjoining to the fortress, d’Azuedo, to avoid coming to an open rupture, departed for Malacca. Ibrahim, having found means to corrupt the honesty of this shabandar, who had received his office from Alboquerque, gained intelligence through him of all that passed. This treason, it is supposed, he would not have yielded to but for the desperate situation of affairs. The country of Pase was now entirely in subjection to the Achinese, and nothing remained unconquered but the capital, whilst the garrison was distracted with internal divisions.

After the acquisition of Pidir the king thought it necessary to remain there some time in order to confirm his authority, and sent his brother Raja Lella with a large army to reduce the territories of Pase, which he effected in the course of three months, and with the more facility because all the principal nobility had fallen in the action with Jeinal. He fixed his camp within half a league of the city, and gave notice to Ibrahim of the state in which matters were, who speedily joined him, being anxious to render himself master of the place before the promised succours from the king of Aru could arrive. His first step was to issue a proclamation, giving notice to the people of the town that whoever should submit to his authority within six days should have their lives, families, and properties secured to them, but that all others must expect to feel the punishment due to their obstinacy. This had the effect he looked for, the greater part of the inhabitants coming over to his camp. He then commenced his military operations, and in the third attack got possession of the town after much slaughter; those who escaped his fury taking shelter in the neighbouring mountains and thick woods. He sent a message to the commander of the fortress, requiring him to abandon it and to deliver into his hands the kings of Pidir and Daya, to whom he had given protection. Henriquez returned a spirited answer to this summons, but, being sickly at the time, at best of an unsteady disposition, and too much attached to his trading concerns for a soldier, he resolved to relinquish the command to his relation Aires Coelho, and take passage for the West of India.

1523.

He had not advanced farther on his voyage than the point of Pidir, when he fell in with two Portuguese ships bound to the Moluccas, the captains of which he made acquainted with the situation of the garrison, and they immediately proceeded to its relief. Arriving in the night they heard great firing of cannon, and learned next morning that the Achinese had made a furious assault in hopes of carrying the fortress before the ships, which were descried at a distance, could throw succours into it. They had mastered some of the outworks, and the garrison represented that it was impossible for them to support such another shock without aid from the vessels. The captains, with as much force as could be spared, entered the fort, and a sally was shortly afterwards resolved on and executed, in which the besiegers sustained considerable damage. Every effort was likewise employed to repair the breaches and stop up the mines that had been made by the enemy in order to effect a passage into the place. Ibrahim now attempted to draw them into a snare by removing his camp to a distance and making a feint of abandoning his enterprise; but this stratagem proved ineffectual. Reflecting then with indignation that his own force consisted of fifteen thousand men whilst that of the Europeans did not exceed three hundred and fifty, many of whom were sick and wounded, and others worn out with the fatigue of continual duty (intelligence whereof was conveyed to him), he resolved once more to return to the siege, and make a general assault upon all parts of the fortification at once. Two hours before daybreak he caused the place to be surrounded with eight thousand men, who approached in perfect silence. The nighttime was preferred by these people for making their attacks as being then most secure from the effect of firearms, and they also generally chose a time of rain, when the powder would not burn. As soon as they found themselves perceived they set up a hideous shout, and, fixing their scaling ladders, made of bamboo and wonderfully light, to the number of six hundred, they attempted to force their way through the embrasures for the guns; but after a strenuous contest they were at length repulsed. Seven elephants were driven with violence against the paling of one of the bastions, which gave way before them like a hedge, and overset all the men who were on it. Javelins and pikes these enormous beasts made no account of, but upon setting fire to powder under their trunks they drew back with precipitation in spite of all the efforts of their drivers, overthrew their own people, and, flying to the distance of several miles, could not again be brought into the lines. The Achinese upon receiving this check thought to take revenge by setting fire to some vessels that were in the dockyard; but this proved an unfortunate measure to them, for by the light which it occasioned the garrison were enabled to point their guns, and did abundant execution.

1524.

Henriquez, after beating sometime against a contrary wind, put back to Pase, and, coming on shore the day after this conflict, resumed his command. A council was soon after held to determine what measures were fittest to be pursued in the present situation of affairs, and, taking into their consideration that no further assistance could be expected from the west of India in less than six months, that the garrison was sickly and provisions short, it was resolved by a majority of votes to abandon the place, and measures were taken accordingly. In order to conceal their intentions from the enemy they ordered such of the artillery and stores as could be removed conveniently to be packed up in the form of merchandise and then shipped off. A party was left to set fire to the buildings, and trains of powder were so disposed as to lead to the larger cannon, which they overcharged that they might burst as soon as heated. But this was not effectually executed, and the pieces mostly fell into the hands of the Achinese, who upon the first alarm of the evacuation rushed in, extinguished the flames, and turned upon the Portuguese their own artillery, many of whom were killed in the water as they hurried to get into their boats. They now lost as much credit by this ill conducted retreat as they had acquired by their gallant defence, and were insulted by the reproachful shouts of the enemy, whose power was greatly increased by this acquisition of military stores, and of which they often severely experienced the effects. To render their disgrace more striking it happened that as they sailed out of the harbour they met thirty boats laden with provisions for their use from the king of Aru, who was himself on his march overland with four thousand men: and when they arrived at Malacca they found troops and stores embarked there for their relief. The unfortunate princes who had sought an asylum with them now joined in their flight; the sultan of Pase proceeded to Malacca, and the sultan of Pidir and chief of Daya took refuge with the king of Aru.

1525.

Raja Nara, king of Indragiri, in conjunction with a force from Bintang, attacked the king of a neighbouring island called Lingga, who was in friendship with the Portuguese. A message which passed on this occasion gives a just idea of the style and manners of this people. Upon their acquainting the king of Lingga, in their summons of surrender, that they had lately overcome the fleet of Malacca, he replied that his intelligence informed him of the contrary; that he had just made a festival and killed fifty goats to celebrate one defeat which they had received, and hoped soon to kill a hundred in order to celebrate a second. His expectations were fulfilled, or rather anticipated, for the Portuguese, having a knowledge of the king of Indragiri’s design, sent out a small fleet which routed the combined force before the king of Lingga was acquainted with their arrival, his capital being situated high up on the river.

1526.

In the next year, at the conquest of Bintang, this king unsolicited sent assistance to his European allies.

1527.

However well founded the accounts may have been which the Portuguese have given us of the cruelties committed against their people by the king of Achin, the barbarity does not appear to have been only on one side. Francisco de Mello, being sent in an armed vessel with dispatches to Goa, met near Achin Head with a ship of that nation just arrived from Mecca and supposed to be richly laden. As she had on board three hundred Achinese and forty Arabs he dared not venture to board her, but battered her at a distance, when suddenly she filled and sunk, to the extreme disappointment of the Portuguese, who thereby lost their prize; but they wreaked their vengeance on the unfortunate crew as they endeavoured to save themselves by swimming, and boast that they did not suffer a man to escape. Opportunities of retaliation soon offered.

1528.

Simano de Sousa, going with a reinforcement to the Moluccas from Cochin, was overtaken in the bay by a violent storm, which forced him to stow many of his guns in the hold; and, having lost several of his men through fatigue, he made for the nearest port he could take shelter in, which proved to be Achin. The king, having the destruction of the Portuguese at heart, and resolving if possible to seize their vessel, sent off a message to De Sousa recommending his standing in closer to the shore, where he would have more shelter from the gale which still continued, and lie more conveniently for getting off water and provisions, at the same time inviting him to land. This artifice not succeeding, he ordered out the next morning a thousand men in twenty boats, who at first pretended they were come to assist in mooring the ship; but the captain, aware of their hostile design, fired amongst them, when a fierce engagement took place in which the Achinese were repulsed with great slaughter, but not until they had destroyed forty of the Portuguese. The king, enraged at this disappointment, ordered a second attack, threatening to have his admiral trampled to death by elephants if he failed of success. A boat was sent ahead of this fleet with a signal of peace, and assurances to De Sousa that the king, as soon as he was made acquainted with the injury that had been committed, had caused the perpetrators of it to be punished, and now once more requested him to come on shore and trust to his honour. This proposal some of the crew were inclined that he should accept, but being animated by a speech that he made to them it was resolved that they should die with arms in their hands in preference to a disgraceful and hazardous submission. The combat was therefore renewed, with extreme fury on the one side, and uncommon efforts of courage on the other, and the assailants were a second time repulsed; but one of those who had boarded the vessel and afterwards made his escape represented to the Achinese the reduced and helpless situation of their enemy, and, fresh supplies coming off, they were encouraged to return to the attack. De Sousa and his people were at length almost all cut to pieces, and those who survived, being desperately wounded, were overpowered, and led prisoners to the king, who unexpectedly treated them with extraordinary kindness, in order to cover the designs he harboured, and pretended to lament the fate of their brave commander. He directed them to fix upon one of their companions, who should go in his name to the governor of Malacca, to desire he would immediately send to take possession of the ship, which he meant to restore, as well as to liberate them. He hoped by this artifice to draw more of the Portuguese into his power, and at the same time to effect a purpose of a political nature. A war had recently broken out between him and the king of Aru, the latter of whom had deputed ambassadors to Malacca, to solicit assistance, in return for his former services, and which was readily promised to him. It was highly the interest of the king of Achin to prevent this junction, and therefore, though determined to relax nothing in his plans of revenge, he hastened to dispatch Antonio Caldeira, one of the captives, with proposals of accommodation and alliance, offering to restore not only this vessel, but also the artillery which he had taken at Pase. These terms appeared to the governor too advantageous to be rejected. Conceiving a favourable idea of the king’s intentions, from the confidence which Caldeira, who was deceived by the humanity shown to the wounded captives, appeared to place in his sincerity, he became deaf to the representations that were made to him by more experienced persons of his insidious character. A message was sent back, agreeing to accept his friendship on the proposed conditions, and engaging to withhold the promised succours from the king of Aru. Caldeira, in his way to Achin, touched at an island, where he was cut off with those who accompanied him. The ambassadors from Aru being acquainted with this breach of faith, retired in great disgust, and the king, incensed at the ingratitude shown him, concluded a peace with Achin; but not till after an engagement between their fleets had taken place, in which the victory remained undecided.

In order that he might learn the causes of the obscurity in which his negotiations with Malacca rested, Ibrahim dispatched a secret messenger to Senaia Raja, bandhara of that city, with whom he held a correspondence; desiring also to be informed of the strength of the garrison. Hearing in answer that the governor newly arrived was inclined to think favourably of him, he immediately sent an ambassador to wait on him with assurances of his pacific and friendly disposition, who returned in company with persons empowered, on the governor’s part, to negotiate a treaty of commerce. These, upon their arrival at Achin, were loaded with favours and costly presents, the news of which quickly flew to Malacca, and, the business they came on being adjusted, they were suffered to depart; but they had not sailed far before they were overtaken by boats sent after them, and were stripped and murdered. The governor, who had heard of their setting out, concluded they were lost by accident. Intelligence of this mistaken opinion was transmitted to the king, who thereupon had the audacity to request that he might be honoured with the presence of some Portuguese of rank and consequence in his capital, to ratify in a becoming manner the articles that had been drawn up; as he ardently wished to see that nation trafficking freely in his dominions.

1529.

The deluded governor, in compliance with this request, adopted the resolution of sending thither a large ship under the command of Manuel Pacheco, with a rich cargo, the property of himself and several merchants of Malacca, who themselves embarked with the idea of making extraordinary profits. Senaia conveyed notice of this preparation to Achin, informing the king at the same time that, if he could make himself master of this vessel, Malacca must fall an easy prey to him, as the place was weakened of half its force for the equipment. When Pacheco approached the harbour he was surrounded by a great number of boats, and some of the people began to suspect treachery, but so strongly did the spirit of delusion prevail in this business that they could not persuade the captain to put himself on his guard. He soon had reason to repent his credulity. Perceiving an arrow pass close by him, he hastened to put on his coat of mail, when a second pierced his neck, and he soon expired. The vessel then became an easy prey, and the people, being made prisoners, were shortly afterwards massacred by the king’s order, along with the unfortunate remnant of De Sousa’s crew, so long flattered with the hopes of release. By this capture the king was supposed to have remained in possession of more artillery than was left in Malacca, and he immediately fitted out a fleet to take advantage of its exposed state. The pride of success causing him to imagine it already in his power, he sent a taunting message to the governor in which he thanked him for the late instances of his liberality, and let him know he should trouble him for the remainder of his naval force.

Senaia had promised to put the citadel into his hands, and this had certainly been executed but for an accident that discovered his treasonable designs. The crews of some vessels of the Achinese fleet landed on a part of the coast not far from the city, where they were well entertained by the natives, and in the openness of conviviality related the transactions which had lately passed at Achin, the correspondence of Senaia, and the scheme that was laid for rising on the Portuguese when they should be at church, murdering them, and seizing the fortress. Intelligence of this was reported with speed to the governor, who had Senaia instantly apprehended and executed. This punishment served to intimidate those among the inhabitants who were engaged in the conspiracy, and disconcerted the plans of the king of Achin.

This appears to be the last transaction of Ibrahim’s reign recorded by the Portuguese historians. His death is stated by De Barros to have taken place in the year 1528 in consequence of poison administered to him by one of his wives, to revenge the injuries her brother, the chief of Daya, had suffered at his hand. In a Malayan work (lately come into my possession) containing the annals of the kingdom of Achin, it is said that a king, whose title was sultan Saleh-eddin-shah, obtained the sovereignty in a year answering to 1511 of our era, and who, after reigning about eighteen years, was dethroned by a brother in 1529. Notwithstanding some apparent discordance between the two accounts there can be little doubt of the circumstances applying to the same individual, as it may well be presumed that, according to the usual practice in the East, he adopted upon ascending the throne a title different from the name which he had originally borne, although that might continue to be his more familiar appellation, especially in the mouths of his enemies. The want of precise coincidence in the dates cannot be thought an objection, as the event not falling under the immediate observation of the Portuguese they cannot pretend to accuracy within a few months, and even their account of the subsequent transactions renders it more probable that it happened in 1529; nor are the facts of his being dethroned by the brother, or put to death by the sister, materially at variance with each other; and the latter circumstance, whether true or false, might naturally enough be reported at Malacca.

1529.

His successor took the name of Ala-eddin-shah, and afterwards, from his great enterprises, acquired the additional epithet of keher or the powerful. By the Portuguese he is said to have styled himself king of Achin, Barus, Pidir, Pase, Daya, and Batta, prince of the land of the two seas, and of the mines of Menangkabau.

1537.

Nothing is recorded of his reign until the year 1537, in which he twice attacked Malacca. The first time he sent an army of three thousand men who landed near the city by night, unperceived by the garrison, and, having committed some ravages in the suburbs, were advancing to the bridge, when the governor, Estavano de Gama, sallied out with a party and obliged them to retreat for shelter to the woods. Here they defended themselves during the next day, but on the following night they re-embarked, with the loss of five hundred men. A few months afterwards the king had the place invested with a larger force; but in the interval the works had been repaired and strengthened, and after three days ineffectual attempt the Achinese were again constrained to retire.

1547.

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556.

The death of Ala-eddin took place, according to the Annals, in 1556, after a reign of twenty-eight years.

1565.

He was succeeded by sultan Hussein­shah, who reigned about eight, and dying in 1565 was succeeded by his son, an infant. This child survived only seven months; and in the same year the throne was occupied by Raja Firman-shah, who was murdered soon after.

1567.

His successor, Raja Janil, experienced a similar fate when he had reigned ten months. This event is placed in 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, from the kingdom of Perak in the peninsula, was the next who ascended the throne.

1567.

The western powers of India having formed a league for the purpose of extirpating the Portuguese, the king of Achin was invited to accede to it, and, in conformity with the engagements by which the respective parties were bound, he prepared to attack them in Malacca, and carried thither a numerous fleet, in which were fifteen thousand people of his own subjects, and four hundred Turks, with two hundred pieces of artillery of different sizes. In order to amuse the enemy he gave out that his force was destined against Java, and sent a letter, accompanied with a present of a kris, to the governor, professing strong sentiments of friendship. A person whom he turned on shore with marks of ignominy, being suspected for a spy, was taken up, and being put to the torture confessed that he was employed by the Ottoman emperor and king of Achin to poison the principal officers of the place, and to set fire to their magazine. He was put to death, and his mutilated carcase was sent off to the king. This was the signal for hostilities. He immediately landed with all his men and commenced a regular siege. Sallies were made with various success and very unequal numbers. In one of these the chief of Aru, the king’s eldest son, was killed. In another the Portuguese were defeated and lost many officers. A variety of stratagems were employed to work upon the fears and shake the fidelity of the inhabitants of the town. A general assault was given in which, after prodigious efforts of courage, and imminent risk of destruction, the besieged remained victorious. The king, seeing all his attempts fruitless, at length departed, having lost three thousand men before the walls, beside about five hundred who were said to have died of their wounds on the passage. The king of Ujong-tanah or Johor, who arrived with a fleet to the assistance of the place, found the sea for a long distance covered with dead bodies. This was esteemed one of the most desperate and honourable sieges the Portuguese experienced in India, their whole force consisting of but fifteen hundred men, of whom no more than two hundred were Europeans.

1568.

In the following year a vessel from Achin bound to Java, with ambassadors on board to the queen of Japara, in whom the king wished to raise up a new enemy against the Portuguese, was met in the straits by a vessel from Malacca, who took her and put all the people to the sword. It appears to have been a maxim in these wars never to give quarter to an enemy, whether resisting or submitting.

1568

 

Fatahillah (1568-1570)

Kekosongan pemegang kekuasaan itu kemudian diisi dengan mengukuhkan pejabat keraton yang selama Sunan Gunung Jati melaksanakan tugas dakwah, pemerintahan dijabat oleh Fatahillah atau Fadillah Khan.

Fatahillah kemudian naik takhta, dan memerintah Cirebon secara resmi menjadi raja sejak tahun 1568. Fatahillah menduduki takhta kerajaan Cirebon hanya berlangsung dua tahun karena ia meninggal dunia pada tahun 1570, dua tahun setelah Sunan Gunung Jati wafat dan dimakamkan berdampingan dengan makam Sunan Gunung Jati di Gedung Jinem Astana Gunung Sembung.

Panembahan Ratu I (1570-1649)

Sepeninggal Fatahillah, oleh karena tidak ada calon lain yang layak menjadi raja, takhta kerajaan jatuh kepada cucu Sunan Gunung Jati yaitu Pangeran Emas putra tertua Pangeran Dipati Carbon atau cicit Sunan Gunung Jati. Pangeran Emas kemudian bergelar Panembahan Ratu I dan memerintah Cirebon selama kurang lebih 79 tahun.

1649

Panembahan Ratu II (1649-1677)

Setelah Panembahan Ratu I meninggal dunia pada tahun 1649, pemerintahan Kesultanan Cirebon dilanjutkan oleh cucunya yang bernama Pangeran Rasmi atau Pangeran Karim, karena ayah Pangeran Rasmi yaitu Pangeran Seda ing Gayam atau Panembahan Adiningkusumah meninggal lebih dahulu. Pangeran Rasmi kemudian menggunakan nama gelar ayahnya almarhum yakni Panembahan Adiningkusuma yang kemudian dikenal pula dengan sebutan Panembahan Girilaya atau Panembahan Ratu II.

Panembahan Girilaya pada masa pemerintahannya terjepit di antara dua kekuatan kekuasaan, yaitu Kesultanan Banten dan Kesultanan Mataram. Banten merasa curiga sebab Cirebon dianggap lebih mendekat ke Mataram (Amangkurat I adalah mertua Panembahan Girilaya). Mataram dilain pihak merasa curiga bahwa Cirebon tidak sungguh-sungguh mendekatkan diri, karena Panembahan Girilaya dan Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa dari Banten adalah sama-sama keturunan Pajajaran. Kondisi ini memuncak dengan meninggalnya Panembahan Girilaya di Kartasura dan ditahannya Pangeran Martawijaya dan Pangeran Kartawijaya di Mataram.

Panembahan Girilaya adalah menantu Sultan Agung Hanyokrokusumo dari Kerajaan Mataram (Islam). Makamnya di Jogjakarta, di bukit Giriloyo, dekat dengan makam raja raja Mataram di Imogiri. Menurut beberapa sumber di Imogiri maupun Giriloyo, tinggi makam Panembahan Giriloyo adalah sejajar dengan makam Sultan Agung di Imogiri.

1677

Terpecahnya Kesultanan Cirebon

Dengan kematian Panembahan Girilaya, maka terjadi kekosongan penguasa. Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa segera menobatkan Pangeran Wangsakerta sebagai pengganti Panembahan Girilaya, atas tanggung jawab pihak Banten. Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa kemudian mengirimkan pasukan dan kapal perang untuk membantu Trunojoyo, yang saat itu sedang memerangi Amangkurat I dari Mataram. Dengan bantuan Trunojoyo, maka kedua putra Panembahan Girilaya yang ditahan akhirnya dapat dibebaskan dan dibawa kembali ke Cirebon untuk kemudian juga dinobatkan sebagai penguasa Kesultanan Cirebon.

Perpecahan  Cirebon I (1677)

Pembagian pertama terhadap Kesultanan Cirebon, dengan demikian terjadi pada masa penobatan tiga orang putra Panembahan Girilaya, yaitu Sultan Sepuh, Sultan Anom, dan Panembahan Cirebon pada tahun 1677. Ini merupakan babak baru bagi keraton Cirebon, dimana kesultanan terpecah menjadi tiga dan masing-masing berkuasa dan menurunkan para sultan berikutnya. Dengan demikian, para penguasa Kesultanan Cirebon berikutnya adalah:

  • Sultan Keraton Kasepuhan, Pangeran Martawijaya, dengan gelar Sultan Sepuh Abil Makarimi Muhammad Samsudin (1677-1703)
  • Sultan Kanoman, Pangeran Kartawijaya, dengan gelar Sultan Anom Abil Makarimi Muhammad Badrudin (1677-1723)
  • Pangeran Wangsakerta, sebagai Panembahan Cirebon dengan gelar Pangeran Abdul Kamil Muhammad Nasarudin atau Panembahan Tohpati (1677-1713).

Perubahan gelar dari Panembahan menjadi Sultan bagi dua putra tertua Pangeran Girilaya ini dilakukan oleh Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa, karena keduanya dilantik menjadi Sultan Cirebon di ibukota Banten. Sebagai sultan, mereka mempunyai wilayah kekuasaan penuh, rakyat, dan keraton masing-masing. Pangeran Wangsakerta tidak diangkat menjadi sultan melainkan hanya Panembahan. Ia tidak memiliki wilayah kekuasaan atau keraton sendiri, akan tetapi berdiri sebagai kaprabonan (paguron), yaitu tempat belajar para intelektual keraton. Dalam tradisi kesultanan di Cirebon, suksesi kekuasaan sejak tahun 1677 berlangsung sesuai dengan tradisi keraton, di mana seorang sultan akan menurunkan takhtanya kepada anak laki-laki tertua dari permaisurinya. Jika tidak ada, akan dicari cucu atau cicitnya. Jika terpaksa, maka orang lain yang dapat memangku jabatan itu sebagai pejabat sementara.

Perpecahan Cirebon II (1807)

Suksesi para sultan selanjutnya pada umumnya berjalan lancar, sampai pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Anom IV (1798-1803), dimana terjadi perpecahan karena salah seorang putranya, yaitu Pangeran Raja Kanoman, ingin memisahkan diri membangun kesultanan sendiri dengan nama Kesultanan Kacirebonan.

Kehendak Pangeran Raja Kanoman didukung oleh pemerintah Kolonial Belanda dengan keluarnya besluit (Bahasa Belanda: surat keputusan) Gubernur-Jendral Hindia Belanda yang mengangkat Pangeran Raja Kanoman menjadi Sultan Carbon Kacirebonan tahun 1807 dengan pembatasan bahwa putra dan para penggantinya tidak berhak atas gelar sultan, cukup dengan gelar pangeran. Sejak itu di Kesultanan Cirebon bertambah satu penguasa lagi, yaitu Kesultanan Kacirebonan, pecahan dari Kesultanan Kanoman. Sementara tahta Sultan Kanoman V jatuh pada putra Sultan Anom IV yang lain bernama Sultan Anom Abusoleh Imamuddin (1803-1811).

1906

Masa kolonial dan kemerdekaan

Sesudah kejadian tersebut, pemerintah Kolonial Belanda pun semakin dalam ikut campur dalam mengatur Cirebon, sehingga semakin surutlah peranan dari keraton-keraton Kesultanan Cirebon di wilayah-wilayah kekuasaannya. Puncaknya terjadi pada tahun-tahun 1906 dan 1926, dimana kekuasaan pemerintahan Kesultanan Cirebon secara resmi dihapuskan dengan disahkannya Gemeente Cheirebon (Kota Cirebon), yang mencakup luas 1.100 Hektar, dengan penduduk sekitar 20.000 jiwa (Stlb. 1906 No. 122 dan Stlb. 1926 No. 370). Tahun 1942, Kota Cirebon kembali diperluas menjadi 2.450 hektar.

Pada masa kemerdekaan, wilayah Kesultanan Cirebon menjadi bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Secara umum, wilayah Kesultanan Cirebon tercakup dalam Kota Cirebon dan Kabupaten Cirebon, yang secara administratif masing-masing dipimpin oleh pejabat pemerintah Indonesia yaitu walikota dan bupati.

Perkembangan terakhir

Setelah masa kemerdekaan Indonesia, Kesultanan Cirebon tidak lagi merupakan pusat dari pemerintahan dan pengembangan agama Islam. Meskipun demikian keraton-keraton yang ada tetap menjalankan perannya sebagai pusat kebudayaan masyarakat khususnya di wilayah Cirebon dan sekitarnya. Kesultanan Cirebon turut serta dalam berbagai upacara dan perayaan adat masyarakat dan telah beberapa kali ambil bagian dalam Festival Keraton Nusantara (FKN).

Umumnya, Keraton Kasepuhan sebagai istana Sultan Sepuh dianggap yang paling penting karena merupakan keraton tertua yang berdiri tahun 1529, sedangkan Keraton Kanoman sebagai istana Sultan Anom berdiri tahun 1622, dan yang terkemudian adalah Keraton Kacirebonan dan Keraton Kaprabonan.

Pada awal bulan Maret 2003, telah terjadi konflik internal di keraton Kanoman, antara Pangeran Raja Muhammad Emirudin dan Pangeran Elang Muhammad Saladin, untuk pengangkatan tahta Sultan Kanoman XII. Pelantikan kedua sultan ini diperkirakan menimbulkan perpecahan di kalangan kerabat keraton tersebut.

Kerajaan Islam di Maluku

Kerajaan Gapi atau yang kemudian lebih dikenal sebagai Kesultanan Ternate (mengikuti nama ibukotanya) adalah salah satu dari 4 kerajaan Islam di Maluku dan merupakan salah satu kerajaan Islam tertua di nusantara. Didirikan oleh Baab Mashur Malamo pada 1257. Kesultanan Ternate memiliki peran penting di kawasan timur nusantara antara abad ke-13 hingga abad ke-17. Kesultanan Ternate menikmati kegemilangan di paruh abad ke -16 berkat perdagangan rempah-rempah dan kekuatan militernya. Di masa jaya kekuasaannya membentang mencakup wilayah Maluku, Sulawesi utara, timur dan tengah, bagian selatan kepulauan Filipina hingga sejauh kepulauan Marshall di pasifik.

Asal Usul

Pulau Gapi (kini Ternate) mulai ramai di awal abad ke-13, penduduk Ternate awal merupakan warga eksodus dari Halmahera. Awalnya di Ternate terdapat 4 kampung yang masing – masing dikepalai oleh seorang momole (kepala marga), merekalah yang pertama – tama mengadakan hubungan dengan para pedagang yang datang dari segala penjuru mencari rempah – rempah. Penduduk Ternate semakin heterogen dengan bermukimnya pedagang Arab, Jawa, Melayu dan Tionghoa. Oleh karena aktivitas perdagangan yang semakin ramai ditambah ancaman yang sering datang dari para perompak maka atas prakarsa momole Guna pemimpin Tobona diadakan musyawarah untuk membentuk suatu organisasi yang lebih kuat dan mengangkat seorang pemimpin tunggal sebagai raja.

Tahun 1257 momole Ciko pemimpin Sampalu terpilih dan diangkat sebagai Kolano (raja) pertama dengan gelar Baab Mashur Malamo (1257-1272). Kerajaan Gapi berpusat di kampung Ternate, yang dalam perkembangan selanjutnya semakin besar dan ramai sehingga oleh penduduk disebut juga sebagai “Gam Lamo” atau kampung besar (belakangan orang menyebut Gam Lamo dengan Gamalama). Semakin besar dan populernya Kota Ternate, sehingga kemudian orang lebih suka mengatakan kerajaan Ternate daripada kerajaan Gapi. Di bawah pimpinan beberapa generasi penguasa berikutnya, Ternate berkembang dari sebuah kerajaan yang hanya berwilayahkan sebuah pulau kecil menjadi kerajaan yang berpengaruh dan terbesar di bagian timur Indonesia khususnya Maluku.

Organisasi kerajaan

Di masa – masa awal suku Ternate dipimpin oleh para momole. Setelah membentuk kerajaan jabatan pimpinan dipegang seorang raja yang disebut Kolano. Mulai pertengahan abad ke-15, Islam diadopsi secara total oleh kerajaan dan penerapan syariat Islam diberlakukan. Sultan Zainal Abidin meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan gelar Sultan. Para ulama menjadi figur penting dalam kerajaan.

Setelah Sultan sebagai pemimpin tertinggi, ada jabatan Jogugu (perdana menteri) dan Fala Raha sebagai para penasihat. Fala Raha atau Empat Rumah adalah empat klan bangsawan yang menjadi tulang punggung kesultanan sebagai representasi para momole di masa lalu, masing – masing dikepalai seorang Kimalaha. Mereka antara lain ; Marasaoli, Tomagola, Tomaito dan Tamadi. Pejabat – pejabat tinggi kesultanan umumnya berasal dari klan – klan ini. Bila seorang sultan tak memiliki pewaris maka penerusnya dipilih dari salah satu klan. Selanjutnya ada jabatan – jabatan lain Bobato Nyagimoi se Tufkange (Dewan 18), Sabua Raha, Kapita Lau, Salahakan, Sangaji dll. Untuk lebih jelasnya lihat Struktur organisasi kesultanan Ternate.

Moloku Kie Raha

Selain Ternate, di Maluku juga terdapat paling tidak 5 kerajaan lain yang memiliki pengaruh. Tidore, Jailolo, Bacan, Obi dan Loloda. Kerajaan – kerajaan ini merupakan saingan Ternate memperebutkan hegemoni di Maluku. Berkat perdagangan rempah Ternate menikmati pertumbuhan ekonomi yang mengesankan, dan untuk memperkuat hegemoninya di Maluku Ternate mulai melakukan ekspansi. Hal ini menimbulkan antipati dan memperbesar kecemburuan kerajaan lain di Maluku, mereka memandang Ternate sebagai musuh bersama hingga memicu terjadinya perang. Demi menghentikan konflik yang berlarut – larut, raja Ternate ke-7 Kolano Cili Aiya atau disebut juga Kolano Sida Arif Malamo (1322-1331) mengundang raja – raja Maluku yang lain untuk berdamai dan bermusyawarah membentuk persekutuan. Persekutuan ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Persekutan Moti atau Motir Verbond. Butir penting dari pertemuan ini selain terjalinnya persekutuan adalah penyeragaman bentuk kelembagaan kerajaan di Maluku. Oleh karena pertemuan ini dihadiri 4 raja Maluku yang terkuat maka disebut juga sebagai persekutuan Moloku Kie Raha (Empat Gunung Maluku).

Kedatangan Islam

Tak ada sumber yang jelas mengenai kapan awal kedatangan Islam di Maluku khususnya Ternate. Namun diperkirakan sejak awal berdirinya kerajaan Ternate masyarakat Ternate telah mengenal Islam mengingat banyaknya pedagang Arab yang telah bermukim di Ternate kala itu. Beberapa raja awal Ternate sudah menggunakan nama bernuansa Islam namun kepastian mereka maupun keluarga kerajaan memeluk Islam masih diperdebatkan. Hanya dapat dipastikan bahwa keluarga kerajaan Ternate resmi memeluk Islam pertengahan abad ke-15.

Kolano Marhum (1465-1486),

penguasa Ternate ke-18 adalah raja pertama yang diketahui memeluk Islam bersama seluruh kerabat dan pejabat istana. Pengganti Kolano Marhum adalah puteranya, Zainal Abidin (1486-1500). Beberapa langkah yang diambil Sultan Zainal Abidin adalah meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan Sultan, Islam diakui sebagai agama resmi kerajaan, syariat Islam diberlakukan, membentuk lembaga kerajaan sesuai hukum Islam dengan melibatkan para ulama. Langkah-langkahnya ini kemudian diikuti kerajaan lain di Maluku secara total, hampir tanpa perubahan. Ia juga mendirikan madrasah yang pertama di Ternate. Sultan Zainal Abidin pernah memperdalam ajaran Islam dengan berguru pada Sunan Giri di pulau Jawa, disana beliau dikenal sebagai “Sultan Bualawa” (Sultan Cengkih).

 

1500

Kedatangan Portugis dan perang saudara

Di masa pemerintahan Sultan Bayanullah (1500-1521), Ternate semakin berkembang, rakyatnya diwajibkan berpakaian secara islami, teknik pembuatan perahu dan senjata yang diperoleh dari orang Arab dan Turki digunakan untuk memperkuat pasukan Ternate. Di masa ini pula datang orang Eropa pertama di Maluku, Loedwijk de Bartomo (Ludovico Varthema) tahun 1506. Tahun 1512 Portugis untuk pertama kalinya menginjakkan kaki di Ternate dibawah pimpinan Fransisco Serrao, atas persetujuan Sultan, Portugis diizinkan mendirikan pos dagang di Ternate. Portugis datang bukan semata – mata untuk berdagang melainkan untuk menguasai perdagangan rempah – rempah Pala dan Cengkih di Maluku. Untuk itu terlebih dulu mereka harus menaklukkan Ternate. Sultan Bayanullah wafat meninggalkan pewaris – pewaris yang masih sangat belia. Janda sultan, permaisuri Nukila dan Pangeran Taruwese, adik almarhum sultan bertindak sebagai wali. Permaisuri Nukila yang asal Tidore bermaksud menyatukan Ternate dan Tidore dibawah satu mahkota yakni salah satu dari kedua puteranya, pangeran Hidayat (kelak Sultan Dayalu) dan pangeran Abu Hayat (kelak Sultan Abu Hayat II). Sementara pangeran Tarruwese menginginkan tahta bagi dirinya sendiri. Portugis memanfaatkan kesempatan ini dan mengadu domba keduanya hingga pecah perang saudara. Kubu permaisuri Nukila didukung Tidore sedangkan pangeran Taruwese didukung Portugis. Setelah meraih kemenangan pangeran Taruwese justru dikhianati dan dibunuh Portugis. Gubernur Portugis bertindak sebagai penasihat kerajaan dan dengan pengaruh yang dimiliki berhasil membujuk dewan kerajaan untuk mengangkat pangeran Tabariji sebagai sultan. Tetapi ketika Sultan Tabariji mulai menunjukkan sikap bermusuhan, ia difitnah dan dibuang ke Goa – India.

Disana ia dipaksa Portugis untuk menandatangani perjanjian menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan Kristen dan vasal kerajaan Portugis, namun perjanjian itu ditolak mentah-mentah Sultan Khairun (1534-1570).

 

 

Kesultanan Bacan

1521

Kesultanan Bacan adalah suatu kerajaan yang berpusat di Pulau Bacan, Kepulauan Maluku. Raja Bacan pertama yang memeluk Islam adalah Raja Zainulabidin yang bersyahadat pada tahun 1521. Meski berada di Maluku, wilayahnya cukup luas hingga ke wilayah Papua. Banyak kepala suku di wilayah Waigeo, Misool dan beberapa daerah lain yang berada di bawah administrasi pemerintahan kerajaan Bacan.

 

1569.

In 1569 a single ship, commanded by Lopez Carrasco, passing near Achin, fell in with a fleet coming out of that port, consisting of twenty large galleys and a hundred and eighty other vessels, commanded by the king in person, and supposed to be designed against Malacca.

The situation of the Portuguese was desperate. They could not expect to escape, and therefore resolved to die like men. During three days they sustained a continual attack, when, after having by incredible exertions destroyed forty of the enemy’s vessels, and being themselves reduced to the state of a wreck, a second ship appeared in sight. The king perceiving this retired into the harbour with his shattered forces.

It is difficult to determine which of the two is the more astonishing, the vigorous stand made by such a handful of men as the whole strength of Malacca consisted of, or the prodigious resources and perseverance of the Achinese monarch.

1570

Pengusiran Portugis

Perlakuan Portugis terhadap saudara – saudaranya membuat Sultan Khairun geram dan bertekad mengusir Portugis dari Maluku. Tindak – tanduk bangsa barat yang satu ini juga menimbulkan kemarahan rakyat yang akhirnya berdiri di belakang sultan Khairun. Sejak masa sultan Bayanullah, Ternate telah menjadi salah satu dari tiga kesultanan terkuat dan pusat Islam utama di Nusantara abad ke-16 selain Aceh dan Demak setelah kejatuhan kesultanan Malaka tahun 1511. Ketiganya membentuk Tripple Alliance untuk membendung sepak terjang Portugis di Nusantara.

 

1570

Tak ingin menjadi Malaka kedua, sultan Khairun mengobarkan perang pengusiran Portugis. Kedudukan Portugis kala itu sudah sangat kuat, selain memiliki benteng dan kantong kekuatan di seluruh Maluku mereka juga memiliki sekutu – sekutu suku pribumi yang bisa dikerahkan untuk menghadang Ternate. Dengan adanya Aceh dan Demak yang terus mengancam kedudukan Portugis di Malaka,

Portugis di Maluku kesulitan mendapat bala bantuan hingga terpaksa memohon damai kepada sultan Khairun.

Secara licik Gubernur Portugis, Lopez de Mesquita mengundang Sultan Khairun ke meja perundingan dan akhirnya dengan kejam membunuh Sultan yang datang tanpa pengawalnya.

Pembunuhan Sultan Khairun semakin mendorong rakyat Ternate untuk menyingkirkan Portugis, bahkan seluruh Maluku kini mendukung kepemimpinan dan perjuangan Sultan Baabullah (1570-1583), pos-pos Portugis di seluruh Maluku dan wilayah timur Indonesia digempur, setelah peperangan selama 5 tahun, akhirnya Portugis meninggalkan Maluku untuk selamanya tahun 1575. Kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini merupakan kemenangan pertama putera-putera nusantara atas kekuatan barat.

Dibawah pimpinan Sultan Baabullah, Ternate mencapai puncak kejayaan, wilayah membentang dari Sulawesi Utara dan Tengah di bagian barat hingga kepulauan Marshall dibagian timur, dari Philipina (Selatan) dibagian utara hingga kepulauan Nusa Tenggara dibagian selatan. Sultan Baabullah dijuluki “penguasa 72 pulau” yang semuanya berpenghuni (sejarawan Belanda, Valentijn menuturkan secara rinci nama-nama ke-72 pulau tersebut) hingga menjadikan kesultanan Ternate sebagai kerajaan islam terbesar di Indonesia timur, disamping Aceh dan Demak yang menguasai wilayah barat dan tengah nusantara kala itu. Periode keemasaan tiga kesultanan ini selama abad 14 dan 15 entah sengaja atau tidak dikesampingkan dalam sejarah bangsa ini padahal mereka adalah pilar pertama yang membendung kolonialisme barat.

 

1580

Kedatangan Belanda

Sepeninggal Sultan Baabullah Ternate mulai melemah, Spanyol yang telah bersatu dengan Portugis tahun 1580 mencoba menguasai kembali Maluku dengan menyerang Ternate. Dengan kekuatan baru Spanyol memperkuat kedudukannya di Filipina, Ternate pun menjalin aliansi dengan Mindanao untuk menghalau Spanyol namun gagal bahkan sultan Said Barakati berhasil ditawan Spanyol dan dibuang ke Manila. Kekalahan demi kekalahan yang diderita memaksa Ternate meminta bantuan Belanda tahun 1603. Ternate akhirnya sukses menahan Spanyol namun dengan imbalan yang amat mahal. Belanda akhirnya secara perlahan-lahan menguasai Ternate, tanggal 26 Juni 1607 Sultan Ternate menandatangani kontrak monopoli VOC di Maluku sebagai imbalan bantuan Belanda melawan Spanyol. Di tahun 1607 pula Belanda membangun benteng Oranje di Ternate yang merupakan benteng pertama mereka di nusantara.

Sejak awal hubungan yang tidak sehat dan tidak seimbang antara Belanda dan Ternate menimbulkan ketidakpuasan para penguasa dan bangsawan Ternate. Diantaranya adalah pangeran Hidayat (15?? – 1624), Raja muda Ambon yang juga merupakan mantan wali raja Ternate ini memimpin oposisi yang menentang kedudukan sultan dan Belanda. Ia mengabaikan perjanjian monopoli dagang Belanda dengan menjual rempah – rempah kepada pedagang Jawa dan Makassar.

Perlawanan rakyat Maluku dan kejatuhan Ternate

Semakin lama cengkeraman dan pengaruh Belanda pada sultan – sultan Ternate semakin kuat, Belanda dengan leluasa mengeluarkan peraturan yang merugikan rakyat lewat perintah sultan, sikap Belanda yang kurang ajar dan sikap sultan yang cenderung manut menimbulkan kekecewaan semua kalangan. Sepanjang abad ke-17, setidaknya ada 4 pemberontakan yang dikobarkan bangsawan Ternate dan rakyat Maluku.

  • Tahun 1635, demi memudahkan pengawasan dan mengatrol harga rempah yang merosot Belanda memutuskan melakukan penebangan besar – besaran pohon cengkeh dan pala di seluruh Maluku atau yang lebih dikenal sebagai Hongi Tochten, akibatnya rakyat mengobarkan perlawanan. Tahun 1641, dipimpin oleh raja muda Ambon Salahakan Luhu, puluhan ribu pasukan gabungan Ternate – Hitu – Makassar menggempur berbagai kedudukan Belanda di Maluku Tengah. Salahakan Luhu kemudian berhasil ditangkap dan dieksekusi mati bersama seluruh keluarganya tanggal 16 Juni 1643. Perjuangan lalu dilanjutkan oleh saudara ipar Luhu, kapita Hitu Kakiali dan Tolukabessi hingga 1646.
  • Tahun 1650, para bangsawan Ternate mengobarkan perlawanan di Ternate dan Ambon, pemberontakan ini dipicu sikap Sultan Mandarsyah (1648-1650,1655-1675) yang terlampau akrab dan dianggap cenderung menuruti kemauan Belanda. Para bangsawan berkomplot untuk menurunkan Mandarsyah. Tiga diantara pemberontak yang utama adalah trio pangeran Saidi, Majira dan Kalumata. Pangeran Saidi adalah seorang Kapita Laut atau panglima tertinggi pasukan Ternate, pangeran Majira adalah raja muda Ambon sementara pangeran Kalumata adalah adik sultan Mandarsyah. Saidi dan Majira memimpin pemberontakan di Maluku tengah sementara pangeran Kalumata bergabung dengan raja Gowa sultan Hasanuddin di Makassar. Mereka bahkan sempat berhasil menurunkan sultan Mandarsyah dari tahta dan mengangkat Sultan Manilha (1650–1655) namun berkat bantuan Belanda kedudukan Mandarsyah kembali dipulihkan. Setelah 5 tahun pemberontakan Saidi cs berhasil dipadamkan. Pangeran Saidi disiksa secara kejam hingga mati sementara pangeran Majira dan Kalumata menerima pengampunan Sultan dan hidup dalam pengasingan.
  • Sultan Muhammad Nurul Islam atau yang lebih dikenal dengan nama Sultan Sibori (1675 – 1691) merasa gerah dengan tindak – tanduk Belanda yang semena – mena. Ia kemudian menjalin persekutuan dengan Datuk Abdulrahman penguasa Mindanao, namun upayanya untuk menggalang kekuatan kurang maksimal karena daerah – daerah strategis yang bisa diandalkan untuk basis perlawanan terlanjur jatuh ke tangan Belanda oleh berbagai perjanjian yang dibuat para pendahulunya. Ia kalah dan terpaksa menyingkir ke Jailolo. Tanggal 7 Juli 1683 Sultan Sibori terpaksa menandatangani perjanjian yang intinya menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan vazal Belanda. Perjanjian ini mengakhiri masa Ternate sebagai negara berdaulat.

Meski telah kehilangan kekuasaan mereka beberapa Sultan Ternate berikutnya tetap berjuang mengeluarkan Ternate dari cengkeraman Belanda. Dengan kemampuan yang terbatas karena selalu diawasi mereka hanya mampu menyokong perjuangan rakyatnya secara diam – diam. Yang terakhir tahun 1914 Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah (1896-1927) menggerakkan perlawanan rakyat di wilayah – wilayah kekuasaannya, bermula di wilayah Banggai dibawah pimpinan Hairuddin Tomagola namun gagal. Di Jailolo rakyat Tudowongi, Tuwada dan Kao dibawah pimpinan Kapita Banau berhasil menimbulkan kerugian di pihak Belanda, banyak prajurit Belanda yang tewas termasuk Coentroleur Belanda Agerbeek, markas mereka diobrak – abrik. Akan tetapi karena keunggulan militer serta persenjataan yang lebih lengkap dimiliki Belanda perlawanan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan, kapita Banau ditangkap dan dijatuhi hukuman gantung. Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah terbukti terlibat dalam pemberontakan ini oleh karenanya berdasarkan keputusan pemerintah Hindia Belanda, tanggal 23 September 1915 no. 47, sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah dicopot dari jabatan sultan dan seluruh hartanya disita, beliau dibuang ke Bandung tahun 1915 dan meninggal disana tahun 1927. Pasca penurunan sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah jabatan sultan sempat lowong selama 14 tahun dan pemerintahan adat dijalankan oleh Jogugu serta dewan kesultanan. Sempat muncul keinginan pemerintah Hindia Belanda untuk menghapus kesultanan Ternate namun niat itu urung dilaksanakan karena khawatir akan reaksi keras yang bisa memicu pemberontakan baru sementara Ternate berada jauh dari pusat pemerintahan Belanda di Batavia.

Dalam usianya yang kini memasuki usia ke-750 tahun, Kesultanan Ternate masih tetap bertahan meskipun hanya tinggal simbol belaka. Jabatan sultan sebagai pemimpin Ternate ke-49 kini dipegang oleh sultan Drs. Hi. Mudhaffar Sjah, BcHk. (Mudaffar II) yang dinobatkan tahun 1986.

Warisan Ternate

Imperium nusantara timur yang dipimpin Ternate memang telah runtuh sejak pertengahan abad ke-17 namun pengaruh Ternate sebagai kerajaan dengan sejarah yang panjang masih terus terasa hingga berabad kemudian. Ternate memiliki andil yang sangat besar dalam kebudayaan nusantara bagian timur khususnya Sulawesi (utara dan pesisir timur) dan Maluku. Pengaruh itu mencakup agama, adat istiadat dan bahasa.

Sebagai kerajaan pertama yang memeluk Islam Ternate memiliki peran yang besar dalam upaya pengislaman dan pengenalan syariat-syariat Islam di wilayah timur nusantara dan bagian selatan Filipina. Bentuk organisasi kesultanan serta penerapan syariat Islam yang diperkenalkan pertama kali oleh sultan Zainal Abidin menjadi standar yang diikuti semua kerajaan di Maluku hampir tanpa perubahan yang berarti. Keberhasilan rakyat Ternate dibawah sultan Baabullah dalam mengusir Portugis tahun 1575 merupakan kemenangan pertama pribumi nusantara atas kekuatan barat, oleh karenanya almarhum Buya Hamka bahkan memuji kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini telah menunda penjajahan barat atas bumi nusantara selama 100 tahun sekaligus memperkokoh kedudukan Islam, dan sekiranya rakyat Ternate gagal niscaya wilayah timur Indonesia akan menjadi pusat kristen seperti halnya Filipina.

Kedudukan Ternate sebagai kerajaan yang berpengaruh turut pula mengangkat derajat Bahasa Ternate sebagai bahasa pergaulan di berbagai wilayah yang berada dibawah pengaruhnya. Prof E.K.W. Masinambow dalam tulisannya; “Bahasa Ternate dalam konteks bahasa – bahasa Austronesia dan Non Austronesia” mengemukakan bahwa bahasa Ternate memiliki dampak terbesar terhadap bahasa Melayu yang digunakan masyarakat timur Indonesia. Sebanyak 46% kosakata bahasa Melayu di Manado diambil dari bahasa Ternate. Bahasa Melayu – Ternate ini kini digunakan luas di Indonesia Timur terutama Sulawesi Utara, pesisir timur Sulawesi Tengah dan Selatan, Maluku dan Papua dengan dialek yang berbeda – beda. Dua naskah Melayu tertua di dunia adalah naskah surat sultan Ternate Abu Hayat II kepada Raja Portugal tanggal 27 April dan 8 November 1521 yang saat ini masih tersimpan di museum Lisabon – Portugal.

 

 

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1547.

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556.

The death of Ala-eddin took place, according to the Annals, in 1556, after a reign of twenty-eight years.

1565.

He was succeeded by sultan Hussein­shah, who reigned about eight, and dying in 1565 was succeeded by his son, an infant. This child survived only seven months; and in the same year the throne was occupied by Raja Firman-shah, who was murdered soon after.

1567.

His successor, Raja Janil, experienced a similar fate when he had reigned ten months. This event is placed in 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, from the kingdom of Perak in the peninsula, was the next who ascended the throne.

1567.

The western powers of India having formed a league for the purpose of extirpating the Portuguese, the king of Achin was invited to accede to it, and, in conformity with the engagements by which the respective parties were bound, he prepared to attack them in Malacca, and carried thither a numerous fleet, in which were fifteen thousand people of his own subjects, and four hundred Turks, with two hundred pieces of artillery of different sizes. In order to amuse the enemy he gave out that his force was destined against Java, and sent a letter, accompanied with a present of a kris, to the governor, professing strong sentiments of friendship. A person whom he turned on shore with marks of ignominy, being suspected for a spy, was taken up, and being put to the torture confessed that he was employed by the Ottoman emperor and king of Achin to poison the principal officers of the place, and to set fire to their magazine. He was put to death, and his mutilated carcase was sent off to the king. This was the signal for hostilities. He immediately landed with all his men and commenced a regular siege. Sallies were made with various success and very unequal numbers. In one of these the chief of Aru, the king’s eldest son, was killed. In another the Portuguese were defeated and lost many officers. A variety of stratagems were employed to work upon the fears and shake the fidelity of the inhabitants of the town. A general assault was given in which, after prodigious efforts of courage, and imminent risk of destruction, the besieged remained victorious. The king, seeing all his attempts fruitless, at length departed, having lost three thousand men before the walls, beside about five hundred who were said to have died of their wounds on the passage. The king of Ujong-tanah or Johor, who arrived with a fleet to the assistance of the place, found the sea for a long distance covered with dead bodies. This was esteemed one of the most desperate and honourable sieges the Portuguese experienced in India, their whole force consisting of but fifteen hundred men, of whom no more than two hundred were Europeans.

1568.

In the following year a vessel from Achin bound to Java, with ambassadors on board to the queen of Japara, in whom the king wished to raise up a new enemy against the Portuguese, was met in the straits by a vessel from Malacca, who took her and put all the people to the sword. It appears to have been a maxim in these wars never to give quarter to an enemy, whether resisting or submitting.

1568

 

Fatahillah (1568-1570)

Kekosongan pemegang kekuasaan itu kemudian diisi dengan mengukuhkan pejabat keraton yang selama Sunan Gunung Jati melaksanakan tugas dakwah, pemerintahan dijabat oleh Fatahillah atau Fadillah Khan.

Fatahillah kemudian naik takhta, dan memerintah Cirebon secara resmi menjadi raja sejak tahun 1568. Fatahillah menduduki takhta kerajaan Cirebon hanya berlangsung dua tahun karena ia meninggal dunia pada tahun 1570, dua tahun setelah Sunan Gunung Jati wafat dan dimakamkan berdampingan dengan makam Sunan Gunung Jati di Gedung Jinem Astana Gunung Sembung.

Panembahan Ratu I (1570-1649)

Sepeninggal Fatahillah, oleh karena tidak ada calon lain yang layak menjadi raja, takhta kerajaan jatuh kepada cucu Sunan Gunung Jati yaitu Pangeran Emas putra tertua Pangeran Dipati Carbon atau cicit Sunan Gunung Jati. Pangeran Emas kemudian bergelar Panembahan Ratu I dan memerintah Cirebon selama kurang lebih 79 tahun.

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Kerajaan Islam di Maluku

Kerajaan Gapi atau yang kemudian lebih dikenal sebagai Kesultanan Ternate (mengikuti nama ibukotanya) adalah salah satu dari 4 kerajaan Islam di Maluku dan merupakan salah satu kerajaan Islam tertua di nusantara. Didirikan oleh Baab Mashur Malamo pada 1257. Kesultanan Ternate memiliki peran penting di kawasan timur nusantara antara abad ke-13 hingga abad ke-17. Kesultanan Ternate menikmati kegemilangan di paruh abad ke -16 berkat perdagangan rempah-rempah dan kekuatan militernya. Di masa jaya kekuasaannya membentang mencakup wilayah Maluku, Sulawesi utara, timur dan tengah, bagian selatan kepulauan Filipina hingga sejauh kepulauan Marshall di pasifik.

Asal Usul

Pulau Gapi (kini Ternate) mulai ramai di awal abad ke-13, penduduk Ternate awal merupakan warga eksodus dari Halmahera. Awalnya di Ternate terdapat 4 kampung yang masing – masing dikepalai oleh seorang momole (kepala marga), merekalah yang pertama – tama mengadakan hubungan dengan para pedagang yang datang dari segala penjuru mencari rempah – rempah. Penduduk Ternate semakin heterogen dengan bermukimnya pedagang Arab, Jawa, Melayu dan Tionghoa. Oleh karena aktivitas perdagangan yang semakin ramai ditambah ancaman yang sering datang dari para perompak maka atas prakarsa momole Guna pemimpin Tobona diadakan musyawarah untuk membentuk suatu organisasi yang lebih kuat dan mengangkat seorang pemimpin tunggal sebagai raja.

Tahun 1257 momole Ciko pemimpin Sampalu terpilih dan diangkat sebagai Kolano (raja) pertama dengan gelar Baab Mashur Malamo (1257-1272). Kerajaan Gapi berpusat di kampung Ternate, yang dalam perkembangan selanjutnya semakin besar dan ramai sehingga oleh penduduk disebut juga sebagai “Gam Lamo” atau kampung besar (belakangan orang menyebut Gam Lamo dengan Gamalama). Semakin besar dan populernya Kota Ternate, sehingga kemudian orang lebih suka mengatakan kerajaan Ternate daripada kerajaan Gapi. Di bawah pimpinan beberapa generasi penguasa berikutnya, Ternate berkembang dari sebuah kerajaan yang hanya berwilayahkan sebuah pulau kecil menjadi kerajaan yang berpengaruh dan terbesar di bagian timur Indonesia khususnya Maluku.

Organisasi kerajaan

Di masa – masa awal suku Ternate dipimpin oleh para momole. Setelah membentuk kerajaan jabatan pimpinan dipegang seorang raja yang disebut Kolano. Mulai pertengahan abad ke-15, Islam diadopsi secara total oleh kerajaan dan penerapan syariat Islam diberlakukan. Sultan Zainal Abidin meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan gelar Sultan. Para ulama menjadi figur penting dalam kerajaan.

Setelah Sultan sebagai pemimpin tertinggi, ada jabatan Jogugu (perdana menteri) dan Fala Raha sebagai para penasihat. Fala Raha atau Empat Rumah adalah empat klan bangsawan yang menjadi tulang punggung kesultanan sebagai representasi para momole di masa lalu, masing – masing dikepalai seorang Kimalaha. Mereka antara lain ; Marasaoli, Tomagola, Tomaito dan Tamadi. Pejabat – pejabat tinggi kesultanan umumnya berasal dari klan – klan ini. Bila seorang sultan tak memiliki pewaris maka penerusnya dipilih dari salah satu klan. Selanjutnya ada jabatan – jabatan lain Bobato Nyagimoi se Tufkange (Dewan 18), Sabua Raha, Kapita Lau, Salahakan, Sangaji dll. Untuk lebih jelasnya lihat Struktur organisasi kesultanan Ternate.

Moloku Kie Raha

Selain Ternate, di Maluku juga terdapat paling tidak 5 kerajaan lain yang memiliki pengaruh. Tidore, Jailolo, Bacan, Obi dan Loloda. Kerajaan – kerajaan ini merupakan saingan Ternate memperebutkan hegemoni di Maluku. Berkat perdagangan rempah Ternate menikmati pertumbuhan ekonomi yang mengesankan, dan untuk memperkuat hegemoninya di Maluku Ternate mulai melakukan ekspansi. Hal ini menimbulkan antipati dan memperbesar kecemburuan kerajaan lain di Maluku, mereka memandang Ternate sebagai musuh bersama hingga memicu terjadinya perang. Demi menghentikan konflik yang berlarut – larut, raja Ternate ke-7 Kolano Cili Aiya atau disebut juga Kolano Sida Arif Malamo (1322-1331) mengundang raja – raja Maluku yang lain untuk berdamai dan bermusyawarah membentuk persekutuan. Persekutuan ini kemudian dikenal sebagai Persekutan Moti atau Motir Verbond. Butir penting dari pertemuan ini selain terjalinnya persekutuan adalah penyeragaman bentuk kelembagaan kerajaan di Maluku. Oleh karena pertemuan ini dihadiri 4 raja Maluku yang terkuat maka disebut juga sebagai persekutuan Moloku Kie Raha (Empat Gunung Maluku).

Kedatangan Islam

Tak ada sumber yang jelas mengenai kapan awal kedatangan Islam di Maluku khususnya Ternate. Namun diperkirakan sejak awal berdirinya kerajaan Ternate masyarakat Ternate telah mengenal Islam mengingat banyaknya pedagang Arab yang telah bermukim di Ternate kala itu. Beberapa raja awal Ternate sudah menggunakan nama bernuansa Islam namun kepastian mereka maupun keluarga kerajaan memeluk Islam masih diperdebatkan. Hanya dapat dipastikan bahwa keluarga kerajaan Ternate resmi memeluk Islam pertengahan abad ke-15.

Kolano Marhum (1465-1486),

penguasa Ternate ke-18 adalah raja pertama yang diketahui memeluk Islam bersama seluruh kerabat dan pejabat istana. Pengganti Kolano Marhum adalah puteranya, Zainal Abidin (1486-1500). Beberapa langkah yang diambil Sultan Zainal Abidin adalah meninggalkan gelar Kolano dan menggantinya dengan Sultan, Islam diakui sebagai agama resmi kerajaan, syariat Islam diberlakukan, membentuk lembaga kerajaan sesuai hukum Islam dengan melibatkan para ulama. Langkah-langkahnya ini kemudian diikuti kerajaan lain di Maluku secara total, hampir tanpa perubahan. Ia juga mendirikan madrasah yang pertama di Ternate. Sultan Zainal Abidin pernah memperdalam ajaran Islam dengan berguru pada Sunan Giri di pulau Jawa, disana beliau dikenal sebagai “Sultan Bualawa” (Sultan Cengkih).

 

.

 

1569.

In 1569 a single ship, commanded by Lopez Carrasco, passing near Achin, fell in with a fleet coming out of that port, consisting of twenty large galleys and a hundred and eighty other vessels, commanded by the king in person, and supposed to be designed against Malacca.

The situation of the Portuguese was desperate. They could not expect to escape, and therefore resolved to die like men. During three days they sustained a continual attack, when, after having by incredible exertions destroyed forty of the enemy’s vessels, and being themselves reduced to the state of a wreck, a second ship appeared in sight. The king perceiving this retired into the harbour with his shattered forces.

It is difficult to determine which of the two is the more astonishing, the vigorous stand made by such a handful of men as the whole strength of Malacca consisted of, or the prodigious resources and perseverance of the Achinese monarch.

1570

Pengusiran Portugis

Perlakuan Portugis terhadap saudara – saudaranya membuat Sultan Khairun geram dan bertekad mengusir Portugis dari Maluku. Tindak – tanduk bangsa barat yang satu ini juga menimbulkan kemarahan rakyat yang akhirnya berdiri di belakang sultan Khairun. Sejak masa sultan Bayanullah, Ternate telah menjadi salah satu dari tiga kesultanan terkuat dan pusat Islam utama di Nusantara abad ke-16 selain Aceh dan Demak setelah kejatuhan kesultanan Malaka tahun 1511. Ketiganya membentuk Tripple Alliance untuk membendung sepak terjang Portugis di Nusantara.

 

1570

Tak ingin menjadi Malaka kedua, sultan Khairun mengobarkan perang pengusiran Portugis. Kedudukan Portugis kala itu sudah sangat kuat, selain memiliki benteng dan kantong kekuatan di seluruh Maluku mereka juga memiliki sekutu – sekutu suku pribumi yang bisa dikerahkan untuk menghadang Ternate. Dengan adanya Aceh dan Demak yang terus mengancam kedudukan Portugis di Malaka,

Portugis di Maluku kesulitan mendapat bala bantuan hingga terpaksa memohon damai kepada sultan Khairun.

Secara licik Gubernur Portugis, Lopez de Mesquita mengundang Sultan Khairun ke meja perundingan dan akhirnya dengan kejam membunuh Sultan yang datang tanpa pengawalnya.

Pembunuhan Sultan Khairun semakin mendorong rakyat Ternate untuk menyingkirkan Portugis, bahkan seluruh Maluku kini mendukung kepemimpinan dan perjuangan Sultan Baabullah (1570-1583), pos-pos Portugis di seluruh Maluku dan wilayah timur Indonesia digempur, setelah peperangan selama 5 tahun, akhirnya Portugis meninggalkan Maluku untuk selamanya tahun 1575. Kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini merupakan kemenangan pertama putera-putera nusantara atas kekuatan barat.

Dibawah pimpinan Sultan Baabullah, Ternate mencapai puncak kejayaan, wilayah membentang dari Sulawesi Utara dan Tengah di bagian barat hingga kepulauan Marshall dibagian timur, dari Philipina (Selatan) dibagian utara hingga kepulauan Nusa Tenggara dibagian selatan. Sultan Baabullah dijuluki “penguasa 72 pulau” yang semuanya berpenghuni (sejarawan Belanda, Valentijn menuturkan secara rinci nama-nama ke-72 pulau tersebut) hingga menjadikan kesultanan Ternate sebagai kerajaan islam terbesar di Indonesia timur, disamping Aceh dan Demak yang menguasai wilayah barat dan tengah nusantara kala itu. Periode keemasaan tiga kesultanan ini selama abad 14 dan 15 entah sengaja atau tidak dikesampingkan dalam sejarah bangsa ini padahal mereka adalah pilar pertama yang membendung kolonialisme barat.

 

1580

Kedatangan Belanda

Sepeninggal Sultan Baabullah Ternate mulai melemah, Spanyol yang telah bersatu dengan Portugis tahun 1580 mencoba menguasai kembali Maluku dengan menyerang Ternate. Dengan kekuatan baru Spanyol memperkuat kedudukannya di Filipina, Ternate pun menjalin aliansi dengan Mindanao untuk menghalau Spanyol namun gagal bahkan sultan Said Barakati berhasil ditawan Spanyol dan dibuang ke Manila. Kekalahan demi kekalahan yang diderita memaksa Ternate meminta bantuan Belanda tahun 1603. Ternate akhirnya sukses menahan Spanyol namun dengan imbalan yang amat mahal. Belanda akhirnya secara perlahan-lahan menguasai Ternate, tanggal 26 Juni 1607 Sultan Ternate menandatangani kontrak monopoli VOC di Maluku sebagai imbalan bantuan Belanda melawan Spanyol. Di tahun 1607 pula Belanda membangun benteng Oranje di Ternate yang merupakan benteng pertama mereka di nusantara.

Sejak awal hubungan yang tidak sehat dan tidak seimbang antara Belanda dan Ternate menimbulkan ketidakpuasan para penguasa dan bangsawan Ternate. Diantaranya adalah pangeran Hidayat (15?? – 1624), Raja muda Ambon yang juga merupakan mantan wali raja Ternate ini memimpin oposisi yang menentang kedudukan sultan dan Belanda. Ia mengabaikan perjanjian monopoli dagang Belanda dengan menjual rempah – rempah kepada pedagang Jawa dan Makassar.

Perlawanan rakyat Maluku dan kejatuhan Ternate

Semakin lama cengkeraman dan pengaruh Belanda pada sultan – sultan Ternate semakin kuat, Belanda dengan leluasa mengeluarkan peraturan yang merugikan rakyat lewat perintah sultan, sikap Belanda yang kurang ajar dan sikap sultan yang cenderung manut menimbulkan kekecewaan semua kalangan. Sepanjang abad ke-17, setidaknya ada 4 pemberontakan yang dikobarkan bangsawan Ternate dan rakyat Maluku.

  • Tahun 1635, demi memudahkan pengawasan dan mengatrol harga rempah yang merosot Belanda memutuskan melakukan penebangan besar – besaran pohon cengkeh dan pala di seluruh Maluku atau yang lebih dikenal sebagai Hongi Tochten, akibatnya rakyat mengobarkan perlawanan. Tahun 1641, dipimpin oleh raja muda Ambon Salahakan Luhu, puluhan ribu pasukan gabungan Ternate – Hitu – Makassar menggempur berbagai kedudukan Belanda di Maluku Tengah. Salahakan Luhu kemudian berhasil ditangkap dan dieksekusi mati bersama seluruh keluarganya tanggal 16 Juni 1643. Perjuangan lalu dilanjutkan oleh saudara ipar Luhu, kapita Hitu Kakiali dan Tolukabessi hingga 1646.
  • Tahun 1650, para bangsawan Ternate mengobarkan perlawanan di Ternate dan Ambon, pemberontakan ini dipicu sikap Sultan Mandarsyah (1648-1650,1655-1675) yang terlampau akrab dan dianggap cenderung menuruti kemauan Belanda. Para bangsawan berkomplot untuk menurunkan Mandarsyah. Tiga diantara pemberontak yang utama adalah trio pangeran Saidi, Majira dan Kalumata. Pangeran Saidi adalah seorang Kapita Laut atau panglima tertinggi pasukan Ternate, pangeran Majira adalah raja muda Ambon sementara pangeran Kalumata adalah adik sultan Mandarsyah. Saidi dan Majira memimpin pemberontakan di Maluku tengah sementara pangeran Kalumata bergabung dengan raja Gowa sultan Hasanuddin di Makassar. Mereka bahkan sempat berhasil menurunkan sultan Mandarsyah dari tahta dan mengangkat Sultan Manilha (1650–1655) namun berkat bantuan Belanda kedudukan Mandarsyah kembali dipulihkan. Setelah 5 tahun pemberontakan Saidi cs berhasil dipadamkan. Pangeran Saidi disiksa secara kejam hingga mati sementara pangeran Majira dan Kalumata menerima pengampunan Sultan dan hidup dalam pengasingan.
  • Sultan Muhammad Nurul Islam atau yang lebih dikenal dengan nama Sultan Sibori (1675 – 1691) merasa gerah dengan tindak – tanduk Belanda yang semena – mena. Ia kemudian menjalin persekutuan dengan Datuk Abdulrahman penguasa Mindanao, namun upayanya untuk menggalang kekuatan kurang maksimal karena daerah – daerah strategis yang bisa diandalkan untuk basis perlawanan terlanjur jatuh ke tangan Belanda oleh berbagai perjanjian yang dibuat para pendahulunya. Ia kalah dan terpaksa menyingkir ke Jailolo. Tanggal 7 Juli 1683 Sultan Sibori terpaksa menandatangani perjanjian yang intinya menjadikan Ternate sebagai kerajaan vazal Belanda. Perjanjian ini mengakhiri masa Ternate sebagai negara berdaulat.

Meski telah kehilangan kekuasaan mereka beberapa Sultan Ternate berikutnya tetap berjuang mengeluarkan Ternate dari cengkeraman Belanda. Dengan kemampuan yang terbatas karena selalu diawasi mereka hanya mampu menyokong perjuangan rakyatnya secara diam – diam. Yang terakhir tahun 1914 Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah (1896-1927) menggerakkan perlawanan rakyat di wilayah – wilayah kekuasaannya, bermula di wilayah Banggai dibawah pimpinan Hairuddin Tomagola namun gagal. Di Jailolo rakyat Tudowongi, Tuwada dan Kao dibawah pimpinan Kapita Banau berhasil menimbulkan kerugian di pihak Belanda, banyak prajurit Belanda yang tewas termasuk Coentroleur Belanda Agerbeek, markas mereka diobrak – abrik. Akan tetapi karena keunggulan militer serta persenjataan yang lebih lengkap dimiliki Belanda perlawanan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan, kapita Banau ditangkap dan dijatuhi hukuman gantung. Sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah terbukti terlibat dalam pemberontakan ini oleh karenanya berdasarkan keputusan pemerintah Hindia Belanda, tanggal 23 September 1915 no. 47, sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah dicopot dari jabatan sultan dan seluruh hartanya disita, beliau dibuang ke Bandung tahun 1915 dan meninggal disana tahun 1927. Pasca penurunan sultan Haji Muhammad Usman Syah jabatan sultan sempat lowong selama 14 tahun dan pemerintahan adat dijalankan oleh Jogugu serta dewan kesultanan. Sempat muncul keinginan pemerintah Hindia Belanda untuk menghapus kesultanan Ternate namun niat itu urung dilaksanakan karena khawatir akan reaksi keras yang bisa memicu pemberontakan baru sementara Ternate berada jauh dari pusat pemerintahan Belanda di Batavia.

Dalam usianya yang kini memasuki usia ke-750 tahun, Kesultanan Ternate masih tetap bertahan meskipun hanya tinggal simbol belaka. Jabatan sultan sebagai pemimpin Ternate ke-49 kini dipegang oleh sultan Drs. Hi. Mudhaffar Sjah, BcHk. (Mudaffar II) yang dinobatkan tahun 1986

 

Warisan Ternate

Imperium nusantara timur yang dipimpin Ternate memang telah runtuh sejak pertengahan abad ke-17 namun pengaruh Ternate sebagai kerajaan dengan sejarah yang panjang masih terus terasa hingga berabad kemudian. Ternate memiliki andil yang sangat besar dalam kebudayaan nusantara bagian timur khususnya Sulawesi (utara dan pesisir timur) dan Maluku. Pengaruh itu mencakup agama, adat istiadat dan bahasa.

Sebagai kerajaan pertama yang memeluk Islam Ternate memiliki peran yang besar dalam upaya pengislaman dan pengenalan syariat-syariat Islam di wilayah timur nusantara dan bagian selatan Filipina. Bentuk organisasi kesultanan serta penerapan syariat Islam yang diperkenalkan pertama kali oleh sultan Zainal Abidin menjadi standar yang diikuti semua kerajaan di Maluku hampir tanpa perubahan yang berarti. Keberhasilan rakyat Ternate dibawah sultan Baabullah dalam mengusir Portugis tahun 1575 merupakan kemenangan pertama pribumi nusantara atas kekuatan barat, oleh karenanya almarhum Buya Hamka bahkan memuji kemenangan rakyat Ternate ini telah menunda penjajahan barat atas bumi nusantara selama 100 tahun sekaligus memperkokoh kedudukan Islam, dan sekiranya rakyat Ternate gagal niscaya wilayah timur Indonesia akan menjadi pusat kristen seperti halnya Filipina.

Kedudukan Ternate sebagai kerajaan yang berpengaruh turut pula mengangkat derajat Bahasa Ternate sebagai bahasa pergaulan di berbagai wilayah yang berada dibawah pengaruhnya. Prof E.K.W. Masinambow dalam tulisannya; “Bahasa Ternate dalam konteks bahasa – bahasa Austronesia dan Non Austronesia” mengemukakan bahwa bahasa Ternate memiliki dampak terbesar terhadap bahasa Melayu yang digunakan masyarakat timur Indonesia. Sebanyak 46% kosakata bahasa Melayu di Manado diambil dari bahasa Ternate. Bahasa Melayu – Ternate ini kini digunakan luas di Indonesia Timur terutama Sulawesi Utara, pesisir timur Sulawesi Tengah dan Selatan, Maluku dan Papua dengan dialek yang berbeda – beda. Dua naskah Melayu tertua di dunia adalah naskah surat sultan Ternate Abu Hayat II kepada Raja Portugal tanggal 27 April dan 8 November 1521 yang saat ini masih tersimpan di museum Lisabon – Portugal.

 

 

1573.

In 1573, after forming an alliance with the queen of Japara, the object of which was the destruction of the European power, he appeared again before Malacca with ninety vessels, twenty-five of them large galleys, with seven thousand men and great store of artillery. He began his operations by sending a party to set fire to the suburbs of the town, but a timely shower of rain prevented its taking effect. He then resolved on a different mode of warfare, and tried to starve the place to a surrender by blocking up the harbour and cutting off all supplies of provisions. The Portuguese, to prevent the fatal consequences of this measure, collected those few vessels which they were masters of, and, a merchant ship of some force arriving opportunely, they put to sea, attacked the enemy’s fleet, killed the principal captain, and obtained a complete victory.

1574.

In the year following Malacca was invested by an armada from the queen of Japara, of three hundred sail, eighty of which were junks of four hundred tons burden. After besieging the place for three months, till the very air became corrupted by their stay, the fleet retired with little more than five thousand men, of fifteen that embarked on the expedition.

1575.

Scarcely was the Javanese force departed when the king of Achin once more appeared with a fleet that is described as covering the straits. He ordered an attack upon three Portuguese frigates that were in the road protecting some provision vessels, which was executed with such a furious discharge of artillery that they were presently destroyed with all their crews. This was a dreadful blow to Malacca, and lamented, as the historian relates, with tears of blood by the little garrison, who were not now above a hundred and fifty men, and of those a great part non­effective. The king, elated with his success, landed his troops, and laid siege to the fort, which he battered at intervals during seventeen days. The fire of the Portuguese became very slack, and after some time totally ceased, as the governor judged it prudent to reserve his small stock of ammunition for an effort at the last extremity. The king, alarmed at this silence, which he construed into a preparation for some dangerous stratagem, was seized with a panic, and, suddenly raising the siege, embarked with the utmost precipitation; unexpectedly relieving the garrison from the ruin that hung over it, and which seemed inevitable in the ordinary course of events.

1582.

In 1582 we find the king appearing again before Malacca with a hundred and fifty sail of vessels. After some skirmishes with the Portuguese ships, in which the success was nearly equal on both sides, the Achinese proceeded to attack Johor, the king of which was then in alliance with Malacca. Twelve ships followed them thither, and, having burned some of their galleys, defeated the rest and obliged them to fly to Achin. The operations of these campaigns, and particularly the valour of the commander, named Raja Makuta, are alluded to in Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the king, delivered in 1602 by Sir James Lancaster.

About three or four years after this misfortune Mansur-shah prepared a fleet of no less than three hundred sail of vessels, and was ready to embark once more upon his favourite enterprise, when he was murdered, together with his queen and many of the principal nobility, by the general of the forces, who had long formed designs upon the crown.

1585.

This was perpetrated in May 1585, when he had reigned nearly eighteen years. In his time the consequence of the kingdom of Achin is represented to have arrived at a considerable height, and its friendship to have been courted by the most powerful states. No city in India possessed a more flourishing trade, the port being crowded with merchant vessels which were encouraged to resort thither by the moderate rates of the customs levied; and although the Portuguese and their ships were continually plundered, those belonging to every Asiatic power, from Mecca in the West to Japan in the East, appear to have enjoyed protection and security. The despotic authority of the monarch was counterpoised by the influence of the orang-kayas or nobility, who are described as being possessed of great wealth, living in fortified houses, surrounded by numerous dependants, and feeling themselves above control, often giving a licentious range to their proud and impatient tempers.

The late monarch’s daughter and only child was married to the king of Johor,* by whom she had a son, who, being regarded as heir to the crown of Achin, had been brought to the latter place to be educated under the eye of his grandfather. When the general (whose name is corruptly written Moratiza) assumed the powers of government, he declared himself the protector of this child, and we find him mentioned in the Annals by the title of Sultan Buyong (or the Boy).

(*Footnote. The king of Achin sent on this occasion to Johor a piece of ordnance, such as for greatness, length, and workmanship (says Linschoten), could hardly be matched in all Christendom. It was afterwards taken by the Portuguese, who shipped it for Europe, but the vessel was lost in her passage.)

1588.

But before he had completed the third year of his nominal reign he also was dispatched, and the usurper took formal possession of the throne in the year 1588, by the name of Ala-eddin Rayet-shah,* being then at an advanced period of life.

(*Footnote. Valentyn, by an obvious corruption, names him Sulthan Alciden Ryetza, and this coincidence is strongly in favour of the authenticity and correctness of the Annals. John Davis, who will be hereafter mentioned, calls him, with sufficient accuracy, Sultan Aladin.)

The Annals say he was the grandson of Sultan Firman-shah; but the Europeans who visited Achin during his reign report him to have been originally a fisherman, who, having afterwards served in the wars against Malacca, showed so much courage, prudence, and skill in maritime affairs that the late king made him at length the chief commander of his forces, and gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife, in right of whom he is said to have laid claim to the throne.

The French Commodore Beaulieu relates the circumstances of this revolution in a very different manner.*

(*Footnote. The commodore had great opportunity of information, was a man of very superior ability, and indefatigable in his inquiries upon all subjects, as appears by the excellent account of his voyage, and of Achin in particular, written by himself, and published in Thevenot’s collection, of which there is an English translation in Harris; but it is possible he may, in this instance, have been amused by a plausible tale from the grandson of this monarch, with whom he had much intercourse. John Davis, an intelligent English navigator whose account I have followed, might have been more likely to hear the truth as he was at Achin (though not a frequenter of the court) during Ala-eddin’s reign, whereas Beaulieu did not arrive till twenty’ years after, and the report of his having been originally a fisherman is also mentioned by the Dutch writers.)

He says that, upon the extinction of the ancient royal line, which happened about forty years before the period at which he wrote, the orang-kayas met in order to choose a king, but, every one affecting the dignity for himself, they could not agree and resolved to decide it by force. In this ferment the cadi or chief judge by his authority and remonstrances persuaded them to offer the crown to a certain noble who in all these divisions had taken no part, but had lived in the reputation of a wise, experienced man, being then seventy years of age, and descended from one of the most respectable families of the country. After several excuses on his side, and entreaties and even threats on theirs, he at length consented to accept the dignity thus imposed upon him, provided they should regard him as a father, and receive correction from him as his children; but no sooner was he in possession of the sovereign power than (like Pope Sixtus the Fifth) he showed a different face, and the first step after his accession was to invite the orang-kayas to a feast, where, as they were separately introduced, he caused them to be seized and murdered in a court behind the palace. He then proceeded to demolish their fortified houses, and lodged their cannon, arms, and goods in the castle, taking measures to prevent in future the erection of any buildings of substantial materials that could afford him grounds of jealousy. He raised his own adherents from the lower class of people to the first dignities of the state, and of those who presumed to express any disapprobation of his conduct he made great slaughter, being supposed to have executed not less than twenty thousand persons in the first year of his reign.

From the silence of the Portuguese writers with respect to the actions of this king we have reason to conclude that he did not make any attempts to disturb their settlement of Malacca; and it even appears that some persons in the character of ambassadors or agents from that power resided at Achin, the principal object of whose policy appears to have been that of inspiring him with jealousy and hatred of the Hollanders, who in their turn were actively exerting themselves to supplant the conquerors of India.

 

 

Locally produced textiles on the Indian Ocean periphery 1500-1850: East Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia

William Gervase Clarence-Smith

Ravi Palat and Immanuel Wallerstein claim that India ‘deindustrialised’ its Indian Ocean periphery, by exploiting its advanced proto-industrial techniques, especially for the production of cloth. (Pearson 1998: 109-12, 121, 126)

 

After 1500,

 

the picture was complicated by the violent irruption of Europeans, and yet they failed to dislodge South Asian cloth from its hegemonic position. All scholars agree on the continued market penetration of Indian cottons and silks in early modern times, although statistics hardly exist, and publications are patchy over the thousands of kilometres that separated Luzon from Arakan, and Mozambique from the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

 

There is a real problem in determining what the performance of

peripheral textiles might have been without imports from India. (Pearson 1998: 121-2) Anthony Reid postulates a ‘zero-sum game,’ whereby local output fell when Indian cottons surged in, but increased when imports from India were curtailed for some exogenous reason. (Reid 1988: 96) The evidence put forward in this paper does not bear out this mechanistic model. In reality, imports from India were as much a stimulus as a threat to local industries.

 

 

Complicating matters was a marked blurring of the traditional distinction between ‘manufactured imports’ and ‘local raw materials’, given that imported textiles could serve as intermediate goods. Local artisans decorated coloured cloth from abroad, printed and dyed imports of plain white cloth, and wove yarn that had been spun far away. Indeed, they even unpicked finished cloth to obtain the dyed yarn that they desired.

To further complicate matters, ‘local’ cloths sold over quite wide areas. Although peripheral textiles never became truly global commodities like those of India and China, the ability of some to transcend local contexts was a clear demonstration of proto-industrial vitality. A few of these products reached the Atlantic world, although a more consistently important outlet was probably the Hijaz. Pilgrims from all over Islamdom exchanged their cloths with fellow pilgrims, or sold it to Meccan merchants, whereas the holy city itself was almost devoid of manufacturing. (Issawi 1966: 302-3)

 

The role of early modern states was ambivalent. Europeans, representing monarchs or chartered companies, exercised a precarious overall naval hegemony in the Indian Ocean from 1500, but their attempts to favour sales of their own cloth failed dismally. They then faced the same predicament as indigenous rulers, whether to protect and tax local artisans, or benefit from lucrative import duties on Indian and Chinese products. Unlike local rulers, European thalassocracies further stood to benefit from transporting Indian and Chinese textiles.

 

General characteristics of peripheral textiles

Cotton predominated as a raw material, but other fibres were of great significance. Artisans produced silk goods for the higher end of the market, sometimes drawing on wild insects. Bast, vegetable fibres that did not require spinning, came from flax [for linen], hemp, different kinds of palm [e.g. raffia] and banana [e.g. abacá], ramie, the bark of some trees, and newly introduced American pineapple and sisal plants. Kapok was used for quilting. Bark cloth, felted rather than woven, was common in forested zones from the South Pacific to Central Africa. Where pastoralism flourished, sheep, goats, camels, and yaks supplied hair, which could be either spun and woven, or felted. In addition, hides, skins

 

and furs at times substituted for cloth. (Picton and Mack 1989; Schaedler 1987; Lombard 1978; Baker 1995; Fraser-Lu 1988; Hitchcock 1991)

Indigo was grown in many places, and typically supplied the blues and blacks of the Indian Ocean world. Almost priceless saffron, or cheaper safflower and turmeric root, yielded yellows. Reds came from coccus insects, precious woods such as sappan and brazil, or roots such as madder. Dyestuffs and mordants were widely traded. (Baker 1995: 29-31; Hitchcock 1991: 42-51)

Islam tended to imprint certain characteristics on textiles of the Indian Ocean periphery, for the sector was largely in Muslim hands.

 

Pious Muslims disapproved of luxury, and particularly frowned upon silk, which a Hadith reserved for the hereafter. That said, Shi’i and Isma’ili ulama were more tolerant than their Sunni counterparts, and political elites frequently ignored religious strictures. Another Hadith exempted cloth from the overall prohibition on representing living beings, and yet there remained a persistent iconoclastic bias against figuration. White was often preferred for men, and green for descendants of the Prophet, whereas dark blue and black served for women. Special colours were also at times imposed to distinguish unbelievers living in Muslim societies. (Baker 1995: 16-17, 62, 68; Otavsky et al. 1995: 24; Lamm 1937: 229, 242; Maxwell 1990: 328-9) Non-Muslim societies had their own preferences and cultural codes, as in Madagascar and Mainland Southeast Asia. (Mack 1989: 43-4; Fraser-Lu 1988)

 

Southeast Asian textiles

Anthony Reid states that Southeast Asia was a consumer rather than a producer of textiles, but then almost immediately writes that ‘cloth was Southeast Asia’s leading item of manufacture.’ Local cloth occasionally acted as currency, and was often paid as tax.

 

Cotton was widely grown and processed in drier areas, on either side of the

 

equatorial belt, whereas silk was more developed in Mainland areas. (Reid 1988: 90-3) In the eastern archipelago, bark cloth remained significant, connecting with the traditions of the South Pacific. (Andaya 1989: 29-30)

 

An early and widespread technique for decorating cloth was ikat, whereby lengths of yarn were dyed in different colours by tying and covering yarn to resist dyes prior to weaving.

 

Ikat was recorded in 939 CE in Java, and has been dated from the fourteenth century in archaeological sites in the Philippines. (Hitchcock 1991: 73-83)

 

More controversial are the origins of batik, a system of dyeing cloth in stages, with wax used to resist dyes. This technique, found in various locations around the world, has been dated back to the sixth century CE in East Asia.

 

It may already have been practised in Java by the tenth or twelfth century, and was possibly first mentioned in a text of 1518.

 

In any event, most scholars agree that batik was produced in Java by the early seventeenth century.

 

The finest kind was drawn by hand, but wooden blocks, on the Indian model, were also used. (Kerlogue 2004: 17-18, 20-1; Hitchcock 1991: 23, 86-9, 94, 127; Matsuo 1970: 77; Maxwell 1990: 327-9)

 

Java, Madura and Bali certainly produced a great deal of cloth, reflecting the size of their population and the abundance of raw cotton.

32; Kerlogue 2004: 19; Hall 1996:117). omé Pires was impressed by the sheer quantities of cotton cloth produced all around Java in the 1510s, albeit not so much by its quality. (Pires 1944: 169-70, 180) From Tom Pires description of  the 1510. it seems that cotton cloth was mainly woven in the uplands, where cotton grew, and was sent down to the coast. (Pires 1944: 148)

 

Traditional kingdoms of Maluku, early 15th century, and the spheres of influence of Ternate and Tidore, early 16th century

As the main reason for European interest in the Indies, the Spice Islands were amongst the first to experience direct European military intervention. Ternate and Tidore were unable to prevent first the Portuguese and Spanish and later the Dutch and English from establishing fortified trading posts in the region, though Ternate had a number of military victories over the Europeans in the course of the sporadic hostilities of the 16th and early 17th centuries.

By the middle of the 17th century, however, Ternate’s need for free trade in spices was fundamentally in conflict with the Dutch aims for monopoly. In 1652, the Dutch extracted a treaty from Ternate giving the Company a monopoly of clove production, and broke the power of local Ternatean lords in a series of bloody campaigns during the next few years. The Company then centred clove production on Ambon and sent out periodic expeditions to destroy clove trees in other regions.

The great island of New Guinea was also a major centre of population, but its people were concentrated in the interior and except on the fringes close to Maluku there is no record at all of political forms before the 17th century.

Imagining the Archipelago

Although trade routes had tied the Indonesian archipelago to China, India and the Middle East since very early times, the region remained relatively unknown to outsiders until five or six centuries ago. Long distances and the hazards of travel, together with the fact that Indonesians themselves carried most of the products of their islands to the outside world, meant that scholars in the major centres of civilization generally relied on sparse and often second hand accounts of Southeast Asia.

In the West, the Egyptian geographer Claudius Ptolemy (c. 85–165 AD) prepared a major geographical work, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, containing a compilation of information on the region gathered from traders and seafarers. Ptolemy described a Golden Chersonese, or peninsula, far to the east which is normally identified with the Malay Peninsula and he records the existence of many islands in the vicinity. Ptolemy’s geography formed the basis of most Western conceptions of the Far East until the 16th century, and also influenced some of the Arab geographers. The maps of Idrisi (d. 1165) show a good deal more detail than those based on Ptolemy’s account, but they clearly reflect an attempt to reconcile imprecise and contradictory information originating from several centuries and a wide variety of sources.

1573.

In 1573, after forming an alliance with the queen of Japara, the object of which was the destruction of the European power, he appeared again before Malacca with ninety vessels, twenty-five of them large galleys, with seven thousand men and great store of artillery. He began his operations by sending a party to set fire to the suburbs of the town, but a timely shower of rain prevented its taking effect. He then resolved on a different mode of warfare, and tried to starve the place to a surrender by blocking up the harbour and cutting off all supplies of provisions. The Portuguese, to prevent the fatal consequences of this measure, collected those few vessels which they were masters of, and, a merchant ship of some force arriving opportunely, they put to sea, attacked the enemy’s fleet, killed the principal captain, and obtained a complete victory.

1574.

In the year following Malacca was invested by an armada from the queen of Japara, of three hundred sail, eighty of which were junks of four hundred tons burden. After besieging the place for three months, till the very air became corrupted by their stay, the fleet retired with little more than five thousand men, of fifteen that embarked on the expedition.

1575.

Scarcely was the Javanese force departed when the king of Achin once more appeared with a fleet that is described as covering the straits. He ordered an attack upon three Portuguese frigates that were in the road protecting some provision vessels, which was executed with such a furious discharge of artillery that they were presently destroyed with all their crews. This was a dreadful blow to Malacca, and lamented, as the historian relates, with tears of blood by the little garrison, who were not now above a hundred and fifty men, and of those a great part non­effective. The king, elated with his success, landed his troops, and laid siege to the fort, which he battered at intervals during seventeen days. The fire of the Portuguese became very slack, and after some time totally ceased, as the governor judged it prudent to reserve his small stock of ammunition for an effort at the last extremity. The king, alarmed at this silence, which he construed into a preparation for some dangerous stratagem, was seized with a panic, and, suddenly raising the siege, embarked with the utmost precipitation; unexpectedly relieving the garrison from the ruin that hung over it, and which seemed inevitable in the ordinary course of events.

 

 

 

 

1580

In the 1580′sthere was the mission in East Java which is still part of Hindu religion; a century later, an Italian priest named Ventimiglia managed to penetrate into the interior of South Kalimantan. But the effort failed.

 

Developments in other Eastern Indonesia. As noted above, there the Portuguese could not determine its own direction they wish to travel, but more must react to the actions of others.

 

Similarly with their mission. Christianity was successfully implanted in Eastern Indonesia. Only, unlike the way the expansion of rice or other food crops, grown in a planned, but more like the grasses that grow anywhere seed carried by wind or birds. Society of Jesus tried to spread the Gospel with more regular. But in the midst of storms of war, they had not managed to instill congregations in new areas. Later, in China, Japan, and India, the Jesuits and members of other orders indicates that they are able to build a solid church, so long as they can work in peace.

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STATE OF ACHIN IN 1511.

At the period when Malacca fell into the hands of the Portuguese Achin and Daya are said by the historians of that nation to have been provinces subject to Pidir, and governed by two slaves belonging to the sultan of that place, to each of whom he had given a niece in marriage. Slaves, it must be understood, are in that country on a different footing from those in most other parts of the world, and usually treated as children of the family. Some of them are natives of the continent of India, whom their masters employ to trade for them; allowing them a certain proportion of the profits and permission to reside in a separate quarter of the city. It frequently happened also that men of good birth, finding it necessary to obtain the protection of some person in power, became voluntary slaves for this purpose, and the nobles, being proud of such dependants, encouraged the practice by treating them with a degree of respect, and in many instances they made them their heirs. The slave of this description who held the government of Achin had two sons, the elder of whom was named Raja Ibrahim, and the younger Raja Lella, and were brought up in the house of their master. The father being old was recalled from his post; but on account of his faithful services the sultan gave the succession to his eldest son, who appears to have been a youth of an ambitious and very sanguinary temper. A jealousy had taken place between him and the chief of Daya whilst they were together at Pidir, and as soon as he came into power he resolved to seek revenge, and with that view entered in a hostile manner the district of his rival. When the sultan interposed it not only added fuel to his resentment but inspired him with hatred towards his master, and he showed his disrespect by refusing to deliver up, on the requisition of the sultan, certain Portuguese prisoners taken from a vessel lost at Pulo Gomez, and which he afterwards complied with at the intercession of the Shabandar of Pase. This conduct manifesting an intention of entirely throwing off his allegiance, his father endeavoured to recall him to a sense of his duty by representing the obligations in which the family were indebted to the sultan, and the relationship which so nearly connected them. But so far was this admonition from producing any good effect that he took offence at his father’s presumption, and ordered him to be confined in a cage, where he died.

1521.

Irritated by these acts, the sultan resolved to proceed to extremities against him; but by means of the plunder of some Portuguese vessels, as before related, and the recent defeat of Brito’s party, he became so strong in artillery and ammunition, and so much elated with success, that he set his master at defiance and prepared to defend himself. His force proved superior to that of Pidir, and in the end he obliged the sultan to fly for refuge and assistance to the European fortress at Pase, accompanied by his nephew, the chief of Daya, who was also forced from his possessions.

1522.

Ibrahim had for some time infested the Portuguese by sending out parties against them, both by sea and land; but these being always baffled in their attempts with much loss, he began to conceive a violent antipathy against that nation, which he ever after indulged to excess. He got possession of the city of Pidir by bribing the principal officers, a mode of warfare that he often found successful and seldom neglected to attempt. These he prevailed upon to write a letter to their master, couched in artful terms, in which they besought him to come to their assistance with a body of Portuguese, as the only chance of repelling the enemy by whom they pretended to be invested. The sultan showed this letter to Andre Henriquez, then governor of the fort, who, thinking it a good opportunity to chastise the Achinese, sent by sea a detachment of eighty Europeans and two hundred Malays under the command of his brother Manuel, whilst the sultan marched overland with a thousand men and fifteen elephants to the relief of the place. They arrived at Pidir in the night, but, being secretly informed that the king of Achin was master of the city, and that the demand for succour was a stratagem, they endeavoured to make their retreat; which the land troops effected, but before the tide could enable the Portuguese to get their boats afloat they were attacked by the Achinese, who killed Manuel and thirty-five of his men.

Henriquez, perceiving his situation at Pase was becoming critical, not only from the force of the enemy but the sickly state of his garrison, and the want of provisions, which the country people now withheld from him, discontinuing the fairs that they were used to keep three times in the week, dispatched advices to the governor of India, demanding immediate succours, and also sent to request assistance of the king of Aru, who had always proved the steadfast friend of Malacca, and who, though not wealthy, because his country was not a place of trade, was yet one of the most powerful princes in those parts. The king expressed his joy in having an opportunity of serving his allies, and promised his utmost aid; not only from friendship to them, but indignation against Ibrahim, whom he regarded as a rebellious slave.

1523.

A supply of stores at length arrived from India under the charge of Lopo d’Azuedo, who had orders to relieve Henriquez in the command; but, disputes having arisen between them, and chiefly on the subject of certain works which the shabandar of Pase had been permitted to erect adjoining to the fortress, d’Azuedo, to avoid coming to an open rupture, departed for Malacca. Ibrahim, having found means to corrupt the honesty of this shabandar, who had received his office from Alboquerque, gained intelligence through him of all that passed. This treason, it is supposed, he would not have yielded to but for the desperate situation of affairs. The country of Pase was now entirely in subjection to the Achinese, and nothing remained unconquered but the capital, whilst the garrison was distracted with internal divisions.

After the acquisition of Pidir the king thought it necessary to remain there some time in order to confirm his authority, and sent his brother Raja Lella with a large army to reduce the territories of Pase, which he effected in the course of three months, and with the more facility because all the principal nobility had fallen in the action with Jeinal. He fixed his camp within half a league of the city, and gave notice to Ibrahim of the state in which matters were, who speedily joined him, being anxious to render himself master of the place before the promised succours from the king of Aru could arrive. His first step was to issue a proclamation, giving notice to the people of the town that whoever should submit to his authority within six days should have their lives, families, and properties secured to them, but that all others must expect to feel the punishment due to their obstinacy. This had the effect he looked for, the greater part of the inhabitants coming over to his camp. He then commenced his military operations, and in the third attack got possession of the town after much slaughter; those who escaped his fury taking shelter in the neighbouring mountains and thick woods. He sent a message to the commander of the fortress, requiring him to abandon it and to deliver into his hands the kings of Pidir and Daya, to whom he had given protection. Henriquez returned a spirited answer to this summons, but, being sickly at the time, at best of an unsteady disposition, and too much attached to his trading concerns for a soldier, he resolved to relinquish the command to his relation Aires Coelho, and take passage for the West of India.

1523.

He had not advanced farther on his voyage than the point of Pidir, when he fell in with two Portuguese ships bound to the Moluccas, the captains of which he made acquainted with the situation of the garrison, and they immediately proceeded to its relief. Arriving in the night they heard great firing of cannon, and learned next morning that the Achinese had made a furious assault in hopes of carrying the fortress before the ships, which were descried at a distance, could throw succours into it. They had mastered some of the outworks, and the garrison represented that it was impossible for them to support such another shock without aid from the vessels. The captains, with as much force as could be spared, entered the fort, and a sally was shortly afterwards resolved on and executed, in which the besiegers sustained considerable damage. Every effort was likewise employed to repair the breaches and stop up the mines that had been made by the enemy in order to effect a passage into the place. Ibrahim now attempted to draw them into a snare by removing his camp to a distance and making a feint of abandoning his enterprise; but this stratagem proved ineffectual. Reflecting then with indignation that his own force consisted of fifteen thousand men whilst that of the Europeans did not exceed three hundred and fifty, many of whom were sick and wounded, and others worn out with the fatigue of continual duty (intelligence whereof was conveyed to him), he resolved once more to return to the siege, and make a general assault upon all parts of the fortification at once. Two hours before daybreak he caused the place to be surrounded with eight thousand men, who approached in perfect silence. The nighttime was preferred by these people for making their attacks as being then most secure from the effect of firearms, and they also generally chose a time of rain, when the powder would not burn. As soon as they found themselves perceived they set up a hideous shout, and, fixing their scaling ladders, made of bamboo and wonderfully light, to the number of six hundred, they attempted to force their way through the embrasures for the guns; but after a strenuous contest they were at length repulsed. Seven elephants were driven with violence against the paling of one of the bastions, which gave way before them like a hedge, and overset all the men who were on it. Javelins and pikes these enormous beasts made no account of, but upon setting fire to powder under their trunks they drew back with precipitation in spite of all the efforts of their drivers, overthrew their own people, and, flying to the distance of several miles, could not again be brought into the lines. The Achinese upon receiving this check thought to take revenge by setting fire to some vessels that were in the dockyard; but this proved an unfortunate measure to them, for by the light which it occasioned the garrison were enabled to point their guns, and did abundant execution.

1524.

Henriquez, after beating sometime against a contrary wind, put back to Pase, and, coming on shore the day after this conflict, resumed his command. A council was soon after held to determine what measures were fittest to be pursued in the present situation of affairs, and, taking into their consideration that no further assistance could be expected from the west of India in less than six months, that the garrison was sickly and provisions short, it was resolved by a majority of votes to abandon the place, and measures were taken accordingly. In order to conceal their intentions from the enemy they ordered such of the artillery and stores as could be removed conveniently to be packed up in the form of merchandise and then shipped off. A party was left to set fire to the buildings, and trains of powder were so disposed as to lead to the larger cannon, which they overcharged that they might burst as soon as heated. But this was not effectually executed, and the pieces mostly fell into the hands of the Achinese, who upon the first alarm of the evacuation rushed in, extinguished the flames, and turned upon the Portuguese their own artillery, many of whom were killed in the water as they hurried to get into their boats. They now lost as much credit by this ill conducted retreat as they had acquired by their gallant defence, and were insulted by the reproachful shouts of the enemy, whose power was greatly increased by this acquisition of military stores, and of which they often severely experienced the effects. To render their disgrace more striking it happened that as they sailed out of the harbour they met thirty boats laden with provisions for their use from the king of Aru, who was himself on his march overland with four thousand men: and when they arrived at Malacca they found troops and stores embarked there for their relief. The unfortunate princes who had sought an asylum with them now joined in their flight; the sultan of Pase proceeded to Malacca, and the sultan of Pidir and chief of Daya took refuge with the king of Aru.

1525.

Raja Nara, king of Indragiri, in conjunction with a force from Bintang, attacked the king of a neighbouring island called Lingga, who was in friendship with the Portuguese. A message which passed on this occasion gives a just idea of the style and manners of this people. Upon their acquainting the king of Lingga, in their summons of surrender, that they had lately overcome the fleet of Malacca, he replied that his intelligence informed him of the contrary; that he had just made a festival and killed fifty goats to celebrate one defeat which they had received, and hoped soon to kill a hundred in order to celebrate a second. His expectations were fulfilled, or rather anticipated, for the Portuguese, having a knowledge of the king of Indragiri’s design, sent out a small fleet which routed the combined force before the king of Lingga was acquainted with their arrival, his capital being situated high up on the river.

1526.

In the next year, at the conquest of Bintang, this king unsolicited sent assistance to his European allies.

1527.

However well founded the accounts may have been which the Portuguese have given us of the cruelties committed against their people by the king of Achin, the barbarity does not appear to have been only on one side. Francisco de Mello, being sent in an armed vessel with dispatches to Goa, met near Achin Head with a ship of that nation just arrived from Mecca and supposed to be richly laden. As she had on board three hundred Achinese and forty Arabs he dared not venture to board her, but battered her at a distance, when suddenly she filled and sunk, to the extreme disappointment of the Portuguese, who thereby lost their prize; but they wreaked their vengeance on the unfortunate crew as they endeavoured to save themselves by swimming, and boast that they did not suffer a man to escape. Opportunities of retaliation soon offered.

1528.

Simano de Sousa, going with a reinforcement to the Moluccas from Cochin, was overtaken in the bay by a violent storm, which forced him to stow many of his guns in the hold; and, having lost several of his men through fatigue, he made for the nearest port he could take shelter in, which proved to be Achin. The king, having the destruction of the Portuguese at heart, and resolving if possible to seize their vessel, sent off a message to De Sousa recommending his standing in closer to the shore, where he would have more shelter from the gale which still continued, and lie more conveniently for getting off water and provisions, at the same time inviting him to land. This artifice not succeeding, he ordered out the next morning a thousand men in twenty boats, who at first pretended they were come to assist in mooring the ship; but the captain, aware of their hostile design, fired amongst them, when a fierce engagement took place in which the Achinese were repulsed with great slaughter, but not until they had destroyed forty of the Portuguese. The king, enraged at this disappointment, ordered a second attack, threatening to have his admiral trampled to death by elephants if he failed of success. A boat was sent ahead of this fleet with a signal of peace, and assurances to De Sousa that the king, as soon as he was made acquainted with the injury that had been committed, had caused the perpetrators of it to be punished, and now once more requested him to come on shore and trust to his honour. This proposal some of the crew were inclined that he should accept, but being animated by a speech that he made to them it was resolved that they should die with arms in their hands in preference to a disgraceful and hazardous submission. The combat was therefore renewed, with extreme fury on the one side, and uncommon efforts of courage on the other, and the assailants were a second time repulsed; but one of those who had boarded the vessel and afterwards made his escape represented to the Achinese the reduced and helpless situation of their enemy, and, fresh supplies coming off, they were encouraged to return to the attack. De Sousa and his people were at length almost all cut to pieces, and those who survived, being desperately wounded, were overpowered, and led prisoners to the king, who unexpectedly treated them with extraordinary kindness, in order to cover the designs he harboured, and pretended to lament the fate of their brave commander. He directed them to fix upon one of their companions, who should go in his name to the governor of Malacca, to desire he would immediately send to take possession of the ship, which he meant to restore, as well as to liberate them. He hoped by this artifice to draw more of the Portuguese into his power, and at the same time to effect a purpose of a political nature. A war had recently broken out between him and the king of Aru, the latter of whom had deputed ambassadors to Malacca, to solicit assistance, in return for his former services, and which was readily promised to him. It was highly the interest of the king of Achin to prevent this junction, and therefore, though determined to relax nothing in his plans of revenge, he hastened to dispatch Antonio Caldeira, one of the captives, with proposals of accommodation and alliance, offering to restore not only this vessel, but also the artillery which he had taken at Pase. These terms appeared to the governor too advantageous to be rejected. Conceiving a favourable idea of the king’s intentions, from the confidence which Caldeira, who was deceived by the humanity shown to the wounded captives, appeared to place in his sincerity, he became deaf to the representations that were made to him by more experienced persons of his insidious character. A message was sent back, agreeing to accept his friendship on the proposed conditions, and engaging to withhold the promised succours from the king of Aru. Caldeira, in his way to Achin, touched at an island, where he was cut off with those who accompanied him. The ambassadors from Aru being acquainted with this breach of faith, retired in great disgust, and the king, incensed at the ingratitude shown him, concluded a peace with Achin; but not till after an engagement between their fleets had taken place, in which the victory remained undecided.

In order that he might learn the causes of the obscurity in which his negotiations with Malacca rested, Ibrahim dispatched a secret messenger to Senaia Raja, bandhara of that city, with whom he held a correspondence; desiring also to be informed of the strength of the garrison. Hearing in answer that the governor newly arrived was inclined to think favourably of him, he immediately sent an ambassador to wait on him with assurances of his pacific and friendly disposition, who returned in company with persons empowered, on the governor’s part, to negotiate a treaty of commerce. These, upon their arrival at Achin, were loaded with favours and costly presents, the news of which quickly flew to Malacca, and, the business they came on being adjusted, they were suffered to depart; but they had not sailed far before they were overtaken by boats sent after them, and were stripped and murdered. The governor, who had heard of their setting out, concluded they were lost by accident. Intelligence of this mistaken opinion was transmitted to the king, who thereupon had the audacity to request that he might be honoured with the presence of some Portuguese of rank and consequence in his capital, to ratify in a becoming manner the articles that had been drawn up; as he ardently wished to see that nation trafficking freely in his dominions.

1529.

The deluded governor, in compliance with this request, adopted the resolution of sending thither a large ship under the command of Manuel Pacheco, with a rich cargo, the property of himself and several merchants of Malacca, who themselves embarked with the idea of making extraordinary profits. Senaia conveyed notice of this preparation to Achin, informing the king at the same time that, if he could make himself master of this vessel, Malacca must fall an easy prey to him, as the place was weakened of half its force for the equipment. When Pacheco approached the harbour he was surrounded by a great number of boats, and some of the people began to suspect treachery, but so strongly did the spirit of delusion prevail in this business that they could not persuade the captain to put himself on his guard. He soon had reason to repent his credulity. Perceiving an arrow pass close by him, he hastened to put on his coat of mail, when a second pierced his neck, and he soon expired. The vessel then became an easy prey, and the people, being made prisoners, were shortly afterwards massacred by the king’s order, along with the unfortunate remnant of De Sousa’s crew, so long flattered with the hopes of release. By this capture the king was supposed to have remained in possession of more artillery than was left in Malacca, and he immediately fitted out a fleet to take advantage of its exposed state. The pride of success causing him to imagine it already in his power, he sent a taunting message to the governor in which he thanked him for the late instances of his liberality, and let him know he should trouble him for the remainder of his naval force.

Senaia had promised to put the citadel into his hands, and this had certainly been executed but for an accident that discovered his treasonable designs. The crews of some vessels of the Achinese fleet landed on a part of the coast not far from the city, where they were well entertained by the natives, and in the openness of conviviality related the transactions which had lately passed at Achin, the correspondence of Senaia, and the scheme that was laid for rising on the Portuguese when they should be at church, murdering them, and seizing the fortress. Intelligence of this was reported with speed to the governor, who had Senaia instantly apprehended and executed. This punishment served to intimidate those among the inhabitants who were engaged in the conspiracy, and disconcerted the plans of the king of Achin.

This appears to be the last transaction of Ibrahim’s reign recorded by the Portuguese historians. His death is stated by De Barros to have taken place in the year 1528 in consequence of poison administered to him by one of his wives, to revenge the injuries her brother, the chief of Daya, had suffered at his hand. In a Malayan work (lately come into my possession) containing the annals of the kingdom of Achin, it is said that a king, whose title was sultan Saleh-eddin-shah, obtained the sovereignty in a year answering to 1511 of our era, and who, after reigning about eighteen years, was dethroned by a brother in 1529. Notwithstanding some apparent discordance between the two accounts there can be little doubt of the circumstances applying to the same individual, as it may well be presumed that, according to the usual practice in the East, he adopted upon ascending the throne a title different from the name which he had originally borne, although that might continue to be his more familiar appellation, especially in the mouths of his enemies. The want of precise coincidence in the dates cannot be thought an objection, as the event not falling under the immediate observation of the Portuguese they cannot pretend to accuracy within a few months, and even their account of the subsequent transactions renders it more probable that it happened in 1529; nor are the facts of his being dethroned by the brother, or put to death by the sister, materially at variance with each other; and the latter circumstance, whether true or false, might naturally enough be reported at Malacca.

1529.

His successor took the name of Ala-eddin-shah, and afterwards, from his great enterprises, acquired the additional epithet of keher or the powerful. By the Portuguese he is said to have styled himself king of Achin, Barus, Pidir, Pase, Daya, and Batta, prince of the land of the two seas, and of the mines of Menangkabau.

1537.

Nothing is recorded of his reign until the year 1537, in which he twice attacked Malacca. The first time he sent an army of three thousand men who landed near the city by night, unperceived by the garrison, and, having committed some ravages in the suburbs, were advancing to the bridge, when the governor, Estavano de Gama, sallied out with a party and obliged them to retreat for shelter to the woods. Here they defended themselves during the next day, but on the following night they re-embarked, with the loss of five hundred men. A few months afterwards the king had the place invested with a larger force; but in the interval the works had been repaired and strengthened, and after three days ineffectual attempt the Achinese were again constrained to retire.

1547.

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556.

The death of Ala-eddin took place, according to the Annals, in 1556, after a reign of twenty-eight years.

1565.

He was succeeded by sultan Hussein­shah, who reigned about eight, and dying in 1565 was succeeded by his son, an infant. This child survived only seven months; and in the same year the throne was occupied by Raja Firman-shah, who was murdered soon after.

1567.

His successor, Raja Janil, experienced a similar fate when he had reigned ten months. This event is placed in 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, from the kingdom of Perak in the peninsula, was the next who ascended the throne.

1567.

The western powers of India having formed a league for the purpose of extirpating the Portuguese, the king of Achin was invited to accede to it, and, in conformity with the engagements by which the respective parties were bound, he prepared to attack them in Malacca, and carried thither a numerous fleet, in which were fifteen thousand people of his own subjects, and four hundred Turks, with two hundred pieces of artillery of different sizes. In order to amuse the enemy he gave out that his force was destined against Java, and sent a letter, accompanied with a present of a kris, to the governor, professing strong sentiments of friendship. A person whom he turned on shore with marks of ignominy, being suspected for a spy, was taken up, and being put to the torture confessed that he was employed by the Ottoman emperor and king of Achin to poison the principal officers of the place, and to set fire to their magazine. He was put to death, and his mutilated carcase was sent off to the king. This was the signal for hostilities. He immediately landed with all his men and commenced a regular siege. Sallies were made with various success and very unequal numbers. In one of these the chief of Aru, the king’s eldest son, was killed. In another the Portuguese were defeated and lost many officers. A variety of stratagems were employed to work upon the fears and shake the fidelity of the inhabitants of the town. A general assault was given in which, after prodigious efforts of courage, and imminent risk of destruction, the besieged remained victorious. The king, seeing all his attempts fruitless, at length departed, having lost three thousand men before the walls, beside about five hundred who were said to have died of their wounds on the passage. The king of Ujong-tanah or Johor, who arrived with a fleet to the assistance of the place, found the sea for a long distance covered with dead bodies. This was esteemed one of the most desperate and honourable sieges the Portuguese experienced in India, their whole force consisting of but fifteen hundred men, of whom no more than two hundred were Europeans.

1568.

In the following year a vessel from Achin bound to Java, with ambassadors on board to the queen of Japara, in whom the king wished to raise up a new enemy against the Portuguese, was met in the straits by a vessel from Malacca, who took her and put all the people to the sword. It appears to have been a maxim in these wars never to give quarter to an enemy, whether resisting or submitting.

1568

Fatahillah (1568-1570)

Kekosongan pemegang kekuasaan itu kemudian diisi dengan mengukuhkan pejabat keraton yang selama Sunan Gunung Jati melaksanakan tugas dakwah, pemerintahan dijabat oleh Fatahillah atau Fadillah Khan.

Fatahillah kemudian naik takhta, dan memerintah Cirebon secara resmi menjadi raja sejak tahun 1568. Fatahillah menduduki takhta kerajaan Cirebon hanya berlangsung dua tahun karena ia meninggal dunia pada tahun 1570, dua tahun setelah Sunan Gunung Jati wafat dan dimakamkan berdampingan dengan makam Sunan Gunung Jati di Gedung Jinem Astana Gunung Sembung.

Panembahan Ratu I (1570-1649)

Sepeninggal Fatahillah, oleh karena tidak ada calon lain yang layak menjadi raja, takhta kerajaan jatuh kepada cucu Sunan Gunung Jati yaitu Pangeran Emas putra tertua Pangeran Dipati Carbon atau cicit Sunan Gunung Jati. Pangeran Emas kemudian bergelar Panembahan Ratu I dan memerintah Cirebon selama kurang lebih 79 tahun.

In 1574,

the people of Ternate expelled portugeus , as Japan did in 1637.

The greatest threat to Portugal, however, came from the Dutch and English trading companies.

Portuguese influence was then limited to Larantuka, which remained in their hands until 1859

1582.

In 1582 we find the king appearing again before Malacca with a hundred and fifty sail of vessels. After some skirmishes with the Portuguese ships, in which the success was nearly equal on both sides, the Achinese proceeded to attack Johor, the king of which was then in alliance with Malacca. Twelve ships followed them thither, and, having burned some of their galleys, defeated the rest and obliged them to fly to Achin. The operations of these campaigns, and particularly the valour of the commander, named Raja Makuta, are alluded to in Queen Elizabeth’s letter to the king, delivered in 1602 by Sir James Lancaster.

About three or four years after this misfortune Mansur-shah prepared a fleet of no less than three hundred sail of vessels, and was ready to embark once more upon his favourite enterprise, when he was murdered, together with his queen and many of the principal nobility, by the general of the forces, who had long formed designs upon the crown.

1585.

This was perpetrated in May 1585, when he had reigned nearly eighteen years. In his time the consequence of the kingdom of Achin is represented to have arrived at a considerable height, and its friendship to have been courted by the most powerful states. No city in India possessed a more flourishing trade, the port being crowded with merchant vessels which were encouraged to resort thither by the moderate rates of the customs levied; and although the Portuguese and their ships were continually plundered, those belonging to every Asiatic power, from Mecca in the West to Japan in the East, appear to have enjoyed protection and security. The despotic authority of the monarch was counterpoised by the influence of the orang-kayas or nobility, who are described as being possessed of great wealth, living in fortified houses, surrounded by numerous dependants, and feeling themselves above control, often giving a licentious range to their proud and impatient tempers.

The late monarch’s daughter and only child was married to the king of Johor,* by whom she had a son, who, being regarded as heir to the crown of Achin, had been brought to the latter place to be educated under the eye of his grandfather. When the general (whose name is corruptly written Moratiza) assumed the powers of government, he declared himself the protector of this child, and we find him mentioned in the Annals by the title of Sultan Buyong (or the Boy).

(*Footnote. The king of Achin sent on this occasion to Johor a piece of ordnance, such as for greatness, length, and workmanship (says Linschoten), could hardly be matched in all Christendom. It was afterwards taken by the Portuguese, who shipped it for Europe, but the vessel was lost in her passage.)

.

1580

In the 1580′s

there was the mission in East Java which is still part of Hindu religion; a century later, an Italian priest named Ventimiglia managed to penetrate into the interior of South Kalimantan. But the effort failed.

 

Developments in other Eastern Indonesia. As noted above, there the Portuguese could not determine its own direction they wish to travel, but more must react to the actions of others. Similarly with their mission. Christianity was successfully implanted in Eastern Indonesia. Only, unlike the way the expansion of rice or other food crops, grown in a planned, but more like the grasses that grow anywhere seed carried by wind or birds. Society of Jesus tried to spread the Gospel with more regular. But in the midst of storms of war, they had not managed to instill congregations in new areas. Later, in China, Japan, and India, the Jesuits and members of other orders indicates that they are able to build a solid church, so long as they can work in peace.

In 1587,

following the union of Spain and Portugal in 1580,

the Spanish king allocated the royal monopoly in the Indies to Fuggers and Welsers, the Habsburg bankers of Augsburg, who formed the Companhia Portugueza das Indias Orientaes, but this change came too late to deflect the military and commercial challenge presented by the Dutch

 

1588.

But before he had completed the third year of his nominal reign he also was dispatched, and the usurper took formal possession of the throne in the year 1588, by the name of Ala-eddin Rayet-shah,* being then at an advanced period of life.

(*Footnote. Valentyn, by an obvious corruption, names him Sulthan Alciden Ryetza, and this coincidence is strongly in favour of the authenticity and correctness of the Annals. John Davis, who will be hereafter mentioned, calls him, with sufficient accuracy, Sultan Aladin.)

The Annals say he was the grandson of Sultan Firman-shah; but the Europeans who visited Achin during his reign report him to have been originally a fisherman, who, having afterwards served in the wars against Malacca, showed so much courage, prudence, and skill in maritime affairs that the late king made him at length the chief commander of his forces, and gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife, in right of whom he is said to have laid claim to the throne.

The French Commodore Beaulieu relates the circumstances of this revolution in a very different manner.*

(*Footnote. The commodore had great opportunity of information, was a man of very superior ability, and indefatigable in his inquiries upon all subjects, as appears by the excellent account of his voyage, and of Achin in particular, written by himself, and published in Thevenot’s collection, of which there is an English translation in Harris; but it is possible he may, in this instance, have been amused by a plausible tale from the grandson of this monarch, with whom he had much intercourse. John Davis, an intelligent English navigator whose account I have followed, might have been more likely to hear the truth as he was at Achin (though not a frequenter of the court) during Ala-eddin’s reign, whereas Beaulieu did not arrive till twenty’ years after, and the report of his having been originally a fisherman is also mentioned by the Dutch writers.)

He says that, upon the extinction of the ancient royal line, which happened about forty years before the period at which he wrote, the orang-kayas met in order to choose a king, but, every one affecting the dignity for himself, they could not agree and resolved to decide it by force. In this ferment the cadi or chief judge by his authority and remonstrances persuaded them to offer the crown to a certain noble who in all these divisions had taken no part, but had lived in the reputation of a wise, experienced man, being then seventy years of age, and descended from one of the most respectable families of the country. After several excuses on his side, and entreaties and even threats on theirs, he at length consented to accept the dignity thus imposed upon him, provided they should regard him as a father, and receive correction from him as his children; but no sooner was he in possession of the sovereign power than (like Pope Sixtus the Fifth) he showed a different face, and the first step after his accession was to invite the orang-kayas to a feast, where, as they were separately introduced, he caused them to be seized and murdered in a court behind the palace. He then proceeded to demolish their fortified houses, and lodged their cannon, arms, and goods in the castle, taking measures to prevent in future the erection of any buildings of substantial materials that could afford him grounds of jealousy. He raised his own adherents from the lower class of people to the first dignities of the state, and of those who presumed to express any disapprobation of his conduct he made great slaughter, being supposed to have executed not less than twenty thousand persons in the first year of his reign.

From the silence of the Portuguese writers with respect to the actions of this king we have reason to conclude that he did not make any attempts to disturb their settlement of Malacca; and it even appears that some persons in the character of ambassadors or agents from that power resided at Achin, the principal object of whose policy appears to have been that of inspiring him with jealousy and hatred of the Hollanders, who in their turn were actively exerting themselves to supplant the conquerors of India.

1596

Portuguese forts and posts in Indonesia, 16th and 17th centuries

The Portuguese Estado da India

was governed from Goa, on the Indian west coast.

It consisted primarily of a sprinkling of forts and trading posts, stretching eventually from Mozambique to Japan, and its power lay not in trade but in tax collection.

Although the Portuguese crown declared

a royal monopoly over the trade of spices from Indonesia to Europe,

the Portuguese authorities in Asia were unable and unwilling to enforce it. Instead, in exchange for payment, they issued cartaze, or certificates of safe conduct, to trading vessels within their sphere of influence and connived at smuggling on a massive scale by Portuguese returning to Europe.

The Catholic missionary Francis Xavier

commented that the learning of the Portuguese in Maluku was limited to the Latin verb rapio (‘I seize’), but that they had invented many new and imaginative ways to use it. Nonetheless, partly because of the widespread settlement of Portuguese men in the archipelago, partly because of Portugal’s control of major trading points, the Portuguese language spread widely as a second lingua franca alongside Malay. Portuguese-speaking communities survived in the region until the 19th century and many Portuguese words entered Malay itself.

The Portuguese initially had an advantage in firearms and ship design, but both advantages quickly diminished as Southeast Asians learnt European techniques and individual Portuguese took service with Southeast Asian rulers. Portugal, moreover, was a small country whose army and navy were thinly spread over a vast region, and their posts and forts were vulnerable to local emerging powers. Their efforts to control the trade routes were under constant challenge from states such as Aceh, Johor, Banten and Jambi.

 

1580

In the 1580′s

there was the mission in East Java which is still part of Hindu religion; a century later, an Italian priest named Ventimiglia managed to penetrate into the interior of South Kalimantan. But the effort failed.

 

Developments in other Eastern Indonesia. As noted above, there the Portuguese could not determine its own direction they wish to travel, but more must react to the actions of others. Similarly with their mission. Christianity was successfully implanted in Eastern Indonesia. Only, unlike the way the expansion of rice or other food crops, grown in a planned, but more like the grasses that grow anywhere seed carried by wind or birds. Society of Jesus tried to spread the Gospel with more regular. But in the midst of storms of war, they had not managed to instill congregations in new areas. Later, in China, Japan, and India, the Jesuits and members of other orders indicates that they are able to build a solid church, so long as they can work in peace.

In 1587,

following the union of Spain and Portugal in 1580,

the Spanish king allocated the royal monopoly in the Indies to Fuggers and Welsers, the Habsburg bankers of Augsburg, who formed the Companhia Portugueza das Indias Orientaes, but this change came too late to deflect the military and commercial challenge presented by the Dutch

In the sixteenth century,

 

 cotton and wild silk were dyed in ‘a thousand different colours,’ reflecting a wider palette of dyes than on the mainland. Moreover, the island did not limit raffia weaving to coarse stuffs, on East African lines, but produced fine fabrics. (Prestholdt 1998: 29-30) There was warp ikat dyeing of yarn, which was unknown in East Africa but common in Southeast Asia and Yemen. (Mack 1987: 79; Mack 1989: 33-4) Some Malagasy groups had elaborate burial ceremonies, followed by re-burials of dried remains, and shrouds of black cotton or red silk were particularly sacred and valuable in the seventeenth century. (Schaedler 1987: 428)

Production of cloth remained ubiquitous in Madagascar around 1800. Cotton dominated in the northwest of the island, and was much used on the west coast and the central plateau. The eastern and western coastal plains were the domain of fine raffia fabrics. Wild silk was widely produced, Asian insects and mulberry trees only being introduced in the early nineteenth century. (Campbell 2005: 31-2)

The saga of the Dutch in Indonesia began in 1596,

when four small Dutch vessels led by the incompetent and arrogant Cornelis de Houtman anchored in the roads of Banten, then the largest pepper-port in the archipelago. Repeatedly blown off course and racked by disease and dissension, the de Houtman expedition had been a disaster from the start.

In Banten, the sea-weary Dutch crew went on a drinking binge and had to be chased back to their ships by order of an angry prince, who then refused to do business with such unruly farang. Hopping from port-to-port down the north coast of Java, de Houtman wisely confined his sailors to their ships and managed to purchase some spices. But upon arriving in Bali, the entire crew jumped ship and it was some months before de Houtman could muster a quorum for the return voyage.

The saga of the Dutch in Indonesia began in 1596,

when four small Dutch vessels led by the incompetent and arrogant Cornelis de Houtman anchored in the roads of Banten, then the largest pepper-port in the archipelago. Repeatedly blown off course and racked by disease and dissension, the de Houtman expedition had been a disaster from the start.

In Banten, the sea-weary Dutch crew went on a drinking binge and had to be chased back to their ships by order of an angry prince, who then refused to do business with such unruly farang. Hopping from port-to-port down the north coast of Java, de Houtman wisely confined his sailors to their ships and managed to purchase some spices. But upon arriving in Bali, the entire crew jumped ship and it was some months before de Houtman could muster a quorum for the return voyage.

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago.

Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

Arriving back in Holland in 1597

after ab absence of two years, with only three lightly laden ships and a third of their crew, the de Houtman voyage was nonetheless hailed as a success. So dear were spices in Europe at this time, that the sale of her meager cargoes sufficed to cover all expenses and even produced a modest profit for the investors!. This touched off a veritable fever of speculation in Dutch commercial circles, and in the following year fivce consortiums dispatched a total of 22 ships to Indies.

 

 

(Early Dutch expedition to Java)

 

The Dutch East India Company

The Netherlands was at this time rapidly becoming the commercial centter of Northern Europe. Since the 15th Century, ports of the two Dutch coastal provinces, Holland and Zeeland, had served as enter pots for goods shipped to Germany and the Baltic states. Many Dutch merchants grew wealthy on this carrying trade, and following the out-break of war with Spain in 1568, they began to expand their shipping fleets rapidly, so that by the 1590s they were trading directly with the Levant and Brazil.

 

Thus when a Dutchman published his itinerary to the East Indies in 1595-6, it occasioned the immediate dispatch of the de Houtman and later expeditions. Indeed, so keen was the interest in direct trade with the Indies, that all Dutch traders soon came to recognize the need for cooperation-to minimize competition and maximize profits.


(Van Lisnschoten – author of the first “guide book” to the Indies)

 

The VOC’s whole purpose and philosophy can be summed up in a single word-monopoly. Like the Portuguese before them, the Dutch dreamed of securing absolute control of the East Indies spice trade, which traditionally had passed through many Muslim and Mediterranean hands. The profits from such a trade were potentially enormous, in the order of several thousand per cent.

In its early years the VOC met with only limited success. Several trading posts were opened, and Ambon was taken from the Portuguese (in 1605), but Spanish and English, not to mention Muslim, competition kept spice prices high in Indonesia and low in Europe.

Then in 1614, a young accountant by the name of Jan Pietieszoon Coen convinced the directors that only a more forceful policy would make the company profitable. Coen was given command of VOC operations, and promptly embarked on a series of military adventures that were to set the pattern for Dutch behavior in the region.

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago. Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

 

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

 

Dutch colonial era

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

 

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia. By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies. The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC. By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.

borneo
 1590: Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595: Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

Unlike the Estado da India, the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) was a joint stock company, formed in 1602 by merging several smaller companies founded in the 1590s to trade with the Indies.

The joint stock company was a relatively new commercial form which became one of the most important vehicles for the development of modern capitalism. Its essence was that investors purchased shares in a joint operation which they themselves did not necessarily operate. In this way it became possible not only to produce a very large operating capital at short notice but to separate the functions of providing capital and managing the operation.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia.

By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies.

The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC.

By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.
1590:

Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595:

Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
 1604: On March 13, 1604, King Sukadana Panembahan Giri Kusuma binding agreement with the Dutch (VOC) [15], which infuriated the Sultan of Mataram.

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago.

Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

Arriving back in Holland in 1597

after ab absence of two years, with only three lightly laden ships and a third of their crew, the de Houtman voyage was nonetheless hailed as a success. So dear were spices in Europe at this time, that the sale of her meager cargoes sufficed to cover all expenses and even produced a modest profit for the investors!. This touched off a veritable fever of speculation in Dutch commercial circles, and in the following year fivce consortiums dispatched a total of 22 ships to Indies.

 

 

(Early Dutch expedition to Java)

 

The Dutch East India Company

The Netherlands was at this time rapidly becoming the commercial centter of Northern Europe. Since the 15th Century, ports of the two Dutch coastal provinces, Holland and Zeeland, had served as enter pots for goods shipped to Germany and the Baltic states. Many Dutch merchants grew wealthy on this carrying trade, and following the out-break of war with Spain in 1568, they began to expand their shipping fleets rapidly, so that by the 1590s they were trading directly with the Levant and Brazil.

 

Thus when a Dutchman published his itinerary to the East Indies in 1595-6, it occasioned the immediate dispatch of the de Houtman and later expeditions. Indeed, so keen was the interest in direct trade with the Indies, that all Dutch traders soon came to recognize the need for cooperation-to minimize competition and maximize profits.


(Van Lisnschoten – author of the first “guide book” to the Indies)

 

The VOC’s whole purpose and philosophy can be summed up in a single word-monopoly. Like the Portuguese before them, the Dutch dreamed of securing absolute control of the East Indies spice trade, which traditionally had passed through many Muslim and Mediterranean hands. The profits from such a trade were potentially enormous, in the order of several thousand per cent.

In its early years the VOC met with only limited success. Several trading posts were opened, and Ambon was taken from the Portuguese (in 1605), but Spanish and English, not to mention Muslim, competition kept spice prices high in Indonesia and low in Europe.

Then in 1614, a young accountant by the name of Jan Pietieszoon Coen convinced the directors that only a more forceful policy would make the company profitable. Coen was given command of VOC operations, and promptly embarked on a series of military adventures that were to set the pattern for Dutch behavior in the region.

1596

merchants had set up an expedition to be sent to the Indonesia archipelago. Under the command of Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman

Cornelis de Houtman , brother of Frederick de Houtman, was a Dutch explorer who discovered a new sea route from Europe to Indonesia and managed to begin the Dutch spice trade…

, the expedition arrived in Banten in 1596. The goods it brought back to the Netherlands only produced a modest profit to the merchants who had set up the expedition

 

Jakarta

Jakarta , is the capital and largest city of Indonesia. Located on the northwest coast of Java,

 

. During the Dutch colonial era, it was called Batavia. In earlier forms it can be found as Djakarta

 

 

Dutch colonial era

 

1596

(the location of Jayakarta), Prince Jayawikarta, was also very involved in the history of Jakarta. In 1596, many Dutch ships arrived in Jayakarta with the intention of trading spices, more or less the same as that of the Portuguese.

1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

 

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia. By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies. The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC. By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.

borneo
 1590: Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595: Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
1598

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders. It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

:  One of the world’s first corporate logos, the VOC symbol. This was used widely on coinage, flags and public buildings in Dutch Asia.

Unlike the Estado da India, the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) was a joint stock company, formed in 1602 by merging several smaller companies founded in the 1590s to trade with the Indies.

The joint stock company was a relatively new commercial form which became one of the most important vehicles for the development of modern capitalism. Its essence was that investors purchased shares in a joint operation which they themselves did not necessarily operate. In this way it became possible not only to produce a very large operating capital at short notice but to separate the functions of providing capital and managing the operation.

 

The VOC also brought to its operations a charter from the Dutch government which gave it the right to administer and to make war and peace in the regions east of the Cape of Good Hope. Although it was technically a private company, its owners were from the same merchant class that dominated the Dutch Republic, and it could thus draw on the protection of the Dutch state.

 

Newly free from Spanish rule themselves, the Dutch rejected in principle the Treaty of Saragossa and its partition of the Indies, arguing instead the principle of freedom of the seas.

With a large fleet of ships willing to break the Portuguese monopoly, they were initially welcomed in Southeast Asia.

By making exclusive commercial agreements with indigenous rulers, and by direct military action against their European rivals and local challengers, they sought to create an exclusive sphere of influence in the Indies.

The inter-European contest of the 17th century involved only tiny patches of territory and relatively small numbers of indigenous people, but it determined that the Indonesian archipelago was to be the sphere of influence of the VOC.

By the end of the century, the Dutch were a significant power only in parts of Java and Maluku, but their rivals were gone or confined to insignificant peripheral regions of the archipelago – Spain to the Philippines, Portugal to Timor and a few adjacent islands, and the British to the west coast of Sumatra.
1590:

Lord of the Kingdom of Tanjungpura Panembahan Giri Kusuma embraced Islam and changed the name of the Hindu kingdom became the Kingdom of Islam Sukadana Tanjungpura-Matan.
 1595:

Sultan Banjar IV Mustainbillah be until the year 1641. He received tribute from Sambas, Trunk Lawai, Sukadana and Paser.
 1596: Dutch traders seized two junks from Banjarmasin the pepper trade in the Sultanate of Banten.
 1598: Abdul Akbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul X until the year 1659. Oliver van Noord, Dutch traders came to Brunei. [14]
 1599: Sultan of Brunei held a nexus with the Spanish in Manila.
 1600: Prince Anom Jaya Kesuma became ruler of Hedgehog.
 1600: Brother Pencin title of Great Prince who reigned from 1600 to 1643 was the first ruler who embraced Islam Sintang. This prince sent a messenger to pass the river Banjarmasin Katingan to copy the Scriptures of the Qur’an.
 1604: On March 13, 1604, King Sukadana Panembahan Giri Kusuma binding agreement with the Dutch (VOC) [15], which infuriated the Sultan of Mataram.

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

 

 

 

 

In the sixteenth century,

 

 cotton and wild silk were dyed in ‘a thousand different colours,’ reflecting a wider palette of dyes than on the mainland. Moreover, the island did not limit raffia weaving to coarse stuffs, on East African lines, but produced fine fabrics. (Prestholdt 1998: 29-30) There was warp ikat dyeing of yarn, which was unknown in East Africa but common in Southeast Asia and Yemen. (Mack 1987: 79; Mack 1989: 33-4) Some Malagasy groups had elaborate burial ceremonies, followed by re-burials of dried remains, and shrouds of black cotton or red silk were particularly sacred and valuable in the seventeenth century. (Schaedler 1987: 428)

Production of cloth remained ubiquitous in Madagascar around 1800. Cotton dominated in the northwest of the island, and was much used on the west coast and the central plateau. The eastern and western coastal plains were the domain of fine raffia fabrics. Wild silk was widely produced, Asian insects and mulberry trees only being introduced in the early nineteenth century. (Campbell 2005: 31-2)

 

Production based on imported intermediate goods

Batik was the form of textile production most clearly stimulated by imports from India, consisting of plain white cotton cloth . (Kraan 1998: 7; Matsuo 1970: 77) Fabric from South India, with its high thread density and even surface, was best suited to the batik technique, even if it was possible to employ cloth of lesser quality. (Hitchcock 1991: 86-8)

Coloured and white cloths both underwent further processing in Sumatra, which had a lively tradition of gilding and embellishing all sorts of imported stuffs. (Andaya 1989: 44) In Siak, East Sumatra, in 1823, dark blue Indian cottons were stamped with gold flowers, and decorated with borders. (Anderson 1971: 205, 355)

Yarn imports were also significant. Eastern Malaya’s textile industry was that most dependent on imported cotton and silk yarns. When cheaper English machine-made cotton yarns arrived in the early nineteenth century, they further stimulated weaving in this area. (Maznah 1996: 83-8)

In the case of the Middle East, it is frustratingly difficult to know how much Indian cloth was processed in similar ways. Imports of plain white Indian cloth, significant in Persia in the 1510s, are an insufficient guide, for men frequently wore white cotton garments. (Pires 1944: 21, 30) Artisans in Mamluk Egypt [1250-1517] seem to have printed and embroidered white cotton stuffs from India. (Otavsky et al. 1995: 26; Baker 1995: 76-7) Moreover, cotton prints developed rapidly from the seventeenth century in various areas, responding to the stimulus of Indian competition. (Baker 1995: 160; Issawi 1966: 43; Ferrier 1996: 174) American exporters of unbleached cottons had them dyed in Masqat in the 1830s, the better to appeal to African consumers, suggesting an earlier Omani tradition of processing Indian cloth. (Bhacker 1992: 147)

The situation for yarn is equally unclear. Yemen imported Indian cotton yarns by the eighteenth century, perhaps for local weavers. (Baldry 1982: 49-50) Indian yarn was also imported into Iraq, but some was sent

 

on to Mediterranean lands, and its final destination may have been Europe. (Issawi 1966: 136)

In East Africa, there were several reports of finished cloth being taken apart to obtain yarn. In Sofala, a Portuguese source described such unravelling of Gujarati cloth in the 1510s, a practice that extended further north into Zambezia. (Prestholdt 1998: 26; Pearson 1998: 122; Rita-Ferreira 1999: 116) In 1570, ‘unthreading’ was said to be common in Mozambique. (Pearson 1998: 123) Ethiopian weavers similarly imported Indian cloth for its dyed yarn in the late eighteenth century. (Pankhurst 1968: 260) Pate relied on unravelled imported silks, for the only centre of silk weaving on the East African coast. (Prestholdt 1998: 24-5; Pearson 1998: 123)

The trading sphere of Javanese, Madurese and Balinese textiles

By the early fifteenth century, Javanese cloth was being sold in North Sumatra, and possibly exported to China. (Reid 1988: 91, 94) ‘Countless’ coarse Javanese cloths, from all over the island, were despatched to the great entrepôt of Melaka in the 1510s, at a time when large amounts of Indian cloth were imported. (Pires 1944: 169-70, 180) East Java, Madura, Bali and Sumbawa were the heart of a vibrant regional sea-borne trade in cottons in the sixteenth century, including ikat cloths. A fair amount of this cloth also served for the purchase of Maluku spices. (Reid 1988: 92, 94)

 

1680 –

VOC forces attack rebel areas in Mataram.

Banten declares war on VOC.

 Sultan Ageng is replaced in coup by his son, Sultan Haji, who seeks help from the VOC.

VOC forces invade Madura,

 supposedly on behalf of Mataram.

Cakraningrat II,

uncle of Trunojoyo, takes power in West Madura. VOC retains control of East Madura.

1681 –

January 6

VOC signs agreement with the princes of Cirebon

for mutual assistance in case of emergencies, and agreeing on severe punishment if any of the three heads rebelled against the VOC. Cirebon will not build any fortifications without VOC approval, the VOC has a monopoly on pepper in Cirebon, and the princes may control the export of sugar and rice from Cirebon.

 Pangeran Puger builds a new force

 and retakes the center of Mataram, but not Kartasura. VOC forces push him back and defeat him.

VOC intervenes in Roti, puts allies in power.

1682 –

 Sultan Ageng’s supporters, including much of the population, retake Banten against his son. VOC reacts by taking Banten with superior firepower.

VOC expels English and other European traders from Banten,

and begins to control Cirebon, the Priangan, and Lampung.

Syekh Waliyullah, Islamic scholar

 and enemy of the Dutch, is exiled to the VOC post in Ceylon.

1684 –

April 17:

VOC renews its 1659 treaty with Banten

; in addition, Banten gives up its claims to Cirebon, and grants the VOC a monopoly in the pepper trade in Lampung.

April 28:

VOC cancels the debts owed by the Sultan of Banten, but only on the condition that the previous treaties between the VOC and Banten are obeyed.

 

 

Surapati, (also called Untung),

 a former slave and outlaw, now employed as a VOC soldier, attacks a VOC column and escapes. He travels across the countryside of Java gathering followers. Surapati instructs his followers to kill two officials in Banyumas who were rebelling against the authority of Mataram. He receives the gratitude of Amangkurat II, and is given refuge by anti-VOC members of the court of Mataram at Kartasura.

1685 –

 Post is founded at Bengkulu by English traders

who had been forced to leave Banten.

 VOC forces treaty on Sultan of Riau.

1686 –

February 15

VOC receives a complete monopoly on pepper in Banten.

 VOC sends an embassy to the Mataram court at Kartasura, demanding the return of Surapati.

 Amangkurat II stages a fake attack on Surapati’s residence, then has his soldiers turn to cut down VOC representatives and soldiers, with the help of Pangeran Puger. The remaining VOC presence at court leaves for Jepara. Amangkurat II sends an ambassador to the VOC at Jepara claiming that he took no part in attacking the Dutch.

In 1686,

 Amangkurat II sends secret letters to Johore, Minangkabau, English East India Co, even Siam trying to find help against VOC.

1688 –

 Local leader on Bangka (claimed by Palembang) asks for VOC protection.

1689 –

 Plot against VOC in Batavia fails; rebels flee to Kartasura.

1690 –

 VOC abandons outpost at Perak. Tea is introduced on Java.

1694 –

VOC begins contacts with Bataks around Lake Toba, Sumatra.

1696 –

Sultan Muhammad Syah of Indrapura abdicates and VOC gains influence in the absence of a ruler there.

 

1699 –

VOC introduces coffee cultivation to Java. VOC increases influence around Kutai on Kalimantan.

Notes:

In the 1500s,

the Netherlands were an important business center for Europe, where products from Russia, Scandinavia, Africa, Asia and America were bought and sold. The Netherlands during that time was ruled by Spain. By 1581, the Netherlands had rebelled against the King of Spain and had begun to govern themselves. But since Spain now had control of the Portuguese colonies, the Spanish could prevent Dutch businessmen from easy access to spices from the Indies. This was one reason that Dutch ships began to make their own voyages direct to the Indies in the 1590s. Many Dutch sailors had worked on Spanish and Portuguese ships. When De Houtman’s Dutch expedition set sail, there were experienced crewmen available to guide them to the Indies.

The Dutch introduced the fifth of Indonesia’s recognized religions: Protestant Christianity. Beside the missionary work on Java, there were soon many “orang Kristen” around Manado on Sulawesi, in Ambon, and around Kupang on Timor and nearby Roti. The VOC, being mostly a business, had very little interest in spreading religion. However, it banned the practice of Catholicism wherever it could.

By this time, the VOC was probably the largest business enterprise anywhere in the world, with tens of thousands of employees. The territories controlled by the VOC were not only in Indonesia: in the mid-1600s, they also included Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and the Cape area in what is now South Africa. The VOC also had “factories”, warehouses and offices in Thailand, Japan, Iran, Yemen, and Canton in China.

 

 

 

17th century

 

1602

The success of Cornelis de Houtman’s first trip to Indonesia sparked a blaze of excitement in Dutch merchant houses, and what followed was a period appropriately known as the Wilde Vaart, ‘The Wild Voyages’. 

Ship after unregulated ship rounded the Cape of Good Hope heading east.  They belonged to a burgeoning crop of rival companies and most of them returned successfully.  In 1599 the first Dutch fleet reached Maluku and the Bandas, and racked up a magnificent 400 per cent profit in the process, and having apparently made amends for de Houtman’s earlier vandalism, four rival Dutch spice agencies set themselves up in Banten. Meanwhile, the Portuguese were still hanging around in their worm-eaten carracks, and the British too were plying the waters of the Spice Islands.

It was a free for all, and, as gold rushes are wont to do, it risked precipitating a collapse of the European spice market, and so,

in the early spring of 1602, the rival Dutch trading houses came together to form the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compangnie, or the United East India Company, known forever more in the interests of brevity as the VOC.

  

Gentlemen’s Club: The Heeren XVII

It was run from Amsterdam by a board of directors drawn in various numbers from each of the Netherlands’ six regions.  There were 17 of these black-coated grandees;

they were known as the Heeren XVII, the Seventeen Gentlemen, and they exercised power over the operations of the VOC like a council of the gods.  They had a government charter which gave them a semblance of sovereign power, and they had near total autonomy in their actions in the East.

 

1606

Ternate

by Francois Valentijn, 1726:

in this print is showed also the map of the Spanish town Nuestra Seńora del Rosario (Gammalamma).

The Spaniards, that after the conquest of Ternate, in 1606,

were at least nominally masters of the spice islands, did not succed to contrast the successive return of Dutch that formed an alliance with the rebellious Ternatens. The Spanish occupation was mainly a military occupation, because of the hostility of theTernatens and the Dutch, than after the Spanish conquest of Ternate, returned more battle-trained.

The contest between Aceh and Johor revived during the first half of the 17th century, when Acehnese power grew once again under Sultan Iskandar Muda. Aceh dominated the western coast of Sumatra and challenged Johor on the peninsula and in the strait

 

 

 

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17th century

1600.

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, “and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned.”* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer’s autograph.)

In 1601

a Dutch fleet drove the Portuguese from Banten,

1602

In 1602,

therefore, they formed the United Dutch East India Company (known by its Dutch initials-VOC), one of the first joint-stock corporations in history. It was capitalized at more than 6 million guilders and empowered by the states-general to negotioate treaties, raise armies, build fortresses and wage war on behalf of the Netherlands in Asia.

 

Unlike the Estado da India, the Dutch East India Company (VOC, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) was a joint stock company, formed in 1602 by merging several smaller companies founded in the 1590s to trade with the Indies.

The joint stock company was a relatively new commercial form which became one of the most important vehicles for the development of modern capitalism. Its essence was that investors purchased shares in a joint operation which they themselves did not necessarily operate.

In this way it became possible not only to produce a very large operating capital at short notice but to separate the functions of providing capital and managing the operation.

and

in 1605

the Dutch seized the Portuguese forts in Maluku.

Solor fell to the Dutch in 1613,

For the remainder of the 16th century,

Aceh, Johor and the Portuguese fought a three-way contest for dominance in the strait.

The Portuguese never extended their territorial control beyond Melaka, but their fleets were a potent force along the coasts. Johor exercised a broad hegemony over the peninsula and over the opposite shore of Sumatra, but raids from Aceh made its tenure uncertain.

 

According to primary historical sources from the 16th century,

this kingdom is a kingdom covering an area which is now the province of Banten, Jakarta, West Java Province, and the western part of Central Java Province.

Based on the primary codex

 

Bujangga Manik (narrating the journey Bujangga Manik)

, a Hindu priest who visited the Sunda sacred places of Hinduism in Java and Bali in the early 16th century), which is currently stored at Boedlian Library, Oxford University, England since 1627),

 

limits the Kingdom of Sunda on the east is Ci pamali ( “pamali River”, now known as Kali Brebes) and Ci Serayu (which is now called Kali Serayu) in Central Java province.

16th century

the Muslim emerging forces finally defeated the remnant of Majapahit kingdom in the early 16th century.[23]

Demak under the leadership of Raden (later crowned as Sultan) Patah (Arabic name: Fatah)

was acknowledge as the legitimate successor of Majapahit.

According to Babad Tanah Jawi and Demak tradition,

the source of Patah’s legitimacy because, their first sultan,

Raden Patah is the son of Majapahit king Brawijaya V with a Chinese concubine.

Another argument supporting Demak as the successor of Majapahit; the rising Demak sultanate was easily to be accepted as the nominal regional ruler, as Demak was the former Majapahit vassal and located near the former Majapahit realm in Eastern Java.

Demak established itself as the regional power and the first Islamic sultanate in Java.

After the fall of Majapahit, the Hindu kingdoms in Java only remained in Blambangan on eastern edge

and

Pajajaran in western part.

Gradually Hindu communities began to retreat to mountain ranges in East Java and also to neighboring island of Bali.

A small enclave of Hindu communities still remain in Tengger mountain range

1601

the first British contack with what is indonesia date back to 1601 when Quen Elisabeth I sent an emissary to the sultan of Acheen (Aceh). correspondence from those early contacts is still exant in the british  library in london. World demand for spices had led the european powers to establish route to the indies, the island the today form the indonesia archipelago. Trading post and garrisons were won and lost in the European power struggle, but it was the dutch who came dominate the lucrative trade in spices.

1602

The founding of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on 20 March 1602 marked the worldwide start of share trading. The VOC was the first company to give private citizens the opportunity to participate in its capital, and the documents recording their participation are thought to be the oldest shares in the world. The Amsterdam stock exchange owns one of the few remaining copies of this very rare document, which is seldom seen by the public. This VOC share will also be on display during Visitor’s Day.

 

In 1602,

 

the English East India Company’s first voyage, commanded by Sir James Lancaster, arrived in Aceh, region of Indonesia, located on the northern tip of the island of Sumatra.  and sailed on to Bantam, where he was allowed to build trading post which becomes the centre of English trade in Indonesia until 1682. In this case, the Prince took the Dutch, arrival seriously as the Dutch had constructed many military. A military is an organization authorized by its greater society to use lethal force, usually including use of weapons, in defending its country by combating actual or perceived threats…

1615 Prince Jayawikarta apparently also had a connection with the English and allowed them to build houses directly across from the Dutch buildings in 1615. When relations between Prince Jayawikarta and the Dutch later deteriorated, his soldiers attacked the Dutch fortress which covered two main buildings, Nassau and Mauritus. But even with the help of 15 ships from the English, Prince Jayawikarta’s army wasn’t able to defeat the Dutch, for Jan Pieterszoon Coen

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

(J.P. Coen) came to Jayakarta just in time, drove away the English ships and burned the English trading post.

 

Things then changed for the Prince, when the Sultan of Banten sent his soldiers and summoned Prince Jayawikarta to establish a close relationship with the English without an approval of the Banten authorities. The relationships between both Prince Jayawikarta and the English with the Banten government then became worse and resulted in the Prince’s decision to move to Tanara, a small place in Banten, until his death. This assisted the Dutch in their efforts to establish a closer relationship with Banten. The Dutch had by then changed the name to “Batavia“, which remained until 1942.

.

In 1602 the Dutch set up the Dutch East Indies Company, Vereenigde Oostindie Compagnie in Dutch or VOC. In the Moluccas, the Dutch took a first Portuguese fort in 1605.

1605

Maluku people’s resistance against the Portuguese, the Dutch used to set foot in the Moluccas. In 1605, the Dutch managed to force the Portuguese to give up its defenses in Ambon to Steven van der Hagen and the Tidore to Sebastiansz Cornelisz. Similarly, the British fort at Kambelo, Seram Island, destroyed by the Dutch. Since then the Dutch managed to control large parts of Maluku.
The position of the Dutch in the Moluccas strengthened with the establishment of the VOC in 1602, and since then the Dutch became the sole ruler in the Moluccas. Under the leadership of Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Chief Operating VOC, clove trade in the Moluccas sepunuh under the control of VOC for nearly 350 years. For this purpose the VOC did not hesitate to drive out competitors, Portuguese, Spanish, and English. Even tens of thousands of people become victims of brutality VOC Maluku.

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

was appointed the VOC governor general for the Moluccas. He too wanted to set up an establishment in Java. He took Jayakarta in 1619. On the ruins of the Javanese town, he founded Batavia, which he named after the ancestors of the Dutch people, the Germanic tribe of the Batavians

Batavians

The Batavi were an ancient Germanic tribe, originally part of the Chatti, reported by Tacitus to have lived around the Rhine delta, in the area that is currently the Netherlands, “an uninhabited district on the extremity of the coast of Gaul, and also of a neighbouring island, surrounded by the…

1605

Early history of Christianity in Indonesia is not the same as the dawn of the Protestant Church. In 1605 the Christian religion is no longer a stranger in the archipelago.

Mung * kin once the Christian merchants from Arab khalifa or from South India to set foot in Indonesia starting from the 7th century or the 8th AD In 1323-1324 a member of the Franciscan Order, Oderico de Pordenone, visiting Borneo, the palace of Majapahit, and Sumatra. Twenty years later a messenger from the Pope met with a number of Christians in Sumatra [SGA I, 34v]. However, in this era of Christianity has not been rooted in the Earth Indonesia. Congregations that there may not leave scars, and in any case consists only of migrants.

 

Conversely, the expansion of Christianity that took place in the 16th century laid the foundation of the church that stands today. Around the year 1500 entered the Roman Catholic mission coincided with the soldiers and Portuguese and Spanish traders. In those days people of Spain and Portugal had just managed to repel the Arab rulers of Europe, but the Islamic kingdoms in North Africa remains a security threat to Southern Europe. At that time the Turks launched a great attack in the name of Islam in Southeast Europe.

They conquered Christian countries in the Balkan peninsula and in 1529 invaded the country instead of Germany.

 

Europeans feel besieged, and attempting to make a counter-attack by moving the circular. That way they hope to also get direct access to areas of origin of luxury goods as long as it reached Europe through the mediator in the East Indies and Egypt or Turkey.

 

Then they explore the ocean to find a way to “the Indies”, which is located behind the Turkish camp.For them, the Indian was a fairy tale, the source of unimaginable wealth. As he sailed westward, the Spaniards discovered America, which at first they thought were “the Indies” (so-called natives “Indians”). A few years later, the Portuguese managed to reach the “Indies” the truth, namely the Indian Ocean region, and immediately began a military and economic war against the Muslims there, who they view as a ally of the Turks.

 

They are not strong enough to colonize a large area, but only seize or establish a series of fortress along the trade route that stretched from India to Indonesia and China Eastern. Main strongholds is Goa (west coast of India), Malacca (Malaysia area now), Ternate and Solor (off the coast of Flores), as well as the Macao (China offshore). From their base in America, the Spaniards colonize and Christianize the North and Central Philippine region. At a later date, their influence extends to the islands of Sangihe and North Maluku.

 

It is clear that the activities of Europeans in Indonesia, particularly the Portuguese, religious motives, military motifs, and motifs interwoven trade. So fortresses they have dual functions. In it there is a military barracks, warehouses for merchandise, and a church building.

 

The priests serving the soldiers and merchants in the fort. Sometimes they also came out to bring Christianity to the natives who live around the fort. But in general spread of the gospel does not become their primary goal. Said one high official of the Portuguese era: “They come with a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other.

 

But when they found wealth, they immediately rule out the cross and fill their pockets “. The most active group mission is to perform the work of the clergy of the order, in particular members of the Society of Jesus (SJ) who worked in Asia since the 1540s. Beside them, the Order of Franciscans and Dominicans also need to be called.

 

Laying the Basic Christian Church

 

Here we only give an outline of the history of Catholic missions in the 16th century and the 17th. Who want to know the ropes can find in the work history of the Catholic Church in Indonesia, Volume I, and the Yeast Carita I. We will successively discuss the development of western Indonesian archipelago and in the East.

 

At the time the Portuguese arrived in the archipelago, the inhabitants of coastal areas of Sumatra and Java had converted to Islam.

 

After all, in terms of politics they are relatively compact, they have formed a powerful kingdom with a relatively large area, such as Aceh, Johor, Banten and Demak.

 

Therefore, the mission did not succeed to get a foothold there. Only in the city of Malacca, which in the 1511-1641 period is the main stronghold in the east of Portuguese Goa, there is a rather large Christian congregation, headed by a bishop. But this congregation is made up of immigrants from Europe and their descendants. Elsewhere in the western part of the archipelago there is never a stable congregation.

.

1606:

On February 14, 1606, an expedition led by Koopman Gillis Michaelszoon Dutch first arrived in Banjarmasin, because of bad temperament captain was killed in a riot. [16]
 1607:

Aji Mas Anom Paser Indra became the ruler until the year 1644.
 1607: June 7, 1607 expedition led by Koopman VOC Michaelszoon Gillis arrived in Banjarmasin, all the crew were killed in retaliation for the seizure of Banjar junks in Banten in 1596. [17]

 

 

1609:

On October 1, VOC conduct cooperation pact with the Prince Duke of Sambas. [18]
 1610:

Aji violated Kutai VII became King until the year 1635.

the first Dutch governor-general, 1609–1614,

1610:

King maimed became ruler based in Pekana porcupine, Authorship.
 1612:

In May 1612, fire destroyed the Dutch Company Banjar Banjar Old Empire’s capital, so capital was moved to Martapura. British trade partnership, chaired by Sir Henry Middleton coming to Brunei.

Pada tahun 1612

di pesisir  Timur  Sumatera bagian utara beridir kerajaan Aru(haru).Telah berdiri kerajaan dihulu sungai petani  dan sungai lalang  yang merupakan cikal bakal kesultanan deli.Menurut Hikayat deli Putra Raja India yang bernama Hisyamudin atau Muhamad Dalhik,seorang turunan dari Zulkarnaen Syehk Batraludin Khan dari negeri Sindhi Hindustan India. Ia merantau kearah Nusnatara Ini dan kapalnya tengelam didekat Kuala Pasai  sehuingga terdampar di Pasai, ketika itu ada kenduri besar di Negeri Pasai karena Raja baru saja mangkat, Sewaktu beliau diberi makanan diatas daun pisang  beliau tidak memakannya.Seketika itu tahulah masyarakat bahwa beliau bukan turunan rakyat biasa.Beliau tidak lama menetap di Negeri Pasai.Muhamad Dahlik meneruskan perjalannya ke kota raja(Bandar Aceh sekarang) dengan memakai nama samaran Labai Hitam.

Di Pasai ini Dalhik sempat menikah dengan putri Sultan Samudra Aceh ,  Chandra Dewi ,Pada masa itu dipimpin oleh Raja Iskandar Muda dan beliau menghadapi kesulitan menghadapi perusuh bangsa RUM(turki) yang membuat kekacauan di Pasai.Dengan keahliannya dalam bela diri,Dalhik dapat membunuh satu perusuh tersebut dan menaklukkan gajah yang bernama Ganda Suli ,melihat kehebatannya Muhamad Dalhik diberi gelar Panglima Gocah Pahlawan(Gocah mungkin berasal dari kata Khuja atau Koja)

Pada Abad ke 15 berdiri kerajaan  Haru atau Aru  yang dapat dibaca dalam laporan Fei Sin (1436).Aru terletak didepan pulau Sembilan dengan angin yang baik dapat smapai kesitu dari Malaka dalam waktu 3 hari 3 malam ,hasil negeri itu hanya kopra dan pisang ,hasil ini ditukar dengan kapal asing dengansutra,  manik-manik dan keramik.JUga menurut catatan  buku Al Muhil  seorang Laksmana Turki  Sidi Ali Celebi(1554) adanya kerjaan Aru dengan kota Medina(medan sekarang) sebagai Bandar besar setelah meliwati Pulau  Berhala.

Menurut Laporan seorang portugis,Tome Pirres ,Aru adalah kerajaan yang terbesar di Sumatra ,rakyatnya banyak tetapi tidak kaya karena perdaganan.Aru mempunyai kapal yang sangat kencang dan kuat daya penghancurnya >Raja Aru beragama Idslam dan hidup diperdalaman ,negeri ini memiliki banyak sungai dan berawa-rawa  sehingga sulit dimasuki. Aru bnayak menghasil padi,daging,buah-buahan  dan arak juga kapur barus berkualitas tinggi,rotan,lilin ,emas,madu,benzoin dan budak-budak.

Aru mempunyai pasar budak yang dinamkan Arqat, (Rantau Prapat sekarang) ,Aru mendapat barang dagangannya dari Pasai ,pedir,Fansur dan minangkabau .

Wilayah kerajaan aru  pesisir Sumatra timur yaitu dampai  batas  Tamiang dan Rokan ,pada tahun 1612 Kerajaan Aru dapat ditak;lukan oleh kerajaan Samudar Pasai dibawah pimpinan Panglima Gocah Pahlawan, yang akhirnya diangkat oleh Raja iskandar Muda sebagai perwakilan Aceh di Sumatera Timur.yang berkeudukan di sungai lalang( Deli Tua).

1612

in 1612, in Tolucco (Fort Hollandia). The main Dutch base of the  Moluccas remained however the fort of Malayo. In a few years, practically the greater part of the island of Ternate had been lost to the Spanish control.

 

Great aid in this reached to the Dutch from their natural allies the Ternatens. In the same years in which these forts in Ternate were built, the Dutch control extended also to the other islands of the archipelago. Starting from 1608 also all the island of Makian was occupied by the Dutch who constructed to three fortresses long the coasts of the island. Makian was the richer island in absolute than nail of ambita garofano and that more from the Dutch who aimed to control the commerce of the spices. Another fortress, Fort Nassau, was built in 1609 in the island of Moti (Motir), island situated between Tidore and Maquiem (Machian), also this island was rich of cloves. In 1609, also the Spanish fort of Bachan was captured by the Dutch commandants vice admiral Simon Jansz Hoen. Practically after 1606, and between 1607 and 1610, the Dutch with theirs ally succeeded to force the Spanish on the defensive and took the control of great part of the islands. Under the Spanish control only remained the southern side of the island of Ternate (where was the main town of “Nuestra Seńora del Rosario”), the entire island of Tidore and some ports in the islands of Halmahera and Morotai.

The Spanish garrisons had their headquarters in the islands of Ternate and Tidore where it’s often difficult to understand by the documents where were situated  the spanish “presidios”, the some “presidio” was sometimes called with different names causing not little difficulties to understand where and which was.

In addition to a multitude of fortified places in Ternate and Tidore, the Spaniards maintained sometimes for a few years some garrisons also in the peripheral islands of Halmahera, Morotai and Sulawesi, these places were important  for the maintenance of the garrisons, because those islands were sources of sago and other indispensable food for

the maintenance of the garrisons and of the population of the islands of Ternate and Tidore, islands where because of the conformation of the land and the continuous state of war in which they were did not allow the cultivation of such products.

Often the spanish garrisons depended for the refueling of food, dressed and ammunitions nearly exclusively from the so-called fleet of “soccorro” that  was sendt every year from the Philippines.

When one of these fleets lacked to the appointment or because it was captured from the Dutch or because the bad weather who provoked frequent shipwrecks, were times of great lack for the Spanish soldiers of the garrisons and for the population of the Spanish city of Ternate. In spite of these deprivations and of the high human and material cost, the Spaniards maintained their own garrisons in Ternate, Tidore and in other islands, until 1663, year in which on order of the governor of the Philippines Manrique de Lara was decided the dismantling and the abandonment of all the garrisons of the Moluccas.

 

1613:

Amiril Pengiran Lion King Tidung Laoet served until 1650.

Banda under Dutch rule

1613

SULTAN AGUNG HANYOKROKUSUMO
Lahir : Yogyakarta, 1591
Wafat : Yogyakarta, 1645

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SULTAN AGUNG HANYOKROKUSUMO diangkat sebagai Raja Mataram menggantikan ayahnya, Raden Mas Jolang pada tahun 1613.

Di bawah pemerintahan Sultan Agung, Mataram mencapai puncak kejayaannya sebagai kerajaan terbesar di Pulau Jawa saat itu. Sultan Agung adalah raja yang tidak pernah mau berkompromi dengan VOC. Ia bahkan pernah dua kali menyerang kedudukan VOC di Batavia.

 1615:

Prince Dipati Anta-founded the Duchy Kotawaringin Kasuma, fractional area of ​​the Sultanate of Banjar most western border with the Kingdom of Tanjungpura.

1618

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen and the Birth of Batavia

 

1618

But then, in 1618, the Seventeen Gentlemen appointed as their representative in the East the first man of real consequence.

He was 31 years old and his Coen: Founding Fathername was Jan Pieterszoon Coen.

Founding Father

Coen was a stern man with angry eyes and flying moustaches.  He was born in the windy little fishing town of Hoorn on the Dutch coast and brought up in

 

Coen: Founding Father

the strictest of Calvinist traditions.  He went out to Indonesia early and rose quickly to the top of the VOC ranks by way of the posts of chief merchant and bookkeeper-general.  He had been on the scene in 1607 when dozens of Dutch traders were killed in an uprising by the much abused inhabitants of the Banda Islands, and had harboured a deep dislike of the natives ever since. And he was no friend to Holland’s English rivals either.  Even before he was appointed governor-general he was in the habit of sending outrageously belligerent letters back to the Seventeen Gentlemen sneering at their soft-touch policies and demanding more aggression towards the competitors.

Quite what manner of person Coen was depends entirely on your perspective.  From a financial point of view he was the hothead who – with his doctrine of ‘no trade without war, no war without trade’ – overstepped the mark and kick-started the slow but ceaseless descent of the VOC into bankruptcy.  For later patriotic Hollanders he was the man who launched an empire – and for their nationalistic Indonesian counterparts he was the first of the rapacious colonialist exploiters.  For urban historians he was the founder of the city that would eventually become the monumental metropolis that is modern Jakarta.  And for 17th century English traders he was little short of demonic, a ruthless rival who clattered over the decks on cloven hooves and presided over the worst Dutch perfidy in the history of the spice trade.  One thing is certain, however: if Cornelis de Houtman, staggering scurvy-ridden up the Banten beach in 1596 marks the symbolic arrival of Dutch colonialism in Indonesia, then Jan Pieterszoon Coen, 24 years later, represents its real beginnings.

The Port of Coconuts

On 30 December 1618 the tall masts of 14 British ships hove into view off the mouth a muddy river called the Ciliwung on the north coast of Java, 50 miles east of Banten.  The dark, bruise-coloured columns of monsoon rainstorms marched across the horizon and a wet smell of mud and rotten foliage wafted offshore on the land breeze.  In a more conducive season almost two centuries later another British fleet – the one carrying Thomas Stamford Raffles – would appear over that same horizon, but the commander of this flotilla was an admiral named Thomas Dale.

On the banks of the river stood a small township ruled over by a minor Javanese prince.  This little estuarine settlement had originally been called Sunda Kelapa – a name which referred to the local abundance of coconuts – but in 1527 it had fallen to a king of the nearby court of Cirebon.  It had been bands of paid-up mercenaries who had done the actual capturing, and given that the coconut-strewn spot was little more than an overgrown village the conquest can hardly have been one of high drama.  However, the Cirebon palace was obviously a place awash with hyperbole: they renamed their new possession Jayakarta, meaning ‘Glorious Victory’.  Later the territory went over to the Banten sultan, and by 1618 it was the seat of that petty vassal prince who was in his way a small embodiment of Javanese culture – a Muslim with a half-Sanskrit name: Wijayakrama.

 

Place of Coconuts: early Batavia

Since 1611 the VOC had had a small outpost on the banks of the Ciliwung opposite Jayakarta’s meagre little palace.  The English too had their own fortified warehouse beside the township, and although it was hardly a place to excite the fantasies of urban planners, the newly appointed Dutch Governor-General, Jan Pieterszoon Coen, had taken a shine to Jayakarta as spot suitable for a future Dutch capital in the Indies.  The current headquarters at Ambon, despite being in the thick of the spiceries, was too far from other key staging posts.  The long established Banten, meanwhile, was still bristling with rival trading factions – English, Portuguese and Chinese – and a base there was always dependent on the goodwill of the then sultan, Abdulmafakir.  Coen had decided that Jayakarta, with its sheltered location and accessible river channel, would make a nice alternative.

Even so, Jayakarta – or Jaccatra, as both Dutch and Englishmen miss-transliterated it at the time – was hardly a place of major consequence.  But with the arrival of Dale’s English fleet in the bay, at the head of which Coen’s own eight ships were already anchored, it was about to become the setting for an absurd four-way conflict.

The romantically named Prince Wijayakrama of Jayakarta had apparently been troubling the Banten court, behaving in a fashion not befitting a deferent vassal.  What was more, Sultan Abdulmafakir was none too sure about the advisability of allowing a major Dutch outpost to develop on the fringes of his realm.  Turning to the time-honoured tradition of getting someone else to do your dirty work he had encouraged the British naval fleet then harboured in Banten to sail down the coast, unseat Wijayakrama and evict their Dutch rivals.  Relations between the English and the Dutch were far from friendly at the time.  Coen was making great efforts to obliterate England’s last remaining Spice Islands outpost on the minuscule Banda islet of Run, and had every intention of banishing them from Indonesia altogether.

Admiral Dale found that his own motivations intersected very neatly with those of the Sultan.  He headed for Jayakarta.

Glorious Victory?

In the event the siege of Jayakarta was scarcely more fitting of its glorious epithet than the minor Cirebon conquest nine decades earlier.  The fleets of Coen and Dale danced delicately around each other for 24 hours, before the outnumbered Dutch departed abruptly for Ambon in search of reinforcements.  Dale then came ashore and somehow managed to team up with Prince Wijayakrama to besiege the remaining Hollanders.

The VOC’s Jayakarta outpost was miniscule, and with Coen’s fleet fled it was defended mostly by shopkeepers.  After a wet, muddy and malarial month during which very little action took place they were quite ready to surrender.  However, at this point a new army appeared, marching along sodden coastal roads from the west.  Back in Banten Sultan Abdulmafakir had evidently realised that the upshot of the shenanigans in Jayakarta was likely to be either an entrenched Prince Wijayakrama, or a minor Dutch fort replaced with a much larger British one.  He had sent his own men to settle the score.  Both Dale and Wijayakrama reacted in an understandable if not entirely honourable fashion – the English took to their boats and bolted, while the Javanese gathered their grumbling courtesans and fled to the mountains.  And the Dutch remained more or less besieged.

For the next three months very little happened.  The Dutch eked out their days in the little fort getting drunk, praying fervently to a Calvinist Christ, and dying of malaria.  The highlight of the episode came on 12 March 1619, when some unnamed soldier, inspired either by religious mania, inebriation or malarial delirium, came up with the idea of renaming their miserable outpost after a much-mythologized Germanic tribe who had stomped around the marshy flatlands of the Rhine Delta two thousand years earlier.

When Jan Pieterszoon Coen returned in May with a fully armed fleet all fired up for a great victory of their own, he found that the British had gone, the Bantenese had largely lost interest, and that Jayakarta was now called Batavia.

He needed only to come ashore, burn the palace, the mosque and any other Javanese building in sight, and the Dutch would be in possession of both a location and a name for their grand Indonesian capital.

 

 

 1619

The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619,

Admiral Dale, stricken with fever, and fearful lest the Bantamese might sacrifice the English to make terms with the Dutch, had shipped off our goods and factors from Bantam in the summer of 1619, sought an asylum for them on the east coast of India, and there died. The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619,and four others off Sumatra in October 1619 . Our alliance with the Prince of Bantam, to capture the half-built Dutch fort at Jacatra (Batavia) in the beginning of that year, furnished Coen with a cause of war against us, and placed him in the right from the point of view of European diplomacy.

The arrival, early in 1620,

of the treaty of July, 1619,  snatched the prey from between his hands. “The English ought to be very thankful to you,” he wrote to the Dutch directors in Holland, “for they had worked themselves very nicely out of the Indies, and you have placed them again in the midst.”

If, however, he had to obey the treaty, he could use it for his own ends

1620

The English would have liked. to resettle at Bantam, but Coen resolved not only to destroy the trade of that port but to force the English to live under his own eye at Batavia. After some negotiation the joint Council of Defence, established in Java by the treaty, agreed to blockade Bantam in 1620,and

In Batavia Coen made our position so miserable that in July, 1620, we had to keep a ship there as a floating warehouse, “having no place on shore.” In 1621 the English almost gave up Java in despair, and part of them again sought a refuge on the Indian coast. In August, 1622, Thomas Drockedon, our agent at Batavia, asked leave from the directors in London to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch.”

His situation was a mournful one. So far from restitution having been made to us under the treaty of 1619, we were compelled to supply “incredible sums” for fortifications which the Dutch did or did not build, but which could only be a menace to ourselves. We had been dragged into a war with Bantam, from which we could derive no benefit, and which shut us out from the chief pepper mart. The civil and criminal jurisdiction was exercised by the Dutch to publicly insult us. We were placed on a level with “the blacks,” whose bare affirmation was taken against us. We might not “kill a wild hog or gather a cocoanut in the wood without leave.” The Dutch had flogged William Clarke, steward of the English factory, in the market-place, “cruelly cutting his flesh, and then washed him with salt and vinegar, and laid him again in irons.” The English watch had been imprisoned for eight days and threatened with torture, to force them to make false confessions against the president of our council. What seemed to the Dutch their lawful jurisdiction, the English regarded as oppression

The arrival, early in 1620,

of the treaty of July, 1619,  snatched the prey from between his hands. “The English ought to be very thankful to you,” he wrote to the Dutch directors in Holland, “for they had worked themselves very nicely out of the Indies, and you have placed them again in the midst.”

If, however, he had to obey the treaty, he could use it for his own ends.

1620

The English would have liked. to resettle at Bantam, but Coen resolved not only to destroy the trade of that port but to force the English to live under his own eye at Batavia. After some negotiation the joint Council of Defence, established in Java by the treaty, agreed to blockade Bantam in 1620, and thus accomplished both his objects. For, although the English soon withdrew, they had compromised themselves with the Bantam prince, and the Dutch fleet was strong enough to continue the blockade without them.

 

Court of Directors, East India House

In Batavia Coen made our position so miserable that in July, 1620, we had to keep a ship there as a floating warehouse, “having no place on shore.” In 1621 the English almost gave up Java in despair, and part of them again sought a refuge on the Indian coast. In August, 1622, Thomas Drockedon, our agent at Batavia, asked leave from the directors in London to

 

return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch.”

His situation was a mournful one. So far from restitution having been made to us under the treaty of 1619, we were compelled to supply “incredible sums” for fortifications which the Dutch did or did not build, but which could only be a menace to ourselves. We had been dragged into a war with Bantam, from which we could derive no benefit, and which shut us out from the chief pepper mart.

The civil and criminal jurisdiction was exercised by the Dutch to publicly insult us. We were placed on a level with “the blacks,” whose bare affirmation was taken against us. We might not “kill a wild hog or gather a cocoanut in the wood without leave.” The Dutch had flogged William Clarke, steward of the English factory, in the market-place, “cruelly cutting his flesh, and then washed him with salt and vinegar, and laid him again in irons.”

The English watch had been imprisoned for eight days and threatened with torture, to force them to make false confessions against the president of our council. What seemed to the Dutch their lawful jurisdiction, the English regarded as oppression.

1622:

Sultanate of Mataram send Tumenggung Bahurekso, Regent of Kendal Sukadana attack under control Bunku Princess / Queen Mas Jaintan (Mustika Giri’s mother), this attack will attack worrying Banjar Sultanate of Mataram. Giri mustaka (Raden Saradewa) son-king Prince Dipati Kotawaringin Kasuma Anta-crowned king-Matan Sukadana Syafiuddin title of Sultan Muhammad (1622-1659). He was the first king of the title of Sultan, the previous king Panembahan Sukadana title only.

1622

For another alleged plot twelve natives had been condemned to be quartered, and the rest of the accused to perpetual slavery in chains. The torture failed to elicit anything against the English; but if it could have given the Dutch “any advantage against us,” we should have had no mercy. “Wherefore,” wrote in 1622 our President Furgand and council at Batavia,

“we earnestly desire speedily to be released from this bondage.” A similar attempt was made in the island of Pularoon to extort confessions against the English by cruel torments of the natives. Thus was rehearsed alike in the capital of Dutch India and in the distant Nutmeg Isles, that tragedy of torture which was so soon to be enacted at Amboyna. In the still remoter seas, as we learn from a letter of Richard Cocks, dated Nagasaki, 10th March, 1620, the Hollanders, with seven ships at Japan, had, “with sound of trumpet,” “proclaimed there open war against the English, as their mortal enemies.”

The Clove and Nutmeg Isles, including among them Amboyna, Banda, and Pularoon, lay, it will be remembered, at the south-eastern end of the Spice Archipelago. The Dutch claimed the sovereignty over them, by the conquest of Amboyna from the Portuguese in 1605, and in virtue of many treaties. The English had a set of counter-claims based on the free surrender of Pularoon to us in 1616, of Lantor or Great Banda in 1620, and on compacts with other chiefs. We had also an agency at Amboyna under the Dutch-English treaty of 1619. The Dutch with an overwhelming force expelled us from Lantor and Pularoon in 1621–1622. Our gallant agent, Nathaniel Courthorpe, who, in “much want and misery,” held Pularoon from 1616 to 1620, sometimes with but thirty-eight men to resist the “force and tyranny” of the Hollanders, had been mortally wounded in a sea-fight, and threw himself overboard rather than see his ship strike her flag.

Herman van Speult, governor of the neighbouring island of Amboyna, was regarded at headquarters as “too scrupulous” in his fiscal administration. In January, 1623, the Governor-General Coen, when departing for Europe, enjoined strict justice, and mentioned Amboyna as a place where no English encroachments were to be allowed. “Trust them not,” he said,

any more than open enemies … not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out.” His farewell instructions merely reiterated the principles on which he had always insisted. “Trust the English no more than a public enemy ought to be trusted,” he wrote two months previously to Banda, the agency nearest Amboyna. This policy of suspicion, and of “not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out,” was now to be enforced with a stupid violence which the great governor-general might perhaps have anticipated, but which he would have been the first to condemn.

By the beginning of 1623 the Dutch found themselves completely masters of the Clove and Nutmeg Archipelago. At the principal clove island, Amboyna, they had, according to the English statement founded upon depositions on oath, a fortress garrisoned by two hundred Dutch soldiers, with three or four hundred native troops, including some thirty Japanese, and further protected by eight vessels in the roadstead. The English numbered eighteen men, scattered between five small factories on different islands, very badly off, with a few slaves, “just six and all boys.” In their house at Amboyna only three swords, two muskets,

and half a pound of powder were found. The nearest English support was the Banda agency, at a distance across the sea, and containing but nine of their countrymen. English ships seldom came to Amboyna, and not one was then near. Our president in council at Java had in fact resolved to withdraw the petty English factories at Amboyna and throughout the Clove and Nutmeg

 

The fortress at Amboyna

Archipelago. He had even arranged with the Dutch governor-general for their transport to Batavia in Holland ships. In February, 1623, orders to this effect were on their way from our president in Batavia to Amboyna.

They arrived too. late. On the evening of February 10, 1623, a Japanese soldier of the Dutch garrison had some talk with the sentries about the number of the troops and the times of changing the watch. When questioned by the Governor Van Speult next day, February 11th, he explained that he had merely chatted with the soldiers “for his own amusement.” Indeed,

the steward of the Dutch factory afterwards declared that “it was an usual speech amongst soldiers to enquire one of another how strong the watch might be, that they might know how many hours they might stand sentinel.”

Van Speult was, however, on the lookout for conspiracy, and perhaps anxious to redeem his reputation from the charge of slackness at headquarters. In the previous summer he had written to the Governor-General Coen about the English at Amboyna: “We hope to direct things according to your orders that our sovereignty shall not be diminished or injured in any way by their encroachments, and if we may hear of any conspiracies of theirs against the sovereignty, we shall with your sanction do justice to them, suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In October, 1622, Coen gave this sanction.

In February, 1623,

the opportunity arrived. Van Speult put the Japanese soldier to the torture, and after he had “endured pretty long,” wrung from him an accusation against the English. His statement was signed by the unhappy man on the day of his torment, in direct contravention of the Dutch law that one who had confessed under torture should be re-heard to confirm it not sooner than twenty-four hours afterwards, “ne durare adhuc tormentorum metus videatur.”

Eight or nine other Japanese soldiers in the service of the Dutch, whose names he had mentioned, denied the plot, but were tortured on that and the following day, until a complete story of treason was evolved.

“Wailing and weeping by reason of their extreme tortures with burning, they were carried by slaves to prison, for it was not possible of themselves to go on their feet.” Such was the statement made by the steward of the Dutch factory regarding the affair
1623

 

Decoration from an Indian sword

 

The End of the Struggle:

The Tragedy of Amboyna

1622

For another alleged plot twelve natives had been condemned to be quartered, and the rest of the accused to perpetual slavery in chains. The torture failed to elicit anything against the English; but if it could have given the Dutch “any advantage against us,” we should have had no mercy. “Wherefore,” wrote in 1622 our President Furgand and council at Batavia,

“we earnestly desire speedily to be released from this bondage.” A similar attempt was made in the island of Pularoon to extort confessions against the English by cruel torments of the natives. Thus was rehearsed alike in the capital of Dutch India and in the distant Nutmeg Isles, that tragedy of torture which was so soon to be enacted at Amboyna. In the still remoter seas, as we learn from a letter of Richard Cocks, dated Nagasaki, 10th March, 1620, the Hollanders, with seven ships at Japan, had, “with sound of trumpet,” “proclaimed there open war against the English, as their mortal enemies.”

The Clove and Nutmeg Isles, including among them Amboyna, Banda, and Pularoon, lay, it will be remembered, at the south-eastern end of the Spice Archipelago. The Dutch claimed the sovereignty over them, by the conquest of Amboyna from the Portuguese in 1605, and in virtue of many treaties. The English had a set of counter-claims based on the free surrender of Pularoon to us in 1616, of Lantor or Great Banda in 1620, and on compacts with other chiefs. We had also an agency at Amboyna under the Dutch-English treaty of 1619. The Dutch with an overwhelming force expelled us from Lantor and Pularoon in 1621–1622. Our gallant agent, Nathaniel Courthorpe, who, in “much want and misery,” held Pularoon from 1616 to 1620, sometimes with but thirty-eight men to resist the “force and tyranny” of the Hollanders, had been mortally wounded in a sea-fight, and threw himself overboard rather than see his ship strike her flag.

1623

Herman van Speult, governor of the neighbouring island of Amboyna, was regarded at headquarters as “too scrupulous” in his fiscal administration. In January, 1623, the Governor-General Coen, when departing for Europe, enjoined strict justice, and mentioned Amboyna as a place where no English encroachments were to be allowed. “Trust them not,” he said,

any more than open enemies … not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out.” His farewell instructions merely reiterated the principles on which he had always insisted. “Trust the English no more than a public enemy ought to be trusted,” he wrote two months previously to Banda, the agency nearest Amboyna. This policy of suspicion, and of “not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out,” was now to be enforced with a stupid violence which the great governor-general might perhaps have anticipated, but which he would have been the first to condemn.

By the beginning of 1623 the Dutch found themselves completely masters of the Clove and Nutmeg Archipelago. At the principal clove island, Amboyna, they had, according to the English statement founded upon depositions on oath, a fortress garrisoned by two hundred Dutch soldiers, with three or four hundred native troops, including some thirty Japanese, and further protected by eight vessels in the roadstead. The English numbered eighteen men, scattered between five small factories on different islands, very badly off, with a few slaves, “just six and all boys.” In their house at Amboyna only three swords, two muskets,and half a pound of powder were found. The nearest English support was the Banda agency, at a distance across the sea, and containing but nine of their countrymen. English ships seldom came to Amboyna, and not one was then near. Our president in council at Java had in fact resolved to withdraw the petty English factories at Amboyna and throughout the Clove and Nutmeg

 

The fortress at Amboyna

Archipelago. He had even arranged with the Dutch governor-general for their transport to Batavia in Holland ships. In February, 1623, orders to this effect were on their way from our president in Batavia to Amboyna.

They arrived too. late. On the evening of February 10, 1623, a Japanese soldier of the Dutch garrison had some talk with the sentries about the number of the troops and the times of changing the watch. When questioned by the Governor Van Speult next day, February 11th, he explained that he had merely chatted with the soldiers “for his own amusement.” Indeed,

the steward of the Dutch factory afterwards declared that “it was an usual speech amongst soldiers to enquire one of another how strong the watch might be, that they might know how many hours they might stand sentinel.”

Van Speult was, however, on the lookout for conspiracy, and perhaps anxious to redeem his reputation from the charge of slackness at headquarters. In the previous summer he had written to the Governor-General Coen about the English at Amboyna: “We hope to direct things according to your orders that our sovereignty shall not be diminished or injured in any way by their encroachments, and if we may hear of any conspiracies of theirs against the sovereignty, we shall with your sanction do justice to them, suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In October, 1622, Coen gave this sanction. In February, 1623, the opportunity arrived. Van Speult put the Japanese soldier to the torture, and after he had “endured pretty long,” wrung from him an accusation against the English. His statement was signed by the unhappy man on the day of his torment, in direct contravention of the Dutch law that one who had confessed under torture should be re-heard to confirm it not sooner than twenty-four hours afterwards, “ne durare adhuc tormentorum metus videatur.”

Eight or nine other Japanese soldiers in the service of the Dutch, whose names he had mentioned, denied the plot, but were tortured on that and the following day, until a complete story of treason was evolved.

“Wailing and weeping by reason of their extreme tortures with burning, they were carried by slaves to prison, for it was not possible of themselves to go on their feet.” Such was the statement made by the steward of the Dutch factory regarding the affair.

The handful of English, ran the improbable tale, had solemnly sworn on New Year’s Day to seize the fort upon the arrival of an English ship, or during the absence of the Dutch governor, and had employed to corrupt the Japanese soldiers so unlikely an agent as a drunken barber, or barber-surgeon, Abel Price. This man already lay in the Dutch prison for threatening to set fire to a house in a frenzy of liquor. On February 15th, as the records show, he, too, was haled to the torture-chamber, and made to “confess whatever they asked him.”

 

1623

Events were now hastening to a catastrophe. The Dutch governor-general, Coen, while resolved to make the Archipelago an island empire for Holland, was too sagacious to imperil his plans by putting his nation openly in the wrong toward a great European power. He trusted to the treaty of 1619 itself to afford causes of quarrel, which would enable him to carry out the instructions given to the first Dutch governor-general, 1609–1614, and steadily reiterated ever since, that “the commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should possess the least part.” But Coen’s far-reaching policy was beyond the grasp of his bluff ship-captains, with their flaming broadsides, or of the angry isolated Dutch agents, a thousand miles apart, with their forts and prison cells.

Coen himself believed that the treaty alone stood in the way of his triumph over the English. Our Admiral Dale, stricken with fever, and fearful lest the Bantamese might sacrifice the English to make terms with the Dutch, had shipped off our goods and factors from Bantam in the summer of 1619, sought an asylum for them on the east coast of India, and there died. The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619,and four others off Sumatra in October 1619 . Our alliance with the Prince of Bantam, to capture the half-built Dutch fort at Jacatra (Batavia) in the beginning of that year, furnished Coen with a cause of war against us, and placed him in the right from the point of view of European diplomacy.

 

A ship of the Seventeenth Century

The English treated as ridiculous the story that eighteen men, scattered over the two islands of Amboyna and Ceram, at the factories of Amboyna, Hittou, Larica, Loho, and Cambello, should dare conspire to take a fort from two hundred Dutch and three or four hundred native soldiers with eight Holland vessels in the harbour, and they went about their business as usual. But Van Speult, now armed with the confession under torture of his prisoner, the drunken English barber,

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seized our chief agent, Towerson, and the other factors at Amboyna, put them in irons, and swept in the whole English from the four outlying factories between February 15th and 23d – just eighteen men all told.

Of the extraordinary proceedings that followed we have six accounts by eye-witnesses. First, the minutes of the court, kept by the Greffier or secretary: minutes so irregular and incomplete as to call forth the censure of the Dutch governor-general, and to invalidate them as a judicial record under the Dutch law. Second, the solemn dying messages of the victims written on the pages of their prayer-books or other furtive scraps of paper. Third, the statements of certain members of the Dutch Council at Amboyna who formed the court, when called to account by the governor-general at Batavia two and a half years later (October, 1625). These latter admit the use of torture, passed over in silence by the minutes, but state that it was slight. Fourth, the depositions of six Englishmen who survived, taken on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of the Admiralty, in 1624. Fifth, the answers of certain of the Amboyna judges to interrogatories in 1628. Sixth, the statement of the steward of the Dutch factory, who also acted as interpreter during the trial. It was laid before Lord Dorchester and Secretary Coke in 1629. This man, George Forbis or Forbisher, a native of Aberdeen, and little likely to favour the English Company which persuaded James to cancel the charter granted to the Scotch, had long served the Dutch in

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the East, and was found on board a Dutch ship stayed by royal command at Portsmouth in 1627. He had continued in the Dutch service for two years after the trial. His declaration closely corresponds with the depositions of the English survivors.

In my narrative I fairly consider all the foregoing materials, together with the pamphlet literature which quickly sprang up7. I have also checked the “True Relation” from the depositions on oath.

That evidence consisted entirely of confessions wrung from the accused by torture. The ransacking of the English factories yielded not a single incriminating letter, or other corroborative piece of testimony, as is proved by the answer of Joosten, the Dutch officer who examined the papers. The Dutch began with John Beaumont and Timothy Johnson. Beaumont, an elderly man for India and an invalid, was left with a guard in the hall, while Johnson was taken into another room. Presently Beaumont heard him “cry out very pitifully;

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then be quiet for a little while, and then loud again.” Johnson long refused to confess, but after an hour he was “brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body.”

One Englishman, Edward Collins, gave evidence, according to the Dutch, without torture. But the narrative founded upon the depositions of the surviving Englishmen on oath states that Collins was tied up for the torture, and the cloth put about his throat. “Thus prepared he prayed to be respited and he would confess all. Being let down he again vowed and protested his innocency,” but for fear of the torture asked them what he should say. This was not enough and he was tortured, but not being able to endure it long, he made a confession helped out by the Dutch prosecutor. Collins himself confirmed this statement on oath and produced three witnesses who “heard him many times roar very pitifully, being in the next room, and saw

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him come out, having no doublet on, his shirt all wet, his face swollen and his eyes starting out of his head.” From February 15th to 23d the cruel process went on. According to the English statements, the prisoners, even while confessing under the torture, declared in the same breath that they were not speaking truth. In the case of Collins, the “fiscal,” or prosecutor, forced leading questions upon him, till one of the Dutch themselves exclaimed: “Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak for himself.” John Wetheral having been four times tied up, they were at length obliged to read out to him the confessions of the other victims until the poor wretch merely “answered yea to all.” He “prayed them to tell him what he should say or to write down what they would; he would subscribe it.” John Clarke stood the ordeal so bravely that “the tormentors reviled him, saying that he was a devil … or a witch.” So they “cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein.” They then went on with the torture – burning him with candles on the feet, hands, elbows, and “under the armpits until his inwards might evidently be seen.” The English declared that no surgeon was allowed to dress the sores “until, his flesh being putrefied, great maggots dropt and crept from him in most loathsome and noisome manner.” Authority for all these statements may be found in the first pamphlet, “A True Relation.”

According to the English accounts each confession was wrung forth by torture. The Dutch minutes of

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the trial conceal the fact of torture at all, and thus violate a fundamental rule of the Dutch criminal procedure. The members of the Amboyna council, who sat as judges, acknowledged on oath that twelve of the English were tortured by water and two of them also by fire, but stated that one (Beaumont) was only tortured a little on account of his age and feeble health.

The judges also pleaded in their defence that the torture was in no case extreme, indeed of a “civil” sort.

What it exactly amounted to we know from eye-witnesses. The accused man was hoisted up and tied spread-eagle fashion in a doorway. In the water torment “they bound a cloth about his neck and face so close that little or no water could go by. That done they poured the water softly upon his head until the cloth was full up to the mouth and nostrils … till his body was swollen twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead.” It was the slow agony of bursting, joined to the acute but long-drawn-out agony of suffocation. In the fire torture, they held lighted candles beneath the most sensitive parts of the body – under the armpits, the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet. Emmanuel Thomson, like John Clarke, it was said, had no surgeon to dress his burnt flesh, so that no one “was able to endure the smell of his body.”

To the torture by fire and water, admitted by the Dutch, the English accounts add “the splitting of the toes, and lancing of the breast, and putting in gunpowder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left entire, neither for innocency nor execution. Clarke and Thomson were both fain to be carried to their execution, though they were tortured many days before.” But the Dutch admissions suffice.

Towerson, who steadily asserted his innocence, on being confronted with some who had confessed, charged them as they would answer it at the dreadful day of judgment, they should speak nothing but the truth.” The sufferers implored his forgiveness and declared all they had said was false. But, threatened again with torture, they reaffirmed their confessions. The spirit of the miserable little band was completely broken.

Even Van Speult felt that he might be going too far, and for some days hesitated as to whether he should not remit the case to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia. But the English president and council at Batavia had, on January 10–20, 1623, resolved to withdraw

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their oppressed factories from the Moluccas, Amboyna, and the Clove and Nutmeg Isles. They had indeed thanked the Dutch president and council for agreeing to bring them away in Flemish ships. Orders in this sense were simultaneously sent to our agents at Banda and elsewhere. The Calendar of State Papers of the East Indies for 1622–1624 (p. 398) shows that while the tortured men lay waiting their doom, two Holland ships arrived from Batavia, bringing the letter from the English president and council ordering the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna. “Which letter was opened and read by the Dutch governor while our people were yet in prison and not executed, and might well have secured him that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aid of shipping, whatever the English had through fear of torture confessed.” The statement is confirmed by Van Speult’s own admissions, and it gives a darker shade to his resolve on instant judgment.

The public prosecutor was instructed to demand sentence. This, according to the minutes, he did with irregular brevity – twenty-one lines of writing in all. According to the Dutch procedure, his requisition should have given a summary of the facts and evidence, which it did not. It should certainly have specified the separate names of the accused Englishmen, while it only contained that of Gabriel Towerson “and his creatures and accomplices.” These were not the omissions of ignorance. The “fiscal” who conducted the case was a lawyer, and in his haste for condemnation,

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A scene at Darjiling

he set at defiance the safeguards of procedure which even the Dutch law prescribed. His demand was really the demand of Sieyes at the trial of Louis XVI – La Mort sans phrase.

On February 25, 1623, or February 23d (for there are discrepancies as to the date), the prisoners, with certain exceptions, were condemned to death. The English from outlying factories, who had not even been at Amboyna at the time of the alleged plot, were released; three others were allowed to draw lots for their life; and in the end the elderly Beaumont and the terrified Collins were sent to give evidence at Batavia as “men condemned and left to the mercy of the governor-general.” Captain Towerson manfully proclaimed the iniquity of the proceedings. When ordered to indite a confession, he wrote out a protestation of his innocence. The governor gave it to the interpreter to read out in Dutch, “which I could not do,” said that officer, “without shedding of tears.” He had also to translate a dying declaration secretly written by Towerson in a Bible which he asked Van Speult to send to his friends in England – “which Bible after that time I never saw or heard mentioned.”

Yet some last words reached the outer world. William Griggs wrote in his Table-book, which was secretly saved by a servant: “We through torment were constrained to speak that which we never meant nor once imagined. … They tortured us with that extreme torment of fire and water that flesh and blood could not endure. … Written in the dark.” Captain Towerson

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wrote much; but all was suppressed, except an unnoticed sentence appended to his signature to a bill of debt due from the English Company: “Firmed by the Firm [i.e. signature] of me Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die, guiltless of anything that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt and receive me to His mercy. Amen.”

 

The old East India House (about 1650)

Samuel Colson, imprisoned with six of the others, on board the Dutch ships in the roads, wrote the following in his prayer-book and had it sewed up in a bed: “March 5, stilo novo, being Sunday, aboard the Rotterdam, lying in irons.” “Understand that I, Samuel Colson, late factor of Hitou, was apprehended for suspicion of conspiracy; and for anything I know must die for it: wherefore having no means to make my innocence known, have writ in this book hoping some good Englishman will see it. I do here upon my salvation, as I hope by His death and passion to have redemption for my sins, that I am clear of all such conspiracy; neither do I know any Englishman guilty thereof nor any other creature in the world. As this is true, God bless me, Sam. Colson.” In another part

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of the book, at the beginning of the Psalms, he declared: “As I mean and hope to have pardon for my sins, I know no more than the child unborn of this business.” These statements were written three or four days before the execution of the death sentence, as “March 5, stilo novo,” would correspond to February 23d, if we take the English dates.

On February 26th (English date) the prisoners were brought into the hall of the castle to be prepared for death. Captain Towerson was taken into the torture-chamber with “two great jars of water carried after him. What he there did or suffered is unknown to the English without, but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession” – a confession of a plot so wild that, had it ever entered a man’s brain, “he should,” in the words of the English Company, “rather have been sent to bedlam … than to the gallows.”

The condemned men still protested their innocence. “Samuel Colson spake with a loud voice saying, According to my innocency in this treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins; and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me never be partaker of Thy heavenly joys. At which words every one of the rest cried Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them knowing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation,” under the torture; “and they all freely forgave one another, for none had been so falsely accused, but he himself had accused another as falsely.” Their last “doleful night they spent in prayer, singing of psalms

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and comforting one another,” refusing the wine which the guards offered them, “bidding them to drink lustick and drive away the sorrow.”

Next day, February 27th (English date), the ten Englishmen8, nine Japanese, and the Portuguese captain of slaves were led out to execution “in a long procession round the town,” through crowds of natives who had been summoned by beat of drum “to behold this triumph over the English.”

It is not needful, after the fashion of that time, to accept as manifestations of divine wrath a “great darkness” and hurricane which immediately followed, and drove two Dutch ships from their anchorage; or the pestilence, said to have swept away one thousand people. The innocence of Towerson and his fellow sufferers rests upon no such stories, whether false or true. The improbability of the enterprise, the absence of any evidence except such as was wrung forth under torments, the neglect of the safeguards imposed by the Dutch law on judicial torture, the dying declarations of the victims – suffice to convince any unbiassed mind that the ten Englishmen were unjustly done to death. This, too, without insisting on the circumstance that would place Van Speult’s conduct in the darkest light – his being on the outlook for conspiracies; or on the arrival of the English letter during the trial ordering

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the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna; or on the existence of Dutch ships in the harbour which might even, if the shore prison were overcrowded, have carried those accused of the supposed conspiracy for judgment to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia, or served for their confinement till his confirmation of the proceedings was obtained.

Van Speult took possession of our Amboyna and neighbouring factories; “the poor remnant of the English” were removed to Batavia; and the great design for driving us out of the Clove and Nutmeg Isles was accomplished.

When the news of the tragedy reached England fifteen months later – May 29, 1624 – a cry of execration arose. The Company demanded justice. With English self-control it repressed irresponsible discussion by its members, and resolved, on June 16th, to trust to the state “to call for an account of the lives of the king’s subjects.” The governor refrained from speech until he was assured of the facts, and it was not until July 2d that he brought the matter officially before a general court of the Company.

The first feeling indeed was one of incredulity at so abominable an outrage on innocent men. King James apprehended the fact to be so foul … he could not believe it,” and, when convinced, threatened to extort reparation from Holland. At the Royal Council table “sundry of the greatest shed tears.” But James had resolved to break with Spain, in wrath at the treatment of Prince Charles on his knight-errant quest at

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Madrid for a Spanish wife in 1623. War with Spain meant an alliance with Holland, whose twelve years’ truce with Spain had also expired. Dutch envoys were, indeed, at that moment in London, negotiating a treaty of offence and defence. So the king and his Council dried their eyes, and the Dutch diplomats joyfully returned home, praising the good-will of a monarch who had said not a word about “the late accident at Amboyna.” Nor were courtiers wanting who blamed the Company for raising a difficulty “when his Majesty had resolved to aid the Dutch.”

Very different was the temper of the nation. On July 2, 1624, the governor of the Company declared that assuredly “God the Avenger of all such bloody acts will in His due time bring the truth to light” – “the unspeakable tyrannies done upon those unfortunate men, which is able to amaze the Christian world.” They still hoped that the king would help them; but their best comfort was that when man is at the weakest then God is strongest. On July 9th a general court of the Company decided that unless justice were “done on those Dutch that have in so great fury and tyranny tortured and slain the English,” the Company must wind up and “fetch home what they have in the Indies.” A petition in this sense was voted to the king – “and according to his answer and proceeding the trade to stop or proceed.” On July 11th they waited on the king in his bedchamber with the memorial, together with “A True Relation,” and received his promise of “a speedy reparation from the Dutch by

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the strength of his own arm, if they did it not suddenly themselves.”

The cry for revenge had gathered a strength which not even James could resist. Chamberlain, the Horace Walpole of his time, wrote to the English ambassador in Holland that “we should stay or arrest the first Indian ship that comes in our way, and hang up upon Dover cliffs” as many Dutchmen as had taken part in the outrage, “and then dispute the matter afterwards. For there is no other course to be held with such manner of men, as neither regard law nor justice, nor any other respect of equity or humanity, but only make gain their god.” The Company was believed to

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have collapsed. No man would pay in any money to it. If the king would not help, it was wildly propounded at a general court on July 22d, to “join with the Portugals and root the bloody Dutch out of the Indies.”

 

Marwario merchants, or traders of the Indies

The “True Relation” presented to James on July 11, 1624, had touched the sentimental fibre in his weak nature. On July 16th he promised to make stay of Dutch vessels if satisfaction were not given, and even offered to become himself a shareholder in the Company, and to allow its ships to sail under the royal standard. This offer of greatness thrust upon it, the Company respectfully declined. The king meanwhile ordered his ambassador at The Hague to demand satisfaction from the States-General before August 12th, under threat of reprisals by hanging, or even “an irreconcilable war.”

These were brave words, and if the Dutch Government had believed they would be followed by action, they might have proved decisive. For the outrage of Amboyna had come as an unpleasant surprise to the Dutch Company, and as a serious embarrassment to the Dutch Government. The governor-general at Batavia spoke his mind as freely as he dared to Van Speult. The Company in Holland, while making the best case they could against the English claims for compensation, refrained from sending back Coen to the East, although they had reappointed him governor-general in 1624. Members of the States-General openly expressed their disgust. The Prince of Orange wished that Van Speult with all his council had been hanged

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on a gibbet before they began “to spell this tragedy.”

The States-General accordingly appointed deputies to treat with our ambassador. But an English observer wrote that, although the king spoke valiantly, he could wish his Majesty would say less, so that he would do more. The Dutch deputies played on his irresolution, and the time allowed for redress expired. When at length, on October 15th, a royal warrant was issued for the seizure of Flemish ships, our ambassador at The Hague advised that this extremity should be avoided, and the Dutch were somehow warned of the danger. In November, 1624, the London Company officially informed the lord admiral that Holland ships were in the Straits of Dover, but they were allowed to pass unharmed.

The English Company was forced to realize that, in trusting to the royal support, it leaned on a broken reed. In July it had demanded satisfaction under three heads:, justice against the murderers, compensation for injuries, and absolute separation from the Dutch Company in the East. In October it despondently reduced its claims to the safe removal of the English from Batavia; the question of jurisdiction and Council of Defence; and the right to erect forts, and to be treated by the Dutch as allies and friends. James would not fight, and the Dutch knew it. They were willing enough to accept the first condition and allow the safe removal of the English from Batavia. But, while dangling before us a compromise, they would never surrender

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their sovereign jurisdiction in the Spice Islands or allow the English to erect fortifications. On March 25, 1625, King James died.

 

Palace of Jahangir at Agra

By this time the facts were well known in England. A certain simplicity in Towerson’s character gave additional pathos to his death. He had sailed on the Company’s second voyage in 1604 and obtained his admission as a freeman gratis in recognition of long service. Eighteen checkered years brought him to the chief agency at Amboyna in 1622, with a salary of £10 a month. Once indeed he had emerged for a moment. Having married the Indian widow of Captain Hawkins, he attempted for a time to make a figure not justified either by her position or his own. In 1617 Sir Thomas

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Roe, our ambassador to the Moghul Emperor Jahangir, wrote that Towerson “is here arrived with many servants, a trumpet, and more show than I use.” In 1620 we find him back in England vainly soliciting the command of a ship, and returning to the Archipelago along with other factors in “the great cabin of the Anne.”

The contemporary records show that he had not gained caution with years. Arriving at Amboyna in May, 1622, he became a close friend of the Dutch Governor Van Speult and gave him his entire confidence. In June of that year, as we saw, Van Speult was on the lookout for conspiracies and asking the Dutch governor-general at Batavia for leave to deal with them “suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In September Towerson, on the other hand, wrote to the English president at Batavia in warm terms of Van Speult’s “courtesies” and “love.” He asks our president to send Van Speult a complimentary letter, together “with some beer or a case of strong waters, which will be very acceptable to him.”

The president and council at Batavia saw more of the game. “In such kind of courtesy,” they replied in December, 1622, “we know he is free enough, but in your main affairs you will find him a subtle man.” There was to be no beer or case of strong waters for Van Speult. On the contrary, “be careful you be not circumvented in matters of importance, through his dissembling friendship.” This warning they followed up next month by commanding Towerson and his subordinates to quit Amboyna. “Prepare and make yourself

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ready to come away from thence with all the rest of the factors in the Dutch ship, except two you may leave there at Amboyna to keep house until our further order.”

Meanwhile Towerson continued his unsuspecting course. On January 1, 1623, he gave his official dinner to the little English group at Amboyna – the regular New Year’s Day party which was to serve the Dutch fiscal as a ground-work for the alleged conspiracy. How far any thoughts of seizing Amboyna were from the minds of the English may be known by the letter of our president and council in March, 1622, to the Company, desiring to retire even from Batavia; by Brockedon’s petition in August, 1622, for leave to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch;” and by the orders of January, 1623, to Towerson and other outlying agencies to withdraw to Batavia with the English under their charge. Towerson, “a sincere, honest, and plain man without malice,” as one of the Amboyna free burghers and a servant of the Dutch Company described him, discerned not the signs of the times, and the letter ordering him to leave Amboyna was intercepted by the Dutch governor Van Speult. So he went to his death – ” that honest good man, Captain Towerson, whom I think in my conscience was so upright and honest toward all men, that he has harboured no ill will of any.”

Such a character is pretty sure of sympathy from the English middle classes, always indulgent to sturdy mediocrity, especially of the jovial sort. The story

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De Houtman’s Map of the sea route to India, Batavia, and Java, in 1597

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Blank page

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of Amboyna gathered round his name, until it reached Dryden’s version of a murderous plot by Van Speult against Towerson in revenge for his killing Van Speult’s son in a duel. In 1625 the legend was still a long way from this climax. But the last weeks of King James’s life had been harassed by popular demonstrations. In February, 1625, the Dutch living in London complained to the lords of the Council that on the coming Shrove Tuesday they would be in danger from the fury of the people. Besides the pamphlets spread broadcast, a play was to be publicly acted setting forth the sufferings of the English; and a great picture had been painted, “lively, largely, and artificially,” of their tortures and execution. The reins were falling from the old king’s hands, and the Council gently admonished the Company not to exhibit this picture – at least till Shrove Tuesday be passed.

Next month, March, 1625, Charles succeeded to the throne. The main business of our ambassador at The Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton (afterwards Viscount Dorchester), was to strengthen the affiance of Holland with England against Spain, and he groaned audibly over the new labours and awkward questions to which the Amboyna imbroglio gave rise. Charles, keenly resentful of his personal treatment when in quest of a wife at Madrid, was eager to send a fleet to the Spanish coast, and promised large subsidies to the Protestant league in the North. The Amboyna difficulty had to be got out of the way, and in September, 1625, Charles agreed to make no reprisals on the Dutch ships for

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eighteen months, and at the same time appeased the London Company by promising that if, by that time, justice were not done, he would proceed to hostilities. This is shown by the treaty of Southampton, September 7, 1625.

 

A Typical Eastern Scene

But before the expiration of the eighteen months Charles had quarrelled with his Parliament and found a war with France oh his hands. The Dutch were masters of the situation and they knew it. So far from their giving satisfaction for Amboyna, Coen went out as governor-general for a second time in March, 1627, in spite of the protests of the English Company, who regarded his policy as the main source of their sorrows. When in April, 1627, the States-General were reminded that the eighteen months had elapsed, they dexterously got the question transferred to the law courts, and offered to proceed by way of a legal prosecution against the Amboyna judges who had sentenced the English to death.

Here they were on safe ground. Preliminary difficulties at once arose. The Dutch naturally insisted that the tribunal should be a Dutch one sitting in Holland. King Charles objected to his subjects being

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required to leave their country and prosecute before a foreign court beyond the seas. The feeling both in England and Holland was that, while the States-General would gladly have seen the matter settled, the directors of the Dutch Company were so intermingled with the Dutch Government that no justice would be done.

English protests against the re-appointment of Coen passed unheeded, and in August, 1627, Carleton despaired of redress from a government controlled by the votes of the interested parties, among whom “one oar which holds back, stops more than ten can row forward.” In September, however, a tribunal of seven Dutch judges was constituted, three from the high and four from the provincial council.

Meanwhile Charles, with the rising tide in Parliament and in the nation against him, was anxious to keep the London Company his friends. In a moment of vigour, he stayed three Dutch ships off Cowes (September, 1627) and held them fast for eleven months, although threatened with a, Dutch fleet to bring them away. The English Company declared that, if his Majesty let the Dutch ships go, it were better for the Company to abandon the trade. But the fit of royal resolution passed, and the king, in sore straits for money, suddenly released the Dutch ships in August, 1628: it was rumoured, for a gratification of £30,000. In vain his Majesty tried to soften the blow by the unprecedented compliment of sending the lords of the Council to a court meeting of the Company to explain that the

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release was due to an “extraordinary matter of State.” The directors of the Dutch Company gave out as far back as March, 1628, that they had arranged for the release of the ships on the condition of their redeeming his Majesty’s jewels.

The Company now knew that, if they had little to expect from the Dutch tribunal, they had nothing to hope from the king. The Dutch also knew it.

In November, 1628,

his Majesty feebly suggested, in reply to the repeated demands of the Dutch for the English witnesses to go over to Holland, that the Dutch judges should come to England under a safe-conduct – a proposal which merely furnished a good ground for further delay.

A year later, having sunk into still deeper difficulties with the Parliament and the nation, Charles yielded to the demands of the foreigner and sent over the witnesses. But he tried to save his royal honour by explaining that he had never submitted to the jurisdiction of the Dutch judges, although he would prefer to receive reparation at their hands than by any other means The English ambassador must be present in the Dutch court; the English witnesses must not be questioned on other articles than those on which they had already been examined in his Majesty’s Court of Admiralty; the Dutch judges, when ready to deliver sentence, must inform the king of it, so that he might weigh and consider its import. The Dutch tribunal naturally refused to concede these points. The king had put not only himself but also the English nation

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in the wrong by his method of procedure, and again the Dutch knew it.

His Majesty struggled for a time in the meshes he had woven around himself.

1628

 

Penyerangan pertama pada tahun 1628 dipimpin oleh Tumenggung Baurekso dan beberapa panglima perang lainnya. Namun, serangan ini dapat dipatahkan oleh Belanda. Wabah penyakit serta kekurangan pasokan air dan makanan menjadi sebab gagalnya serangan ini.

Pada tahun 1629,

Sultan Agung kembali memerintahkan pasukan Mataram untuk menyerang Batavia. Penyerangan ini dipimpin oleh Dipati Puger dan Dipati Purbaya. Meskipun telah dipersiapkan dengan baik, termasuk membangun lumbung-lumbung padi di sepanjang perjalanan yang akan dilalui, penyerangan ini gagal. Penyebabnya, rencana penyerangan telah bocor dan diketahui oleh Belanda sehingga Belanda mendahului dengan membakar lumbung-lumbung padi yang telah di bangun.

Selain itu, wabah penyakit kolera turut memperburuk kondisi prajurit Mataram. Meskipun demikian, pada serangan kali ini, pasukan Mataram berhasil menguasai dan menghancurkan Benteng Hollandia. Gubernur Jenderal Jan Pieterzoon Coen juga tewas karena wabah penyakit kolera yang saat itu sedang berjangkit di Batavia.

Dari kedua penyerangan tersebut, Sultan Agung kemudian menarik kesimpulan menarik bahwa dukungan logistic amat penting untuk melakukan penyerangan ke lokasi yang jauh. Belajar dari hal tersebut, Sultan Agung kemudian mengirimkan orang-orangnya untuk membuka persawahan di daerah Purwakarta dan Sumedang. Namun, rencana Sultan Agung untuk menyerang Batavia yang ketiga kalinya tidak terlaksana.

In December, 1629,

he insisted on reserving the final sentence either to himself or to a joint bench of English and Dutch judges, on the strength of the treaty of 1619. The Dutch quite truly rejoined that the treaty contained not a single article which implied joint jurisdiction in criminal cases, but only in what concerned the joint defence and trade. While the preliminaries were thus spun out from 1627 to 1630, the six Amboyna councillors who were supposed to be on their trial figured as patriots to their nation. The English witnesses, still unheard, were sunk in debt to obtain food from day to day. They mournfully complained to the Privy Council that they had attended in Holland for twelve months, that they were now destitute and like to be cast into prison, while their wives and children were perishing miserably. In March, 1631, the British ambassador at The Hague reported that in the Amboyna business all was silence.

It is doubtful, even if the Amboyna council had been promptly and impartially tried, whether the London Company would have obtained substantial redress. It is certain that no court administering the law then in force in Europe could have condemned the judges to death for the Amboyna executions. The two grounds which underlay the English contention were badly chosen. As a matter of fact, the Amboyna council had

Page 144

exercised a lawful jurisdiction, and torture was not only allowed, but enjoined by the law which they were bound to administer. The Dutch Company’s charter of 1602 empowered it to appoint public prosecutors in the name of the States-General for the conduct of judicial business in its fortresses beyond the Cape of Good Hope. The ordinances for the Dutch governor-general in 1617 authorized him not only to execute all civil and

 

Cape Town and harbour

Page 145

criminal sentences, but also to delegate this function to the subordinate councils and proper officers of settlements at which the governor-general and council could not be present. In 1619 instructions had been duly given to Van Speult to administer justice as governor of Amboyna in civil and criminal cases. They were further enforced by the Dutch governor-general’s express sanction to Van Speult in October, 1622, to deal unhesitatingly with conspiracies.

A candid examination of the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1619 shows that its jurisdiction clause referred only to questions of trade and joint defence, and left the criminal and civil jurisdiction untouched. Nor could the pronouncement of King James in 1623 seriously affect the issue, for the Dutch repudiated it as never having been accepted by (perhaps not even communicated to) their representatives. The States-General consistently maintained their civil and criminal jurisdiction in their settlements throughout the Spice Archipelago. As a matter of fact, the English in the Dutch settlements had been steadily subjected to that jurisdiction, although they groaned under it, and their very complaints to the directors in London prove their practical submission to its most irksome forms.

The general law of Europe at that time prescribed judicial torture as a proper and an almost necessary means for arriving at the truth. Dutch jurisprudence went so far as to declare that, in eases similar to that of Amboyna, a public prosecutor could demand sentence of death only on the confession of the accused.

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The judges therefore, after satisfying themselves by independent proof of the guilt of the accused, had to obtain his confession; without torture if possible, by torture if not. But the Dutch ordinances of 1570 provided safeguards against the abuse of this method, and insisted on indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or a reasonable presumption of guilt before the torture was resorted to.

In England torture, although unrecognized by the common law, was employed in state trials by the Privy Council or High Commission Court in virtue of the royal prerogative. “The rack seldom stood idle in the Tower,” writes Hallam, “for all the latter part of Elizabeth’s reign.” Lord Burleigh defended its use, as the accused “was never so racked but that he was perfectly able to walk and to write;” and “the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the rack, were ever by those that attended the examinations specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as such a thing might be.” “In the highest cases of treason,” wrote Lord Bacon in 1603, “torture is used for discovery and not for evidence.”

James I had perhaps less right than any other English sovereign to complain of its use by the Dutch. As King of Scotland he had not only sanctioned torture in alleged cases of conspiracy and witchcraft, but had in 1596 authorized even a subordinate court – the provost and baillies of Edinburgh – to try rioters by torture. As King of England he had in 1605 racked Guy Fawkes, per gradus ad ima, and in 1615 the aged Puritan

 

View of Lucknow

Lucknow, a city now numbering nearly three hundred thousand inhabitants, is one of the largest cities of India, after Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. It has been the capital of the Province of Oudh since 1775, and the part which it played in the tragic events of the Indian Mutiny, in the following century, rendered the name of Lucknow famous.

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Peacham had been examined “in torture, between tortures, and after torture.” In the same year O’Kennan was put to the rack in Dublin by commission of the king’s deputy. In each one of his three kingdoms James had used torture, and he defended it with his “own princely pen.”

Even such details as the Dutch complaint that John Clarke must be “a devil” or “a witch,” because he stubbornly refused to confess under torment, are reproduced in the English trials. On January 21, 1615, Lord Bacon condoled with his Majesty on the obstinacy of the mangled Peacham, “whose raging devil seems to be turned into a dumb devil.” Lord Burleigh’s defence of the rack on the ground that it was mercifully administered and that the sufferer was always “able to walk and to write” afterwards, is an exact anticipation of the Amboyna judge’s plea of the “civil” character of the water-torture.

Yet if history must allow that the Dutch had jurisdiction, and that under that jurisdiction the use of torture was lawful, it must also declare that a grievous miscarriage of justice had taken place. It is admitted that the record discloses grave irregularities in procedure – irregularities so serious that if an appeal had been allowed they might have sufficed to quash the trial. How far they were due to the careless character of the record itself will ever remain undecided. There was certainly an absence of the indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or reasonable presumption of guilt, which would have justified torture under the Dutch law. The

Page 148

confession of the Japanese soldier which formed the ground of the whole proceeding was signed on the day of his torture in defiance of the Dutch ordinances of July 15, 1570, and it was attested by all the judges, although one of them (Wyncoop) was admittedly not in Amboyna on that day. The minutes make no mention of the witnesses being confronted with each other after torture, and of their reaffirming their confessions made under torture, as required by the Dutch law.

Above all, if the English statements on oath are accepted, the whole evidence from first to last was wrung forth by torture or fear of torture. If the Dutch counter-statements be preferred, the great mass of evidence was thus obtained. Of the two witnesses not subjected to torture, according to the Dutch account, one, Edward Collins, swore that he had been tortured, and produced testimony on oath to his dismal outcries. The other, the invalid Beaumont, declared that he had confessed only after he had been tied up for torture, and that he repeated his confession at Batavia to save his own life after the death of the victims had placed them beyond reach of further harm. The survivors consistently affirmed that the only evidence against them at their trial was derived from confessions under torture; confessions which, according to the English depositions on oath, were withdrawn after the torture; and which were solemnly affirmed to be false in the dying declarations of the sufferers.

It is not needful to assume that the Amboyna Council wickedly, and against their conscience, condemned

Page 149

the victims to death. Van Speult, as we have seen, was on the lookout for conspiracies, when he and his fellow councillors were suddenly transferred into the judges of men who had been their keen trade-rivals and the great obstacle to the Dutch supremacy in the Archipelago.

 

The Durbar of an Indian Ruler

Among Eastern races the king or governor was both ruler and judge, and the early European settlements in Asia found themselves compelled firmly to unite all functions, executive and judicial, in the hands of one man or body of men. Cases inevitably occurred in which they were practically judges in their own cause; apt in moments of public danger or fear to bring their passions and preconceptions as governors to their seats on the bench. The Amboyna trial

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was such a case. It stands on the forefront of our history in the East as an example of the danger of combining the executive and the judicial authority in the same hands. That danger the English have striven to guard against by the separation of judicial and executive offices – a process commenced almost from the foundation of their territorial rule in India, yet reaching its final stages only in our own time.

But if we view with charity the cruel blunder of the Amboyna Council as a whole, it is difficult to extend to either the governor or the prosecuting fiscal the benefit of the doubt. The fiscal, Isaac de Bruyne, appears throughout the records in a sinister light. Intent on obtaining a conviction, he constantly urged on Van Speult, and forced incriminating answers upon the witnesses till the council itself had to interpose. His record of the trial was so irregular and incomplete as to render impossible a fair judicial review of the proceedings. On the face of the record as it stands, the accused were improperly condemned. Bruyne’s conduct called forth the reprobation of his superiors at Amboyna, and in the English depositions he appears as “the greatest adversary against the English.” Whatever may have been Van Speult’s own preconception as to their guilt during the first excited days of the prosecution, he can scarcely, after the seizure of the English factory and the perusal of Towerson’s correspondence with the English president at Batavia, have believed in the plot. But by that time he may have felt that he had gone too far to retrace his steps. Or he may have simply

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been one of those commonplace officials who jump to conclusions and then remain obdurate to facts. His interception of the letter from our president at Batavia ordering the withdrawal of the English from Amboyna, was only the last act in the suppression of proof of innocence.

The Dutch authorities themselves felt uneasy lest Van Speult should be examined as to his share in the business. On the expiration of his term of office at Amboyna, he had hardly returned to Batavia when a rumour arrived of a ship in the Straits of Sunda bearing a joint commission from the king and States-General for the despatch of Van Speult to Europe. He was hastily sent off to the western coast of India, whence he proceeded with an expedition to the Red Sea, and he died at Mocha, carrying his secret to the grave.

Meanwhile the English, with their agents drawn in from the Spice Archipelago, and huddled together at Batavia, waited wistfully for redress from home. They waited in vain. News of the Amboyna tragedy reached Batavia on June 20, 1623. At length, having suffered nineteen more months of insults and exactions, their ships dogged by Dutch vessels at sea and cut off from trade on shore, they resolved to quit “this perfidious people,” and, cost what it might, to seek shelter elsewhere. Some of them found refuge on the Indian coast, and in October, 1624, the miserable remnant sailed to the unhealthy Lagundy islets on the southeast of Sumatra.

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There, amid terrible privations, yet stubbornly “affiant of a happy plantation,” they renamed the little group Charles’s Islands, and held out against fever and dysentery for eight months, dying “like sheep infected” under the equatorial sun and rain. In May, 1625, the skeleton survivors were so reduced as to implore the clemency of the Dutch, who in pity fetched them back to Batavia. The commander Verholt, be it recorded, showed them all “care and courtesy,” although he himself and many of his crew caught the disease. Nor did Dutch compassion end with their bare deliverance. They received the rescued men with kindness and granted them a factory house at a moderate price, the Dutch governor-general and our president, in an effusion of good feeling, exchanging chains of gold.

The Dutch had, in fact, accomplished the two fixed purposes of their policy – our expulsion from the Spice Archipelago and our complete subjection at their Batavian headquarters in Java. Their harshness had been deliberately designed to this end, and, with the exception of Van Speult’s judicial slaughter at Amboyna, they had kept fairly within their treaty rights. Their double object being now achieved, they allowed their national good nature free scope. But the excess of cordiality wore off, and the English soon became impatient of the restraints which the Dutch thought themselves entitled to impose. In July, 1627, we find our President Hawley bitterly complaining of the treatment meted out to his countrymen.

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Their position was indeed an impossible one, and the Company at home, sick of King Charles’s fair words, realized this fact. In November, 1626, it proposed to abolish its factory at Batavia and to establish one under the protection of the King of Bantam. In

 

Javanese Princes

January, 1628, these orders reached Batavia, and the English, putting the relics of their property on board ship, sailed to Bantam, where they were welcomed by the native prince. The sad fortunes of our Bantam factory, its repeated reduction by the London Company to a subordinate post, its blockades by the Dutch, and the gradual but sure withdrawal of its trade to our

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settlements on the Indian coast, belong to a later period. Its history may, however, be summed up in a single sentence. As the executions at Amboyna proclaimed the triumph of the Dutch in the Spice Islands, so the fate of Bantam declared the supremacy of the Dutch in the sea-approaches to the Far East.

By 1631 all hope of judicial redress for the torture and execution of our countrymen at Amboyna had flickered out. In 1633, and again in 1638, Charles, urged by the despairing Company, reverted to feeble attempts at negotiation, with equal unsuccess9. Innocent Englishmen had been tortured and executed under the forms of a foreign law, and for their slaughter redress could not be obtained either by diplomacy or by judicial proceedings. From the first, the Dutch were resolved not to yield, save to force of arms. As they had speedily discovered that James I would not fight, so they gradually found out that Charles I could not fight.

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It was not till the unhappy distractions of the second Stuart’s reign came to their tragic close, and until the Dutch found that a real man again ruled England, that they conceded to Cromwell, after war, what a little firmness might have secured at the outset to James.

At length, in April, 1654, the States-General agreed “that justice be done upon those who were partakers or accomplices in the massacre of the English at Amboyna, as the Republic of England is pleased to term that fact, provided any of them be living.” Cromwell brooked no delay. Within five months all claims and counter-claims arising during forty-one years had been examined. In August the general damages of £85,000 were awarded to the London Company, together with £3615 to the heirs of the men done to death at Amboyna; and Pularoon was restored to English rule.

But this tardy justice failed to efface Amboyna from the English mind. The spectres of the tortured victims stood between the two great Protestant powers during a century. The memory of a great wrong unredressed and of innocent blood unavenged embittered their trade rivalry, intensified each crisis of political strain, and furnished a popular cry for two wars. Dryden’s “Tragedy of Amboyna,” produced in the fiftieth year after the execution, has been not unfairly described as his one literary effort which is wholly worthless except as a curiosity. Yet it serves to show how the story deepened into a darker hue with age.

The opening dialogue between Van Speult and the Dutch fiscal reveals their hatred to the English. Van

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Speult’s son, whom Towerson has rescued at sea, plots with the fiscal against the life of his preserver, and, after again being saved from death by Towerson, ravishes the Englishman’s bride and is thereupon killed by him in a duel. Van Speult, in revenge, invents the story of the plot. The victims are tortured on the stage, fiercely reviled by the governor, and led off to execution. On his way to death Towerson breaks forth in a prophetic strain, foretelling the vengeance of his countrymen and the ruin and downfall of the Dutch. The characters are coarsely drawn from the “True Relation;” the picture presented of the Dutch is grossly unfair. But it struck a chord of popular feeling, and responded to an antipathy which had hardened and set into a national tradition.

That tradition not only affected our internal and dynastic politics, but it profoundly influenced the march of events in Europe. If Holland and England had been friends at heart instead of occasional allies by interest, the aggressions of Louis XIV would have encountered a very different strength of resistance. Our Charles II

would scarcely have dared to remain the dependent of -France. James II would perhaps have shrunk from forcing a Catholic reaction on England. The memory

of Amboyna wrought like a fever on the trade-rivalry of the two Protestant sea powers. The friendship of France might mean court corruption and Popery, but between England and Holland, as long as that bloody memory lived, there could be no real friendship at all. Politicians and poets appealed to the middle-class

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hatred of the Dutch as against the middle-class hatred of Rome. Amboyna is thus disclosed as one of the influences which lured on the Stuarts to the Revolution, and as one of the remote secret springs of the age of Louis XIV.

Nor had Amboyna less important consequences for the Dutch. The overthrow of the English in the Spice Archipelago and their subjection in Java enabled the Holland Company to create a colonial system which, for frank indifference to human suffering, stands out in the history of European settlements across the seas. The fault was not the fault of the Dutch nation, but of the particular period when the chance of a great colonial empire came to it. The Catholic tradition of conversion by conquest, cruel as were its practices, had given place to the industrial idea of conquest for trade.

Neither Spain nor Portugal, with their record of blood in the Eastern and the Western worlds, nor England, with its subsequent slave traffic, can afford to cast stones. But the comparative isolation of Holland in the East, and the absence of any strong native power in the Archipelago like that of the Moghul dynasty in India, enabled the Dutch to work out the industrial idea of conquest to its logical results. The same isolation enabled them to perpetuate that idea, after it had been profoundly modified by a humanitarian awakening in Europe. It survived as a relic of a century when the Protestant nations of the Continent, wearied with religious strife, lost sight for a time of that spiritual brotherhood of man which shot rays across the darkness

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of Portuguese misrule, and which had burned up afresh before the foundation of British territorial sway in India. Jan Pieterszoon Coen, the chief founder of the Dutch colonial system, became governor-general in 1618 – the date taken by European history for the commencement of the Thirty Years’ War.

 

Tomb of the Moghul official Itmad-ad-Daulah, at Agra

Coen has left in his own words a detailed description of the fabric which he designed. The Dutch charter expired in January, 1623, and on the 21st of that month the great governor-general, as the last act of his first term of office, drew up his political testament for the benefit of his countrymen in the form of instructions left with Peter de Carpentier, governor-general, and the Council of the Indies, and dated Batavia,

21–31, January, 1623. He realized that the sea-power of Holland in the Archipelago must rest on a territorial basis with a territorial revenue, the absence of which had drawn forth from Cosme Annes, nearly a hundred years earlier (1549), the Portuguese lament: “We sit still, perishing without lands out of which to support ourselves or find shelter.” Albuquerque discerned the same need a century before. But Coen deliberately worked out what Albuquerque had perceived, and, unlike Albuquerque, he was backed by a nation which loyally supported its great servants in the East.

He cherished no illusions as to how such a territorial sea-empire was to be acquired and maintained. It was easy to bring the scattered islands under subjection. The problem was to people them with workers. The idea of settling Dutchmen and Dutchwomen in sufficient numbers, although it had its attractions for Coen as for the other colonizing spirits of that age, he saw to be impracticable. He anticipated the conclusion which some of the European nations are only now reaching after long and cruel experience, that agricultural emigrants from the temperate zone perish in the tropics. The lands of the equator can be tilled only by equatorial races. The heathen whom the Papal Bulls had given to the Portuguese for an inheritance, to be converted with a rod of iron or dashed to pieces like a potter’s vessel, were to Coen merely a cheap labour-force. The “ingathering of a multitude of people from all parts to people our country withall” was

his first object, and of far more consequence, he declared, than the buying of cloths and goods.

This object he proposed to accomplish by three distinct methods: the enslavement of conquered islands, the purchase of slaves from the African and Asiatic continents, and the seizure of slaves on their coasts. The first method needs but the single comment, that it went much further than the subjection of the native races enforced by the Portuguese. As regards the second, orders for the buying of slaves had been given in 1614; Coen resolved to carry them out on a large scale. “Divers fleets” were now to be sent to the Coromandel coast, to Madagascar, and to the African seaboard, to purchase as many slaves, especially young people, as could be got. This buying of slaves was to go forward before any other work, to the extent of “many thousands, yea, to an infinite number.”

The third method, by seizure, was to be conducted by a squadron on the Chinese coast. The shore-dwellers, especially the women and children, were to be carried away for the peopling of Batavia, Amboyna, and Banda. “Herein will be a great service done for the Company, and by this means will be found all the charge of the war.” The Chinese slaves might be redeemed for sixty reals (£13 10s.) apiece. “But by no means you must not suffer any women to return to China, or any other part out of the Company’s jurisdiction, but with them to people the same.” As the Dutch supremacy firmly established itself, a fourth system

 

of recruitment was added, by treaty provisions for a tribute in full-grown slaves.

 

A typical scene in India

The Dutch industrial system in the East, thus founded on the most rigorous forms of slavery, was eventually softened through successive stages of forced labour. It produced for a time enormous profits. A tropical soil was made to yield as it had never yielded before, and its fruits were monopolized by Holland.

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As respects European rivals, the restrictions which the Anglo-Dutch still imposed on Coen, in January, 1623, were removed by the tragedy of Amboyna in the next month, and by the withdrawal of the English factories from the Spice Archipelago. As regards native competition, the islanders were compelled to root up their clove and nutmeg trees, where they seemed to threaten the profits of the Dutch. The produce of the most fertile regions in the world, cultivated on the severest system of human toil, was secured to the Dutch and to the Dutch alone.

While Coen founded the colonial empire of Holland on the sure basis of the soil, he strengthened it by all the devices of a skilful administration – by a lucrative coasting trade with the African and Asiatic continents, by a great sea commerce with Europe, and by a well-planned system of tolls and local taxation. The rich island empire which he thus projected, he secured by fortresses, built and maintained by the cheap labour of prisoners and slaves. Coen stands out from among all men of European race in the Asia of his day – a statesman of the clearest vision, and an administrator of the firmest hand, half-way between the Portuguese Albuquerque in the sixteenth century and the French Dupleix or the English Warren Hastings, in the eighteenth. But he could not rise above the morals of his time, and his strong personality during a double tenure of office impressed the stamp of a cruel age on the colonial system of his country. His crime, or his misfortune, was that he stereotyped in Dutch India the disregard

for human suffering which brutalized Europe during the Thirty Years’ War.

Holland was the first European country to send a steady supply of really able men to the East, and she supported them by force of arms. James I would not and Charles I could not fight. The English East India Company was still a body of private adventurers for whose benefit Parliament felt by no means eager to go to war. In spite of the long list of lords and gentlemen who swelled the subscription book of the Company, in spite of the outburst of wrath and indignation which the news of Amboyna aroused in London, England had not yet learned to look upon her Indian trade as a national concern. Holland had, and she was willing to make sacrifices and to screen crimes, in order to maintain her position in Asia.

Footnotes

7. The chief contemporary pamphlets on the Amboyna tragedy are six in number.

(i) A True Relation of the Unjust, Cruel, and Barbarous Proceedings against the English at Amboyna. This narrative was “taken out of the depositions of six several English factors “who survived the trial, as delivered on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of. the Admiralty, supplemented by the testimony of Welden, the English chief agent in Banda at the time of the tragedy. The Privy Council in September, 1624, gave their opinion that the relation was justified by the statements of the six witnesses. Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1622–1624, par. 620.

(ii) A True Declaration of the Newes that came out of the East Indies, with the Pinace called the ‘‘Hare.” A Dutch pamphlet which appeared anonymously, and was thought by some to be the work of Boreel. The Directors of the Dutch Company denied the authorship, and, on complaint of the English ambassador, the States-General issued a proclamation declaring it to be “a scandalous and senseless libel,” and offering a reward of 400 guilders for the discovery of either the author or the printer.

(iii) An Answer to the Dutch Relation touching the pretended Conspiracy of the English at Amboyna in the Indies, being a reply to No. ii. (the libellous Dutch Declaration) drawn up by the English Company and issued under its authority. These three pamphlets were published together by the Company in 1624 with a preface. A third reprint is dated 1632, and there were several subsequent editions.

(iv) A Remonstrance of the Directors of the Netherlands East India Company presented to the Lords States-General … in defence of the said Company touching the bloody Proceedings against the English Merchants executed at Amboyna.

(v) The Acts of the Council of Amboyna. The official Court Record of the Trial and the confessions of the accused, as presented by the Dutch to the East India Company.

(vi) A Reply to the Defence of the Proceedings of the Dutch against the English at Amboyna. An answer to, and criticism of, Nos. iv. and v. These last three pamphlets were published by authority in London in 1632.

8. Captain Gabriel Towerson; Samuel Colson, factor at Hitto; Emanuel Thomson, assistant at Amboyna; Timothy Johnson, assistant at Amboyna; John Wetheral, factor at Cambello; John Clark, assistant at Hitto; William Griggs, factor at Larica; John Fardo, steward of the House; Abel Price (the drunken barber-surgeon); Robert Brown, tailor.

9. An English writer, who is not a lawyer and who has spent most of his life in the practical duties of Indian administration, should speak with diffidence as to the forms of Dutch procedure in the early seventeenth century. I have, therefore, taken the precaution to consult a Dutch jurist, Dr. Bisschop, who combines accurate historical research with a judicial training. He states, and quotes Dutch legal authorities for his opinion, that in extraordinary proceedings, in which the accused were examined without witnesses first being heard, the confessions of the accused were necessary for conviction, and that torture could be legitimately resorted to in order to obtain such confessions. The Amboyna trial came practically under this category, and the evidence from first to last was obtained by torture. But the Dutch law recognized the danger of a miscarriage of justice arising out of confessions thus wrung forth, and it provided safeguards accordingly. These safeguards were explicit in form and essential to the validity of the proceedings. They were disregarded in the Amboyna trial, although the prosecuting fiscal, in the words of the Dutch Governor-General and Council, “calls himself a lawyer, and was taken into the Company’s service as such

1625:

Muhammad Ali became the Sultan of Brunei XII until 1660.
 1626: Production of pepper Banjar greatly increased, so the VOC attempted to gain monopoly pepper, and try to eliminate the incidence in 1612 the Dutch invasion of the sultanate of Banjar. The Netherlands also apologized for his actions robbed the Banjar in cruise ship sultanate of Brunei trade to July 4, 1626. Trading empire Banjar still directed to Cochin China (Veitnam) not to Batavia.
 1634: VOC sent six merchant ships headed to Banjarmasin Londensteijn Gijsbert van, then added a few ships under the command of Antonie and Steven Scop Barentsz. [19]

1632

Oleh karena perubahan waktu dan situasi kerajaan Aceh menetapkan berdirinya Kerajaan deli dan Panglima Gocah Pahlawan ditetapkan sebagai sultan deli Pertama dengan ge;lar Tuanku Panglimah Gocah Pahlawan Laksamana Kuda Bintan dan untuk memperkuat posisinya Panglima Gocah menikahi adik datuk Hitam Sunggal yang bernama Putri nang baluan Beru Surbakti yang sehari-hari tinggal dilingkungan masyarakat sttempat,dengan demikian sedikit demi sedikit terbentuklah suatu adat budaya baru.begitu uga Pemerintahannya bertambah besar denga membesarnya masyarakat.
Sunggal merupakan daerah Batak Kario yang sudah memasuki  Melayu(memeluk agama Islam ) Sebagai hadiah perkawinan ia diangkat sebagai Panglima Kawasan  pesisir Deli oleh kempat Raja urung Batak karo.dan raja Urung sunggal merupakan anggota lembaga datuk yang berempat itu.

1634

Drai Pernikahan Raja deli pertama Panglima Gocah dengan Putri Datuk Hitam Sunggal, lahirlah seorang putra bernama Perunggit Sebelum mangkat Tuanku Panglima Gocah menyerahkan kekuasaan kepada putranya Tuanku Panglima Perungit untuk menjadi sultan.

 


 1635:

June 17, 1635 Pearl British ship arrived in Banjarmasin, Tewseling and Gregory.
 1635: 4 September 1635 the Sultan of Banjar is represented by Ratna Syahbandar Goja Babouw Kings held the first commercial contract in Batavia by the Dutch Company is represented by: Hendrik Brouwer, Antonio van Diemen, Jan van der Burgh, Steven Barentszoon. VOCs also helps Banjar to conquer the eastern Kalimantan (Sand). [18]
 1635: Prince Aji ing chances, Duke Sinum Bannerman Martapura Kukar VIII became King until the year 1650. This king conquered the kingdom of Kutai Martadipura.
 1636: Sultanate of Banjar claim areas along the Sambas Karasikan Berau as well as its territory since that time Banjarmasin already has the military capacity to confront the attacks of Mataram.
 1636: The first time the Dutch began to dwell in Banjarmasin as VOC trading office in Banjarmasin established under the leadership of Wollenbrant Gelijnsen. [19]
 1637: Banjarmasin hold peace relations with Mataram. [20]
 1638: Sultan Banjarmasin send envoys to the Sultan of Makassar Makassar and East Kalimantan borrow area as a place of trade. Sultan Muhammad Zainudin moved the capital of the Sultanate Matan Matan kingdoms from the river to the land called the kingdom of Indra Indra Laya Laya.
 1638: Contract Craemer Banjar Sultan refused a request to send pepper to Makassar, came the anti-war Dutch VOC many as 108 people, 21 Japanese were killed, and the lodges were burned and the destruction of VOC VOC ships in Banjarmasin.
 1640: Governor-General Antonio van Diemen VOC ordered that hostilities with the Sultanate of Banjar is stopped and only requires 50,000 as compensation for the real tragedy in 1638.
 1641: Around mid-October 1641 Prince Tapesana and Kiai Narangbaya as Sultan Banja

rmasin envoy arrives in Jepara and its escort of 500 people to deliver gifts to the Sultan Agung – the king of Mataram. [20] [19] [21]
 1641: Inayatullah became Sultan Banjar V until the year 1646
 1643:

Dutch erected forts and factories on the island of Tatas (now Central Banjarmasin). [22]
 1644:

Maulana Aji Anom Lions became the ruler Paser until the year 1667.
 1646: Sultan Banjar VI Saidullah be until the year 1660.
 1648

: Dutch get a monopoly of pepper Banjarmasin dipasakan to the Sultan. [23]
 1650:

Prince Aji Dipati ing the Great became King Kukar Martapura IX until year 1665. Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila I served the King until the year 1695.

1653

Muhammad Dhalik,tuanku Panglima Gocah Pahlawan sulatan deli I meninggal dunia dan digantikan oleh Panglima Perungit sebagai sultan Deli II.

1654

Lahirlah putra sultan Deli II Panglima Perungit yang bernama Panglima Penderap Di aru.

1659: Sultan Muhammad Zainuddin I (Marhum Affairs Laya) ruled the Sultanate Sukadana-Matan (1659-1724). Abdul-Jabbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul XI until the year 1660.
 1660: Sultan Rakyatullah be Banjar VII until 1663, he made a treaty with the VOC December 18, 1660. Brunei Sultan Abdul Mubin become XIII until the year 1673.
 1661: Abdul Mubin Hakkul XIII to become the Sultan of Brunei in 1673. Sukadana-imperial envoy arrived in the Sultanate Matan Banjar to report that Sukadana back into the area of
​​the Sultanate of Banjar pegaruh since earlier in 1638.
 1662: According to Barra in 1662 there were only 12 junks a Malay, English, P
ortuguese and pepper transporting gold to Makassar, while in the Port of Banjarmasin filled with more than 1000 sailboats, both interinsuler trade and inter-continental trade.
 1663: Sultan Sultan Amrullah be Banjar VIII, but he later coup by Sultan Agung to be the Sultan of Banjar IX until year 1679, with the help of tribal Biaju and moved the capital to the River Prince, New York.
 1665: Prince Aji Dipati Maja became King Kusuma ing Martapura Kukar X until the year 1686.

1667:

Sultan of Sulu island Balambangan surrender to the British. [24]
 1667:

I to King Solomon Panembahan Paser until the year 1680. He was the first ruler who holds Panembahan Paser.
 January 21, 1668

: La Mohang Daeng Mangkona whose inhabitants founded the city of Samarinda is known as the Bugis Samarinda Seberang.

1669

Sulatn Deli II Panglima Perungit menikah dengan Raja sukapiring dan  pada tahun ini Perunggit memproklamirkan Deli terpisah dari kerajaan Aceh, beliau memindahkan kerajaan dari sungai lalang ke daerah Padang datar (Medan sekarang),beliau membentuk pasukan berkuda dan

1670:

Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin from Sambas reigned until the year 1708.
 1672:

Sultan Muhammad Syamsudin Sa’idul Khairiwaddien Nata, as the first ruler Sintang wear wear a higher degree of Sultan, ruled until 1737.
 1673: Muhyiddin XIV became the Sultan of Brunei until 1690.
 1675:

Muhammad Syafeiuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until 16701675-1685.
 1680:

Good Amirullah Kusuma ascended the throne back to Emperor Banjar X until the year 1700. Adam Panembahan I became Panembahan Paser until 1705. King Senggauk be Panembahan Mempawah.
 1686:

Queen’s Court, the first woman to lead the Kutai Kingdom in 1700.
 January 18, 1689:

Spreader Catholicism, Fr. Antonino Ventimiglia arrives at Banjarmasin from Goa, India. [25]
 June 25, 1689:

Portuguese ships under the command of Captain Francesco Luigi Cottigno entering the island area plot in Kapuas district and establishing relationships with the tribe Dayak Ngaju [26].
 1690:

Nassaruddin became Sultan of Brunei until the year 1705.
 1695:

Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila II serving ruler until the year 1731.

 

1698:

Sultan Banjarmasin, Saidilah establish a contract with the UK.

Tuanku Panglima Perungit sultan deli II mangkat dan ,makamnya dijalan raden saleh medan sekarang, dan ia diberi gelar Marhum Kesawan , dan ia digantikan oleh puteranya Tuangku Panglima Penderap sebagai sultan deli III dn beliau memindahkan pusat pemerintahan ke Pulau berayan.

Sultan deli III menikah dengan Tuanku Puan Sempati, dan memiliki 4 putra, wilayah Deli dibagikan kepada Putranya Tuanku Jalaludin gelar Kejuruan Mettar (wilayah Mabar,Pecut dan Tanjung Mulia), Tuanku Umar Johan Alamsyah gelar kejyuruan Nunjongan (wilayah  serdang, dan  Sei Tuan), Tuanku Tawar gelar Kejeruan Satun(Wilayah Denai dan Srbajadi).


 1699: In April, two of the English Captain Henry Watson and Cotesworth instructed to establish factory / warehouse in Yogyakarta. [27]
 1700: Hamidullah became Sultan Banjar XI until the year 1734. Prince Aji Old Dipati XII became the Sultan of Kutai which until the year 1710. In 1700 the war between the Hedgehog and Matan, because the seizure of diamond inheritance Kobi. Hedgehogs assisted by Bantam and VOC, because it then Bantam expressed Hedgehogs and Matan under the power of the Sultanate of Banten.

Major VOC posts and forts in the archipelago, 17th century

 

The Company’s initial interest was in obtaining spices from Maluku for direct shipment to Europe, and it established a fort in Ambon (Amboina) in 1605. Under the third Governor-General, J.P. Coen, however, the Company’s ambitions began to extend to taking part in trade within Asia. Coen decided that the Company needed a more central base and in 1619 founded a new headquarters, which he called Batavia, in the small trading city of Jayakarta on the northwestern coast of Java. In developing this so-called inter-Asian trade, the VOC made the most both of its capital reserves, which gave it disproportionate power in the market place, and its naval strength, which enabled it to sweep from the seas both pirates and Asian traders it now classified as smugglers because they infringed its monopolies.

 

The VOC’s interests in Indonesia were only part of its Asian empire. The Company had major trading operations in India and was the only European power permitted to trade in Japan. It came to control the islands of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and Formosa (now Taiwan), as well as a significant territory at the Cape of Good Hope. Most of the Company’s territories were ruled by governors subordinate to the Governor-General in Batavia; the gouvernement of Java’s Northeast Coast, therefore, was no more directly monitored from Batavia than was the distant Cape settlement. Even within the VOC structure, therefore, the ‘Netherlands Indies’, as a precursor to modern Indonesia, had no formal existence.

 

Banda under Dutch rule

 

1648

The british had ben forced out of the cosmopolitan peper trading fort at banten near present day serang in 1648, but the were determinet to break the dutch  monopoly.

VOC territories and trading posts in Asia, 1650

 

The naval commercial power of the VOC, especially in an island region such as Indonesia, meant that the Company could pursue its interests on many fronts, but its two most important adversaries in the period to 1800 were Makasar and Mataram. Makasar, the main port in southern Sulawesi, became a major centre for the ‘smuggling’ trade which defied the Dutch monopoly until it succumbed to the Dutch and allied indigenous forces in a three-year war ending in 1669.

Coen had placed his headquarters on Java some distance from the rising central Java power of Mataram, but the two quickly came into conflict. In 1628 and 1629 forces from Mataram attacked Batavia but were repulsed. Thereafter, it was the Company which harassed Mataram, both deliberately circumscribing its power and finding itself drawn into civil wars and political conflicts within Mataram to defend its own interests. Following its participation in the defeat of Trunojoyo in 1678–1681, the VOC was a permanent element in Javanese politics and the Company gradually moved from being a maritime trading power to managing a territorial empire on Java. The Company’s administrative structure, however, continued to resemble that of a trading company, with officials below the level of governor holding mercantile titles and retaining principal responsibility for commercial matters along with administration

Sumatra, first half of 17th century

The successors of Sultan Iskandar Muda were unable to maintain the empire he had created and in the middle of the 17th century, the Acehnese empire began to contract. Within Aceh, moreover, royal power dwindled in the hinterland with the rise of powerful regional warlords or uleëbalang. Although Aceh remained independent, it was never again a major power.

Meanwhile, Aceh’s main rival, Johor, was also in decline. From the north, the aggressive Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya had turned Kedah into a vassal, requiring its ruler to send as tribute an intricate gold and silver tree (bunga mas dan perak). Johor was also under pressure from the south. From the middle of the 17th century, the pepper kingdoms of Jambi and Palembang had grown increasingly independent of their Javanese overlords and had begun to develop close relations with the VOC. Palembang soon fell out with the VOC, which sent forces to destroy its capital in 1659, but Jambi continued to prosper, repudiating Mataram’s overlordship in 1663. By 1673, Jambi was powerful enough to attack Johor and to destroy its capital utterly. Johor’s rulers then shifted their court once again into the islands for fifteen years. The final blow to Johor’s standing came in 1699, with the assassination of the brutal Sultan Mahmud, which broke Johor’s dynastic link with the prestige of the Melaka sultanate.

The decline of Aceh and Johor gave new opportunities to the Minangkabau peoples of central Sumatra. Siak on the Sumatra coast opposite Johor, Indrapura on the west coast, and the small Minangkabau communities of Sungai Ujung and Rembau near Melaka all became virtually independent in this era.

Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, 17th century

1636

After Iskandar’s death in 1636,

Acehnese influence began to contract, partly because Johor had found a new ally in the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC).

 

 

 

 

The two joined forces in 1641

to drive the Portuguese from Melaka, and the Dutch then brokered a peace between Johor and Aceh which allowed Johor to recover its influence in Pahang.

In southern Sumatra,

the arrival of Portuguese and later other European traders stimulated a massive expansion in the production of pepper.

The most southerly pepper-producing region of Lampung was conquered by the western Java state of Banten in the second half of the 16th century and Banten’s influence also stretched up the west coast as far as Bengkulu

 

1619

Under a tropical sun these almost stagnant waters, soaking into-the soft soil, produced malaria, and the city came to be regarded as the graveyard of Europeans; the wealthy classes took up their residence in the suburbs which formed the new town on the heights of Weltevreden, whither the government offices were removed. Within a few years canals have been filled up and drainage introduced, so that the city is considered tolerably healthy. The thermometer ranges from 65° to 90°. The old town is mainly inhabited by natives and the poorer Chinese. The city has a bank and a newspaper, and has recently been connected with Singapore by a telegraphic cable 600 m. long. Among the principal public buildings are the Lutheran church, military hospital, and exchange. – Batavia occupies the site of the former native city of Jacatra, which was seized in 1619 by the Dutch governor Jan Pieterszoon Koen, the Dutch having a few years before set up a factory here. The capital of the Dutch possessions in India was now removed from Amboyna to this place. In 1628-’9 the allied sovereigns of Bantam, Jacatra. and Mataram twice besieged the new city, with an army of 100,000 men, but were repulsed.

In 1641 there was a revolt of the Chinese population, of whom 12,000 were massacred by order of the governor, Adriaan Valckenaer. In 1811 it was captured by the English, but was restored to the Dutch after the peace.

 

Batavia.

1613

1613

When the kingdom was ruled by Raden Sumedang bans Suriadiwangsa, stepchild Geusan Ulun of RTU Harisbaya, Sumedanglarang into Mataram territory since 1620. Since then the status Sumedanglarang any changes from the kingdom into districts under the name Sumedang District. Mataram make Priangan as a region in western defenses against possible attacks Banten forces, and or Company based in Batavia, because of Mataram under Sultan Agung (1613-1645) hostile to the Company and the conflict with the Sultanate of Banten.

 

 
 

 

To oversee the Priangan, Sultan Agung lift Raden Aria Suradiwangsa be Wedana Regent (Regent Chief) in Priangan (1620-1624), with the title of Prince Rangga Gempol Kusumadinata, known as Rangga Gempol I.

In 1624 the great Emperor ordered Rangga Gempol I to conquer the Sampang (Madura). Therefore, the position represented Regent Wedana Priangan of younger princes Rangga Gempol I Dipati Rangga Gede. Shortly after Prince Dipati Rangga Gede served as Regent Wedana, Sumedang attacked by forces of Banten. Since most forces left Sumedang Sampang, Prince Dipati Rangga Gede unable to cope with the attack. As a result, he received a political sanction of Sultan Agung. Prince Dipati Rangga Gede held in Mataram. Regent Position Wedana Priangan submitted to Dipati Ukur, provided that he should be able to seize power Batavia of the Company.

Sultan Agung in 1628 ordered Dipati Ukur to help troops attacked the Mataram Company in Batavia. But the attack failed. Dipati Ukur realize that as a consequence of the failure that he will receive punishment similar to that received by Prince Dipati Rangga big, or a heavier punishment again. Therefore Dipati Ukur and their followers to rebel against Mataram. After the attacks on the Company fails, they do not come to Mataram report the failure of his duty. Dipati Ukur actions were considered by the party as a rebellion against the rulers of Mataram kingdom of Mataram.

Dipati Ukur occurrence of insubordination and his followers made possible, partly because of the Mataram difficult to monitor directly Priangan region, due to the distance between the center of Mataram Kingdom with regional Priangan. Theoretically, if the area is very far from the centers of power, the power center in the region are very weak. However, thanks to the assistance some areas in Priangan Head, Mataram party to quell the rebellion finally Dipati Ukur. According to Soil History (Chronicle), Dipati Ukur caught on Mount Barn (Bandung district) in the year 1632.

After the “rebellion” Dipati Ukur deemed concluded, Sultan Agung handed back office to the Prince Regent Wedana Priangan Dipati Rangga Gede who has been free from punishment. In addition, reorganization of government in Priangan to stabilize the situation and condition of the area. Priangan area outside Sumedang and Galuh divided into three districts, namely Bandung District, County and District Parakanmuncang Sukapura raised by three regional heads of Priangan which is considered to have contributed to quell the rebellion Dipati Ukur.

Third person referred to is the regional head Astamanggala Ki, was appointed head nurse pennant Cihaurbeuti great (regent) of Bandung with a degree Tumenggung Wiraangunangun, Tanubaya as regent Parakanmuncang and Ngabehi Wirawangsa became regent Sukapura with Wiradadaha Tumenggung title. The three men were sworn in together on the basis “Piagem Sultan Agung”, issued on Saturday the 9th of Muharam Year Alip (Javanese calendar). Thus, on 9 Muharam Taun Alip not just an anniversary of Bandung Kabupagten but at the same time as the anniversary Sukapura District and County Parakanmuncang.

 

 

Bandung 1800

 

 

The establishment of Bandung regency, means in Bandung area changes occur mainly in the areas of government. The area originally was part (subordinate) of the kingdom (the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajararan then Sumedanglarang) with an unclear status, turned into a region with a clear administrative sttus, namely district.

After the third regent appointed Mataram in central government, they return to their respective regions. Sadjarah Bandung (manuscript) states that the Regent of Bandung Tumeggung Wiraangunangun along with his followers from returning to the Tatar Ukur Mataram. The first time they come to Timbanganten. Where the regent of Bandung get 200 count.

Next Tumenanggung Wiraangunangun together people build Krapyak, a place located on the shores near the mouth of the Citarum River Sungat Cikapundung, (suburb of the southern part of Bandung Regency) as the district capital. As the central area of ​​Bandung regency, Krapyak and the surrounding area called Earth chick Gede.

Bandung District administrative area under the influence of Mataram (until the end of the 17th century), not known for sure, because accurate source that contains data about it is not / has not been found. According to native sources, the early stages of data covering several areas of Bandung regency, among others, Tatar Ukur, including area Timbanganten, Kuripan, Sagaraherang, and partly Tanahmedang.

Perhaps, the area outside the District Priangan Sumedang, Parakanmuncang, Sukapura and Galuh, which originally was Tatar territory Measure (Measure Sasanga) in the reign of Dipati Ukur, an administrative area of ​​Bandung regency at that time. If the allegations are true, then the capital of Bandung regency with Krapyak, its territory includes the area Timbanganten, Gandasoli, Adiarsa, Cabangbungin, Banjaran, Cipeujeuh, Majalaya, Cisondari, cavities, Kopo, Ujungberung and others, including area Kuripan, Sagaraherang and Tanahmedang.

 

 

Bandung regency as one of the district which formed the Kingdom of Mataram, and under the influence of royal authority, the system of government in Bandung Regency has a system of government of Mataram. Regent has a variety of symbols greatness, special guards and armed soldiers. Symbol and attributes it adds a big and strong power and influence over his people Bupti.

The amount of power and influence of the regents, among others, indicated by the possession of the privileges normally dmiliki by the king. These rights are the rights referred to inherit the position, only to collect taxes in money and goods, ha obtained a labor (Ngawula), hunting and fishing rights and the right to prosecute.

 

 

 

With very limited direct supervision of the rulers of Mataram, it is no wonder if that time Regent of Bandung in particular and generally Priangan Regents ruling like a king. He ruled over the people and regions. Pemerinatahn System regent and lifestyle is miniature of palace life. In performing its duties, the regent assisted by his subordinate officials, such as governor, prosecutors, rulers, village headman or chief cutak (head of district), district (chief assistant district), patinggi (headman or village leader) and others.

Bandung regency under the influence of the Mataram until the end of 1677. Then Bandung regency in the hands of the Company. This It occurs due to Mataram-VOC agreement (first agreement) December 19 to 20 October 1677. Under the authority of the Company (1677-1799), Regent of Bandung and other Regents Priangan still serves as the supreme ruler of the district, with no bureaucratic ties with the Company.

 

 

District government system basically does not have changes, because the Company only demanded that the regents recognize the power of the Company, with a guarantee to sell certain products of the earth to the VOC. In this case, the regents must not engage in political relations and trade with other parties. One thing that changed was the office of regent Wedana removed. Instead, the Company raised Prince Aria Cirebon as a supervisor (opzigter) area of ​​Cirebon-Priangan (Cheribonsche Preangerlandan).

One of the main obligations of the regents of the Company is obliged to carry out the planting of certain crops, especially coffee, and deliver results. The system is called Preangerstelsel compulsory planting. Meanwhile, the regents must maintain security and order in his territory. Regents also must not appoint or dismiss employees without consideration of subordinates regent regent ruler of the Company or the Company in Cirebon. For the regents to implement obligations of the latter well, the influence of the regent in the field of religion, including income from that field, such as the penis nature, are not bothered whether the regents and the people (farmers) get paid upon delivery of a large coffee determined by the Company.

Until the end of the power of VOC-VOC end in 1779, Bandung regency capital is Krapyak. During the Bandung regency ruled for generations by the six regents. Tumenggung Wiraangunangun (the first regent) ankatan Mataram who ruled until 1681. Five other regents are force the regents of the Company namely Tumenggung Ardikusumah who ruled in 1681-1704, Tumenggung Anggadireja I (1704-1747), Tumenggung Anggadireja II (1747-1763), R. Anggadireja III with a degree of RA Wiranatakusumah I (1763-1794) and RA Wiranatakusumah II who ruled from 1794 until 1829. In the reign of regents RA Wiranatakusumah II, moved the capital of Bandung Regency from Karapyak to the city of Bandung.

In 1613,

prince Rangsang became king of Mataram

Mataram Sultanate

 

The Sultanate of Mataram was the last major independent Javanese empire on Java before the island was colonized by the Dutch. It was the dominant political force in interior Central Java from the late 16th century until the beginning of the 18th century….

in Central Java. The following year, he attacked the principality of Surabaya

Surabaya

 

Surabaya is Indonesia’s second-largest city with a population of over 2.7 million , and the capital of the province of East Java…

in the east. The man who would be remembered as Sultan Agung had started a series of successful campaigns against rival kingdoms and principalities on Java.

In 1625,

in addition to Central Java, Mataram was in control of central and eastern parts of the island’s northern coast, called the Pasisir. Now Agung wanted to take on Banten and Batavia.

1628

Agung launched a first offensive on Batavia in 1628. Having suffered heavy losses, he had to retreat. he launched a second offensive in 1629. The Dutch fleet destroyed his supplies and his ships in the harbours of Cirebon

Cirebon

 

Cirebon is a port city on the north coast of the Indonesian island of Java. It is located in the province of West Java near the provincial border with Central Java, approximately 297 km east of Jakarta, at .The seat of a former Sultanate, the city’s West and Central Java border location have…

and Tegal

Tegal

Tegal is the largest city in the Tegal Regency, Indonesia. It is located on the north coast of Central Java about from Cirebon. Slawi, about to the south, is its suburb….

. Mataram troops, starving and decimated by illness, had to retreat again.

However, Agung pursued his conquering ambitions to the east. He attacked Blitar

Blitar

Blitar is a city and also the capital of the regency of the same name on East Java, Indonesia, about 73 kilometers from Malang and 167 kilometers from Surabaya. The area lies within longitude 111° 40′ – 112° 09′ East and its latitude is 8° 06′ South…

, Panarukan and the Blambangan principality in Java’s eastern salient, a vassal of the Bali

Bali

Bali is an Indonesian island located in the westernmost end of the Lesser Sunda Islands, lying between Java to the west and Lombok to the east. It is one of the country’s 33 provinces with the provincial capital at Denpasar towards the south of the island….

nese kingdom of Gelgel

Gelgel

Gelgel may refer to:*Gelgel, Chad, a city in Chad*Gelgel, Indonesia, a village on the island of Bali, and a former kingdom…

. Agung died in 1646. His son succeeded him under the title of Susuhunan

Sunan (Indonesian title)

Sunan is the shorter version of “Susuhunan”, both used as an honourific in Java Indonesia.According to Hamka in his book Dari Perbendaharaan Lama the word derived from a Javanese word for position of hands in reverential salutation, done with hands pressed together, palms touching and fingers……

outside the city walls

 

Batavia 1656

Despite the terrible rendering of online translation of Dutch, I’m fairly confident all four images above relate to the Java region of Indonesia and are all* the first three are approximately from the second half of the 17th 18th century [*see the comments at the end of the post]. They are spliced screencaps from a new cartographic database of several hundred images relating to the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The collection consists mostly of maps (of course) – many fort outlines and lots of interesting and artistic map sketches – but there are the occasional scenic watercolour pictures as well.  From the ‘Collectie/Archief’ drop down menu, select ‘Kaarten van de VOC’, change the number of thumbnails you want to display per page down the bottom and then hit ‘zoek’. It’s all easy.

 

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

 

 

17th Century.

 

Under Dutch naval hegemony from the 1600s, Javanese cloth exports persisted, and then rose sharply and continuously from the 1680s. South eastern Sumatra emerged as the main market, but Borneo and the Straits of Melaka also increased their purchases, fivefold in the case of Javanese cloth despatched from Semarang between 1720 and the mid-1770s. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135-6)

 

In the case of south eastern Sumatra, Javanese cloth was soon joined by that of Madura and Bali, and then by that of Thailand and Cambodia. By 1691 a Dutch envoy to Palembang declared that most men, from sultan to peddler, were dressed in imported Southeast Asian cloth, although the ladies of the court remained loyal to Indian materials. Nevertheless, imports of Indian stuffs declined sharply. This was despite Palembang’s booming economy, fuelled by profits from Bangka tin. (Andaya 1989: 40-1) Glum VOC officials blamed shifts in fashion, reporting that the Javanese increasingly favoured their own ‘painted cloth.’ (Andaya 1989: 40; Nagtegaal 1996: 135-6, 149)

Barbara Andaya attributes this commercial revolution to the rising prices of Indian textiles, combined with falling prices for Sumatran pepper. Demand from Europe and the Atlantic world pushed up cloth prices in India, and the Dutch East India Company [VOC] monopoly over trade from India made matters worse. Although it is hard to compare prices of different qualities, Javanese cloth may only have been one quarter to one eighth as expensive as its Indian equivalents in Sumatra. However, she also states that the rise in Indian prices only began in the 1690s, a decade too late for this explanation to be truly convincing. Moreover, it is far from clear that overall income from pepper in Sumatra was falling, even if nominal prices were, and she notes that tin revenues were buoyant. (Andaya 1989: 38-9)

Supply factors and product innovation also need to be taken into consideration. A Dutch source of 1688 wrote of the virtual halving of the price of raw cotton in Java, although it is unclear why this was, or whether it was permanent. More attractive is Luc Nagtegaal’s argument that Chinese traders began to extend credit to peasant families, in return for guaranteed deliveries of yarn and cloth. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135, 149) Kenneth Hall further suggests that novel production techniques were introduced for batik around this time, albeit without specifying what they were. (Hall 1996: 120) The rise of batik certainly contributed to the surge

 

in exports from Java, although it is not clear in what proportion. (Andaya 1989: 40-1; Nagtegaal 1996: 135-6) The Dutch first appear to have recorded batik exports from Batavia [Jakarta] in 1641, destined for Bengkulu in southwestern Sumatra, and batik soon became a fixture in the island’s trade. (Kerlogue 2004: 17-18; Hitchcock 1991: 23, 94)

Detailed Javanese port statistics from 1774-77 provide a glimpse into the comparative significance of Indian and local cloth in Batavia’s trade. The figures show an annual average of some 70,000 pieces of Indian cloth entering Batavia, compared to 13,000 for Bali and 6,000 for Java. The latter, probably batik, came mainly from Semarang, with Surabaya next in line. Smaller quantities were obtained from Tegal and Pekalongan, as well as Sumenep on the island of Madura. Re-exports were mainly to Sumatra and Borneo. The average price of a Javanese piece was a quarter to a third of one from India. (Knaap 1996: 131-3)

Much Javanese yarn found its way to India and Europe. Initially, the VOC sent this product to India for weaving and dyeing. (Nagtegall 1996: 136) In the eighteenth century, the VOC obtained increasing amounts of cotton yarn, often presented as tribute or tax. The finest product came from East Java, and it went to Dutch industries, together with South Asian yarns. (Matsuo 1970: 1-3) This was probably because Dutch industries experienced great difficulties in spinning strong enough warp threads to weave pure cotton cloth, and thus fell back on linen warps and made fustians. (Kraan 1998: 8)

Although Javanese exports fell away as machine-made cloths flooded in from the early nineteenth century, they never entirely ceased. There was still a vigorous local trade in Javanese batik in the 1820s, with Pekalongan, famous for its indigo, one of the main sources for Batavia and Banten. (Enk 1999: 242) In 1834-35, cotton cloth made in Java was sold in Yemen, possibly by pilgrims on their way to Jiddah. (Baldry 1982: 51; Maznah 1996: 89, 102) Small exports of Javanese cloth were recorded in 1858. (Oorschot 1956: 16) Batik proved especially buoyant,

15

stimulated by imports of cheap machine-made cambric and aniline dyes, and conserving a regional market in the Indian Ocean. (Matsuo 1970: 80-6; Boomgaard 1989: 127-8)

The trading sphere of other Southeast Asian textiles

In the course of the seventeenth century, a powerful new exporter of cloth suddenly arose in South Sulawesi. Makassarese and Bugis traders and shippers, themselves new to long-distance shipping, initially employed the cloth to buy spices in the Moluccas, and then gradually spread it around the whole ‘Malay world,’ including the Philippines. (Reid 1988: 94-5; Heersink 1999: 12-13, 46-50) In 1785, large amounts of South Sulawesi’s checked cloth went ‘to all Malay countries.’ (Pelras 1996: 242) Cotton sarung cloth from this area found a ready market in East Sumatra in 1823. (Anderson 1971: 206, 247, 265)

Sumatra and Malaya drove an intense sea-borne commerce in their own textiles, centred on the Straits of Melaka. Among the imports of East Sumatra in 1823 were ‘a variety of silk and cotton cloths’ from Aceh to the north, including trousers. ‘Rich gold wrought cloths’ came from Palembang and eastern Malaya, and enigmatically labelled ‘coast blue cloths’ appeared. At the same time, East Sumatra exported its own cloth, notably elegant scarves and turbans, within these waters. (Anderson 1971: 206, 247, 265, 312, 354) The internal textile trade of this great island was also very active, with cottons woven in the highlands coming down to the coast. (Dobbin 1977: 19)

Falling imports of Indian cloth into the Malayan peninsula from the eighteenth century provided new opportunities for ‘Malay piece-goods,’ a term for cottons made throughout the peninsula and the archipelago. In 1835, they accounted for 6% of the value of imports in this category into Singapore, the new great entrepôt of Southeast Asia, rising to 11% in 1836, despite the influx of British stuffs. (Maznah 1996: 79-81)

16

Cottons were exported on a minor scale when the Spaniards began to colonise the Philippines from the late sixteenth century. (Reid 1988: 91; McCoy 1982: 301). However, exports only really took off in the mid-eighteenth century, with the phenomenal success of Panay cloth. Chinese Mestizo merchants were so successful in marketing this product that Iloilo became a boom town, sucking in migrants from far and wide. Weekly fairs were held in settlements around the port of Iloilo to collect cloths to send across the waters. As late as 1855, they accounted for over half the value of Iloilo’s exports, and were sold as far afield as Europe and the Americas. (McCoy 1982: 301-3) Other Visayan cloth had more restricted markets, but was exported to the Palau islands of the South Pacific. In contrast, Ilocos cottons were typically exported overland, especially to the Animists of highland Luzon. (Mallat 1983: 143, 188)

Chinese traders probably purchased Vietnamese cotton yarn and cloth from around the thirteenth century, but the main early modern textile export to China and Japan was raw silk. (Reid 1988: 91, 93) Indeed, Tonkin silk was so cheap that shipping it to ‘secluded’ Japan was for a time one of the most profitable ventures of the VOC. As for cotton cloth, Animists of the southern uplands sent it to the coastal plain. (Li 1998: 66-7, 73-5, 122; Li and Reid 1993: 31, 111)

Sea-borne exports of cottons came more from Thailand and Cambodia. ‘Cheap coarse Siamese cloth for the poor people’ was already shipped on a fair scale to Melaka in the 1510s. (Pires 1944: 108) From the 1680s to the 1760s, woven cotton cloth from Cambodia and Thailand undersold Indian textiles in South Sumatra. (Andaya 1989: 41; Green 2003: 44)

Central Burma’s raw cotton was in plentiful supply, and Reid writes that some yarn was exported overland to Yunnan by the late eighteenth century. (Reid 1988: 91) However, ginned raw cotton made up the bulk of cargoes carried by equids and oxen to Yunnan, and Lieberman only

17

surmises that Burmese yarn or cloth also took this route at this time. (Lieberman 2003: 145, 170, 172)

The trading sphere of Middle Eastern textiles

Persia was the greatest single Middle Eastern exporter of textiles, with silk, the empire’s staple, much in demand in Western Europe. (Ferrier 1996: 173-4) Eighteenth-century political turmoil gravely affected the economy, but exports of silk, cottons, and woollens persisted, especially to Russia, Inner Asia, and the Ottoman empire. (Issawi 1966: 33, 136; Issawi 1971: 264-5, 267) Russia also took considerable amounts of cotton yarn, with 1,500 mule loads destined for Astrakhan in 1848 alone. (Issawi 1971: 264, 267) There were even small silk exports to India around 1800. (Issawi 1971: 269)

Among the stuffs leaving the Ottoman heartlands of Anatolia and the Balkans, cottons gradually overtook silks. In part, this may have reflected re-exports of Indian cottons, coming via Iraq. (Kelly 1968: 36-7; Issawi 1966: 136) However, Istanbul certainly exported significant quantities of its own cotton cloth and yarns to France in the second half of the eighteenth century, despite French protectionist duties, whereas imports from France were negligible. Silks and woollens went in both directions without a clear pattern of dominance, although French woollens consisted of cloth, and Turkish ones of carpets. Moreover, a flourishing export business arose in late eighteenth-century Thessaly, where local cotton yarn was dyed and exported to the Austrian empire and German-speaking lands. (Issawi 1966: 41, 48-9) The more general rise of a Balkan cotton textile industry in the eighteenth century stimulated Ottoman exports around the Black Sea. (Braudel 1981-84: III, 477)

In the early sixteenth century, Greater Syria mainly exported cotton cloth to Egypt, with the white stuffs of Baalbek to the fore. (Lamm 1937: 230) Incorporation in the Ottoman empire then opened new markets in

18

Anatolia and the Hijaz. (Issawi 1988: 66, 373) By the late eighteenth century, direct exports to Europe were also on some scale, including cotton cloth and yarn, and much raw cotton. In 1784, the French in Sidon ‘have one or two agents who buy cotton yarn every Monday or Tuesday,’ and the same used to be true of Acre before the Pasha attempted to corner the market. Smaller amounts of mainly raw silk also went to Europe, which sent woollens in return. (Issawi 1966: 33, 219)

Egypt acted as an entrepôt for textiles, including cottons from India, Syria, Istanbul and Bursa, which makes it hard to know where certain stuffs were made. (Raymond 1973-74: I, 135-6, 173, 180) Thus, Alexandria exported ‘rough cotton piece goods used by Negroes in the West Indies’ in 1784, but their place of manufacture was not stated. (Issawi 1966: 33-4). Over the eighteenth century as a whole, the bulk of cottons and linens destined from Europe came from Egyptian looms, in a ratio of around two thirds cottons to one third linens. Proportions were similar in exports to the Red Sea and Sub-Saharan Africa, but reversed in the case of Istanbul and the Maghrib. About a fifth of imported European woollens were re-exported to the Hijaz. (Raymond 1973-74: I, 131, 161, 180-3, 186, 192; Issawi 1966: 475-6)

Yemen’s function as an entrepôt at the other end of the Red Sea entails similar problems, though re-exports were clearly more significant than in Egypt. There was a marked decline in Yemeni cottons sent up the Red Sea to Egypt from around 1250, due to competition from Indian goods, even if a small flow persisted into the nineteenth century. (Baldry 1982: 22-3, 41-2, 45-50, 53; Otavsky et al. 1995: 26) In the 1510s, coloured woollens were mentioned first on a list of commodities going from Aden to India, apparently a complex mix of local, Egyptian and European products. (Pires 1944: 12-13, 17, 269)

Further east, the Portuguese looted a cargo of Hadhrami black cloth in the harbour of al-Shihr in 1533-34. (Baldry 1982: 42) In 1774, Hadhramaut exported cloth to Yemen. (Issawi 1966: 306) Oman may

19

have been supplying Indian Ocean markets since its rise to regional naval hegemony in the seventeenth century, and Omani cloth still went to Somalia in the 1840s. (Bhacker 1992: 133; Guillain 1856-57: II, 535) Bahrayn, specialising in making sail-cloth with imported Indian raw cotton, exported small amounts of coarse cloth to Persia in the 1790s. (Issawi 1971: 264; Issawi 1988: 182)

The trading sphere of East African and Malagasy textiles

The Benadir coast of Somalia had an ancient reputation as an exporter of cotton textiles. Back in the fourteenth century, Ibn Battuta noted that the ‘unequalled’ cloth of Mogadishu was exported ‘to Egypt and elsewhere.’ (Gibb 1962: 374) In the 1840s, with competition from American cloth rising, Mogadishu’s plain white cloth still regularly reached as far down the coast as Mombasa, and occasionally to Zanzibar and other Indian Ocean locations (Guillain 1856-57: II, 532, and III, 323; Reese 1996: 95-6) However, by this time the greatest market for Somali cloth lay inland in the Horn, especially among the Oromo people. (Alpers 1983: 85-6)

The Kirimba islands’ indigo-dyed milwani cloth sold over wide swathes of East Africa in the sixteenth century. It was part of the ‘cloth of the land’ that Portuguese traders in Mozambique Island purchased for their commercial operations, and it appears to have been the staple of Comorian traders. (Prestholdt 1998: 27-30; Newitt 1995: 28, 189-90) However, this cloth disappeared from view in the course of the seventeenth century, possibly because of Indian competition. (Newitt 1995: 190-2) Gondo cotton sail-cloth of Sofala, also purchased by Portuguese traders, was taken up the coast into Zambezia, a trade that persisted throughout the early modern period. (Machado 2005: 110; Newitt 1995: 28).

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Machira from the lower Zambezi was even more successful. Well into the nineteenth century, this un-dyed homespun was widely traded along the coast and far inland, more than holding its own against Gujarati competition. (Alpers 1975: 25; Mudenge 1988: 187; Isaacman 1972: 66, 73-5; Pearson 1998: 122; Rita-Ferreira 1999: 117-18) Portuguese traders sought to gain supplies of machira to exchange for gold dust, and the cloth may have been taken by sea to Mozambique island. (Newitt 1995: 28, 78, 214; Alpers 1975: 55)

Indeed, sales of machira rose markedly in the eighteenth century. (Machado 2005: 110; Mudenge 1988: 187; Bhila 1982: 122, 131; Lobato 1957: 241-2; Isaacman 1972: 73-5) On the basis of some isolated tax figures, Rita-Ferreira suggests that the cost of this cloth roughly halved between the seventeenth and the eighteenth century. (Rita-Ferreira 1999: 118) He sees this as a negative consequence of Indian competition, but as the market for machiras remained buoyant, it suggests improved, if unexplained, productivity.

Madagascar’s cloth was exported to Yemen up to the thirteenth century, and was sought after by Portuguese traders in the sixteenth century. (Baldry 1982: 17; Newitt 1995: 28) It not clear whether exports to the Middle East and East Africa persisted, but Malagasy cloth found its way, in European vessels, to newly settled Mauritius from the seventeenth century. Internally, moreover, there was active commerce, with fibres sent up to the plateau, woven, and sold back to coastal areas. (Larson 2000: 50-7; Fee 2005: 94, 98)

Government attempts to restrict or encourage local industries

European thalassocracies sometimes tried to restrict local textiles, in order to reap fiscal advantages from sales of Indian fabrics. Thus, to sell more South Asian cloth in West Sumatra, the VOC long tried to discourage local manufacturing. (Dobbin 1977: 18) From the 1660s, the

21

VOC banned the planting of cotton in West Sumatra’s coastal strip, although the effectiveness of this prohibition is open to considerable doubt. Weaving was certainly flourishing again by the late eighteenth century, by which time the VOC was fatally wounded and short of cloth supplies. (Oki 1979: 148; Dobbin 1977: 18-19)

Caught off guard by the inroads made by Javanese and local cloth in South Sumatra from the 1680s, the VOC responded heavy-handedly. The Dutch first proclaimed that they were extending their monopoly over cloth imports from India to Javanese textiles, in 1681 for Palembang, and two years later for Jambi. However, this proved unworkable. In the 1730s, they turned their fire on local Sumatran producers by ‘persuading’ the sultans of Palembang and Jambi to order that all cotton shrubs in the hinterland should be destroyed. This was equally ineffective. The VOC therefore decided in 1770 that it would at least cut out Thai and Cambodian textiles, to favour its own sphere of influence in Java, imposing a ban on private trade north of Melaka. (Andaya 1989: 38-41)

In Java itself, the Dutch saw batik as the main danger to profits derived from Indian imports. In 1684, they therefore commissioned Coromandel weavers to copy Javanese batik, but the product turned out to be five times as expensive and not as good. Two years later, the VOC toyed with the idea of prohibiting imports of beeswax, essential to make batik, but soon realised that this would be impossible to enforce. (Nagtegaal 1996: 136)

On the other side of the ocean, the Portuguese authorities in Mozambique were worried that the growing popularity of machiras was undermining revenues from Indian imports. In 1750, the Junta do Comercio thus suggested banning the cultivation of cotton in Zambezia, but this was wisely judged to be impractical. In 1753, the authorities came up with an even more hare-brained scheme, whereby they would buy up all available raw cotton and sell it in India and China. (Lobato 1957: 241-

22

2; Machado 2005: 110) In the event, the Portuguese proved quite incapable of stifling production of machira cloth. (Mudenge 1988: 187)

Only the Spaniards tried to stimulate local output of textiles, and that briefly. General Ricafort in the Philippines ordered that ‘troops be dressed only in the cloths manufactured in this country.’ His order was obeyed in 1826-27, but lapsed thereafter, perhaps because he moved elsewhere. (Mallat 1983: 143)

Attempts to favour the local production of textiles were more typically undertaken by large independent states in the Middle East. A growing influx of Indian cottons caused a worrying ‘drain’ of silver to South Asia, so that rulers began to encourage cotton industries. Shah Abbas I [r.1587-1629] promoted cotton cultivation in Persia, and protected artisan guilds in his new capital of Isfahan. (Baker 1995: 108-10, 120-1, 135-6, 160)

Ottoman sultans similarly sought to stimulate the use of cotton from the seventeenth century, partly to meet the army’s needs for uniforms and the navy’s requirements for sails. (Baker 1995: 101-3) The Ottoman state temporarily withdrew from all forms of direct artisanal production in 1709, but it provided interest-free credit and tax holidays, secured raw materials, and encouraged the settlement of artisans. The one thing it would not do, however, was to provide tariff protection, as that contradicted the ruler’s Islamic obligation to keep prices low for his subjects. (Ihsanoglu 2004: X, 57-9)

Appropriate technology

European sources are littered with derogatory references to ‘primitive’ textile technologies, and such comments have all too often been uncritically repeated by later scholars. In reality, simple and elegant techniques were cheap and well adapted to local resource endowments.

23

In other words, they were as much the secret of success as the cause of failure.

The spinning wheel is thought to have appeared in India in the second half of the first millennium CE, and diffused from there. (Weibel 1952: 14) References to early modern wheels come from all over the Indian Ocean periphery, but it is difficult to get a sense of when, and to what extent, the wheel displaced the spindle, which long persisted in many places. (Raffles 1817: I, 168; Hall 1996: 99; Hunter 1968: 81; Pankhurst 1968: 258; Weir 1970: 8)

The evolution of looms, almost always made of perishable wood or bamboo, is only a little easier to trace. Body-tension looms, often called backstrap looms, were probably the most ancient form in Southeast Asia. They were pictured on a Yunnan bronze from Han times, described by a Chinese pilgrim in late thirteenth century Cambodia, and appeared in Javanese carvings of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Cheap to make and easy to store, such looms were well adapted to part-time home weaving. The oldest forms probably had a continuous warp arrangement, turning out tubular cloth for sarung, and they remained popular in sparsely peopled upland zones. (Fraser-Lu 1988: 33-5; Hitchcock 1991: 53-64; Pelras 1996: 243-4; Green 2003: 59-60)

By 1800, some Southeast Asians wove on horizontal frame looms, which were situated on or above ground level, and had two heddles worked by treadles. More expensive and taking up more space, they were also more productive, enabling full-time weavers to weave wider cloths. Some were solid affairs, but minimalist versions also appeared in the remote highlands of Mainland Southeast Asia. (Fraser-Lu 1988: 36-9; Hitchcock 1991: 65-71; Green 2003: 60-7) The pit looms of India, with the treadles below the ground, were not found. (Raffles 1817: I, 168)

The Middle East had a particularly varied selection of looms. The oldest were the single-heddle horizontal models of ancient Egypt, which nomads continued to favour into the twentieth century. Vertical warp-

24

weighted varieties existed, notably for carpets, for which body-tension looms were also occasionally employed. From about the second century CE, double-heddle frame or treadle looms appeared in Egypt, and thence diffused all over the settled Middle East, often in the form of pit looms. For really complex types of cloth, drawlooms evolved by the fifteenth century in Egypt, with multiple heddles and a drawboy lifting further groups of warp yarns with cords. (Baker 1995: 26-8, 70; Weir 1970) For fine Persian silks in the late seventeenth century, five to six men worked on looms employing between 24 and 30 shuttles. (Ferrier 1996: 173)

East Africa could be split into two zones. The northeast, down to the present Kenyan coast, used double-heddle horizontal pit looms, on Middle Eastern and Indian lines. (Picton and Mack 1989; Schaedler 1987: 93-9; Alpers 1983: 80-1; Pankhurst 1968: 259-60) Further south was the domain of single-heddle horizontal ground looms. (Davison and Harries 1980: 181-2; Schaedler 1987: 56-64; Alpers 1975: 24-5; Pearson 1998: 122; Rita-Ferreira 1999: 117)

Madagascar boasted a diversity of looms. Southeastern Africa’s single-heddle horizontal model was most common, especially in the west. Along the northeastern coastal strip, the heddle rod was sometimes lashed to the rafters, as in parts of the Persian Gulf, and there were many double-heddle looms by around 1800. Finally, parts of the southeast used body-tension looms with continuous warp, strongly resembling those of Southeast Asia. (Mack 1987: 84-6; Mack 1989: 22-31; Schaedler 1987: 63, 74; Fee 2005: 94; Hitchcock 1991, 59)

Social relations of production

Social practices governing cloth production may have been a greater constraint on productivity, although this remains to be demonstrated. Culturally allocated gender roles were inflexible in weaving, but less so in other parts of the textile process. The scale of

25

production varied, and is hard to correlate with success or failure. Labour coercion was possibly a negative factor, but it was patchy.

Men wove and dyed in the Middle East and East Africa, as in India, and there seem to have been no exceptions to this rule. (Baker 1995; Ferrier 1996: 173; Bhacker 1992: 133; Mack 1989: 21) Spinning was usually a female occupation in India, but the situation in the Middle East and East Africa was more fluid. The male guilds of Mosul were unable to prevent the spinning of cotton and wool becoming and remaining ‘a monopoly of women, urban and rural’ from the last decades of the seventeenth century. (Khoury 1997: 138; Shields 2000: 77) Women also spun in Palestine at a later date. (Weir 1970) Both men and women did so in Ethiopia, whereas women monopolised this activity in Somalia (Schaedler 1987: 396-423; Pankhurst 1968: 257; Alpers 1983: 79; Reese 1996: 94) On the lower Zambezi, it was said that men did almost everything, including much growing of cotton. (Alpers 1975: 25) However, a Portuguese source of the 1590s described women as spinning in this region. (Rita-Ferreira 1999: 117)

Women wove in Southeast Asia, as in China, and more generally dominated the textile chain. (Reid 1988: 93; Owen 1978: 157-8; Fraser-Lu 1994: 256-8; Pelras 1996: 241; Maznah 1996: 5, 91-2; McCoy 1982: 303) Indeed, mid-nineteenth century parish registers from southwestern Luzon recorded every bride as a weaver by profession. (Owen 1978: 165) Female labour was the norm in production and finishing, and women often harvested cotton bolls as well. Men’s role was restricted to supplying wooden and metal equipment, and to some growing of raw cotton. This held good across religious divides between Muslims, Hindus, Christians, and Animists. Noble women took pride in weaving fine cloth, and older women were generally more skilled. (Hitchcock 1991: 123-31; Owen 1978: 157-8, 165; Kraan 1998: 6)

The division of labour by gender was deeply rooted, for women nearly always wove in Madagascar, even when using looms of an East

26

African type. This prominence of women in Malagasy textiles almost certainly reflected ancient waves of Southeast Asian migration to the great island. (Mack 1987: 77; Mack 1989: 21; Prestholdt 1998: 27, 30) In 1777, a French traveller in the highlands even opined that women were so busy weaving that men undertook most domestic chores. (Larson 2000: 124) Male weaving only occurred among the Antaisaka people of the southeast, and for the production of red silk shrouds for dead nobles in northern Imerina. (Mack 1989: 21; Campbell 2005: 31)

Servile work appear to have been more common than in India or China, although the distribution of such labourers was extremely uneven in time and space. Coercion not only affected slaves, but also serfs, debt peons, inferior castes, religious minorities and other ‘subalterns.’ This did not reflect low population densities, for coercion was frequently encountered in the most densely peopled areas, but it may have signalled dysfunctional labour markets. Low remuneration was probably more than offset by low productivity, making servile labour more of a handicap than an advantage, as Parviz Mohebbi has cogently argued for Persia. (Mohebbi 1996: 149, 207, 215) Different parts of the textile process could have different configurations. Thus, spinning was an honourable profession in Ethiopia, but weaving was allocated to despised minorities. (Pankhurst 1968: 258-9)

Java had much bonded labour. Workers of servile status existed from at least the seventeenth century, especially in large textile establishments close to towns and royal courts. (Matsuo 1970: 77)

1649

Kerajaan Sukapura

 

Kerajaan/ Kadipaten SukapuraMerupakan kerajaan/ kadipaten lama di Jawa Barat. Lokasinya adalah sebagai berikut:

 

 

 

Sumber: Digital Atlas of Indonesian History by Robert Cribb.Raja-raja dan bupati swapraja yang pernah memerintah Sukapura adalah:
• Wiradedaha I (1641-?)
• Wiradedaha II (?-1674)
• Anggadipa Wiradedaha III (1674-1726)

 

In 1684,

‘thousands of women’ produced cloth in the ‘weaving mills’ of Kartasura, Mataram’s capital. However, individual peasant women simultaneously brought small packets of cloth to local markets, which were bought and exported by Chinese traders. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135)

Early nineteenth century weaving workshops in Cirebon exploited the labour of indebted women. (Burger 1975: I, 58) In contrast, fine batik was largely reserved for high class ladies at this time. (Kraan 1998:  The Spaniards rejected slavery in the Philippines, but debt remained a problem. Leading Chinese Mestizo merchants of Iloilo regularly had 6 to 12 looms at work in their compounds. In law, their workers received monthly wages. However, many women were heavily indebted, and it was alleged that a trifling initial loan could imply years of bonded labour. (McCoy 1982: 303)

Servile workshops existed in the Middle East, most famously for silk production in Bursa, northwestern Anatolia. These workshops generally contained up to ten looms and twenty workers, with contractual manumission as a mechanism for lowering supervisory costs and increasing productivity. However, rising slave prices led to more hiring of workers on a weekly basis from the seventeenth century, as silk began to make way for cotton prints. (Inalcik 1979: 27-9; Baker 1995: 86-7)

Middle Eastern entrepreneurs were at times drawn from ethnic or religious minorities. Thus, Christian Armenians owned most of the textile workshops of Istanbul. (Baker 1995: 160) Similarly, about twice as much Christian as Muslim capital was invested in Damascus weaving shops in the 1830s. (Issawi 1966: 224)

The existence of large workshops was not necessarily a precondition for servile labour to prevail. In East Sumatra in 1823, it was said that, ‘in almost every house at Batubara is one or more looms; and the slave girls spin, dye and weave.’ These slaves were mainly Animist Batak, brought down for sale from the highlands. (Anderson 1971: 312) Theravada Buddhist kings seized numerous weavers in war, and resettled them in serf villages around their capital cities, notably in Burma and Thailand. (Fraser-Lu 1988: 88, 116-17, 120; Fraser-Lu 1994: 258)

Servile labour in domestic settings existed elsewhere. In Hadhramaut, textile production was dispersed in people’s houses, and weavers were assisted by a couple of slaves, or servants from lower social strata. (Berg 1886: 78)

 

Yemeni Jews, subject to various forms of discrimination, specialised in weaving according to their uniquetechnique, although Muslims also participated in this activity. (Baldry 1982: 46, 55) In southern Somalia, slaves, ex-slave clients and people of low castes mingled with free Somalis in a system of production that was both highly specialised and family-based. (Reese 1996: 94-8; Alpers 1983: 81-4) Many women in the highlands of Madagascar worked full time in cloth manufacture, and a report from 1826 noted that this included every kind of woman ‘from the King’s wives to the slaves.’ (Larson 2000: 128; Fee 2005: 94)

Home weaving seems to have been the norm around the Indian Ocean periphery, even in countries with a strong urban tradition. Javanese peasants satisfied most of their own textile needs, and restricted weaving to the off season. (Oorschot 1956: 13-14; Kraan 1998: 4) Chinese merchants ran a putting out system in central Java from the late seventeenth century, and the same appears to have been true of eastern Malaya around 1800. (Nagtegaal 1996: 135; Maznah 1996: 4-5) In northwestern Madagascar in the sixteenth century, cloths were woven to order, but in individual homes. (Prestholdt 1998: 30) Even in eighteenth century Egypt, spinning was a rural and familial activity, although weaving and dyeing tended to take place in larger urban establishments. (Raymond 1973-74: I, 229-31)

Conclusion

Although lying beyond the realm of proof, it seems that Indian textile exports not only failed to de-industrialise the Indian Ocean periphery, but actually stimulated its development. Most obviously positive was the supply of intermediate goods, whether cloth or yarn. The sale of local textiles in regional markets also benefited from economies of scale, notably in shipping and financial services, and lower transactions costs, so that local exports ‘piggy-backed’ on flows of South Asian cloth. In addition, India supplied models for local industries to emulate, and even surpass.

The ability of peripheral textiles to retain ‘niche’ markets at home has long been recognised, but successes in the export field have received much less acknowledgement. It is especially significant that new products emerged, and were aggressively exported, in the course of the early modern period, such as Bugis checks of South Sulawesi, Panay cloth of the Philippines, or Thessaly dyed cotton yarn in the Balkans.

Far from Indian cloth exerting a growing and inexorable hegemony, the evidence suggests that Indian exports were faltering, and in some cases markedly declining, from the late seventeenth century. The usual explanation is that growing demand from the West, coupled with inflexibilities in South Asian production processes, pushed prices of Indian textiles too high for the impoverished inhabitants of the Indian Ocean periphery. However, this seems unsatisfactory. Incomes may well have been rising overall, and too little credit is given to as yet unexplored improvements in the productivity of peripheral textiles.

European cloth only impinged to any degree on the Middle East, where exchanges remained quite balanced in this period. European woollen cloth gradually penetrated this market, but silk cloth went in both directions, and Middle Eastern producers of cotton cloth and yarn, as well as woollen and silken carpets, held the upper hand. European imports of cotton yarn, which also came from Java and India, underline the problems encountered in producing warp threads of sufficient quality in the continent’s new industry.

An understanding of the base-line, prior to the mass arrival of industrially produced textiles from around the 1840s, makes it easier to grasp later developments on the Indian Ocean periphery. As industrialisation gathered pace, advancement and retardation in part reflected earlier patterns of development. Although there have been substantial and understandable exceptions, those areas which had themost advanced early modern proto-industries tend to be those with the most flourishing modern industries.

Finally, a better knowledge of conditions in export markets around the Indian Ocean might yield a more sophisticated understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of early modern India’s proto-industry. In the case of Indian hand weaving in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Tirthankar Roy has argued that the weaker partner to some extent shaped the development of the stronger partner in the competitive struggle. (Roy 1996: 13) This may also have been the case for local textile production on the periphery of the early modern Indian Ocean

 

The Alienation (1601 – 1700)

(1601 – 1700)

1601 – Portuguese sent a fleet from Goa, India, to drive the Dutch from the Indies. The English set up fort at Banda. Aceh sends two ambassadors to Europe to observe and report on the situation to the Sultan. December 25-27: Five Dutch ships defeat the Portuguese fleet of 30 ships in battle in Banten harbour.

1602 – March 20: Dutch companies combine to form Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC); led by Heeren XVII representing different regions of the Netherlands; States-General gives VOC power to raise armies, build forts, negotiate treaties and wage war in Asia. VOC begins sending large, well-armed ships to the Indies (38 in the first three years). VOC establishes post at Gresik. Sir James Lancaster leads an (English) East India Company expedition, reaches Aceh, and builds a trading post at Banten.

 

1603 – Official VOC trading post founded at Banten.

1604 – English East India Company expedition under Sir Henry Middleton visits Ternate, Tidore, Ambon, and Banda.

1605 – Portuguese at Ambon surrender to ships under VOC and sends expeditions to Banda, Irian Jaya, northern Australia.

1606 – Spanish take Ternate and Tidore. VOC makes unsuccessful attack on Portuguese Melaka. VOC begins trading at Banjarmasin.

1607 – May: Sultan of Ternate appeals to the VOC for help against the Spanish. Aceh under Iskandar Muda and his successor, Iskandar Thani, was a center of Islamic scholarship and debate.

1609 – Portuguese fortress on Bacan falls to VOC.

1610 – Post of Governor-General is created for VOC in Asia, advised by Raad van Indie (Council of the Indies).

1611 – English begin setting up many posts in the Indies, including at Makassar, Jepara, Aceh and Jambi. Dutch set up post at Jayakerta.

1613 – April 18: Dutch take Solor from Portuguese. Portuguese Dominicans move headquarters to Larantuka, Flores. Iskandar Muda of Aceh defeats Johore, burns down the city, carries away the Sultan of Johore and VOC representatives. Mataram forces burn down Gresik; Krapyak asks VOC in Maluku for help against Surabaya. VOC sets up post at Jepara and first post on Timor.

1614 – Aceh wins naval battle against Portuguese at Bintan, continues on to attack Melaka. Johore throws out Aceh forces, creates alliance Palembang, Jambi, and other Sultanates against Aceh. VOC sends ambassador to Agung.

 

An attack in progress

1615 – VOC closes post at Gowa, hostilities drag on for years.

First Dutch Reformed church in the east founded at Ambon. English build warehouse at Jayakerta. Dutch abandon Solor after just two years.

During 1615-1616,

the Schouten expedition became the first to sail around Cape Horn at the the southern tip of South America, then made the first visit by Europeans to many south Pacific islands. By the time they arrived in Batavia (Jakarta), Coen had them jailed for violating the V.O.C.’s monopoly, and confiscated their ships. Years later, in 1722, the Dutch explorer Roggeveen would run into the same trouble after discovering Easter Island.

1616 – VOC military expedition against Banda.

 

 

 

1618 –

Jan Pieterzoon Coen becomes Governor-General of VOC. English merchants attack Chinese ships in Banten in a dispute over the price of pepper. Coen begins secretly fortifying the VOC warehouses at Jayakerta to the east. December Sultan of Banten encourages English to drive Dutch out of Jayakerta. Coen leaves for Maluku to muster ships and soldiers. Agung bans the sale of rice to the VOC. Agung’s governor of Jepara attacks the VOC post there; Dutch burn down much of Jepara in retaliation. Dutch reoccupy Solor.

The island was effectively subject to Makasar from 1618, and Manggarai, at the western end of Flores, soon followed.

The rest of Flores, however, and the whole of Sumba remained divided into a large number of small states until the colonial era

 

Chinese traders

 

 

 

1685

It was on the 12 th july 1685  that ralph ord, the repsentative of the honourable East india company, managed to establish a settlemen at bencoolen, concluding an agreement with the local rulers fort the supply of papper to the company, in return for an undertaking to protect them from the dutch.

Bencoolen was considered to be in a strategic position to control the trade route through the sunda strait. In fact its strategic infortance was never realised as most Europeen  shipping chose to use the starait of malacca, the more direct route from india to china. Bencoolen was to remain the head quarters for the company’s Operations in sumatra. A number of small trading post, or factories as the were called  from the title of factor, (the official responsible for the settlement), were established on the west coast of sumatra from Tapanuli, natal and moko moko in the north, to manna and krui in the south, near the modern border with lampung

1600.

In November 1600 Paulus van Caarden, having also the command of two Dutch ships, was received upon his landing with much ceremony; but at his first audience the king refused to read a letter from the Prince of Orange, upon its being suggested to him that instead of paper it was written on the skin of an unclean animal; and the subsequent treatment experienced by this officer was uniformly bad. It appears however that in December 1601 the king was so far reconciled to this new power as to send two ambassadors to Holland, one of whom died there in August 1602, and the other returned to Achin subsequently to the death of his master.

1602.

The first English fleet that made its appearance in this part of the world, and laid the foundation of a commerce which was in time to eclipse that of every other European state, arrived at Achin in June 1602. Sir James Lancaster, who commanded it, was received by the king with abundant ceremony and respect, which seem with these monarchs to have been usually proportioned to the number of vessels and apparent strength of their foreign guests. The queen of England’s letter was conveyed to court with great pomp, and the general, after delivering a rich present, the most admired article of which was a fan of feathers, declared the purpose of his coming was to establish peace and amity between his royal mistress and her loving brother, the great and mighty king of Achin. He was invited to a banquet prepared for his entertainment, in which the service was of gold, and the king’s damsels, who were richly attired and adorned with bracelets and jewels, were ordered to divert him with dancing and music. Before he retired he was arrayed by the king in a magnificent habit of the country, and armed with two krises. In the present sent as a return for the queen’s there was, among other matters, a valuable ruby set in a ring. Two of the nobles, one of whom was the chief priest, were appointed to settle with Lancaster the terms of a commercial treaty, which was accordingly drawn up and executed in an explicit and regular manner. The Portuguese ambassador, or more properly the Spanish, as those kingdoms were now united, kept a watchful and jealous eye upon his proceedings; but by bribing the spies who surrounded him he foiled them at their own arts, and acquired intelligence that enabled him to take a rich prize in the straits of Malacca, with which he returned to Achin; and, having loaded what pepper he could procure there, took his departure in November of the same year. On this occasion it was requested by the king that he and his officers would favour him by singing one of the psalms of David, which was performed with much solemnity.

Very little is known of the military transactions of this reign, and no conquest but that of Pase is recorded. He had two sons, the younger of whom he made king of Pidir, and the elder, styled Sultan Muda, he kept at Achin, in order to succeed him in the throne. In the year 1603 he resolved to divide the charge of government with his intended heir, as he found his extraordinary age began to render him unequal to the task, and accordingly invested him with royal dignity; but the effect which might have been foreseen quickly followed this measure. The son, who was already advanced in years, became impatient to enjoy more complete power, and, thinking his father had possessed the crown sufficiently long, he confined him in a prison, where his days were soon ended.

1604.

The exact period at which this event took place is not known, but, calculating from the duration of his reign as stated in the Annals, it must have been early in the year 1604.* He was then ninety-five years of age,** and described to be a hale man, but extremely gross and fat.

(*Footnote. The Dutch commander Joris van Spilbergen took leave of him in April 1603, and his ambassador to Holland, who returned in December, 1604, found his son on the throne, according to Valentyn. Commodore Beaulieu says he died in 1603.)

(**Footnote. According to Beaulieu Davis says he was about a hundred; and the Dutch voyages mention that his great age prevented his ever appearing out of his palace.)

His constitution must have been uncommonly vigorous, and his muscular strength is indicated by this ludicrous circumstance, that when he once condescended to embrace a Dutch admiral, contrary to the usual manners of his country, the pressure of his arms was so violent as to cause excessive pain to the person so honoured. He was passionately addicted to women, gaming, and drink, his favourite beverage being arrack. By the severity of his punishments he kept his subjects in extreme awe of him; and the merchants were obliged to submit to more exactions and oppressions than were felt under the government of his predecessors. The seizure of certain vessels belonging to the people of Bantam and other arbitrary proceedings of that nature are said to have deterred the traders of India from entering into his ports.

The new king, who took the name of Ali Maghayat-shah, proved himself, from indolence or want of capacity, unfit to reign. He was always surrounded by his women, who were not only his attendants but his guards, and carried arms for that purpose. His occupations were the bath and the chase, and the affairs of state were neglected insomuch that murders, robberies, oppression, and an infinity of disorders took place in the kingdom for want of a regular and strict administration of justice. A son of the daughter of Ala-eddin had been a favourite of his grandfather, at the time of whose death he was twenty-three years of age, and continued, with his mother, to reside at the court after that event. His uncle the king of Achin having given him a rebuke on some occasion, he left his palace abruptly and fled to the king of Pidir, who received him with affection, and refused to send him back at the desire of the elder brother, or to offer any violence to a young prince whom their father loved. This was the occasion of an inveterate war which cost the lives of many thousand people. The nephew commanded the forces of Pidir, and for some time maintained the advantage, but these, at length seeing themselves much inferior in numbers to the army of Ali-Maghayat, refused to march, and the king was obliged to give him up, when he was conveyed to Achin and put in close confinement.

 

 

1606.

Not long afterwards a Portuguese squadron under Martin Alfonso, going to the relief of Malacca, then besieged by the Dutch, anchored in Achin road with the resolution of taking revenge on the king for receiving these their rivals into his ports, contrary to the stipulations of a treaty that had been entered into between them. The viceroy landed his men, who were opposed by a strong force on the part of the Achinese; but after a stout resistance they gained the first turf fort with two pieces of cannon, and commenced an attack upon the second, of masonry. In this critical juncture the young prince sent a message to his uncle requesting he might be permitted to join the army and expose himself in the ranks, declaring himself more willing to die in battle against the Kafers (so they always affected to call the Portuguese) than to languish like a slave in chains. The fears which operated upon the king’s mind induced him to consent to his release. The prince showed so much bravery on this occasion, and conducted two or three attacks with such success that Alfonso was obliged to order a retreat, after wasting two days and losing three hundred men in this fruitless attempt. The reputation of the prince was raised by this affair to a high pitch amongst the people of Achin. His mother, who was an active, ambitious woman, formed the design of placing him on the throne, and furnished him with large sums of money, to be distributed in gratuities amongst the principal orang cayas. At the same time he endeavoured to ingratiate himself by his manners with all classes of people. To the rich he was courteous; to the poor he was affable; and he was the constant companion of those who were in the profession of arms. When the king had reigned between three and four years he died suddenly, and at the hour of his death the prince got access to the castle. He bribed the guards, made liberal promises to the officers, advanced a large sum of money to the governor, and sending for the chief priest obliged him by threats to crown him. In fine he managed the revolution so happily that he was proclaimed king before night, to the great joy of the people, who conceived vast hopes from his liberality, courtesy, and valour. The king of Pidir was speedily acquainted with the news of his brother’s death, but not of the subsequent transactions, and came the next day to take possession of his inheritance. As he approached the castle with a small retinue he was seized by orders from the reigning prince, who, forgetting the favours he had received, kept him prisoner for a month, and then, sending him into the country under the pretence of a commodious retreat, had him murdered on the way. Those who put the crown on his head were not better requited; particularly the Maharaja, or governor of the castle. In a short time his disappointed subjects found that instead of being humane he was cruel; instead of being liberal he displayed extreme avarice, and instead of being affable he manifested a temper austere and inexorable.

This king, whom the Annals name Iskander Muda, was known to our travellers by the title of sultan Paduka Sri (words equivalent to most gracious), sovereign of Achin and of the countries of Aru, Dilli, Johor, Pahang, Kedah, and Perak on the one side, and of Barus, Pasaman, Tiku, Sileda, and Priaman on the other. Some of these places were conquered by him, and others he inherited.

Duyfken, 1606

Captain Willem Janszoon, sailing in the Duyfken, made landfall on the western side of Cape York Peninsula in north Australia and charted about 320 kilometres of coastline. It was Europe’s first recorded contact with Australia.

Pieter Both

This article is about the first Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. For the mountain named after him, see Pieter Both (mountain).

Pieter Both

 

Portrait of Pieter Both

1st Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies

In office
19 December 1610 – 6 November 1614

Preceded by

None

Succeeded by

Gerard Reynst

Personal details

Born

1568
Amersfoort, Dutch Republic

Died

6 March 1615
Indian Ocean (near Mauritius)

Pieter Both (1568, Amersfoort – 6 March 1615, Mauritius) was the first Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

Not much is known of his early years. In 1599, Both was already an admiral in the New, or Brabant Company. In that year, he traveled to the East Indies with four ships. When the newly founded Dutch East India Company set up a government for the Dutch East Indies, Pieter Both was invited to become the Governor-General. He held that position from 19 December 1610 to 6 November 1614. During that period he concluded contracts with the Moluccans, conquered Timor, and drove the Spaniards out of Tidore.

After he relinquished his position as Governor-General to Gerard Reynst, he left for the Netherlands with four ships. Two of the ships were shipwrecked near Mauritius, and Pieter Both drowned.

The second highest mountain of Mauritius is named Pieter Both after him.

 

Gerard Reynst

 

 

Portrait of Gerard Reynst

Gerard Reynst (Amsterdam, ? – Jakarta, 7 December 1615) was a Dutch merchant, father of a museum curator, and later the second Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

Biography

All that is known of his early years is that he was born in Amsterdam, the son of Pieter Rijnst (1510-1574), soap boiler, and Trijn Sijverts. In 1599 he became a merchant and ship-owner, as well as a founder-member and administrator of the Nieuwe or Brabantsche Compagnie which, in 1600, became the Vereenighde Company of Amsterdam. This company then in 1602 merged into the Dutch East India Company (VOC).

On the request of his elders in the college of the Heren XVII (17 men), he became Governor-general of the Dutch East Indies in 1613 and left with 9 ships. The trip lasted 18 months, after which he took over command from Pieter Both. On the way, he had already sent one of his ships to the Red Sea to start trade relations with the Arabs there. He died more than a year after arrival, having caught dysentery so that he could do little there, besides a few minor activities that were only intermittently successful.

 

 

1613.

He showed much friendship to the Hollanders in the early part of his reign; and in the year 1613 gave permission to the English to settle a factory, granting them many indulgences, in consequence of a letter and present from king James the first. He bestowed on Captain Best, who was the bearer of them, the title of orang kaya putih, and entertained him with the fighting of elephants, buffaloes, rams, and tigers. His answer to king James (a translation of which is to be found in Purchas) is couched in the most friendly terms, and he there styles himself king of all Sumatra. He expressed a strong desire that the king of England should send him one of his countrywomen to wife, and promised to make her eldest son king of all the pepper countries, that so the English might be supplied with that commodity by a monarch of their own nation. But notwithstanding his strong professions of attachment to us, and his natural connexion with the Hollanders, arising from their joint enmity to the Portuguese, it was not many years before he began to oppress both nations and use his endeavours to ruin their trade. He became jealous of their growing power, and particularly in consequence of intelligence that reached him concerning the encroachments made by the latter in the island of Java.

The conquest of Aru seems never to have been thoroughly effected by the kings of Achin. Paduka Sri carried his arms thither and boasted of having obtained some victories.

1613.

In 1613 he subdued Siak in its neighbourhood. Early in the same year he sent an expedition against the kingdom of Johor (which had always maintained a political connexion with Aru) and, reducing the city after a siege of twenty-nine days, plundered it of everything moveable, and made slaves of the miserable inhabitants. The king fled to the island of Bintang, but his youngest brother and coadjutor was taken prisoner and carried to Achin. The old king of Johor, who had so often engaged the Portuguese, left three sons, the eldest of whom succeeded him by the title of Iang de per-tuan.*

(*Footnote. This is not an individual title or proper name, but signifies the sovereign or reigning monarch. In like manner Rega Bongsu signifies the king’s youngest brother, as Raja Muda does the heir apparent.)

The second was made king of Siak, and the third, called Raja Bongsu, reigned jointly with the first. He it was who assisted the Hollanders in the first siege of Malacca, and corresponded with Prince Maurice. The king of Achin was married to their sister, but this did not prevent a long and cruel war between them. A Dutch factory at Johor was involved in the consequences of this war, and several of that nation were among the prisoners. In the course of the same year however the king of Achin thought proper to establish Raja Bongsu on the throne of Johor, sending him back for that purpose with great honours, assisting him to rebuild the fort and city, and giving him one of his own sisters in marriage.

1615.

In 1615 the king of Achin sailed to the attack of Malacca in a fleet which he had been four years employed in preparing. It consisted of above five hundred sail, of which a hundred were large galleys, greater than any at that time built in Europe, carrying each from six to eight hundred men, with three large cannon and several smaller pieces. These galleys the orang kayas were obliged to furnish, repair, and man, at the peril of their lives. The soldiers served without pay, and carried three months provision at their own charge. In this great fleet there were computed to be sixty thousand men, whom the king commanded in person. His wives and household were taken to sea with him. Coming in sight of the Portuguese ships in the afternoon, they received many shot from them but avoided returning any, as if from contempt. The next day they got ready for battle, and drew up in form of a half moon. A desperate engagement took place and lasted without intermission till midnight, during which the Portuguese admiral was three times boarded, and repeatedly on fire. Many vessels on both sides were also in flames and afforded light to continue the combat. At length the Achinese gave way, after losing fifty sail of different sizes, and twenty thousand men. They retired to Bancalis, on the eastern coast of Sumatra, and shortly afterwards sailed for Achin, the Portuguese not daring to pursue their victory, both on account of the damage they had sustained and their apprehension of the Hollanders, who were expected at Malacca. The king proposed that the prisoners taken should be mutually given up, which was agreed to, and was the first instance of that act of humanity and civilisation between the two powers.

Laurens Reael

 

 

Laurens Reael (ca. 1620)

Dr. Laurens Reael (Amsterdam, 22 October 1583 – Amsterdam, 21 October 1637) was an employee of the VOC, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies in 1616-1617 and an admiral of the Dutch navy from 1625-27.

[edit] Early life

Laurens Reael was the son of Laurens Jacobsz Reael, a merchant in Amsterdam named after the sign or gable stone of his house/shop In den gouden Reael (“In the Golden Real“) and an amateur poet known for writing Geuzenliederen (songs of the geuzen). The Amsterdam neighborhood Gouden Reael is named after Laurens Reael’s birth house, via a later (1648) warehouse of the Reael family on the Zandhoek that turned into a popular inn. Laurens Jr. had academic talents, excelling in math and languages. He studied law in Leiden, where he lived in the house of Jacobus Arminius who had married his older sister Lijsbet Reael in 1590. Laurens received his doctorate in 1608.

[edit] East Indies

In May 1611 he left as commandeur of four ships for the East Indies. He quickly worked his way up to become the third Governor-General in 1616, where he was stationed at the VOC headquarters, at that time on Ternate in the Moluccas. That year he could personally welcome both Joris van Spilbergen (March 30) and Schouten & Le Maire (September 12) upon their respective arrivals at Ternate from Holland via the Strait of Magellan and Cape Horn. He was unaware that the VOC had ordered Schouten & Le Maire’s ships to be confiscated for alleged infringement of its monopoly of trade to the Spice Islands.

Already after a year, on October 31 1617, Reael resigned following a dispute with the VOC’s leadership (the Lords XVII) on the treatment of both the English competitors in the Moluccas and of the native people. The jurist Reael would only take action against the English if international law would allow that and had protested repeatedly against the incursions against the natives. He, like the local admiral Steven van der Haghen, was of the opinion that the VOC’s goals should be achieved solely via commercial and diplomatic routes. In his official report to the Staten Generaal and the VOC’s Lords XVII upon his return to Holland he made these points again very clear.

It would take however until March 21, 1619 until the decidedly less pacifistic Jan Pieterszoon Coen would replace him as Governor-General, before which time Reael had fought the Spanish in 1617 in the Bay of Manila, the English at Bantam and in the Mollucas, and the Mataram Sultanate at Japara on Java

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Born

8 January 1587(1587-01-08)
Hoorn, Holland, Dutch Republic

Died

21 September 1629(1629-09-21) (aged 42)
Batavia, Dutch East India

Nationality

Dutch

Occupation

Colonial governor

Jan Pieterszoon Coen (8 January 1587 – 21 September 1629) was a officer of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies.

He was long considered a national hero in the Netherlands, for providing the impulse that set the VOC on the path to dominance in the Dutch East Indies. A quote of his from 1618 is well known, “Despair not, spare your enemies not, for God is with us”. Since the latter half of the 20th century he has been looked at in a more critical light, as some people view his often violent means to have been excessive.

Coen was known in his time on account of strict governance and harsh criticism of people who did not share his views, at times directed even at the 17 Lords of the VOC (for which he was reprimanded). Coen was known to be strict towards subordinates and merciless to his opponents. His willingness to use violence to obtain his ends was too much for many, even for such a relatively violent period of history. When Saartje Specx, a girl whom he had been entrusted to care for, was found in a garden in the arms of a soldier, Pieter Cortenhoeff, Coen showed little mercy in having Cortenhoeff beheaded. Specx only escaped the death penalty by drowning because she was still under aged.

Further but more extensive actions perpetrated by order of Coen, are recounted in a BBC Television documentary series “The Spice Trail” (episode 2: “Nutmeg and Cloves”).[1] The program also contains details of wanton acts of destruction committed by the Dutch in the spice islands of Eastern Indonesia, the purpose of which was to create scarcity of natural produce in order to maintain price levels

 

Pieter de Carpentier

Pieter de Carpentier (1586 or 88 – 5 September 1659) was a Dutch, or Flemish, administrator of the Dutch East India Company, and who served as Governor-General there from 1623–1627. The Gulf of Carpentaria in northern Australia is named after him.

 

 

Portrait of Pieter De Carpentier

Pieter de Carpentier was born in Antwerp in 1586 or 1588, shortly after the formation of the newly-independent Dutch Republic (Republic of the Seven United Netherlands, or United Provinces). He studied philosophy in Leiden, from 1603. In 1616 he sailed on board the sailing vessel De Getrouwheid to Indonesia. There he had a number of functions, including Director-General of the Trade, Member to the Council of the Indies, and member of the Council of Defence. From February 1, 1623 to September 30, 1627 he was the fifth Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He participated in the conquest of Jakarta and helped to build the town of Batavia. He did much for the town, including setting up a school, a Town Hall, and the first Orphanage Home. He also designed the structure of the churches in the town.

On 12 November 1627 Pieter de Carpentier sailed from the East Indies as Head of the Fleet. He arrived in Holland on 3 June 1628, with five richly-laden merchant ships, and this, combined with the fact that the Government had recently succeeded in releasing three ships from an embargo laid upon them by the English a year previously, led the authorities to determine to send another fleet of eleven ships to the East, with which General Jacob Specks was to sail. Two ships and a yacht being soon ready to sail, the senate sent them to Texel so as to lose no time. These vessels were the Batavia (under Francisco Pelsaert) the Dordrecht (under Isaac van Swaenswyck) and the Assendelft (under Cornelis Vlack). They left Texel for their destination on 28 October 1628.

De Carpentier was made Member of the Board of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in October 1629. His maternal uncle, Louis Delbeecque, had been one of the initiators of the VOC.

Pieter de Carpentier married Maria Ravevelt in Middelburg on 2 March 1630. She died in September 1641 and was buried on in the Westerkerk in Amsterdam. De Carpentier died in Amsterdam on 5 September 1659, and was also buried in the Westerkerk. They had seven children.

When Jan Carstenszoon (or Carstensz) and Willem van Coolsteerdt landed the Pera and the Arnhem on the west coast of Cape York Peninsula of New Holland (now Australia) in 1623, after the first discovery by Willem Janszoon in the Duyfken in 1606, they then named the ‘Gulf of Carpentaria‘ after the Governor-General, Pieter de Carpe

 

Jacques Specx

 

 

Jacques Specx

Jacques Specx (Dutch pronunciation: [ˈʒɑk ˈspɛks]; Dordrecht, 1585 – Amsterdam, 22 July 1652) was a Dutch merchant, who founded the trade on Japan and Korea in 1609.[1][2] Jacques Specx received the support of William Adams to obtain extensive trading rights from the Shogun Tokugawa Ieyasu on August 24, 1609, which allowed him to establish a trading factory in Hirado on September 20, 1609. He was the interim governor in Batavia between 1629 – 1632. There his daughter Saartje Specx was involved in a scandal. Back home in Holland Specx became an art-collector.

The Dutch, who, rather than “Nanban” were called “Kōmō” (Jp:紅毛, lit. “Red Hair”) by the Japanese, first arrived in Japan in 1600, on board the Liefde.

In 1605, two of the Liefde’s crew were sent to Pattani by Tokugawa Ieyasu, to invite Dutch trade to Japan. The head of the Pattani Dutch trading post, Victor Sprinckel, refused on the ground that he was too busy dealing with Portuguese opposition in Southeast Asia.

[edit] 1609 mission to Japan

Jacques Specx sailed on a fleet of eleven ships that left Texel in 1607 under the command of Pieter Willemsz Verhoeff. After arriving in Bantam two ships which were dispatched to establish the first official trade relations between the Netherlands and Japan.[3]

 

 

The “trade pass” (Dutch: handelspas) issued in the name of Tokugawa Ieyasu. The text commands: “Dutch ships are allowed to travel to Japan, and they can disembark on any coast, without any reserve. From now on this regulation must be observed, and the Dutch left free to sail where they want throughout Japan. No offenses to them will be allowed, such as on previous occasions” – dated August 24, 1609 (Keichō 14, 25th day of the 6th month); n.b., the goshuin (御朱印) identifies this as an official document bearing the shogun’s scarlet seal.

The two ships Specx commanded were De Griffioen (the “Griffin”, 19 cannons) and Roode Leeuw met Pijlen (the “Red lion with arrows”, 400 tons, 26 cannons). The ships arrived in Japan on July 2, 1609.[4]

Among the crews were the Chief merchants Abraham van den Broeck and Nicolaas Puyck and the under-merchant Jaques Specx.

The exact composition of the delegation is uncertain; but it has been established that van den Broeck and Puyck traveled to the Shogunal Court, and Melchior van Santvoort acted as the mission’s interpreter. Santevoort had arrived a few years earlier aboard the Dutch ship De Liefde. He had established himself as a merchant in Nagasaki.

 

 

Christ in the storm on the lake Genesareth; by Rembrandt (1633) 160 x 127cm. In 1990 the painting was stolen from the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum and has not been recovered; it belonged to Jacques Specx in 1651

The Shogun granted the Dutch the access to all ports in Japan, and confirmed this in an act of safe-conduct, stamped with his red seal. (Inv.nr.1a.).

In September 1609 the ship’s Council decided to hire a house on Hirado island (west of the southern main island Kiushu). Jacques Specx became the first “Opperhoofd” (Chief) of the new Company’s factory.[5]

In 1610, Specx sent a ship to Korea.[6]

 

1619.

Three years afterwards the king made a conquest of the cities of Kedah and Perak on the Malayan coast, and also of a place called Dilli in Sumatra. This last had been strongly fortified by the assistance of the Portuguese, and gave an opportunity of displaying much skill in the attack. Trenches were regularly opened before it and a siege carried on for six weeks ere it fell. In the same year the king of Jorcan (a place unknown at present by that name) fled for refuge to Malacca with eighty sail of boats, having been expelled his dominions by the king of Achin. The Portuguese were not in a condition to afford him relief, being themselves surrounded with enemies and fearful of an attack from the Achinese more especially; but the king was then making preparations against an invasion he heard was meditated by the viceroy of Goa. Reciprocal apprehensions kept each party on the defensive.

1621.

The French being desirous of participating in the commerce of Achin, of which all the European nations had formed great ideas, and all found themselves disappointed in, sent out a squadron commanded by General Beaulieu, which arrived in January 1621, and finally left it in December of the same year. He brought magnificent presents to the king, but these did not content his insatiable avarice, and he employed a variety of mean arts to draw from him further gifts. Beaulieu met also with many difficulties, and was forced to submit to much extortion in his endeavours to procure a loading of pepper, of which Achin itself, as has been observed, produced but little. The king informed him that he had some time since ordered all the plants to be destroyed, not only because the cultivation of them proved an injury to more useful agriculture, but also lest their produce might tempt the Europeans to serve him, as they had served the kings of Jakatra and Bantam. From this apprehension he had lately been induced to expel the English and Dutch from their settlements at Priaman and Tiku, where the principal quantity of pepper was procured, and of which places he changed the governor every third year to prevent any connexions dangerous to his authority from being formed. He had likewise driven the Dutch from a factory they were attempting to settle at Padang; which place appears to be the most remote on the western coast of the island to which the Achinese conquests at any time extended.

1628.

Still retaining a strong desire to possess himself of Malacca, so many years the grand object of Achinese ambition, he imprisoned the ambassador then at his court, and made extraordinary preparations for the siege, which he designed to undertake in person. The laksamana or commander in chief (who had effected all the king’s late conquests) attempted to oppose this resolution; but the maharaja, willing to flatter his master’s propensity, undertook to put him in possession of the city and had the command of the fleet given to him, as the other had of the land forces. The king set out on the expedition with a fleet of two hundred and fifty sail (forty­seven of them not less than a hundred feet in the keel), in which were twenty thousand men well appointed, and a great train of artillery. After being some time on board, with his family and retinue as usual, he determined, on account of an ill omen that was observed, to return to the shore. The generals, proceeding without him, soon arrived before Malacca. Having landed their men they made a judicious disposition, and began the attack with much courage and military skill. The Portuguese were obliged to abandon several of their posts, one of which, after a defence of fifty days, was levelled with the ground, and from its ruins strong works were raised by the laksamana. The maharaja had seized another post advantageously situated. From their several camps they had lines of communication, and the boats on the river were stationed in such a manner that the place was completely invested. Matters were in this posture when a force of two thousand men came to the assistance of the besieged from the king of Pahang, and likewise five sail of Portuguese vessels from the coast of Coromandel; but all was insufficient to remove so powerful an enemy, although by that time they had lost four thousand of their troops in the different attacks and skirmishes. In the latter end of the year a fleet of thirty sail of ships, large and small, under the command of Nunno Alvarez Botello, having on board nine hundred European soldiers, appeared off Malacca, and blocked up the fleet of Achin in a river about three miles from the town. This entirely altered the complexion of affairs. The besiegers retired from their advanced works and hastened to the defence of their galleys, erecting batteries by the side of the river. The maharaja being summoned to surrender returned a civil but resolute answer. In the night, endeavouring to make his escape with the smaller vessels through the midst of the Portuguese, he was repulsed and wounded. Next day the whole force of the Achinese dropped down the stream with a design to fight their way, but after an engagement of two hours their principal galley, named the Terror of the World, was boarded and taken, after losing five hundred men of seven which she carried. Many other vessels were afterwards captured or sunk. The laksamana hung out a white flag and sent to treat with Nunno, but, some difficulty arising about the terms, the engagement was renewed with great warmth. News was brought to the Portuguese that the maharaja was killed and that the king of Pahang was approaching with a hundred sail of vessels to reinforce them. Still the Achinese kept up a dreadful fire, which seemed to render the final success doubtful; but at length they sent proposals desiring only to be allowed three galleys of all their fleet to carry away four thousand men who remained of twenty that came before the town. It was answered that they must surrender at discretion; which the laksamana hesitating to do, a furious assault took place both by water and land upon his galleys and works, which were all effectually destroyed or captured, not a ship and scarcely a man escaping. He himself in the last extremity fled to the woods, but was seized ere long by the king of Pahang’s scouts. Being brought before the governor he said to him, with an undaunted countenance, “Behold here the laksamana for the first time overcome!” He was treated with respect but kept a prisoner, and sent on his own famous ship to Goa in order to be from thence conveyed to Portugal: but death deprived his enemies of that distinguished ornament of their triumph.

 

Hendrik Brouwer

 

 

Portrait of Hendrik Brouwer

Hendrik Brouwer (spring 1581 – August 7, 1643) was a Dutch explorer, admiral, and colonial administrator both in Japan and the Dutch East Indies.

He is thought to first have sailed to the East Indies for the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1606. In 1610 he left again to the Indies, now as commander of three ships. On this trip he devised the Brouwer Route, a route from South Africa to Java that reduced voyage duration from a year to about 6 months by taking advantage of the strong westerly winds in the Roaring Forties (the latitudes between 40° and 50° south). Up to that point, the Dutch had followed a route copied from the Portuguese via the coast of Africa, Mauritius and Ceylon. By 1617, the VOC required all their ships to take the Brouwer route.[1]

After his arrival in 1611 in the East Indies, he was sent to Japan to replace Jacques Specx temporarily as opperhoofd at Dejima from August 28, 1612 to August 6, 1614.[2] During that time he made a visit to the Japanese court at Edo. In 1613 he made a trip to Siam that laid the foundation for the Dutch trade with Siam.

Early in 1632, he was part of a delegation sent to London to solve trade disagreements between the British and Dutch East India companies. Afterwards he left for the Indies, and on April 18 of that same year he was appointed Governor-General of the East Indies, again following Jacques Specx, a position which he held until January 1, 1636. Anthony van Diemen was his assistant during this entire period, and many of the Dutch explorations into the Pacific carried out under Van Diemen’s command were suggested in writing by Brouwer before he left.

In 1642, the VOC joined the Dutch West Indies Company in organizing an expedition to Chile to establish a base for trading gold at the abandoned ruins of Valdivia. The fleet sailed from Dutch Brazil where John Maurice of Nassau provided them with supplies. While rounding Cape Horn, the expedition established that Staten Island was not part of the unknown Southern land. After landing on Chiloe Island, Brouwer made a pact with the Mapuche (then known as the Araucanians) to aid in establishing a resettlement at Valdivia. However, on August 7, 1643 Hendrik died (at the age of 62) before arriving, and was succeeded by his vice-admiral Elias Herckman, who landed at the ruins of Valdivia on August 24. Brouwer was buried in the new settlement, which Herckman named Brouwershaven after him. Herckman and his men occupied the location only until October 28, 1643. Having been told that the Dutch had plans to return to the location, the Spanish viceroy in Peru sent 1000 men in twenty ships (and 2000 men by land, who never made it) in 1644 to resettle Valdivia and fortify it. The Spanish soldiers in the new garrison disinterred and burned Brouwer’s body.[3][4]

 

1635.

This signal defeat proved so important a blow to the power of Achin that we read of no further attempts to renew the war until the year 1635, when the king, encouraged by the feuds which at this time prevailed in Malacca, again violated the law of nations, to him little known, by imprisoning their ambassador, and caused all the Portuguese about his court to be murdered. No military operations however immediately took place in consequence of this barbarous proceeding.

 

Anthony van Diemen

.

Anthony van Diemen


Portrait of Anthony van Diemen

Born

1593
Culemborg, Utrecht, Dutch Republic

Died

19 April 1645(1645-04-19)
Batavia, Dutch East India

Nationality

Dutch

Occupation

Explorer, colonial governor

Anthony van Diemen (also Antonie, Antonio, Anton, Antonius) (Culemborg, 1593 – Batavia, 19 April 1645), Dutch colonial governor, was born in Culemborg in the Netherlands, the son of Meeus Anthonisz van Diemen[1] and Christina Hoevenaar. In 1616 he moved to Amsterdam, in hope of improving his fortune as a merchant; in this he failed and was declared bankrupt. After a year he became a servant of the Dutch East India Company and sailed to Batavia (Jakarta), capital of the Dutch East Indies. On the voyage out, to the East Indiaman Mauritius he inadvertently went more south to an unknown coast of Australia.[2]

Governor Jan Pieterszoon Coen found van Diemen to be a talented official and by 1626 he was Director-General of Commerce and member of the Council for the Indies. In 1630 he married Maria van Aelst. A year later he returned to the Netherlands as Admiral on the ship Deventer. In 1632 he returned to Batavia and in 1635 he was appointed Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, his appointment taking effect on 1 January 1636.

Van Diemen’s nine years as Governor-General were successful and important for both the colony and the commercial success of the East India Company. He devoted much of his energy to expanding the power of the company throughout Asia. Under his rule Dutch power was established in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka).

Van Diemen is best remembered for his efforts to foster exploration of the “Great South Land”, Australia, resulting in “the final and most ambitious Dutch voyages of the century”.[3] The first voyage under his energetic administration was undertaken within three months of his arrival in Batavia; starting from Cape York its ships were to chart the unknown coasts, but the venture ended in failure, when its commander was killed by natives in New Guinea, and the ships returned. In 1639 he commissioned two voyages to the north, in search of the “Gold and Silver Islands” that Spanish reports placed in the North Pacific to the east of Japan, and sent Maarten Gerritsz Vries to explore the coasts of Korea and “Tartaria“; these, two returned fruitlessly.[4] Undeterred, Van Diemen appointed Frans Visscher to draw up a plan for new discoveries. Visscher mapped out three different routes and van Diemen decided in August 1642 to send Abel Janszoon Tasman, accompanied by Visscher, in search of the Great South Land, which Tasman would soon dub “Nieuw Holland“.

In November 1642, headed east from Mauritius on latitude 44 and missing the south coast of Australia, Tasman sighted land (the west coast of the island of Tasmania), and followed the southern coastline around to the east coast. Tasman sent a party ashore at Blackman Bay, on the Tasman Peninsula, who planted a flag and encountered a few of the native inhabitants. Believing he had found a large territory, Tasman named it Van Diemen’s Land in honour of his patron.[5] Van Diemen is also commemorated in Van Diemen Gulf on the coast of northern Australia.

Van Diemen commissioned a further voyage from Tasman in 1644.

Anthony van Diemen died in April 1645 in Batavia, Dutch East Indies. The company granted his wife a large pension and she retired to the Netherlands. Her name is perpetuated in the name of the westernmost point of the North Island of New Zealand, Cape Maria van Diemen, named by Tasman in 1643, and by Maria Island off the east coast of Tasmania.

 

 

1640. 1641.

In the year 1640 the Dutch with twelve men of war, and the king of Achin with twenty-five galleys, appeared before that harassed and devoted city; which at length, in the following year was wrested from the hands of the Portuguese, who had so long, through such difficulties, maintained possession of it. This year was also marked by the death of the sultan, whom the Dutch writers name Paduka Sri, at the age of sixty, after a reign of thirty-five years; having just lived to see his hereditary foe subdued; and as if the opposition of the Portuguese power, which seems first to have occasioned the rise of that of Achin, was also necessary to its existence, the splendour and consequence of the kingdom from that period rapidly declined.

The prodigious wealth and resources of the monarchy during his reign are best evinced by the expeditions he was enabled to fit out; but being no less covetous than ambitious he contrived to make the expenses fall upon his subjects, and at the same time filled his treasury with gold by pressing the merchants and plundering the neighbouring states. An intelligent person (General Beaulieu), who was for some time at his court, and had opportunities of information on the subject, uses this strong expression–that he was infinitely rich. He constantly employed in his castle three hundred goldsmiths. This would seem an exaggeration, but that it is well known the Malayan princes have them always about them in great numbers at this day, working in the manufacture of filigree, for which the country is so famous. His naval strength has been already sufficiently described. He was possessed of two thousand brass guns and small arms in proportion. His trained elephants amounted to some hundreds. His armies were probably raised only upon the occasion which called for their acting, and that in a mode similar to what was established under the feudal system in Europe. The valley of Achin alone was said to be able to furnish forty thousand men upon an emergency. A certain number of warriors however were always kept on foot for the protection of the king and his capital. Of these the superior class were called ulubalang, and the inferior amba-raja, who were entirely devoted to his service and resembled the janizaries of Constantinople. Two hundred horsemen nightly patrolled the grounds about the castle, the inner courts and apartments of which were guarded by three thousand women. The king’s eunuchs amounted to five hundred.

The disposition of this monarch was cruel and sanguinary. A multitude of instances are recorded of the horrible barbarity of his punishments, and for the most trivial offences. He imprisoned his own mother and put her to the torture, suspecting her to have been engaged in a conspiracy against him with some of the principal nobles, whom he caused to be executed. He murdered his nephew, the king of Johor’s son, of whose favour with his mother he was jealous. He also put to death a son of the king of Bantam, and another of the king of Pahang, who were both his near relations. None of the royal family survived in 1622 but his own son, a youth of eighteen, who had been thrice banished the court, and was thought to owe his continuance in life only to his surpassing his father, if possible, in cruelty, and being hated by all ranks of people. He was at one time made king of Pidir but recalled on account of his excesses, confined in prison and put to strange tortures by his father, whom he did not outlive. The whole territory of Achin was almost depopulated by wars, executions, and oppression. The king endeavoured to repeople the country by his conquests. Having ravaged the kingdoms of Johor, Pahang, Kedah, Perak, and Dilli, he transported the inhabitants from those places to Achin, to the number of twenty-two thousand persons. But this barbarous policy did not produce the effect he hoped; for the unhappy people, being brought naked to his dominions, and not allowed any kind of maintenance on their arrival, died of hunger in the streets. In the planning his military enterprises he was generally guided by the distresses of his neighbours, for whom, as for his prey, he unceasingly lay in wait; and his preparatory measures were taken with such secrecy that the execution alone unravelled them. Insidious political craft and wanton delight in blood united in him to complete the character of a tyrant.

It must here be observed that, with respect to the period of this remarkable reign, the European and Malayan authorities are considerably at variance, the latter assigning to it something less than thirty solar years, and placing the death of Iskander Muda in December 1636. The Annals further state that he was succeeded by sultan Ala-eddin­Mahayat-shah, who reigned only about four years and died in February 1641. That this is the more accurate account I have no hesitation in believing, although Valentyn, who gives a detail of the king’s magnificent funeral, was persuaded that the reign which ended in 1641 was the same that began in 1607. But he collected his information eighty years after the event, and as it does not appear that any European whose journal has been given to the world was on the spot at that period, the death of an obscure monarch who died after a short reign may well have been confounded by persons at a distance with that of his more celebrated predecessor. Both authorities however are agreed in the important fact that the successor to the throne in 1641 was a female. This person is described by Valentyn as being the wife of the old king, and not his daughter, as by some had been asserted; but from the Annals it appears that she was his daughter, named Taju al-alum; and as it was in her right that Maghayat-shah (certainly her husband), obtained the crown, so upon his decease, there being no male heir, she peaceably succeeded him in the government, and became the first queen regent of Achin. The succession having thenceforward continued nearly sixty years in the female line, this may be regarded as a new era in the history of the country. The nobles finding their power less restrained, and their individual consequence more felt under an administration of this kind than when ruled by kings (as sometimes they were with a rod of iron) supported these pageants, whom they governed as they thought fit, and thereby virtually changed the constitution into an aristocracy or oligarchy. The business of the state was managed by twelve orang-kayas, four of whom were superior to the rest, and among these the maharaja, or governor of the kingdom, was considered as the chief. It does not appear, nor is it probable, that the queen had the power of appointing or removing any of these great officers. No applications were made to the throne but in their presence, nor any public resolution taken but as they determined in council. The great object of their political jealousy seems to have been the pretensions of the king of Johor to the crown, in virtue of repeated intermarriages between the royal families of the two countries, and it may be presumed that the alarms excited from that quarter materially contributed to reconcile them to the female domination. They are accordingly said to have formed an engagement amongst themselves never to pay obedience to a foreign prince, nor to allow their royal mistress to contract any marriage that might eventually lead to such a consequence.* At the same time, by a new treaty with Johor, its king was indirectly excused from the homage to the crown of Achin which had been insisted upon by her predecessors and was the occasion of frequent wars.

(*Footnote. However fanciful it may be thought, I cannot doubt that the example of our Queen Elizabeth, whose character and government were highly popular with the Achinese on account of her triumphant contest with the united powers of Spain and Portugal, had a strong influence in the establishment of this new species of monarchy, and that the example of her sister’s marriage with Philip may have contributed to the resolution taken by the nobles. The actions of our illustrious queen were a common topic of conversation between the old tyrant and Sir James Lancaster.)

In proportion as the political consequence of the kingdom declined, its history, as noticed by foreigners, becomes obscure. Little is recorded of the transactions of her reign, and it is likely that Achin took no active part in the concerns of neighbouring powers, but suffered the Hollanders, who maintained in general a friendly intercourse with her, to remain in quiet possession of Malacca.

1643.

In 1643 they sent an ambassador to compliment her upon her accession, and at the same time to solicit payment for a quantity of valuable jewels ordered by the deceased king, but for the amount of which she declined to make herself responsible.

Cornelis van der Lijn

 

 

Portrait of Cornelis van der Lijn [1]

Cornelis van der Lijn (1608? – 27 July 1679) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1646 until 1650.

Early career

Van der Lijn was born in Alkmaar, possibly in 1608. He went, in 1627, as Assistant (Dutch: assistent) to Batavia, Dutch East Indies aboard the Wapen van Hoorn. From 1632 to 18 January 1636 he was Accountant-General (Dutch: boekhouder-generaal). In 1639 he became Counsellor-Extraordinary (Dutch: Raad extra-oridinair) to the Council of the Indies. A year later he was appointed President of the Schepenrechtbank (a maritime court, but with various other functions). One further year later he was made a full Counsellor (Dutch: Raad ordinair) he followed Philips Lucasz (whose portrait was painted by Rembrandt [2]) as Director-General of the Indies.

Council of the Indies

Shortly before his death on 19 April 1645, Governor-General Antonio van Diemen called upon the Council of the Indies (12 April 1645) to establish Cornelis van der Lijn as his successor. This was not in line with the instructions of the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII), who has laid down in 1617 that immediately after the death of a Governor-General, the Council should choose a provisional Governor-General. Only once the Seventeen Lords had agreed to the choice would the appointment come into actual force. The Heren XVII at first cancelled Van Diemen’s decision, but then afterwards named the very same Cornelis van der Lijn as his successor. On 10 October 1646 he was named by them as Governor-General.

 

1646

Banten

 

The City of Banten, Bird View

 

The Battle of Banten Between Dutch and Portuguese

 

Banten’s Mangkubumi and his Attendants

 

 

Portuguese Residents at Banten

 

The Journey of Cornelis de Houtman to Banten in 1596. Sketch in 1646

 

The Journey of Cornelis de Houtman to Banten in 1596. Sketch in 1646

 

 

The Town of Banten in the Days of the Dutch East India Company. 

Notes: 
The naval Battle of Banten took place on 27 December 1601 in Banten Bay,Indonesia, when an exploration fleet of 5 Dutch vessels defeated a larger Portuguese fleet including galleons and fustas.

 

The Dutch Take Banten from Portuguese. This product is reproduced from a publication, advertisement, or vintage print. In an effort to maintain the artistic accuracy of the original image, this final product has not been retouched. This giclée print delivers a vivid image with maximum color accuracy and exceptional resolution. The standard for museums and galleries around the world, giclée (French for “to spray”) is a printing process where millions of ink droplets are sprayed onto the paper’s surface. With the great degree of detail and smooth transitions of color gradients, giclée prints appear much more realistic than other reproduction prints. The high-quality paper (235 gsm) is acid free with a smooth surface.

 

 

Without Frame

 

With Black Frame

 

With Wood Frame

 

With Luxury Frame

Label: Gallery

 

(Hikayat ini adalah contoh sastra lisan di Banten dan Jawa Barat yang lebih bersifat kiasan, yang memaksudkan dirinya untuk bercerita tentang bagaimana peralihan kultural dan politik di Banten dan Jawa Barat dari Era Hindu ke Era Islam).

 

 

 

Prabu Siliwangi memiliki beberapa putra dan putri, diantaranya adalah Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang, yang keduanya adalah putra dan putri kesayangan sang Prabu. Raden Kian Santang terkenal dengan kesaktiannya yang luar biasa. Di dunia persilatan nama Raden Kian Santang sudah tak asing lagi sehingga seluruh Pulau Jawa bahkan Nusantara saat itu sangat mengenal siapa Raden Kian Santang. Tak ada yang sanggup mengalahkannya. Bahkan, Raden Kian Santang sendiri tak pernah melihat darahnya sendiri.

 

Suatu ketika, Raden Kian Santang yang adalah putra Prabu Siliwangi itu terkejut ketika di dalam mimpinya ada seorang kakek berjubah yang mengatakan bahwa ada seorang manusia yang sanggup mengalahkannya, dan kakek tersebut tersenyum. Mimpi itu terjadi beberapa kali hingga Raden Kian Santang bertanya-tanya siapa gerangan orang itu. Dalam mimpi selanjutnya sang kakek menunjuk ke arah lautan dan berkata bahwa orang itu di sana.

 

Penasaran dengan mimpinya, Raden Kian Santang pun meminta ijin kepada ayahandanya, Prabu Siliwangi untuk pergi menuju seberang lautan, dan menceritakan semuanya. Prabu Siliwangi walaupun berat hati tetap mempersilahkan putranya itu pergi. Namun Ratu Rara Santang, adik perempuan Raden Kian Santang, ingin ikut kakaknya tersebut.

 

Meski dicegah, Ratu Rara Santang tetap bersikeras ikut kakaknya, yang akhirnya mereka berdua pergi menyeberangi lautan yang sangat luas menuju suatu tempat yang ditunjuk orang tua alias si kakek berjubah di dalam mimpi Raden Kian Santang itu.

 

Hari demi hari, minggu berganti minggu dan genap delapan bulan perjalanan sampailah Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang ke sebuah dataran yang asing, tanahnya begitu kering dan tandus, padang pasir yang sangat luas serta terik matahari yang sangat menyengat mereka melabuhkan perahu yang mereka tumpangi.

 

Tiba-tiba datanglah seorang kakek yang begitu sangat dikenalnya. Yah, kakek yang pernah datang di dalam mimpinya itu. Kakek itu tersenyum dan berkata: “Selamat datang anak muda! Assalamu alaikum!” Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang hanya saling berpandangan dan hanya berkata: “Aku ingin bertemu dengan Ali, orang yang pernah kau katakan sanggup mengalahkanku.”

 

Dengan tersenyum kakek itu pun berkata: “Anak muda, kau bisa bertemu Ali jika sanggup mencabut tongkat ini!” Lalu si kakek itu menancapkan tongkat yang dipegangnya.

 

Kembali Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang saling berpandangan, dan Raden Kian Santang tertawa terbahak-bahak. “Hai orang tua! Di negeri kami adu kekuatan bukan seperti ini, tapi adu olah kanuragan dan kesaktian. Jika hanya mencabut tongkat itu buat apa aku jauh-jauh ke negeri tandus seperti ini?  Ujar Raden Kian Santang mengejek.

 

Kakek itu kembali tersenyum. “Anak muda, jika kau sanggup mencabut tongkat itu kau bisa mengalahkan Ali, jika tidak kembalilah kau ke negerimu anak sombong.” Kata orang tua itu.

 

Akhirnya Raden Kian Santang mendekati tongkat itu dan berusaha mencabutnya. Namun  upayanya tak berhasil. Semakin dia mencoba semakin kuat tongkat itu menghunjam.

 

Keringatnya bercucuran, sementara Ratu Rara Santang tampak khawatir dengan keadaan kakaknya, ketika tiba-tiba darah di tangan Raden Kian Santang menetes, dan menyadari bahwa orang tua yang di hadapan mereka bukan orang sembarangan.

 

Saat itu, lutut Raden Kian Santang bergetar dan dia merasa kalah. Ratu Rara Santang yang terus memperhatikan kakaknya segera membantunya, namun tongkat itu tetap tak bergeming, akhirnya mereka benar-benar mengaku kalah.

 

“Hai orang tua! Aku mengaku kalah dan aku tak mungkin sanggup melawan Ali. Melawan  dirimu pun aku tak bisa! Tapi ijinkan aku bertemu dengannya dan berguru kepadanya.” Ujar Raden Kian Santang.Kakek itu kembali tersenyum. “Anak muda! Jika Kau ingin bertemu Ali, maka akulah Ali.” Tiba-tiba mereka berdua bersujud kepada orang tua itu, namun tangan orang tua itu dengan cepat mencegah keduanya bersujud. “Jangan bersujud kepadaku anak muda! Bersujudlah kepada Zat yang menciptakanmu, yaitu Allah!”

 

Akhirnya mereka berdua mengikuti orang tua tersebut, yang ternyata Ali Bin Abi Tholib, ke Baitullah dan memeluk agama Islam.

 

Begitulah, Raden Kian Santang dan Ratu Rara Santang mempelajari Islam dengan sungguh-sungguh. Dalam perjalanannya Raden Kian Santang kembali ke pulau Jawa dan menyebarkan Islam di daerah Garut hingga meninggalnya. Sedangkan Ratu Rara Santang dipersunting oleh salah satu pangeran dari tanah Arab yang bernama Syarif Husen. Perkawinan antara Ratu Rara Santang dan Syarif Husen itu menghasilkan dua putra, yaitu Syarif Nurullah dan Syarif Hidayatullah. Syarif Nurullah menjadi penguasa Makkah saat itu, sedangkan Syarif Hidayatullah pergi ke Jawa untuk bertemu dengan ayah dan kakeknya.

 

Syarif Hidayatullah pamit untuk pergi ke Jawa dan ingin menyebarkan Islam ke sana. Dan pergilah Syarif Hidayatullah mengarungi samudera nan luas seperti halnya dulu ibu dan pamannya, Ratu Rara Santang dan Raden Kian Santang.

 

Setibanya di tanah Jawa, Syarif Hidayatullah tidak kesulitan berjumpa dengan ayah dan kakeknya. Namun Syarif Hidayatullah prihatin karena hingga saat itu kakeknya masih belum masuk ke dalam agama Islam dan tetap bersikukuh dengan agamanya yaitu agama Sunda Wiwitan, meski berbagai upaya terus dilakukan dan dia hanya berdoa semoga kakeknya suatu saat diberi hidayah oleh Allah.

 

Melihat keuletan cucunya dalam menyebarkan Agama Islam, Prabu Siliwangi memberikan tempat kepada cucunya sebuah hutan yang kemudian bernama Cirebon. Dan di sinilah pusat penyebaran Islam dimulai. Murid – muridnya kian bertambah dan Islam sangat cepat menyebar.

 

Dalam penyebarannya Syarif Hidayatullah mengembara ke ujung barat pulau Jawa, ke daerah kulon, tempat pendekar-pendekar banyak tersebar. Di Pandeglang ada Pangeran Pulosari dan pangeran Aseupan, juga terdapat Raja Banten yang terkenal sangat sakti, bahkan Raden Kian Santang pun segan kepadanya, yaitu Prabu Pucuk Umun, Raja Banten yang memiliki ilmu Lurus Bumi yang sangat sempurna, juga pukulan braja musti yang bisa menghancurkan gunung, bahkan menggetarkan bumi.

 

Rupanya Syarif Hidayatullah telah mengetahui kesaktian Prabu Pucuk Umun yang menguasai daerah itu. Untuk langsung mengajak Prabu Pucuk Umun masuk ke dalam Agama Islam sangat tidak mungkin, sebab Syarif Hidayatullah tahu Prabu Pucuk Umun mudah sekali murka, dan hal ini sangat berbahaya.

 

Dengan bersusah payah Syarif Hidayatullah menemui Pangeran Pulosari dan juga Pangeran Aseupan, yang merupakan sepupu dari Prabu Pucuk Umun, dan rupanya Pangeran Pulosari dan Pangeran Aseupan sangat tertarik dengan ajaran agama yang di bawa oleh cucu Raja Pajajaran itu, dan keduanya menganut agama Islam.

 

Masuknya kedua pangeran itu ke dalam agama yang dibawa Syarif Hidayatullah terdengar juga oleh Prabu Pucuk Umun, dan hal ini membuatnya murka. Tiba-tiba langit menjadi gelap, halilintar bergelegar bersahutan. Pangeran Aseupan dan Pangeran Pulosari memahami bahwa kakak sepupunya telah mengetahui masuknya mereka kepada agama yang dibawa Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Dengan ilmu Lurus Buminya, Prabu Pucuk Umun memburu kedua pangeran yang menurutnya berkhianat itu, dan terjadilah perkelahian yang sangat dahsyat. Pangeran Pulosari dan Pangeran Aseupan berusaha mengelak dari serangan-serangan yang dilakukan kakak sepupunya itu. Namun kesaktian luar biasa yang dimiliki Prabu Pucuk Umun membuat mereka lari ke arah selatan, dan di sanalah Syarif Hidayatullah menunggu mereka, dan dengan luka yang diderita mereka, akhirnya mereka pun berlindung di belakang Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Prabu Pucuk Umun berteriak: “Hai cucu Siliwangi! Jangan kau ganggu tanahku dengan agamamu, jangan kau usik ketenangan rakyatku, enyahlah kau dari sini sebelum kau menyesal dan berdosa kepada kakekmu.”

 

Dengan tersenyum Syarif Hidayatullah menjawab: “Aku diperintahkan oleh Allah untuk menyebarkan agama ini, karena agama ini bukan hanya untuk satu orang tapi untuk semua orang di dunia ini. Agama yang akan menyelamatkanmu.”

 

“Aku tidak menyukai basa-basimu anak lancang!” Teriak Prabu Pucuk Umun dengan lantang dan menggelegar, dan dari arah depan tiba-tiba angin berhembus sangat kencang, tampak Syarif Hidayatullah mundur beberapa langkah, sedangkan Pangeran Pulosari dan Pangeran Aseupan memasang kuda-kuda untuk menggempur serangan Prabu Pucuk Umun.

 

Pertarungan itu begitu dahsyatnya hingga Prabu Siliwangi dan Raden Kian Santang pun bersemedi memberikan energi kepada Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Prabu Pucuk Umun merasakan panas yang teramat sangat, dia mengetahui bahwa serangannya telah berbalik arah kepadanya, dan dengan menggunakan Ilmu Lurus Bumi, Prabu Pucuk Umun melarikan diri, namun dengan sigap Pangeran Aseupan dan Pangeran Pulosari mengejarnya. Dengan menggunakan ilmu yang sama terjadilah kejar-kejaran antara ketiganya. Dan akhirnya, di puncak Gunung Karang, Prabu Pucuk Umun tertangkap, atas restu Prabu Siliwangi, Prabu Pucuk Umun tidak dibunuh, tapi dimasukan ke kerangkeng di bawah kawah Gunung Krakatau.

 

Prabu Pucuk Umun memiliki putri yang cantik dan juga memiliki kesaktian yang tidak kalah dengan ayahnya, bahkan lebih dari 1000 Jin di bawah pengaruhnya, dan dia bernama Ratu Kawunganten, Putri Prabu Pucuk Umun yang kemudian diperistri oleh Syarif Hidayatullah. Ratu Kawunganten pun masuk Islam dan berganti nama menjadi Siti Badariah.

 

Tidak berapa lama, Siti Badariah atau Ratu Kawunganten pun hamil, namun dia mengidam hal yang tidak wajar menurut pemikiran Syarif Hidayatullah, dia menginginkan daging manusia. Sontak, Syarif Hidayatullah pun kaget dan marah. “Isteriku, kau telah menganut agama Islam, keinginanmu itu terlarang.” Tandas Syarif Hidayatullah.

 

Namun isterinya tetap menginginkan daging manusia, dan Syarif Hidayatullah tak bisa berbuat banyak, beliau sangat marah dan meninggalkan isterinya dalam keadaan hamil dan kembali ke Cirebon.

 

Sepeninggal Syarif Hidayatullah, Siti Badariah atau Ratu Kawunganten kembali ke agama leluhurnya yaitu Agama Sunda Wiwitan, agama yang sudah menjadi darah dan dagingnya.

 

Ratu Kawunganten atau Siti Badariah pun melahirkan seorang putra, dan diberi nama Pangeran Sabakingking, seorang Pangeran yang suatu saat mendirikan Kesultanan Banten

 

Pangeran Sabakingking beranjak dewasa, dan dia menjadi pemuda yang gagah,  pemuda yang keras, berani dan memiliki kesaktian yang luar biasa, ilmu-ilmu kesaktian ibunya mengalir ke tubuhnya, lebih dari 1000 Jin takluk atas perintahnya. Pangeran Sabakingking tak pernah merasa takut kepada siapapun, dan hampir semua pendekar di tanah Banten pernah berhadapan dengannya.

 

Suatu hari, Pangeran Sabakingking dipanggil ibunya, karena ia harus mengetahui siapa ayahnya, Sabakingking pun menghadap ibunya.“Anakku, kau sudah dewasa dan sudah saatnya kau mengetahui siapa ayahmu. Ia berada di Cirebon dan telah menjadi Sultan di sana. Jika kau ke sana berikan tasbih ini kepadanya. Tasbih inilah yang dulu menjadi mahar perkawinan ibu dengan ayahmu.

 

Pergilah Pangeran Sabakingking menuju utara melewati hutan dan sungai, bukit bahkan gunung di tempat yang dituju Pangeran Sabankingking langsung menuju kesultanan Cirebon.

 

Di Kesultanan Cirebon itulah Pangeran Sabakingking melihat sebuah perbedaan yang mendasar. Terdengar suara adzan, serta alunan al Quran yang asing baginya, namun begitu menyejukkan hatinya. Tak berapa lama bertemulah Pangeran Sabakingking dengan seorang tua berjanggut panjang dengan mengenakan sorban. Orang tua itu tampak berwibawa dan memiliki sorot mata yang tajam. “Anak muda, ada keperluan apa kau ke sini? Tanya orang tua yang tak lain adalah Syarif Hidyayatullah itu.“Aku ingin bertemu dengan Syarif Hidayatullah dan menyerahkan tasbih ini dari ibuku.” Tasbih itu pun diterima Syarif Hidayatullah sembari menerawangkan matanya. “Apakah kau anak Kawunganten?” “Benar! Aku Sabakingking Putra Kawunganten!”

 

“Akulah Syarif Hidayatullah yang kaucari anak muda. Namun aku tidak begitu saja mengakui kau sebagai anakku, sebab ada syarat yang harus kau laksanakan.” “Apa itu?” Buatlah sebuah bangunan masjid lengkap dengan menaranya di Banten. Tapi ingat, hanya 1 malam saja. Jika  sampai muncul matahari dan perkerjaanmu belum selesai, jangan harap aku akan mengakui kau sebagai anakku.” Ujar Syarif Hidayatullah. “Baiklah! aku akan melaksanakan perintahmu.” Jika sudah selesai, kumandangkan adzan yang dapat kau dengar dari menaranya. Ingat, hanya dalam waktu 1 malam saja!”

 

Setelah mendengar perintah ayahnya, Pangeran Sabakingking bergegas meninggalkan Cirebon untuk kembali ke Banten. Setelah sampai di Banten diceritakanlah semua yang dialami selama di Cirebon kepada ibunya. Ibunya maphum dan bersedia membantu anaknya. Dipanggilah lebih dari 1000 jin sakti untuk membantu Pangeran Sabakingking, dan tepat saat matahari terbenam mereka mulai membangun fondasi Masjid di pesisir Banten. Semua bekerja dengan berbagai ilmu, lebih dari 1000 Jin dikerahkan, dan mendekati matahari terbit menara pun baru selesai. Saat itulah Pangeran Sabakingking menaiki menara dan mengumandangkan Adzan seperti apa yang ia dengar di Kesultanan Cirebon, dan dengan tenaga dalam yang nyaris sempurna, terdengarlah alunan adzan yang menggema hingga ke seluruh alam.

 

Mendengar suara adzan yang memiliki kekuatan yang luar biasa itu, Syarif Hidayatullah pun keluar dari keraton Kesultanan Cirebon dan segera memperhatikan arah suara itu, yang tak salah lagi itu adalah suara anaknya. Dan dengan ilmu Sancang, ilmu berlari cepat yang sulit diterima akal manusia, yang dimilikinya, hanya dalam waktu beberapa menit saja tibalah Syarif Hidayatullah ke Mesjid yang dibangun anaknya tersebut dan melakukan sholat subuh di sana.

 

Pangeran Sabakingking mengetahui datangnya seseorang yang masuk ke Mesjidnya, dan dia bergegas menuju ke dalam. Alangkah kagetnya Pangeran Sabakingking saat ternyata dihadapannya adalah Syarif Hidayatullah, ayahnya. “Anakku. Kau telah membangun Mesjid ini dengan baik, Mesjid ini akan menjadi pusat penyebaran agama yang kubawa dan kau adalah pemimpinnya.  Mulai hari ini namamu adalah Hasanudin. Dan bangunlah Kesultanan di sini, syiarkan Islam kepada rakyatmu.

 

Hasanudin pun membangun keraton di sekitar masjid yang dibangunnya, yang tidak berapa lama berdirilah keraton lengkap dengan singgasananya, untuk membantu penyebaran Islam di Banten, dan Syarif Hidayatullah memerintahkan rakyatnya untuk ikut membangun Banten. Berduyun-duyunlah rakyat Cirebon menuju Banten. Mereka disambut rakyat Banten dengan antusias, seakan-akan perbauran antara rakyat Cirebon dan penduduk asli itu seperti halnya perpaduan antara Muhajirin dan Anshor jaman Nabi Muhammad. Budaya dan bahasa yang hampir sama dengan Cirebon merupakan bukti otentik yang terwariskan hingga saat ini.

 

Sementara itu, Padjajaran setelah mangkatnya prabu Siliwangi pecah menjadi jadi dua kerajaan yaitu Kerajaan Pakuan dan Kerajaan Galuh. Kerajaan Pakuan di berikan kepada cucunya Ratu Dewata yang merupakan putri Raden Surawisesa yang dikenal dengan Pangeran Walangsungsang, salah seorang putra Prabu Siliwangi. Keinginan Kesultanan Cirebon untuk mengislamkan seluruh Kerajaan Padjajaran didukung penuh oleh Maulana Hasanudin, yang juga dibantu oleh putra mahkota yaitu Sultan Maulana Yusuf, yang merupakan hasil pernikahan Maulana Hasanudin dengan Ratu Ayu Kirana, Putri Sultan Trenggono dari Kesultanan Demak. Selain Maulana Yusuf, Maulana Hasanudin memiliki putri bernama Ratu Pembayun yang menikah dengan Tubagus Angke putra Ki Mas Wisesa Adimarta dimana Tubagus Angke merupakan panglima perang Banten yang nantinya memiliki putra bernama Pangeran Jayakarta, yang kelak menjadi pajabat Kesultanan Banten di Jakarta, di mana nama Jakarta diambil dari namanya. (*)

 

 

 

Selain memiliki warisan kekayaan budaya dan intelektual Sunda, Banten juga memiliki warisan kekayaan budaya dan intelektual berbahasa Jawa. Secara historis, sebagaimana dipaparkan para sejarawan dan arkeolog yang meneliti dan menulis tentang sejarah dan budaya Banten, semisal Claude Guillot, penggunaan bahasa Jawa di Banten sebenarnya tak hanya telah ada semenjak Kesultanan Banten berdiri. Namun jauh sebelum itu, yaitu pada abad ke-10 yang bermula di Kerajaan Hindu Banten Girang. Hal ini dibuktikan dengan ditemukannya prasasti yang bertitimangsa Prabu Sri Jayabupati yang menggunakan bahasa Jawa di Banten Girang dan di Cicatih Sukabumi yang dengan nyata menggunakan aksara dan bahasa Jawa.

 

Hanya saja, demikian lanjut Claude Guillot dalam bukunya yang berjudul Banten Sebelum Zaman Islam itu, penggunaan bahasa Jawa di Banten Girang itu memang sempat terputus, hingga akhirnya penggunaan bahasa Jawa di Banten mencapai periode mapannya bersamaan dengan berdirinya Kesultanan Banten hingga sekarang. Di jaman Kesultanan Banten ini, bahasa Jawa yang mulanya digunakan sebagai bahasa keraton, bahasa resmi perdagangan dan politik Kesultanan Banten, termasuk juga sebagai bahasa kesusastraan, lambat laun menjadi bahasa yang digunakan secara massif oleh masyarakat Banten, terutama masyarakat Banten di Banten Utara, semisal Cilegon, Serang, dan sebagain kecil wilayah Tangerang.

 

Hal itu merupakan sesuatu yang wajar, mengingat banyaknya kaum pendatang dari Cirebon, Demak, dan dari daerah lain, semisal Bali dan Jawa Timur menjadi penduduk dan masyarakat resmi Kesultanan Banten, hingga saat ini, selain masyarakat yang sudah sejak lama ada di Banten, yang di antaranya masyarakat yang bertutur bahasa Sunda. Bersamaan dengan itu pulalah, dengan sendirinya, berkembanglah bahasa dan budaya Jawa di Banten, yang kelak dikenal sebagai Jawa-Banten, tak terkecuali tumbuh dan berkembangnya folklore dan dolanan yang menggunakan tuturan bahasa Jawa di Banten tersebut, kemudian juga turut menjadi khasanah akulturasi dan penetrasi budaya dan bahasa Jawa di Banten tersebut.

 

Dan seperti umumnya dolanan dan folklore, selain sebagai unsur hiburan dan permainanan, sebenarnya terkandung juga di dalamnya rekaman historis dan psikologis dalam folklore dan dolanan yang hidup di dalam masyarakat, selain juga siratan kearifan, yang khusus dalam hal ini tercermin dalam folklore dan dolanan yang menggunakan tuturan bahasa Jawa di Banten. Ambil sebagai contohnya bunyi lagu dolanan berikut: “Iris-iris timun // timun giliran santri // tambing etan ana payung // payung wong lamaran // tae em em ta em em ta em em // sapa sing dadi ratune.” (Potong-potonglah buah timun // buah timun kepunyaan santri // di sebelah timur ada payung // payung orang yang mau melamar // ta em em ta em em ta em em // siapa yang jadi rajanya?).

 

Jika ditafsir secara bebas, bunyi lagu dolanan di atas sebenarnya menyiratkan suatu peristiwa historis Banten yang dikemas secara halus dalam nyanyian. Lagu dolanan tersebut seakan-akan hendak menceritakan, sekali lagi bila ini ditafsir secara bebas, terjadinya akulturasi budaya dan politik antara kaum migran dan lokal di Banten, di mana kaum migran dikiaskan sebagai seorang yang melamar. Atau bisa juga ditafsirkan bahwa lagu dolanan tersebut tengah menceritakan diangkatnya seorang raja di Banten, seperti tercermin dalam bait atau larik terakhir lagu dolanan itu sendiri: “Siapa yang jadi rajanya?”

 

Kesusastraan lisan masa silam, semisal lagu dolanan itu, selain hendak menceritakan kisah oral dari mulut ke mulut, sebenarnya dapat juga ditafsirkan sebagai ikhtiar sebuah masyarakat untuk merekam sejarah mereka sendiri. Sebab, seringkali folklore dan dolanan, selain tentu saja dapat mencerminkan kandungan psikologis masyarakatnya atau yang menjadi dunia rasa seperti harapan, keinginan, dan cita-cita mereka sebagai masyarakat dan manusia, tersirat juga relevansi historis tentang bagaimana kondisi sosial dan kesejarahan folklore dan lagu dolanan. Bukan hanya itu saja, dengan membaca dan menyimak folklore dan lagu dolanan, kita juga dapat mengetahui bagaimana kondisi dan suasana kehidupan masa silam masyarakat: “Kijing-kijing mati // matine ning pinggirkali // cecindil sing ngadusi, kekunang sing ngedamari // cecebong sing nangisi, baye sing ngiliri!”

 

Lagu dolanan di atas, meski tentu saja diciptakan sudah lama dan dalam konteks yang berlainan, mengingatkan saya ketika saya masih bocah yang mencari kijing (makhluk hidup yang hidup di sungai) ketika air sungai surut bersama banyak orang dan teman-teman saya sendiri. Jika demikian, folklore dan dolanan, salah-satunya, memang secara langsung menceritakan kehidupan sebuah masyarakat sembari dimaksudkan sebagai kiasan yang hendak mendedahkan kearifan. Dan karena sifatnya yang alegoris itulah, folklore dan dolanan juga sebenarnya dapat ditafsirkan secara bebas alias tak mesti ditafsirkan sebagai satu arti atau satu makna saja. Semisal lagu Kijing-kijing, itu sebagai contohnya, seolah hendak mendedahkan sebuah sindiran tanpa harus membuat yang disindirnya merasa tersinggung.

 

Selain mengandung aspek psikologis dan historis, yang tentu juga kandungan kearifan yang umum sifatnya, ada juga folklore dan lagu dolanan yang hendak menyindir, mengejek, sekaligus memotivasi atau menyemangati siapa saja atau seseorang yang ragu-ragu dan kurang memiliki tekad untuk berbuat sesuatu, semisal dicontohkan lagu dolanan yang berjudul Sumbul Bamban berikut: “Sumbul bamban sumbul bamban // Isine bebotok doang // Subuh dandan subuh dandan // Bisane dodok doang.” Lagu dolanan ini juga sebenarnya multi-tafsir. Contohnya kita bisa saja menerjemahkannya sebagai sindirian kepada seorang perempuan yang malas dan terlampau senang berhias atau berdandan hingga sehari-harinya malas bekerja atau hanya duduk-duduk saja.

 

Atau kita juga bisa menafsirkan dan menerjemahkan lagu dolanan tersebut sebagai ejekan dan sindiran kepada seseorang yang meski telah rajin berdandan dan berhias, ternyata tak bisa berbuat apa-apa untuk memikat lawan jenisnya. Ragam tafsir itu sah-sah saja mengingat folklore dan lagu dolanan memang banyak yang tidak terlampau verbal alias yang secara saklek hendak mengemukakan apa yang dimaksudkan dan diceritakannya secara jelas atau rigid. Hingga kira-kira, di situ pulalah, terletak kearifan dan kekuatan literer folklore dan dolanan itu sendiri sebagai sebuah khasanah kesusastraan sekaligus historiografis dan psikologis masyarakat yang memproduksi dan menuturkan folklore dan dolanan tersebut.

 

Dalam folklore dan dolanan, kearifan masyarakat, sebagai contohnya, diaplikasikan dan diterjemahkan ke dalam nyanyian dan permainan. Dan selain memiliki maksud pedagogik dan memiliki kandungan yang sifatnya historis, folklore dan dolanan juga dapat menjadi cerminan rasa dan apa yang ada dalam jiwa, atau katakanlah aspek psikologis, masyarakat yang memproduksi dan menuturkannya, seperti dicontohkan lagu dolanan bahasa Jawa Banten berikut, yang pada saat bersamaan mengandung aspek pedagogik, psikologis, dan historiografis:

 

“Pitik tulak pitik tukung // tetulak si jabang bayi, // ngadohaken cacing racak, // sawan sarab pan sumingkir,  si tukang merkungkung arsa, // tetulak si jabang bayi. // Ngingu pitik berangbung, // tulak walik rob jaladri, // wulane amantya warna, // abang ireng putih kuning, // sing tukang majoni marga, // tulak walik aneng wuri. // Yen lara tan tambane pun, // godong pasrah ing Yang Widi, // brangbang lega ing manah, // adas lawan Pulosari, // lawan sinandingan do;a, // puraging jabang bayi. // Si Jabang bayi puniku, // kekasihing sukma jati, // rinaksa ing malaikat, // kinipasan widadari, // ginendeng para oliya, // pinayungan kanjeng nabi. // Jabang bayi agi turu, // pungpung raine becik, // ana ule lan kelabang, // ana lamuk memedeni, //lah uwis agi turuwa, // ana kokok beluk muni. // Ana kinjeng-tangis mabur, // miber ing kayangan niki, // angrungu tangis si jabang, // anulye si kinjeng balik, // ngetokaken kang memala // tumungkul sarwi cempuni.

 

Sebagai penutup tulisan ini, seperti diungkapkan Dr. Mufti Ali dari Bantenologi, ada satu paparan menarik yang diutarakan Mas Mangoen Dikaria tentang lagu dolanan Jawa-Banten yang berjudul Gegempalang, yang bunyinya sebagai berikut: Gegempalang wohing aren gelondong // wohing penjalin // umah-umah Banjar Kulon // kulon-kulon sekedaton // kedatone kupat kuning // kupat kuning kayu andong // andong kayu ketumpang // ketumpang lalawuh urang // dening rangde lusuh kembang. Menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria, lagu dolanan ini menjelaskan tentang taksonomi tumbuhan, tanaman, dan sejumlah toponimi atau nama tempat. Kata gegempalang artinya adalah buah enau yang sudah tua atau wohing aren. Sementara gelondong adalah rotan atau wohing penjalin, dan kedaton artinya keraton. Sedangkan kayu andong dan ketumpang merujuk pada sejenis tanaman yang kayunya dipakai sebagai tumbak dan sejenis tanaman dengan batang kecil yang berdaun lebar dan biasanya dapat dipakai sebagai obat. Dan rangde kembang berarti janda yang masih muda.

 

Akan tetapi, menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria, seperti diungkapkan kembali oleh Dr. Mufti Ali dari Bantenologi, lagu dolanan ini sebenarnya mengandung makna sindiran jika dipahami secara mendalam. Lagu dolanan ini, salah-satunya, memberikan gambaran ilustratif tentang kemaluan pria dan wanita. Gegempalang menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria sesungguhnya bermakna “gegem palang”, di mana kata “gegem” merujuk pada kayu yang bentuknya seperti bagian belakang kura-kura, bagian pinggirnya rendah dan tengahnya cembung, yang akan mengingatkan kita kepada bentuk kemaluan perempuan. Sementara “wohing aren” atau buah enau, ketika masih muda disebut cengkaleng, yang bilang dilafalkan sukukata akhirnya saja maka akan berbunyi “leng” yang artinya lubang.

 

Selanjutnya, gelondong artinya jaro atau kepala desa, yang penyebutannya hampir sama dengan kata jero (dalam). Wohing penjalin atau buah rotan disebut kesur yang hampir sama bunyinya dengan susur (tembakau yang digunakan untuk membersihkan gigi) yang biasanya ditempatkan di antara dua bibir. Sedangkan umah-umah maksudnya adalah posisi atau tempat susur tersebut, dan banjar berbanjar atau berbaris. Kulon artinya kilen atau kekalen dan sekedaton artinya seperti kedaton (keraton) raja-raja dahulu yang biasanya berada di ujung kampung atau perkampungan. Lalu, kupat kuning atau ketupat kuning sering disebut juga koja berukuran segitiga, karena ada kupat jantung yang bentuknya seperti jantung. Kayu andong biasa dipakai untuk tombak. Jadi, menurut Mas Mangoen Dikaria, kupat kuning dan kayu andong dalam lagu dolanan gegempalang itu merujuk pada kemaluan laki-laki. Dan pelafalan andong hampir mirip dengan gendong, dan pelafalan ketumpang hampir mirip dengan numpang.

 

Jika demikian, menurut Mas Mangun Dikaria, salah-satu makna tersembunyi dari lagu dolanan gegempalang tersebut adalah bahwa lagu dolanan itu sebenarnya sedang menggambarkan adegan intim seorang pria dengan seorang janda kembang. Makna dan maksud tersembunyi tersebut, setidak-tidaknya, telah menunjukan kearifan orang-orang Banten masa lalu dalam menggubah sebuah nyanyian yang mengandung kiasan dan sindiran, yang tak ragu lagi telah mencerminkan tingginya kearifan dan kemahiran literer masyarakat Banten di masa lalu.

 

Sulaiman Djaya

Sumber: Harian Radar Banten 15 Februari 2013

 

Banten Girang di Tahun 1920

 

 

Carel Reyniersz

 

 

Portrait of Carel Reyniersz

Carel Reyniersz (1604–1653) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1650 until 1653.

Reyniersz (or Reiniersz) was born in Amsterdam in 1604 (or perhaps 1602). He left for the Indies in 1627 as Upperbuyer (opperkoopman) on the Dutch Coromandel (Karnataka). He was promoted to Governor of the Coromandel Coast in 1635, even though he had been accused of engaging in (forbidden) private/personal trading. In 1636 he became Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extra-ordinair) of the Dutch Council of the Indies. He returned to Amsterdam as Admiral of the returning fleet in 1638 and established himself as a merchant there. However, he lost his entire fortune, so left again, this time aboard the Salamander, for India on 24 April 1645. He arrived there on 3 December 1645. The following year, 1646, he became a full Counsellor of the Indies.

His allocated task was to carry out a new policy in the Indies. Most importantly, he was, as far as possible to eliminate sources of competition. He was to take action against private trading and to deal with too much production of spices by having trees cut down. Reinier stuck strictly to this policy, which lead to much conflict in West Ceram, where the population would not accept the destruction of their plantations. It took until 1658 for the area to be pacified.

Four years after Reyniersz become a Counsellor, Governor-General Cornelis van der Lijn received an honorable discharge (sic) and on 26 April 1650, Reyniersz was named his successor, a task he very much looked forward to. Four years later he was dismissed. The governors of the company were not pleased by the weakness of his rule. There still exists in the Netherlands his letter of dismissal. It indicates he was being dismissed because he had been unable to carry out the duties of his office, particularly maintaining peace. The letter was never sent, because Reynier had already written to the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) asking to be relieved of his office on health grounds. This letter arrived just before his dismissal letter was to be sent. The Seventeen Lords willingly agreed to his request, though he died before their response reached him, on the night of 18/19 May 1653. He was buried in Batavia, Dutch East Indies and was succeed as Governor-General by Joan Maetsuycker.

 

Joan Maetsuycker

 

 

Joan Maetsuycker, Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. Painting by Jacob Jansz. Coeman in the Rijksmuseum

Joan Maetsuycker (October 14, 1606, Amsterdam – January 24, 1678, Batavia) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1653 to 1678.

Maetsuycker studied law in Leuven, and was a lawyer first in The Hague, and later in Amsterdam. From 1636, he lived in the Dutch East Indies. In 1646 he became the first Dutch Governor-General of Ceylon, and seven years later, the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He stayed on that post for 25 years, which is the longest period for any Governor-General. The Dutch colony in the Indies flourished under Maetsuycker. Under his rule, the Portuguese lost Ceylon (1658), the coast of Coromandel (1658) and Malabar (1663); Makassar was conquered (1667), the west coast of Sumatra was occupied, and the first expedition to the interior of Java was held.

 

 

 

 

 

1660.

It is said (but the fact will admit of much doubt) that in 1660 she was inclined to marry one of their countrymen, and would have carried her design into execution had not the East India Company prevented by their authority a connexion that might, as they prudently judged, be productive of embarrassment to their affairs.

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1645

 

Sultan Agung   wafat pada tahun 1645, sebelum penyerangan itu terlaksana.

 

1645-1647

Pengganti SULTAN Agung , Sultan Amangkurat I (1645-1677) ternyata bersikap lemah dan mau bekerjasama dengan Belanda.

1648

The british had ben forced out of the cosmopolitan peper trading fort at banten near present day serang in 1648, but the were determinet to break the dutch  monopoly.


SULTAN AGENG TIRTAYASA

Lahir : Banten, 1631
Wafat : Jakarta, 1692

 

1650

VOC territories and trading posts in Asia, 1650

The naval commercial power of the VOC, especially in an island region such as Indonesia, meant that the Company could pursue its interests on many fronts, but its two most important adversaries in the period to 1800 were Makasar and Mataram. Makasar, the main port in southern Sulawesi, became a major centre for the ‘smuggling’ trade which defied the Dutch monopoly until it succumbed to the Dutch and allied indigenous forces in a three-year war ending in 1669.

 

 

 

(Jan Pieterszoon Coen, architect of Dutch empire in the East)

 

The Founding of Batavia

Coen’s first step was to establish a permanent headquarters at Jayakarta on the north-western coast of Java, close to the pepper producing parts of Sumatra and the strategic Sunda Straits. In 1618, he sought and received permission from Prince Wijayakrama of Jayakarta to expand the existing Dutch post, and proceeded to throw up a stone barricade mounted with cannon. The prince protested that fortifications were not provided for in their agreement and Coen responded by bombarding the palace thereby reducing it to rubble. A seige of the fledgling Dutch fortress ensued, in which the powerful Bantenese and a recently arrived English fleet joined the Jayakartans. Coen was not so easily beaten, however (his motto:”Never Dispair!”), and escaped to Ambon leaving a handful of his men in defense of the fort and its valuable contents.

Five months later, Coen returned to discover his men still in possession of their post. Though outnumbered 30-to-1 they had rather unwittingly played one foe against another by acceding to any and all demands, but were never actually required to surrender their position due to the mutual suspicion and timidity of the three attacking parties. Coen set his adversaries to flight in a series of dramatic attacks, undertaken with a small force of 1,000 men that included several score of fearsome Japanese mercenaries. The town of Jayakarta was razed to the ground and construction of a new Dutch town begun, eventually to include canals, drawbridges, docks, warehouse, barracks, a central square, a city hall and a church-all protected by a high stone wall and a moat-a copy in short, of Amsterdam itself.

 

 

(Natives bring nutmegs for sale to a Dutch trading post at Banda Neira)

 

The only sour note in the proceedings was struck by the revelation that during the darkest days of the seige, many of the Dutch defenders had behaved them selves in a most unseemly manners-drinking, singing and fornicating for several nights in succession. Worst of all, they had broken open the company storehouse and divided the contents up amongst themselves. Coen, a strict disciplinarian, ordered the immediate execution of those involved, and memories of the infamous siege soon faded-save one. The defenders had dubbed their fortress “Batavia,” and the new name stuck.

 

Coen had placed his headquarters on Java some distance from the rising central Java power of Mataram, but the two quickly came into conflict. In 1628 and 1629 forces from Mataram attacked Batavia but were repulsed. Thereafter, it was the Company which harassed Mataram, both deliberately circumscribing its power and finding itself drawn into civil wars and political conflicts within Mataram to defend its own interests. Following its participation in the defeat of Trunojoyo in 1678–1681, the VOC was a permanent element in Javanese politics and the Company gradually moved from being a maritime trading power to managing a territorial empire on Java. The Company’s administrative structure, however, continued to resemble that of a trading company, with officials below the level of governor holding mercantile titles and retaining principal responsibility for commercial matters along with administration

1664.

The Dutch however complain that she gave assistance to their enemies the people of Perak, and in 1664 it was found necessary to send a squadron under the command of Pieter de Bitter to bring her to reason. As it happened that she was at this time at war with some of her own dependants he made himself master of several places on the western coast that were nominally at least belonging to Achin.

1666.

About 1666 the English establishments at Achin and some ports to the southward appear to have given considerable umbrage to their rivals.

1669.

In 1669 the people of Dilli on the north-eastern coast threw off their allegiance, and the power of the kingdom became gradually more and more circumscribed.

1675.

This queen died in 1675, after reigning, with a degree of tranquillity little known in these countries, upwards of thirty-four years.

The people being now accustomed and reconciled to female rule, which they found more lenient than that of their kings, acquiesced in general in the established mode of government.

1677.

And she was immediately succeeded by another female monarch, named Nur al-alum, who reigned little more than two years and died in 1677.

The queen who succeeded her was named Anayet-shah.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1678

 

 

Portrait of Rijklof van Goens

Rijckloff van Goens (Rees, June 24, 1619 – Amsterdam, November 14, 1682) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1678-1681. He wrote extensively about his travels to Ceylon and India.

 

 

His writing about

 

visits to

the palaces of

 

Sultan Agung

and his successors are important references for historians of the Mataram era in Java

 

aankomst Rijklof van Goens bij Cochin, 1678-1681 in NEDERLANDS OOST-INDIE

 

1684.

In the year 1684 she received an embassy from the English government of Madras, and appeared at that time to be about forty years. The persons who were on this occasion presented to her express their suspicions, which were suggested to them by a doubt prevailing amongst the inhabitants, that this sovereign was not a real queen, but a eunuch dressed up in female apparel, and imposed on the public by the artifices of the orang kayas. But as such a cheat, though managed with every semblance of reality (which they observe was the case) could not be carried on for any number of years without detection, and as the same idea does not appear to have been entertained at any other period, it is probable they were mistaken in their surmise. Her person they describe to have been large, and her voice surprisingly strong, but not manly.*

(*Footnote. The following curious passage is extracted from the journal of these gentlemen’s proceedings. “We went to give our attendance at the palace this day as customary. Being arrived at the place of audience with the orang cayos, the queen was pleased to order us to come nearer, when her majesty was very inquisitive into the use of our wearing periwigs, and what was the convenience of them; to all which we returned satisfactory answers. After this her majesty desired of Mr. Ord, if it were no affront to him, that he would take off his periwig, that she might see how he appeared without it; which, according to her majesty’s request, he did. She then told us she had heard of our business, and would give her answer by the orang cayos; and so we retired.” I venture, with submission, to observe that this anecdote seems to put the question of the sex beyond controversy.)

The purport of the embassy was to obtain liberty to erect a fortification in her territory, which she peremptorily refused, being contrary to the established rules of the kingdom; adding that if the governor of Madras would fill her palace with gold she could not permit him to build with brick either fort or house. To have a factory of timber and plank was the utmost indulgence that could be allowed; and on that footing the return of the English, who had not traded there for many years, should be welcomed with great friendship. The queen herself, the orang kayas represented, was not allowed to fortify lest some foreign power might avail themselves of it to enslave the country. In the course of these negotiations it was mentioned that the agriculture of Achin had suffered considerably of late years by reason of a general licence given to all the inhabitants to search for gold in the mountains and rivers which afforded that article; whereas the business had formerly been restricted to certain authorized persons, and the rest obliged to till the ground.

1684.

The court feared to give a public sanction for the settlement of the English on any part of the southern coast lest it should embroil them with the other European powers.*

(*Footnote. The design of settling a factory at this period in the dominions of Achin was occasioned by the recent loss of our establishment at Bantam, which had been originally fixed by Sir James Lancaster in 1603. The circumstances of this event were as follows. The old sultan had thought proper to share the regal power with his son in the year 1677, and this measure was attended with the obvious effect of a jealousy between the parent and child, which soon broke forth into open hostilities. The policy of the Dutch led them to take an active part in favour of the young sultan, who had inclined most to their interests and now solicited their aid. The English on the other hand discouraged what appeared to them an unnatural rebellion, but without interfering, as they said, in any other character than that of mediators, or affording military assistance to either party; and which their extreme weakness rather than their assertions renders probable. On the twenty-eighth of March 1682 the Dutch landed a considerable force from Batavia, and soon terminated the war. They placed the young sultan on the throne, delivering the father into his custody, and obtained from him in return for these favours an exclusive privilege of trade in his territories; which was evidently the sole object they had in view. On the first day of April possession was taken of the English factory by a party of Dutch and country soldiers, and on the twelfth the agent and council were obliged to embark with their property on vessels provided for the purpose, which carried them to Batavia. From thence they proceeded to Surat on the twenty-second of August in the following year.

In order to retain a share in the pepper-trade the English turned their thoughts towards Achin, and a deputation, consisting of two gentlemen, of the names of Old and Cawley, was sent thither in 1684; the success of which is above related. It happened that at this time certain Rajas or chiefs of the country of Priaman and other places on the west coast of Sumatra were at Achin also to solicit aid of that court against the Dutch, who had made war upon and otherwise molested them. These immediately applied to Mr. Ord, expressing a strong desire that the English should settle in their respective districts, offering ground for a fort and the exclusive purchase of their pepper. They consented to embark for Madras, where an agreement was formed with them by the governor in the beginning of the year 1685 on the terms they had proposed. In consequence of this an expedition was fitted out with the design of establishing a settlement at Priaman; but a day or two before the ships sailed an invitation to the like purport was received from the chiefs of Bang­kaulu (since corruptly called Bencoolen); and as it was known that a considerable proportion of the pepper that used to be exported from Bantam had been collected from the neighbourhood of Bencoolen (at a place called Silebar), it was judged advisable that Mr. Ord, who was the person entrusted with the management of this business, should first proceed thither; particularly as at that season of the year it was the windward port. He arrived there on the twenty-fifth day of June 1685, and, after taking possession of the country assigned to the English Company, and leaving Mr. Broome in charge of the place, he sailed for the purpose of establishing the other settlements. He stopped first at Indrapura, where he found three Englishmen who were left of a small factory that had been some time before settled there by a man of the name of Du Jardin. Here he learned that the Dutch, having obtained a knowledge of the original intention of our fixing at Priaman, had anticipated us therein and sent a party to occupy the situation. In the meantime it was understood in Europe that this place was the chief of our establishments on the coast, and ships were accordingly consigned thither. The same was supposed at Madras, and troops and stores were sent to reinforce it, which were afterwards landed at Indrapura. A settlement was then formed at Manjuta, and another attempted at Batang-kapas in 1686; but here the Dutch, assisted by a party amongst the natives, assaulted and drove out our people. Every possible opposition, as it was natural to expect, was given by these our rivals to the success of our factories. They fixed themselves in the neighbourhood of them and endeavoured to obstruct the country people from carrying pepper to them or supplying them with provisions either by sea or land. Our interests however in the end prevailed, and Bencoolen in particular, to which the other places were rendered subordinate in 1686, began to acquire some degree of vigour and respectability. In 1689 encouragement was given to Chinese colonists to settle there, whose number has been continually increasing from that time. In 1691 the Dutch felt the loss of their influence at Silebar and other of the southern countries, where they attempted to exert authority in the name of the sultan of Bantam, and the produce of these places was delivered to the English. This revolution proceeded from the works with which about this time our factory was strengthened. In 1695 a settlement was made at Triamang, and two years after at Kattaun and Sablat. The first, in the year 1700, was removed to Bantal. Various applications were made by the natives in different parts of the island for the establishment of factories, particularly from Ayer-Bangis to the northward, Palembang on the eastern side, and the people from the countries south of Tallo, near Manna. A person was sent to survey these last, as far as Pulo Pisang and Kroi, in 1715. In consequence of the inconvenience attending the shipping of goods from Bencoolen River, which is often impracticable from the surfs, a warehouse was built in 1701 at a place then called the cove; which gave the first idea of removing the settlement to the point of land which forms the bay of Bencoolen. The unhealthiness of the old situation was thought to render this an expedient step; and accordingly about 1714 it was in great measure relinquished, and the foundations of Fort Marlborough were laid on a spot two or three miles distant. Being a high plain it was judged to possess considerable advantages; many of which however are counterbalanced by its want of the vicinity of a river, so necessary for the ready and plentiful supply of provisions. Some progress had been made in the erection of this fort when an accident happened that had nearly destroyed the Company’s views. The natives incensed at ill treatment received from the Europeans, who were then but little versed in the knowledge of their dispositions or the art of managing them by conciliating methods, rose in a body in the year 1719, and forced the garrison, whose ignorant fears rendered them precipitate, to seek refuge on board their ships. These people began now to feel alarms lest the Dutch, taking advantage of the absence of the English, should attempt an establishment, and soon permitted some persons from the northern factories to resettle the place; and, supplies arriving from Madras, things returned to their former course, and the fort was completed. The Company’s affairs on this coast remained in tranquillity for a number of years. The important settlement of Natal was established in 1752, and that of Tappanuli a short time afterwards; which involved the English in fresh disputes with the Dutch, who set up a claim to the country in which they are situated. In the year 1760 the French under Comte d’Estaing destroyed all the English settlements on the coast of Sumatra; but they were soon reestablished and our possession secured by the treaty of Paris in 1763. Fort Marlborough, which had been hitherto a peculiar subordinate of Fort St. George, was now formed into an independent presidency, and was furnished with a charter for erecting a mayor’s court, but which has never been enforced. In 1781 a detachment of military from thence embarked upon five East India ships and took possession of Padang and all other Dutch factories in consequence of the war with that nation. In 1782 the magazine of Fort Marlborough, in which were four hundred barrels of powder, was fired by lightning and blew up; but providentially few lives were lost. In 1802 an act of parliament was passed “to authorize the East India Company to make their settlement at Fort Marlborough in the East Indies, a factory subordinate to the presidency of Fort William in Bengal, and to transfer the servants who on the reduction of that establishment shall be supernumerary, to the presidency of Fort St. George.” In 1798 plants of the nutmeg and clove had for the first time been procured from the Moluccas; and in 1803 a large importation of these valuable articles of cultivation took place. As the plantations were, by the last accounts from thence, in the most flourishing state, very important commercial advantages were expected to be derived from the culture.)

A few years before these transactions she had invited the king of Siam to renew the ancient connexion between their respective states, and to unite in a league against the Dutch, by whose encroachments the commerce of her subjects and the extent of her dominions were much circumscribed. It does not appear however that this overture was attended with any effect, nor have the limits of the Achinese jurisdiction since that period extended beyond Pidir on the northern, and Barus on the western coast.

1688.

She died in 1688, having reigned something less than eleven years, and was succeeded by a young queen named Kamalat-shah; but this did not take place without a strong opposition from a faction amongst the orang kayas which wanted to set up a king, and a civil war actually commenced. The two parties drew up their forces on opposite sides of the river, and for two or three nights continued to fire at each other, but in the daytime followed their ordinary occupations. These opportunities of intercourse made them sensible of their mutual folly. They agreed to throw aside their arms and the crown remained in possession of the newly elected queen. It was said to have been esteemed essential that she should be a maiden, advanced in years, and connected by blood with the ancient royal line. In this reign an English factory, which had been long discontinued, was reestablished at Achin, but in the interval some private traders of this nation had always resided on the spot. These usually endeavoured to persuade the state that they represented the India Company, and sometimes acquired great influence, which they are accused of having employed in a manner not only detrimental to that body but to the interests of the merchants of India in general by monopolizing the trade of the port, throwing impediments in the way of all shipping not consigned to their management, and embezzling the cargoes of such as were. An asylum was also afforded, beyond the reach of law, for all persons whose crimes or debts induced them to fly from the several European settlements. These considerations chiefly made the Company resolve to reclaim their ancient privileges in that kingdom, and a deputation was sent from the presidency of Madras in the year 1695 for that purpose, with letters addressed to her illustrious majesty the queen of Achin, desiring permission to settle on the terms her predecessors had granted to them; which was readily complied with, and a factory, but on a very limited scale, was established accordingly, but soon declined and disappeared. In 1704, when Charles Lockyer (whose account of his voyage, containing a particular description of this place, was published in 1711) visited Achin, one of these independent factors, named Francis Delton, carried on a flourishing trade. In 1695 the Achinese were alarmed by the arrival of six sail of Dutch ships of force, with a number of troops on board, in their road, not having been visited by any of that nation for fifteen years, but they departed without offering any molestation.

1699.

This queen was deposed by her subjects (whose grounds of complaint are not stated) about the latter part of the year 1699, after reigning also eleven years; and with her terminated the female dynasty, which, during its continuance of about fifty-nine years, had attracted much notice in Europe.

Her successor was named Beder al-alum sherif Hasham, the nature of whose pretensions to the crown does not positively appear, but there is reason to believe that he was her brother. When he had reigned a little more than two years it pleased God (as the Annals express it) to afflict him with a distemper which caused his feet and hands to contract (probably the gout) and disqualified him for the performance of his religious duties.

 

1619 –

January:

English force Dutch surrender at Jayakerta

, but Banten forces take over from the English in a surprise move. The English and the Pangeran of Jayakerta retreat.

March 12:

Dutch rename post at Jayakerta to Batavia (today’s Jakarta).

 

May:

Coen passes through Jepara,

and burns down the city again, including the English trading post.

May 28:

Coen arrives at Jayakerta

, and burns down the original town of Jayakerta, leaving only the Dutch post of Batavia remaining to become VOC headquarters.

 

 

August:

VOC begins building city at Batavia.

 

 

 

1620 –

VOC under Coen almost exterminates population of Banda to prevent “smuggling”. Survivors settle on small islands near Seram.

One of Coen’s goals was to make the VOC strong enough on its own so that it did not have to depend on the goodwill of neighboring rulers. He intended to do this by changing the VOC from a trade empire to an empire that ruled actual territories, then settling those territories with colonists from the Netherlands. Military strength was important, both for maintaining a position of power among the local kings and sultans, and for keeping the Spanish, Portuguese and English away.

1621 –

British found trading post at Ambon.

1622 –

Agung and VOC make overtures to each other.

1623 –

VOC agents in Ambon arrest, torture and execute English agents on charges of conspiracy.

Aceh sacks Johore. Carstenz expedition for VOC explores southern coast of Irian Jaya. Coen returns to the Netherlands. Carpentier is new Governor-General of the VOC. VOC takes nominal claim to Aru Islands.

1625 –

the expansionist Javanese state of Mataram, which laid a general claim to Palembang in 1625

 

The first “hongi” raids took place in Maluku.

These were attacks, usually by local allies of the VOC, against anyone who was growing cloves without authorization of the VOC.

 

1627 –

Coen returns from the Netherlands

to serve as Governor-General of the V.O.C. again.

December 25:

Soldiers from Banten infiltrate

the fortress of Batavia, kill some guards, and escape, but do little damage.

 

1628 –

Sultan Agung sends army against VOC in Batavia;

dams Ciliwung River in attempt to deny fresh water to the VOC. He fails to oust the Dutch, who prevent his army from receiving supplies by sea. Commanders of the Mataram army are executed for failure.

Last of the English leave Banda.

1629 –

Agung attacks Batavia again.

He is defeated, although Coen dies during the siege. Banten, fearing Agung now more than the VOC, pleads for peace with the VOC.

Iskandar Muda sends navy of Aceh against Portuguese Melaka,

but the Aceh navy is destroyed. September 20: Coen passes away. Introduction of sugar cultivation in Banten.

1630 –

Dutch abandon Solor, which is retaken by the Portuguese.

1633

Agung raids east Java;

the Hindu kingdom of Balambangan asks for VOC help and is refused. Balambangan then asks the King of Gelgel in Bali for help.

 

 

War between VOC and Banten.

1633

after this year no information from Dva-pa- tan or bali anymore, because the the Dva-pa-tan or bali Kingdom were appart from the Java Kingdom (Mataram)

after Sultan Agung of Mataram Kingdom occupied blambangan Bali protectorated Kingdom ex Mojopahit east java

after attack in 1633 and Dva-pa-tan or Bali Kingdom didn’t succeed occupied by Sultan Agung because Bali protected by Ducth East India company-VOC.

1634 –

Dutch arrest Kakiali,

leader of Hitu in Maluku, on charges of smuggling.

This was the “mercantilist” age of trade empires. There were many powers that wanted to create trade empires: the Dutch through the VOC, the English, Banten, and Gowa were among them. There was no such thing as “free trade” under these empires. The VOC especially wanted total control of trade, and any selling to anyone outside the VOC was considered “smuggling”.

 

 

Batak warrior

1635 –

VOC signs treaty with Kutai on Kalimantan.

1636 –

Agung, realizing that he cannot defeat Dutch, makes overtures towards VOC.

 

Van Diemen becomes Governor-General of VOC.

Portuguese abandon posts on Solor after six years. VOC bans all private correspondence (until 1701).

1637 –

VOC attacks Ternate.

VOC releases Kakiali, who pledges friendship to VOC but makes anti-Dutch alliance between Hitu, Ternate, and Gowa.

Local Muslims overcome Portuguese fortress at Ende on Flores. Agung gives permission for Portuguese and Catholic refugees from Batavia to settle around Jepara. Around this time the VOC started pushing the Portuguese out of many of their posts in Nusa Tenggara.

1639 –

Chief minister Matoaya of Gowa

is succeeded by his son Pattingalloang. Unlike his father, Pattingalloang did not maintain good relations with the Bugis. The bad feeling would eventually lead some Bugis to side with the VOC against Gowa and Makassar.

1640 –

Portugal regains independent crown from Spain.

Portuguese abandon trading post at Jepara.

 

1641 –

Further north on the east coast, pepper became the basis for a revival of the Palembang and Jambi regions, which had been the heart of Srivijaya.

This prosperity, however, attracted the attention of the expansionist Javanese state of Mataram, which laid a general claim to Palembang in 1625 and

sent a fleet in 1641–42 to force both Palembang and Jambi to become vassals of Java

Taj ul-Alam becomes Sultana of Aceh, starts period of female rulers; Johore and Aceh settle differences. January 14: VOC takes Melaka from Portuguese, with help from the Sultan of Johore. The Sultan opens ports in Riau to all traders. Kakiali and Hitu attack VOC on Ambon.

And the Dutch seized Melaka in 1641.

The VOC takeover of Melaka

was the real end of Portuguese importance in the region. But after losing Melaka, some Portuguese started trading with Gowa on Sulawesi. With the English and Portuguese almost gone, and Batavia and Ambon relatively secure from neighboring rulers, this was the most profitable time for the VOC.

 

1642 –

VOC gets monopoly on trade with

Palembang by treaty.

Tasman explores coasts of Irian Jaya for VOC on voyage back from New Zealand. “Statutes of Batavia”, based on Roman law, are introduced as a legal code for VOC territories.

 

1645 –

Mandarsyah

becomes Sultan of Ternate with VOC help.

VOC established outpost at Perak.

 

 

1646 –

Sultan Agung dies,

and is succeeded by Susuhunan Amangkurat I.

Relations between Amangkurat I and the VOC are good in the beginning. VOC finally takes Hitu.

Dutch arrive again on Solor, abandoned by the Portuguese ten years earlier.

September 24:

Cooperation treaty between VOC and Mataram,

involving promises of mutual assistance against enemies and extradition of runaway debtors, among other things.

Ships of Mataram may trade at any VOC port except Ambon, Ternate or Banda, but must apply for a pass at Batavia if they are sailing for Melaka or points beyond.

Portuguese begin building a settlement at the present site of Kupang on western Timor.

VOC builds a trading post in the Tanimbar Islands.

1650 – VOC intervenes in uprising against Sultan Mandarsyah of Ternate, sparking civil war.

1651 –

VOC reopens post at Jepara; Amangkurat I begins interfering in coastal trade.

VOC takes Kupang on western Timor;

Portuguese move to Lifau, in what is now East Timor.

VOC outpost at Perak is destroyed.

1652 –

VOC takes Sultan Mandarsyah of Ternate to Batavia, makes him sign agreement not to grow cloves, starts military moves against opposing faction in Ternate.

Amangkurat I bans the export of rice or timber.

Tensions grow between the VOC and Gowa.

1656 –

VOC deports population of Hoamoal near Ternate to Ambon.

1657 –

VOC forces population of Buru to relocate to Kaleji Bay.

1658 –

VOC sets up post at Manado.

War between VOC and Palembang.

1659 –

VOC forces burn down Palembang,

and reestablish the VOC post.

Amangkurat I has several family members murdered,

including the mother of the future Amangkurat II.

July 10

Treaty between VOC and Banten:

prisoners and runaway slaves are to be exchanged; VOC receives a presence at Banten free from rent or taxes; boundary between Banten and VOC territory is set.

VOC builds fort in the Aru Islands,

but soon abandons it

.

 

 

1660 –

VOC attacks Gowa,

destroys Portuguese ships in harbor, and forces peace treaty on Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa.

Amangkurat I closes ports again; VOC leaves Jepara.

 

 

By the end of the 1660s,

Banten was trading directly

with China, Japan, Thailand, India and Arabia, using its own ships to compete with English, French, Danish and VOC traders.

Sultan Ageng of Banten was a strong opponent of the VOC monopoly who insisted on promoting trade with other European, Arab and Asian traders as he pleased.

Dr Iwan Note:

To this historical fact, we can proved with the founding of many Chinese ceramic from this era late Ming and early Qing found at Banten Lama,around karang Hantu port and Sorosuwan Citadel.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

For complete information look at other CD-ROM

the Chinese ceramic found in Indonesia

contact via comment at

hhtp://www.driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com

 

 

1662 –

Portuguese headquarters in the east is moved from Larantuka, Flores to Lifau (today Oecussi or Pantemakassar) in what is now East Timor.

VOC signs treaty with chiefs on Roti.

1663 –

Spanish abandon post at Tidore.

VOC allows Arung Palakka and followers to settle at Batavia.

Banten begins direct trade with Manila.

July 6

Treaty of Painan:

coastal areas of Minangkabau, including Padang, become a protectorate of the VOC, which guarantees them security against raids from Aceh.

1666 –

VOC sends out a fleet under Admiral Cornelis Speelman, with Bugis soldiers under Arung Palakka and Ambonese soldiers under “Captain Jonker”,

to settle issues in Gowa and Maluku.

1667 –

VOC expedition under Speelman

lands at Butung, and clears the island of Gowa forces. Speelman expedition forces the Sultan of Tidore (now free of Spanish presence) to submit to the VOC. A peace treaty is signed between Ternate and Tidore, now both under VOC control.

Future Amangkurat II begins seeking VOC help against his father. The English give up claims to Banda in exchange for Manhattan Island in America.

Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa

is remembered for fighting bravely against the VOC, but he eventually had to sign a treaty giving up almost all his territories to the Dutch.

 

Indonesian war boat

 

 

 

1668 –

Speelman expedition finally defeats Gowa.

November 18,

Treaty of Bungaya:

Gowa submits to VOC control, and Sultan Hasanuddin has no influence outside the general area of the city of Makassar. VOC extends claims to Sumbawa and Flores after the defeat of Gowa.

VOC builds a fort at Menggala in Lampung.

1669 –

Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa passes away; continuing troubles against the VOC in Gowa finally end. V

OC traders at Banjarmasin are massacred.

1670 –

VOC establishes outposts at Bengkalis

(across the straits from Melaka) and Perak, both for controlling the trade in tin.

1672 –

Louis XIV of France invaded the Netherlands with 100,000 soldiers. The Dutch had to open the dikes and flood the fields to prevent Amsterdam from falling to the French. However, since travel and communication were so slow in the 1600s and 1700s, these events had little effect on the activities of the VOC, which had the power to govern itself in any case.

1675 –

Rebels appeal to Islamic sentiments among the common people against both the court of Mataram and the VOC.

1676 –

Amangkurat I sends his son, Pangeran Puger, to the VOC to ask for help.

VOC sends Admiral Speelman to fight the rebels against Mataram in North Java and Madura. Speelman quiets the rebellion along the coast between Cirebon and Jepara.

1677 –

February 25,

VOC makes a treaty with Amangkurat I:

VOC will help Mataram, VOC territory around Batavia will be extended eastward, VOC may establish a factory anywhere they like without any restrictions on exports or imports, Mataram will restrict Malays, Arabs and other outsiders from settling in Mataram, and Mataram will repay the VOC for the cost of putting down the rebellion.

Speelman receives the right to make treaties on behalf of Amangkurat I.

 

 

May:

VOC pushes Trunojoyo out of Surabaya.

Trunojoyo leaves behind over a 100 cannons.

July:

Amangkurat I dies.

Amangkurat II

seeks VOC help against the rebels.

VOC occupies Sangir islands.

1678 –

January 15

Amangkurat II gives the VOC a monopoly

on the sugar trade in Jepara.

Amangkurat II, without money to pay his debts to the VOC, promises to give up Semarang, his claims to the Priangan, and fees from coastal ports until debts are paid.

VOC and Amangkurat II march on Kediri and destroy Trunojoyo’s headquarters

after a fifty-day siege. Arung Palakka and his supporters fight for the VOC as mercenaries, and conspire to win away Makassarese mercenaries fighting for Trunojoyo.

December 9:

Nine Makassarese chiefs who had been fighting for Trunojoyo as mercenaries surrender to the VOC, and are allowed to return to Sulawesi.

1679 –

VOC and Arung Palakka

drive the remaining Makassarese out of East Java. VOC makes an alliance with Minahasans at Manado.

December 25:

Trunojoyo

gives himself up to the combined VOC and Mataram forces, under the promise that his life will be spared. He is executed anyway.

(In one story, he is promised the post of minister and executed by Amangkurat II himself, with a royal keris.)

 

 

A couple in discussion

From the 1680s

to the early nineteenth century, there was a rapid increase in the output of woven cotton and batik. (Andaya 1989: 40)

Weaving was a major source of income for local families by 1785,

with red and blue checks prominent. Although cotton was the most important fibre, silk and palm fibres also figured. (Pelras 1996: 241-2, 245) Numerous migrants, from South and Southeast Sulawesi, diffused the area’s techniques around the archipelago. (Heersink 1999: 49-50; Maznah 1996: 88)

The Philippines had a lively weaving tradition, noted in the first Spanish documents. Panay had the highest reputation for its diaphanous materials woven from pineapple fibres, known as piña or nipi.

This cloth was also famous for its designs and bright and varied colours, and almost every family in the province of Iloilo had a loom by the early nineteenth century. (McCoy 1982: 301-3; Mallat 1983: 190, 195-6)

 

Also entering into Philippines textiles, often in complex mixtures, were cotton, silk, and abacá, the latter a kind of banana confusingly called Manila hemp. Ilocos was the chief centre of cotton cloth production, with an estimated 20,000 looms

By the late seventeenth century,

 

Persia produced much cheap cotton cloth, but it still could not rival fine Indian cottons. (Ferrier 1996: 174-5)

 

 

 

Coarse stuffs were traditionally employed for tents and ‘middle class’ clothing, but there were indications of better quality cloth, including prints, being made in the eighteenth century, notably in Isfahan, Yazd and Kirman. (Issawi 1971: 262-81)

 

Iraq had the misfortune of being fought over repeatedly by Persians and Turks from the sixteenth century, dimming the textile glories of the Abbasid Caliphate

A gloomy French report from the 1780s

opined that ‘a few woollen manufactures’ in Baghdad was all that remained, and that imports from Persia, India and Europe dominated the market.

In reality, Baghdad, Basra, Mosul and Kirkuk retained small silk, cotton and woollen industries, and some rural linen production survived

had given the world the name ‘muslins,’ was a mere shadow of its former self. (Khoury 1997: 33-7; Shields 2000: 76-8, 99; Lombard 1978: 64)

 

 

 

Silks and woollens were initially to the fore in the Ottoman empire, but cottons grew rapidly from the seventeenth century, beginning close to existing centres in Syria. The Diyarbakir region of Southeastern Anatolia was prominent, specialising in red cloths modelled on Indian fashions. (Baker 1995: 160; Issawi 1966: 33) As for Cyprus, it printed calicoes to cover divans. (Issawi 1966: 44) Bursa, the old Ottoman capital, initially focused almost exclusively on silk, but developed the printing of cottons after 1600.

Istanbul also became known for its prints. (Baker 1995: 160) The rise of cotton textiles in the Ottoman Balkans came in the eighteenth century, supplementing existing woollens. (Crampton 1987: 10-11; Castellan and Todorov 1976: 19; Jones 1981: 189-91; Issawi 1966: 43-4, 48-9

Greater Syria, incorporated into the Ottoman empire in 1516,

 

had the best established cotton weaving sector in the Middle East, based on local cultivation of cotton. The area also produced exquisite silks, and cloth of gold. (Lamm 1937: 226-34)

 

 

 

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

Traditional kingdoms of Maluku, early 15th century, and the spheres of influence of Ternate and Tidore, early 16th century

As the main reason for European interest in the Indies, the Spice Islands were amongst the first to experience direct European military intervention. Ternate and Tidore were unable to prevent first the Portuguese and Spanish and later the Dutch and English from establishing fortified trading posts in the region, though Ternate had a number of military victories over the Europeans in the course of the sporadic hostilities of the 16th and early 17th centuries.

By the middle of the 17th century, however, Ternate’s need for free trade in spices was fundamentally in conflict with the Dutch aims for monopoly. In 1652, the Dutch extracted a treaty from Ternate giving the Company a monopoly of clove production, and broke the power of local Ternatean lords in a series of bloody campaigns during the next few years. The Company then centred clove production on Ambon and sent out periodic expeditions to destroy clove trees in other regions.

The great island of New Guinea was also a major centre of population, but its people were concentrated in the interior and except on the fringes close to Maluku there is no record at all of political forms before the 17th century.

Imagining the Archipelago

Although trade routes had tied the Indonesian archipelago to China, India and the Middle East since very early times, the region remained relatively unknown to outsiders until five or six centuries ago. Long distances and the hazards of travel, together with the fact that Indonesians themselves carried most of the products of their islands to the outside world, meant that scholars in the major centres of civilization generally relied on sparse and often second hand accounts of Southeast Asia.

In the West, the Egyptian geographer Claudius Ptolemy (c. 85–165 AD) prepared a major geographical work, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, containing a compilation of information on the region gathered from traders and seafarers. Ptolemy described a Golden Chersonese, or peninsula, far to the east which is normally identified with the Malay Peninsula and he records the existence of many islands in the vicinity. Ptolemy’s geography formed the basis of most Western conceptions of the Far East until the 16th century, and also influenced some of the Arab geographers. The maps of Idrisi (d. 1165) show a good deal more detail than those based on Ptolemy’s account, but they clearly reflect an attempt to reconcile imprecise and contradictory information originating from several centuries and a wide variety of sources.

 

 

The Indonesian Battaks King Sisingamangaraja Picture,art and document Historic collections

Frame One :

The Chronologic Historic of Sisingamangaraja.

 

Raja Si Singamangaraja I : Raja Manghuntal

 

King Si Singamangaraja I: King ManghuntalKing Si Singamangaraja I was the son of King Bonanionan Sinambela, namely the third or youngest son. King Boru Pasaribu Bonanionan married. Although they had long been married, but they do not have derivatives. Therefore Boru Pasaribu go to the “Spear-Sulu Sulu” to “marpangir” (wash with lime). Each time you finish marpangir, Boru Pasaribu pray to “Ompunta” above, beg mercy for gifted offspring. On one day, came flying into the light-Sulu Sulu Spear and alighted at altitude is respected in the place. Who came were introducing ourselves, like a flash-light glow that came and it was Ompunta Guru Doli. Ompunta Tuan Guru Boru Pasaribu Doli said that would give birth to a child. He said: “Believe that you will give birth to a child and give his name Singamangaraja”. If your son has grown up, tell him to take the signs of the kingdom of Raja Uti, comprising:1. Piso Gaja densely packed
2. Pungga Haomasan
3. Lage Haomasan
4. Hujur Siringis
5. Podang Halasan
6. Taboos SitarapullangNot long after starting Pasaribupun Boru contain. Once pregnant for 19 months Boru Pasaribu birth to a son. The Son is born with teeth that have grown and hairy tongue. During adolescence Singamangaraja much to do or act strange, especially in people who are not forgiving, who broke his promise, forgetting his compatriot a weak, relieve those who tarbeang losing gamble. The Singamangarajapun never showed amazement of people who partied in which gondangnya be silent and paddy and maize roots turned upward following the Si Singamangaraja when dihariara parjuragatan somersaults. This happened because they were forgotten.After the mother’s adult Singamangaraja Boru Pasaribu convey the message of Guru Ompunta Doli that Singamangaraja should take the signs of the kingdom of King Uti. He did not know where the sacred village of King Uti likewise his mother. He went armed with the show and lead prayer walking into the shrine.In the course of many obstacles as well as arrival at the sacred village of King Uti which turned out to exist in the area of
​​Barus. There also he tried but all can be overcome with good. Sisingamangaraja met with King Uti and they eat together and she said: “It is true this is the King of the Batak people.” When finished eating they ask pedigree (martarombo) and Si Singamangarajapun her point, and besides that Sisingamangaraja ask a few elephants. The purpose Over Singamangaraja, King UTI said it would give such a message was conveyed on condition Si Ompunta Singamangaraja need to submit a banana leaf width of leaf thatch, quail tail and rope made of sand. Conditions that prompted the King Uti to get harajaon signs that can be met all the Singamangaraja. Being on the demand for elephant, Raja Uti gave origin Si Singamangaraja can catch yourself. The Singamangarajapun call the elephant saw the astonished King Uti. And after that he brought the signs were returned to the Bakara harajaon including the elephant. With harajaon signs it, be he a king Singamangaraja, mangalompoi lion, Lion naso halompoan.King Sisingamangaraja I to IX, King Si Singamangaraja not known when the death and where his tomb. The kings of this after having offspring and felt it was his successor go there and wander densely packed Piso Gaja not carried. They certainly have died is through the natural signs that there is a branch of a broken hariara Namarmutiha. If there is a broken branch hariara means any family member who died and if the main branch which means broken Si Singamangaraja King was dead. Namarmutiha hariara is also known as hariara mark and is still growing in Bakara.Usually this condition is followed by the dry weather season, so that the community expects rain through tonggo-tonggo King Sisingamangaraja. The Onom Ompu (Bakara, Sinambela, Sihite, Simanullang, Marbun and Simamora) from Bakara prepare margondang ceremony and asked the son of King Si Singamangaraja willingness for them gondangi.
 
By wearing clothing Batak ulos Jogia Sopipot and lift the dish contains rice bowl magic repose ulos Sande Huliman as conditions martonggo, son of the king even this is welcome to start the show. He also asked gondang and convey tonggo-tonggo (pray) to Ompunta the above to ask for rain, then manortorlah son of this king. At manortor that heaven was overcast and finally heavy rains and society Si Onom Ompupun greeted him with words Horas Horas Horas. Then piso Gaja densely packed even referred to it and removed / drew perfectly from the nest and lifted upward while manortor. Who among the king’s son who can do things on top of it was he who became King Si Singamangaraja the next, so do not have the oldest son.
 
Respectively be the King The next Singamangaraja and approximate year reign is as follows:
Ø Singamangaraja II, King Tinaruan Ompu
Ø Singamangaraja III, King Itubungna
Ø Singamangaraja IV, Sir Sorimangaraja
Ø Singamangaraja V, King Pallongos
Ø Singamangaraja VI, King Pangolbuk
Ø Singamangaraja VII, sir Ompu Lumbut
Ø Singamangaraja VIII, Ompu Sotaronggal
Ø Singamangaraja IX, Ompu Sohalompoan
Ø Singamangaraja X, Ompu Mr. Na Bolon
Ø Singamangaraja XI, Ompu Sohahuaon
Ø Singamangaraja XII, Patuan Bosar, title Ompu Pulo Batu


King Si Singamangaraja X: Ompu Tuan Nabolon

King Si Singamangaraja X Ompu Mr. Nabolon died because beheaded by Si Pokki Nangolngolan or Tuanku Rao, who with a sly sense to invite the King Si Singamangaraja X to come to Butar. At a meeting in Butar that the Pokki decapitate King Sisingamangaraja X. Chief King is flying away, flying into the lap of his mother Boru Situmorang. By his mother, secretly buried in a large stone in Lumban King, because earlier he had sensed the events that would befall his son.

The body of King Si Singamangaraja X parhorboan lying on the hill, buried in the earth because of the hill suddenly collapsed. King of the Onom Ompu with the followers who accompanied King Si Singamangaraja X and some friends were against the Pokki it dies. But because the Pokki troops who had been hiding came to help the Pokki and the Pokki become stronger, they fled to Mount Immune am left. The Pokki continued to attack and many ditewaskannya Bakara both adults and young children.

According to the Pokki Nangolngolan (Tuanku Rao), he was the son of the King’s sister Sisingamangaraja X who goes to Bonjol. Pokki Nangolngolan said that he had missed the bone and he’ll feed him (manulangi) and will give the piso-piso (money) as an offering. Because the sweet words of the then King Sisingamangaraja this Pokki X went to butar. Although initially he say why the Pokki not come into Bakara.
Because do not get the corpse of King The Singamangaraja X, Tuanku Rao continued to attack the Bakara. Many residents who were killed. His troops burned the entire area in its path from Butar into Bakara including Pande Lumban palace in Bakara.

Wife of the King The first X Singamangaraja namely Boru Situmorang with 2 small children fled to the village of Boho Daily Lintong parents Situmorang. Being the second wife surnamed Nainggolan Boru and his son King Mangalambung kidnapped the Pokki with other children who had expected a son of King Si Singamangaraja X. They were taken to the southeast on the way back to Bonjol. In his travels in South Tapanuli was an outbreak of infectious disease (begu antuk) are also on / attacking forces so Tuanku Rao mess. Prisoners scattered in the South Tapanuli. Some of these scattered settlements in the area make South Tapanuli this.

King Si Singamangaraja XI: Ompu Sohahuaon

Not to mention over the suffering caused by the attack happened also Pokki prolonged dry season. The Society agreed Onom Ompu convey this to the Boru Situmorang and asked him to return to the Bakara. After Boru Situmorang brought her two children back, masyarakatpun requested that they Sohahuaon Ompu gondangi to rain.

Events margondangpun well prepared and Ompu Sohahuaon little dress comes with Batak ulos. Boru Situmorang and the community was shocked and amazed Onom Ompu, because Ompu Sohahuaon young gondang was able to ask and say tonggo-downs tonggo to rain. They chanted with manortor. Haripun darkened by clouds and fell with a heavy hujanpun. Ompu manortor Sohahuaon continue until the end gondang who asked him to. Then handed over to him and Piso Gaja densely packed manortor back while wielding Piso Gaja densely packed perfectly and sheathed again. Ompu Sohahuaon Singamangaraja crowned king of Si XI at the age of 10 years.

In the reign of King Si Singamangaraja XI drafted “Pustaha Harajaon (royal library),” written with ink / Chinese ink on legal-sized paper-made Italian Watermark in writing and Batak language. This library is made of guidance from Ompu Sohahuaon own. Pustaha harajaon consists of 24 volumes, each about 5 cm thick jilidnya whose contents can be briefly described as follows:
Volume 1 to 3: Government Mr Sorimangaraja for 90 derived from the Princess But Donda Nauasan.
Volumes 4 to 7: Government royal Singamangaraja I s / d IX.
Volume 8: About Sword Padri Tuanku Rao against Mr. Nabolon Sisingamangaraja X.
Volume 9: About Pongkinangolngolan and Datu Safe Tagor Simanullang.
Volumes 11 to 12: About Pastor Pilgram, killing of the Reverend Lyman and Munson by King Panggalamei.
Volumes 13-16: The period of rebuilding the capital of the kingdom of Bakara, and regions in 1835-1845 Toba on pembumi hangusan knurl war.
Volume 17: Subject Dr. Junghun, van der Tuuk who come see Sisingamangaraja XI and about photonya.
Vol 18 s / d 24: Coronation of Ompu Sohahuaon be Sisingamangaraja XI, his government until the year 1886 and about a devastating infectious disease in the land of Batak.

In 1884

 

Pustaha Harajaon is found from the pile being burned by the royal house of the Dutch Military. Brought to Holland by Reverend Pilgrams and now in the Museum Library of the Netherlands in Leiden Holland. Pustaha Harajaon not forwarded by Sisingamangaraja XII writing because there is no chance, because since the beginning of his reign, the Dutch colony has launched its aggression in Batak and surrounding soil, so Ompu Pulobatu fought for 30 years until death at the age of 59 years on 17 June 1907.King Si Singamangaraja XI Ompu Boru Arita Sohahuaon married as first wife who gave birth to King Parlopuk. The second wife gave birth Situmorang Boru Patuan Bosar Pulo Batu Ompu title. Different age of King Parlopuk with Patuan Bosar very far, there are about 15 years.
When Ompu Sohahuaon fell ill, the way the government carried out by King Parlopuk. King Parlopuk long enough to hold the job and properly implemented.

 

1866

Ompu Sohahuaoan died in Bakara and built his tomb by King Parlopuk with Si Onom Ompu in Lumban King. This is the first tomb in the Bakara because Sisingamangaraja I to IX are not known to have died where. The King Left Singamangaraja XI died, Patuan Bosar being migrated to the Acehnese.The tomb was demolished by King Si Singamangaraja XII because Bakara attacked the Netherlands. King Si Singamangaraja bones XI brought join fight to the forest, because they do not want the skull of her parents were taken by the Dutch. During the struggle of these bones on Leave in huta Promise Dolok Sanggul then moved again to the Huta Paung. After the time of independence, again on the move at home Soposurung.Approximately 105 years later, the tomb was rebuilt by the family of King Sisingamangaraja and in 1975 the bones of King Sisingamangaraja istrerinya XI and returned to the tomb originally buried in Bakara. King Parlopuk continue to implement Singamangaraja government until the year 1871, ie after dinobatkannya Patuan Bosar as King Sisingamangaraja XII.King Si Singamangaraja XII: Patuan Bosar Ompu title Pulo BatuAlthough the king had died The Singamangaraja XI, Si Onom Ompu not feel something is missing in the government, because the King Parlopuk works pretty well. But when the dry season comes and brings suffering, start the Onom Ompu margondang think to the event. King Parlopukpun they invite to their gondangi martonggo begged him to rain. But the rain did not fall down too.Initially Ompu Pulo Batu gondangi because they would not feel that his brother had been substitute father as king. Finally Ompu Pulo Batu willing to see the pain suffered by society Si Onom Ompu. After the ceremony as it is commonly done, Ompu Pulobatu successfully bring rain. Pulo Ompu Batupun crowned king of The Singamangaraja XII in 1871.1848

Pulo Ompu Stone was born in 1848 from his mother Boru Situmorang. At the time of youth, Ompu Pulo Batu traveled to Aceh, there mingle with merchants from Persia and learn many things. Therefore, when the war against the Dutch, King Si Singamangaraja XII aided by fighters from Aceh, and the stamp / stempelnya use of Arabic and Batak.In 1877

King Si Singamangaraja XII declared war on the Netherlands. Then he runs the war against the Netherlands for 3 decades.

 

 

 

1601

In 1601 the Est India  Company’s first expedition was sent to the Indies, carrying trade goods and silver coin to the value of £28,742. It is not known what proportion of the coins was of the “Portcullis” issue. As trade coins they were too little and too late; the Spanish dollar was the accepted standard for the area, so they were probably used as bullion. The unit is a dollar or 8 testerns with fractions of half, quarter, and eighth.

 

This map shows the locations mentioned in the talk and Bantam in NE Java was the main factory (Trading Post) for the E.I.C.

 

The Struggle between the English and the Dutch for the Eastern Archipelago

1601–1623

Our real struggle for the Indian trade was to be with a very different rival. The decline of Spain and Portugal left the two Protestant sea-powers of the North face to face in the Asiatic seas. Holland entered on the contest in the patriotic flush of achieved independence, and with the same newly born sense of national unity which nerved Portugal for her heroic explorations two hundred years before. England had left behind her the spacious age of Elizabeth; before her stretched the crooked diplomacy and domestic disorders of a dynasty which could never become English at heart, and which had in the end to be cast forth. Throughout the first half of the seventeenth century the States-General played the leading maritime part in Europe, as the Portuguese House of Aviz had played it in the first half of the sixteenth.

The magnificent position which Holland thus won,

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she merited by her services to mankind. It is scarcely too much to say that the political reformation of Europe dates from the Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581. Then for the first time was asserted and enforced the principle that governments exist for nations, not nations for governments, as no abstract dogma, but as a truth for which a whole people was willing to die.

The vigour which achieved the liberty of Holland pulsed through every vein of her internal and external life. Amsterdam, the city of refuge from Parma’s havoc at Antwerp, became the European emporium of Indian commerce, richer and more powerful by far than Venice, Genoa, or Lisbon in their prime. Her manufactures were improved and her financial strength increased by the Jews who fled the Spanish Inquisition, and who gave to Amsterdam alike the genius of Spinoza and the diamond-cutting industry which centres there to this day. Dutch navigators put a girdle of discovery and colonization round the globe from New Holland, now Australia, to New Amsterdam, now New York. Dutch agriculture, by transferring the potato and turnip from the garden to the field, created a new winter food for men and cattle, as has been pointed out by the political economist Thorold Rogers. This change made possible the growth of population in modern Europe, feeding threefold the inhabitants off areas which had barely supported one-third litz frequent peril of famine, and contributing more than any other cause to banish leprosy from Christendom. At the same time the Dutch leaped forward to the front rank of intellectual

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activity. Holland became the printing house of Europe. Her thinkers were the oracles of their age, her painters have left an imperishable influence on art. Leyden was more famous for a time than Oxford or Paris, and it is still a tradition of the Scottish Bar to complete a legal education at the great Dutch university.

The outburst of national energy found its chief vent on the sea. The Indian voyage of De Houtman in 1595 fired the popular enthusiasm, and while the London merchants were awaiting the changing moods of Elizabeth, or extracting subscriptions for a single expedition, no fewer than fifteen fleets sailed between 1595 and 1601 from Holland to the East. This period of “separate” Dutch voyages is so little realized by English historians, yet forms so essential a part of the Dutch precedent closely followed by the English Company, that I give their details below4. Of the sixty-five ships sent from Holland in the six years from April, 1595, to May, 1601, Amsterdam supplied by far the larger number; Zeeland, with Middleburg as its centre, came next; and the merchants of minor states competed with companies of their own.

The Dutch government sagaciously foresaw the dangers to which separate expeditions might give rise in distant and hostile seas: that opposition of interests among rival groups of adventurers of the same nation, and that weakness in the face of a common enemy, to which the English system of “separate voyages” subsequently succumbed. On March 20, 1602, as we have

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Delhi Gate of the fort at Agra

seen, it united the Indian Companies in the several states into one Joint Stock Association under the title of the United East India Company, with an exclusive monopoly of the Indian trade for twenty-one years, dating from January 1, 1602.

The combination was compulsory, as any company which refused to join would be ipso facto shut out from the Indian trade. On the other hand, the Dutch government behaved liberally to the separate organizations, and took over their directors for life into the joint directorate of the United Company. In this way the number of directors of the United Company, although fixed in permanence under the charter at sixty, was at first seventy-three. All this will become clear to any one who will take the pains to consult the Dutch records on the subject.

In a similar spirit the joint directorate was divided into six chambers, representing the six subscribing states in proportion to the amount which they severally contributed to the common capital. This representative principle was carried still further in the executive Committee of Seventeen entrusted with the management of the United Company’s expeditions. Sixteen of its members were taken from the six subscribing provincial centres in direct ratio to their contributions, while the seventeenth was appointed by the minor states in succession.

The government had close relations with the personnel of the directorate. Reports were made to the States-General; accounts were to be submitted to them;

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they supervised the Company’s instructions to its servants; and they left in the hands of the Company until 1638 a sum of twenty-five thousand florins (£2000) due for the charter of 1602. The Council of Seventeen was, in fact, a sort of elected Board of Control, intermediate between the Dutch Company and the States-General, somewhat, although by no means exactly, like the Board of Control established nearly two centuries later between the English East India Company and Parliament.

The qualification for a director in the four leading Chambers was £500 and £250 in the two minor ones. The directors and their staff were to be remunerated by one per cent. on the cargoes. A general reckoning was to be made every ten years, at which periods shareholders might reclaim their subscriptions and withdraw. The shares were ordinary ones of £250 each, and “head-participant” shares of £500. The subscription was thrown open to the whole population of Holland. But practically the first expedition in 1602 consisted of the ships belonging to the previous separate companies and taken over from them by the United Dutch Company.

So high rose the tide of national enthusiasm that even ruined Antwerp, bleeding and mangled in the claws of Spain, found money for shares. Her clandestine subscriptions, through agents at Amsterdam and Middelburg, roused the wrath of her oppressors, and an Antwerp merchant was condemned to lifelong imprisonment for this offence. The great Company, with its

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capital of, say, £540,000, and with ample powers of conquest or attack vested in it by the State, was recognized by friend and foe as a new national force. It marks, in truth, the final development of that policy of sea-war by sea-trade with which Holland had first confronted, and was now about to beat down, Spain.

The States-General perfectly understood that there could be no peace between the two nations. It was not merely a question of the sullen Spanish pride, and of the long slaughter of Protestant saints and patriots in sacked towns and on bloody fields; it was also the spectral procession of those one hundred thousand judicial murders of peaceful men and women by fire and torture and burying alive, before the country rose in its despair, that compelled every act of Holland to be an act of war against Spain. The United East India Company was the instrument by which the Dutch were to compel the oppressor first to an unwilling truce, and finally to let them go.

That magnificent achievement belongs to European history, and I here venture only to note a few of the first landmarks which it left behind in Asia. In 1602 the fleet of the Dutch Company routed the Portuguese near Bantam, and laid open for ever the road to the Moluccas or Spice Islands. From that date the ascendency of the Dutch in the Eastern seas, although subject to occasional checks, was only a question of time.

In 1603 they threatened Goa, the middle capital of the Indo-Portuguese route, and in 1606 blockaded its western terminus by carrying the war into the estuary

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of the Tagus itself. They shut up that river by a great expedition, to which the Dutch East India Company largely contributed, and in April, 1607, they totally destroyed the Spanish fleet in Gibraltar Bay. In the furthermost East, the Dutch wrenched the fairest isles of the Moluccas from the Portuguese, and although partially expelled for a time, they returned in force, gradually completed the conquest, and ousted the Portuguese trade even in Japan.

A bird’s eye view of Bantam

The exclusive possession of the Spice Islands became a fixed point in the Dutch policy. The instructions to their first governor-general, Pieter Both (1609–1614), were that “the commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should have the least part.” Throughout their long negotiations with England, they never yielded their sovereign rights in the Spice Islands.

Having thus struck at Spain at the two extremities

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of her Indo-Portuguese trade, Lisbon and the Moluccas, the Dutch proceeded deliberately to establish themselves at vantage-posts along the line of communication. Into the military operations of the next half-century space precludes me from entering. Five dates must suffice to mark the further Dutch conquest of the Indian trade-route. Having made themselves a power in Java, midway between the Malay Straits and the Moluccas, they fixed their capital at Batavia on its northern coast, in 1619. In 1641 they captured Malacca from the Portuguese, and thus turned the straits into a Dutch waterway. From 1638 onwards they expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon, driving them from their last stronghold in 1658. They took possession of the great half-way house of Indo-European commerce, the Cape of Good Hope, and settled a colony there in 1652. When Portugal emerged, in 1640, from her sixty years’ captivity to Spain, she found that her power in the Eastern seas had passed to the Dutch. In 1641 she surrendered for ever her exclusive claims to the spice trade by a treaty with Holland, on the basis of the Dutch retaining their conquests, and of free navigation and trade to both powers in the Eastern seas.

Holland’s conquest of the Indian Archipelago was, in truth, a conquest by treaty not less than by war. Always ready to fight, she regarded fighting chiefly as an instrument of trade. Her object was not, as Portugal’s had been, to take vengeance on the “nefandissimi Machometi secta” for the loss of the Holy Places in Palestine, or to swell the pride of a royal house by

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new Asiatic titles and to bring the kingdoms of the East within the Christian fold, but by establishing a sufficient degree of sovereignty over the islands to prevent them from selling their spices to any European nation but herself. Where she found a stringent supremacy needful, she established it; where a less control sufficed, she was at first willing to leave the princes and peoples very much to themselves. The whole process is laid bare in the documents copied for the English East India Company during our occupation of Java (1811–1818) and now preserved in the India Office.

I intend, as in my sketch of the Portuguese policy in Asia, to exhibit briefly from the manuscript records the methods, rather than the military operations, by which the Dutch built up their supremacy in the Eastern seas. So far as it is possible to generalize, the Dutch kept three points steadily in view. First, the sovereign authority of Holland must be acknowledged by the island-chiefs. This was asserted sometimes as the result of conquest, but frequently in the form of a protectorate, the native princes consenting to hold their territories as a kind of fief under the Dutch suzerainty. Second, all other European nations, and especially England, were to be excluded from the island trade; and in many cases specific engagements were entered into for war against Portugal and Spain. Third, as the Dutch tightened their grasp on the Archipelago, they adopted more drastic provisions for the maintenance of their monopoly. The natives were forbidden

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to sail beyond certain limits from their respective coasts, under pain of piracy; they were prohibited from trading with Indian or other Asiatic ports; and they were compelled to root up their spice-trees in islands which competed with the produce of the Dutch settlements. Stipulations were sometimes introduced

The Old East India House used as the Sign of a “Joiner.”

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to permit the introduction of the Reformed Religion.

A few examples must suffice to illustrate these general principles of policy. The arena was that great island world, perhaps the mountain-tops and plateaus of a submerged continent, which stretches from the shores of Asia to the Australian coast An almost continuous belt of long islands (Sumatra, Java, Flores and Timor, and others) curves south-eastwards from the Malay Peninsula to the northwest point of Australia. Within this belt, on the north, lie Borneo; Celebes to the east of Borneo; the Moluccas or Spice Islands, including Ternate and Tidore; with the valuable Nutmeg and Clove Isles, Banda, Amboyna, Pulaway, Pularoon, and Rosengyn among them to the south; and finally New Guinea at the easternmost extremity. The Philippines stretch in elongated broken masses northward from the Spice Islands toward Formosa, China, and Japan.

The Dutch resolved to make themselves masters both of the outer or southern belt of long islands and of the rich spice archipelago which they girt in. A glance at the map will show that the first strategic point on the outer belt is Achin, on the north-western point of Sumatra, commanding the entrance to the narrow sea between that island and the Malay Peninsula. The King of Achin claimed a disputed supremacy over all Sumatra, and in 1600 the Dutch entered into a treaty with him for a resident factory. The relations were gradually strengthened into an armed alliance against

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the Portuguese, whose Eastern capital, Malacca, dominated the opposite coast. When the Dutch grew strong and the Achin raja, fearing the results of their success, began to give trouble, he found his dependent chiefdoms and islets had themselves entered into separate engagements with Holland acknowledging her sovereignty, and securing to her the privileges of exclusive trade. From the year 1688 onward, and even before that date, the Dutch treaties with the Sumatra minor chiefs pledged them to hostility against the King of Achin.

On the opposite coast of the Malay Peninsula the Dutch took even more effective measures. The keys to the passage on the northern side were Portuguese Malacca, about two-thirds down the straits, and the native kingdom of Johor, at their exit near the eastern point of the Malay Peninsula. In the early days’ of the Dutch Company, Malacca, the Eastern capital of Portuguese Asia, could defy any Protestant fleet unless aided by a native land power. So in 1606 the Dutch made a compact with Johor to seize Malacca; Holland to keep the town and fortress, Johor to have the adjacent territory, and all captured property to be divided between them. From this time onward the Dutch could attack Malacca with the help of the Achin fleet from Sumatra on the northwest and of the Johor levies from the east. It was only their unstable relations with these native states that deferred the final fall of the Portuguese headquarters in the Far East to Holland in 1641. In that year the country around Malacca also abjured

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its allegiance to Portugal and promised fidelity to the Dutch.

Of scarcely less importance than the Malacca passage between the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra, which thus came into Dutch keeping, were the Straits of Sunda between Sumatra and Java. This narrow opening formed an alternative entrance through the belt of long islands into the Archipelago, and the Dutch Company resolved to secure the command of it. Bantam, on the north-western point of Java, dominated its exit into the inner sea of islands. Even before the United Company’s first voyage, the “separate” Dutch commanders had made a compact with the Raja of Bantam for “mutual honest trade,” and the subsequent treaties with Bantam fill many pages of the India Office records.

In 1609, by an engagement known as the “Eternal Treaty,” the Dutch agreed to aid the Bantam raja against foreign enemies, particularly the Spanish and Portuguese, and his state slowly passed into a dependency of Holland The Dutch perceived, however, that the mouth of the Jacatra River, with its spacious bay, a little to the east of Bantam, afforded superior convenience for shipping. In 1612 a treaty secured free trade to the Dutch at Jacatra, and after a scuffle with the English, the Dutch destroyed the old Javanese town, rebuilt it under the name of Batavia, and made it their headquarters in the East (1619).

The clearness of vision which led them to secure the two main inlets into the Archipelago (the Straits of Malacca and the Straits of Sunda) also guided the

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Dutch to the best sites in the enclosed island world. The positions which they took up were either strong for war or rich in trade, and eventually passed into the Dutch power by conquest from the Portuguese or by treaties with the native chiefs. Almost everywhere we find a defensive alliance with the natives against the Portuguese becomes the basis of the Dutch power. Thus

A Chinese Street in Batavia, Java

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at Ternate, the chief seat of trade in the Moluccas or Spice Islands, the Sultan entered into a treaty with the Dutch admiral in 1607 for protection against a Spanish-Portuguese armada. The right to build and to destroy forts followed. The uprooting of the clove-trees which might compete with the Dutch at Amboyna came in due course; and in 1649 the Sultan appointed the Dutch governor as his viceroy over his chief island dependencies.

One other example must suffice. Amboyna, the richest clove island of the Southern Moluccas, had been visited by the Dutch “separate” expeditions, and entered into a trade arrangement. In 1600 this friendly relation was strengthened into a compact for the expulsion of the Portuguese and the erection of a Dutch castle. In 1605 the chiefs acknowledged the sovereignty of Holland, in return for a guarantee of protection against Portugal and Spain. They agreed to aid the Dutch in their wars and to sell their cloves to no other nation. As the Dutch drew tighter their bonds on the Moluccas, Amboyna, like its suzerain island, Ternate, grew restive. But in 1618 the Dutch finally established their supremacy at Amboyna, and secured by treaties the exclusive trade, the free exercise of the Reformed Religion, and the right to demand forced labour. In 1628 they took advantage of a dispute in the family of the Ternate raja to shake off his suzerain claims to the customs duties at Amboyna, and to declare themselves masters of the island by virtue of conquest from the Portuguese in 1605.

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The harsher measures of the Dutch in the Archipelago belong, generally, to a period subsequent to 1623. It was not till a much later date that they fully developed their system of confining the islanders on pain of piracy to their own or adjacent coasts, forbade their sending or receiving embassies to or from India and the Asiatic continent, and enforced a tribute in “full-grown slaves.” In the early years of the seventeenth century the Dutch really were what they declared themselves to be, the deliverers of the islands from Portuguese oppression. In return for their protection they demanded the exclusive trade and such subsidiary guarantees as they deemed needful to secure it.

The growing rivalry of the English put an end to this state of comparative calm. On the one hand, the Dutch claimed the monopoly of the richest of the Spice Islands on the threefold ground of priority of occupation, services rendered to the natives against the Portuguese, and treaties which at once defined and secured their rights. On the other hand, the English asserted the still earlier arrival of Drake’s ship in 1579, denied that the isolated coast castles of the Dutch amounted to effective occupation of a great archipelago, and claimed an equal right with the Dutch to make treaties with the native powers.

The English claim founded on Drake’s priority of discovery could not be pressed in serious diplomacy, as it told against our general contention that a title to territory could be maintained only on the ground of

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actual possession, or effective occupation. But it long served as a national rallying cry. In 1606 Sir Henry Middleton asserted our right to a factory in the Moluccas, “for that Sir Francis Drake had trade in Ternate

Sir Francis Drake

before the name of the Hollanders was known in those parts of the world.” As late as 1652 it formed a basis of a discourse, the East India Trade first discovered by the English, in which the author gravely relates how the Dutch “took the advantage of the negligent and inconsiderate English” to secure the profits of Drake’s

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discovery. This popular plea, although put forward in official documents, cannot be accepted by an honest historian. But it explains that sense of having been overreached which embittered English feeling to the Dutch.

The situation was in fact incompatible with peace. Yet Holland and England were not only at peace in Europe, but were the joint champions of a great religious cause. Nor could either country at once forget that, but for Elizabeth’s coldness to the Dutch overtures, the English queen might have been the sovereign of the united nations. On the arrival of the English ships in the East in 1602, the commanders of the two Protestant fleets joined against the Portuguese; and, as we saw, the plunder of a Portugal ship supplied the return cargo for the first voyage of the London Company. But the Dutch quickly perceived that the English were both weak and inconvenient neighbours in the Archipelago.

Each English voyage worked with a small capital, and raised the local prices by eagerness to secure a freight. The Dutch abstained for a time from hostilities, yet strove to frighten the natives from dealing with the newcomers by representing them as buccaneers. When the island chiefs found that the English, instead of making piratical descents, came with money in their hands, and parted with it more freely than the Dutch, this device failed. The Dutch next tried bribery, and in 1603 were said to have offered twelve thousand dollars to the natives of Pularoon if they would not trade with the English. The death of Elizabeth in 1603, and

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King James’s treaty with Spain and Portugal in the following year, broke the tradition of Dutch and English friendship based on the joint championship of the Protestant cause. Scruples of sentiment or of religion disappeared, and commercial rivalry became the permanent factor in the relations of England and Holland.

It is not needful to dwell on the. early phases of the struggle which ensued. The English Company was the weakling child of the old age of Elizabeth and of the shifty policy of King James; the Dutch Company was the strong outgrowth of the life and death struggle of a new nation with its Spanish oppressors. The English Company began with slender resources in 1601 the system of “separate voyages,” which the Dutch Company, after a trial of that method on a great scale after 1595, deliberately abandoned in 1602 for the joint system of a -United Company with vast capital – the joint system which the English adopted only after eleven years of painful experience in 1612, and even then in a less stable form.

Yet the English boldly stood forth to the natives not only as rivals but as opponents of the Dutch. In 1605 the King of Tidore, in the Spice Islands, appealed to King James for help against the Hollanders, on the ground that his Majesty was in friendship with Spain. The King of Ternate, hard by, inquired after the health of the “great Captain Francis Drake,” whose return we have daily expected,” and complained that the Dutch, having driven out the Portuguese, prevented him from granting a factory to the English. The King

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of Bantam in Java rejoiced that “now England and Bantam are both as one.” From Achin in Sumatra, commanding the western gateway of the Archipelago, to the Spice Islands in its farthest east, the Dutch found themselves encountered by a new set of competing, and sometimes hostile, compacts between the native princes and the English Company.

We even went so far as to try to provide an English wife for the King of Sumatra. As that potentate had expressed a wish for such a consort, “a gentleman of honourable parentage” proposed at a court meeting of the Company in 1614, “his daughter of most excellent parts for music, her needle, and good discourse, as also very beautiful and personable.” The probable benefit to the Company was gravely debated, “and the lawfulness of the enterprise proved by Scripture.” But, as the State Papers show, some feared that the other wives “may poison her if she became an extraordinary favourite.” The father was willing to take the risk, but we do not hear that the lady went out. Yet the bare suggestion must have seemed alarming to the Dutch.

Nor did the English diplomacy in Europe tend to soothe the rivalry in the Asiatic seas. Holland quickly valued at its real worth the lip-friendship of King James. During the Dutch efforts for a settlement with Spain, England was detached from the Protestant cause by the bait of a Spanish marriage, and of the Netherlands as a prospective dowry of the Infanta after the death of the childless archduke. Holland, thus deserted,

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saw her hoped-for peace with Spain dwindle to the Twelve Years’ Truce of 1609, leaving the menace of a Spanish war on its expiration, and a resentment against England for a century to come.

A gun from the Indian Archipelago

The Dutch in the East took prompt measures to deal with the situation. If England proved so faint a friend in Europe, the Archipelago was to become a place of little ease for the English Company. Scarcely had the Spanish truce of 1609 given Holland a breathing-pause than she resolved to consolidate her Asiatic settlements under a firm local control. The Council of Seventeen nominated Pieter Both, a man of great ability, to the charge of the Company’s factories, and in November, 1609, the States-General commissioned him with extensive powers as the first governor-general of the Dutch East Indies. Pieter Both justified their confidence. He had proved his capacity as admiral of the Brabant Company’s expedition in 1599–1601, and his initial duty in his new high office was to take an oath of fidelity of the Dutch servants in the East to the States-General and the United Company.

He sailed as governor-general with a fleet of eight ships in January, 1610, and after months of storm arrived

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at Bantam in January, 1611. During the next four years he brought the islands within a network of treaties. He thus confirmed from Java to the Moluccas the supremacy and exclusive trade of the Dutch; procured, when expedient, the toleration of the Protestant religion; and laid the foundations of a new national power in the Eastern Archipelago. On the expiration of his office, he sailed in January, 1615, with four richly laden vessels for Europe, but perished in a hurricane off the Mauritius. The name of a mountain in that island long commemorated his loss, and appears in a journal of 1689 as “Pierre Both.”

He had found his task an easy one. The native rulers in the Archipelago, like the coast rajas with whom the Portuguese dealt on the Malabar seaboard, were princes on a small scale. The greatest of them, like the King of Achin and the Sultan of Ternate, exercised an uncertain suzerainty over detached territories and islands, each with lesser chiefs of its own. Nor as regards the English did the first Dutch governor-general find much difficulty. The whole number of English ships sent out up to the year 1610, inclusive, amounted to seventeen, and of the seventeen vessels only a few were at any one time in Asiatic waters. The Dutch, on the other hand, had sent out sixty-five ships before the union of the separate companies in 1602, and sixty-nine vessels from 1602 to 1610. The armament and fighting force of the English ships were also inferior to the Dutch. The Dutch, moreover, took a practical care for the well-being and morals of their

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servants that was unknown in the English factories. While the London Company sent out volumes of sermons and forced back the first English wife, the Dutch governor-general carried with him thirty-six goodly young women as mates to their countrymen in the East. It was not till more than half a century later that the English Company, moved by the scandal of a half-caste population, followed their example.

The English factors and captains in the Archipelago were in truth outmatched at every point, and the London Company found itself compelled to seek support nearer home. In 1611 it opened negotiations at Amsterdam. A letter of Robert Middleton to the burgomasters of that city proposed “that as our nations have long continued in firm bonds and league of amity, so we might peaceably proceed to trade jointly together without troubling of either states.” The Dutch replied in an amicable spirit, and proposed to approach the States-General on the subject. But meanwhile the London merchants realized that the struggle was a national one, not to be settled by the two Companies alone, and had declared to the Lord High Treasurer of England that they “are enforced at last to break silence and complain their griefs.”

The tale they told was one to which no English sovereign could turn a deaf ear. They had “long and patiently endured sundry notorious wrongs and injurious courses at the hands of the Hollanders,” and being now reduced to extremities “but having no means of remedy, do humbly implore your Lordship’s honourable

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assistance and mediation to the States.” They based their claim to trade in the Archipelago on the prior discoveries of Drake, Cavendish, and Lancaster; and on Drake’s compact with the King of Ternate (the suzerain of the Moluccas) long before the Dutch were heard of in those seas. The argument had its inconveniences, for it would have told still more strongly in favour of the Portuguese prior rights which the English Company were about to scatter to the winds. But it sufficed to bring the question within the range of European diplomacy, and to open out new opportunities to James in his favourite role of the peacemaking monarch.

Thomas Cavendish

From this period the relations of the Dutch and English Companies divide into two distinct branches: continuous negotiation in Europe, and continuous contests in the East. After preliminary action by our ambassador in Holland, the States-General, in 1613, sent commissioners accompanied by Grotius, then pensionary of Rotterdam and the foremost international jurist of the age, to treat with English commissioners in London. Much wrangling resulted in a vague agreement in 1614 that each nation should enjoy such places as it had conquered or discovered, and pay customs

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duties to the other at those ports, while both should join against the common enemy – Spain and Portugal. The governor of the English Company held a conference with the Dutch ambassador in London for “a loving alid friendly trade both defensive and offensive,” by the two corporations: we to throw open the Cambay coast to the Dutch, and they to admit us to the Spice Islands.

The growing animosities in the East rendered this arrangement a dead-letter, and in January, 1615, negotiations were renewed at The Hague. Sir Henry Wotton, our ambassador in Holland, together with certain commissioners to represent the East India Company, received a favourable audience from Barneveldt, who would gladly have seen the two Companies join “to beat the Spaniard out of the East Indies.” King James himself put pressure on the English Company to come to terms, but forbade any open breach with Spain. This last condition rendered a real agreement impossible for Holland. The English commissioners demanded free trade by the law of nations. The Dutch replied that any trade at all in the Eastern seas could be secured only by great armaments and garrisons against Spain, and that if the English refused to share in the cost, they could not fairly claim to share in the profits.

Finally Barneveldt offered three alternatives. First, for the English to retire from the trade; second, for the English to unite in a joint East India Company with the Dutch; third; for the English to maintain their position by a vigorous war. He declared that the

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View of the River Hugli at Calcutta

The River Hugli, with its crowded shipping at Calcutta, tells the story of the commerce to-day between India, Europe, and the Farther East. The river-banks are lined with signs of busy trade, and the smart native boats ply their way in and out among the large foreign craft that load and unload their export and import wares.

States-General regarded the East Indian trade as a cardinal point in their national policy, and that they assisted the Dutch Company with great sums to maintain it by force of arms. The English, on the other hand, thought that the Dutch capital was wasted in wars and on an army of ten thousand soldiers in the East. Nothing remained but for our commissioners to come away. The negotiations of 1615 broke down at The Hague, as those of 1613–1614 had proved fruitless in London.

King James felt annoyed that he had failed in his part of royal peacemaker, and the Dutch were aware of the fact. They saw their advantage in a union which should compel the English to share in the Protestant defence of the Indies, and they had confidence in their own ability to retain the lion’s share of the trade. They therefore transferred the scene of operations once more to England, and their ambassador urged as a groundwork “for the amalgamation of the two Companies that they should jointly subscribe £1,200,000 to a common stock. The English Company had by this time broken the Spanish-Portuguese power on the Indian coast, and saw their way to trade without sharing in the costly armaments and island-defences of the Dutch. In August, 1615, they declared that they were content that Holland should surcease from her wars with Spain in the East, being themselves “confident that in time they will eat the Spaniard out of that trade, only by underselling him in all parts of Christendom.” So with “good words” they thanked the Dutch

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ambassador, and the third series of negotiations came to an end.

Broach, on the coast of India, in 1778

Meanwhile the Hollanders were rendering our position intolerable in the Archipelago. In 1613 they forcibly prevented the people of Machian in the Moluccas from trading with us. In 1614 our agents retaliated by a treaty with the rich nutmeg island Banda, whose inhabitants declared themselves willing to live and die with the English. In 1615 the London Company encouraged its factors to break boldly into the Spice Islands and to attempt both Banda and Amboyna. But the Dutch replied by the argument of “seven tall ships” in the Archipelago, and threatened to sink any English interloper. In December, 1615, at their headquarters at Bantam in Java, “the envy of the Hollanders is so great that to take out one of our eyes they

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will lose both their own.” In 1617 came the news that the Dutch had forty or fifty English prisoners in irons at Amboyna, starving on a single cake of bread a day, so that they were reduced to skin and bone.

The personal hatred between the agents of the two Companies had now risen to fever-heat. The English despised the phlegmatic “mechanic” ways of the Hollanders, called them “shoemakers” and “beer-brewers,” and flew into a passion at the mere sight of a Dutch document. In 1618 our admiral at Batavia, Sir Thomas Dale, on receiving a communication in Flemish, “scolded, stamped on the ground, swore, cursed,” asking “why the letters were not in French, Spanish, Latin, or any other language if we did not like to write English.” The Dutch paid back abuse with scorn, pulled down the English flag, befouled it, and tore it to pieces, and hit upon a device for rendering it hateful to the natives. In 1617 they “covered all the seas from the Red Sea to the coast of China, spoiling and robbing all nations in the name and under the colour of the English.” In 1618 they publicly insulted our flag by running up the French and English colours, with Prince Maurice’s banner displayed above, “triumphing in the doing thereof, because they have overcome both.”

If we look only to their position in the East, they had cause for exultation. Their second governor-general, Gerard Reynst (1614–1615), proved a worthy successor to Pieter Both. A director of the United Company at Amsterdam, Reynst was induced to accept the governor-generalship by liberal allowances, a gold

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medal with a massy chain, and the assurance of being reappointed a director on his return. He sailed in July, 1613, at the head of a large fleet, with ample powers from the Council of Seventeen ratified by the States-General, and with a commission direct from Prince Maurice. This double sanction of the States-General and of the House of Orange represented the union of the supreme civil power with the highest military authority in Holland. It gave to the Flemish Company a national basis which was absent from the charters of our Stuart kings, and which the English Company only obtained by Acts of Parliament under Dutch William, three-quarters of a century later. The tenure of office for the Dutch governor-generals was five years – a term afterwards adopted for our own.

Thus backed by the strength of his nation, Reynst detached a squadron on the voyage out to plant factories at Aden and on the Arabian coast, and became the founder of the Dutch trade in the Red Sea. But his chief aim was to shut up the nutmeg and clove islands of the Archipelago against the English. With a fleet of eleven ships he chastised the Banda chiefs who had traded with us, seized on the neighbouring islands, and drove us out of Amboyna. His career was cut short by dysentery in December, 1615. Laurens Reaal (1616–1618), provisionally appointed to fill his place by the Council of India then assembled at Ternate, consolidated what his two predecessors had won. He strengthened the Dutch fortifications throughout the Archipelago, extended the Company’s commerce, filled its

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exchequer, and prepared the way for the great governor-general who succeeded him.

Aden

The English Company also armed itself for a life or death struggle. In spite of obstacles the four expeditions of its First Joint Stock (1613–1616) were bringing home rich cargoes, and its shares rose to 207 per cent. in 1617. But much of its property then remained in the Indies, and, owing to losses from the Dutch, had eventually to be sold to the Second Joint Stock at a low valuation. Its accounts could not be finally wound up until 1621, and its whole profits during the eight

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years (1613–1621) only amounted to 87½ per cent. Its permanent achievement, as we shall see, was the strengthening of our position not in the Eastern Archipelago, but on the west coast of India under the sanction of the Moghul emperor obtained by Sir Thomas Roe. In 1616, however, its credit stood high, and the expectations from the division of its profits still higher.

When, therefore, on the expiration of the four years of the First Joint Stock (1613–1616), the London Company resolved to open a new contribution for another four years, it was eagerly subscribed. The spirit of adventure among the English nobility and country gentry, which had found scope on the Spanish main under Elizabeth, but which the Spanish entanglements of James pent up, sought an outlet in the Second Joint Stock of the East India Company. Fifteen dukes and earls, thirteen countesses and ladies of title, eighty-two knights, judges and privy councillors, headed the list of 954 subscribers. The contributions amounted to £1,629,040, the largest capital that had ever been subscribed to any joint stock undertaking in the world. With this sum, to be divided into three voyages, it seemed as if the English Company might at length hold their own against Holland in the Eastern seas.

They soon discovered, however, that the capture of the spice trade was not to be achieved by money alone. Both at home and in the East the English organization was inferior to the Dutch. The original weakness in the constitution of the London Company still rendered it unfit for great or permanent efforts. The “separate”

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voyages of 1601 to 1612 had indeed given place to recurring joint stocks. But the change only superseded temporary groups of adventurers for single voyages by somewhat less temporary groups of adventurers for three or four voyages. Each group, whether for a single voyage, or for three or four, knew that its existence was limited to a brief term of years. Its object was to make as much money as it could within the period allotted to it, and to spend as little as possible on fortifications which it would have to leave behind in the East and make over at a low valuation to the next group of adventurers. The Dutch East India Company felt its interests to be bound up with those of the Dutch Government, adopted the state policy, and willingly spent vast sums on troops and fortresses in the confidence that it would reap the permanent fruits of its territorial conquests.

The English Company, in fact, still remained a private venture; the Dutch Company knew itself to be a national enterprise. The difference received emphasis from the personal character of King James. The London Company’s charter was never quite safe from court intrigues. If royal favourites could no longer procure a license for English interlopers, his Majesty was King of Scotland as well as of England, and the charter did not affect his northern subjects. In the crisis of its struggle with the Dutch, the London Company learned with dismay that the king had in 1617 granted a patent to Sir James Cuningham for a Scottish Company to trade to Greenland, Muscovy, and the East Indies –

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“in as ample manner and as the Company of London do.”

The danger was grave. For the Scotch would not only prove keen rivals in trade, but their charter might be covertly utilized by English interlopers, and a Presbyterian nation was not unlikely to come to an understanding with the Calvinist and Lutheran Dutch. The movement which resulted in the Scottish Brigade in Holland had set in; and the London Company might find itself beset by a Scotch and Dutch combination in the East. We shall find that the steward of the Dutch factory at Amboyna in 1623 was an Aberdeen man. King James listened to the remonstrances of his English subjects, and in 1618 the new grant was recalled upon the London Company agreeing to compensate the Scotch patentee.

The concession did not come too soon. In the autumn of the same year, 1618, the English Company found itself once more compelled to appeal for state support in what now clearly revealed itself as a struggle between the Dutch and the English nations. It presented memorials to the king and the Privy Council, setting forth “the manifest and insupportable wrongs and abuses done by the Hollanders unto your Majesty and your Majesty’s subjects in the East Indies.” The two nutmeg islets of Pularoon and Rosengyn, with a chief town in Lantor or Great Banda which had freely surrendered to his Majesty, had been threatened or attacked by the Hollanders, and English prisoners had been publicly shown in chains. “Lo, these are the

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men,” said the Dutch to the islanders, “whom ye made your gods, in whom ye put your trust, but we have made them our slaves.” Twenty of the miserable captives were since dead of cruel usage.

Court of Proprietors, East India House

The Dutch had also taken two English ships, rifled another, and put the crews in irons, declaring they had the authority of King James himself to capture any English vessel to the east of the Celebes. They refused to restore a vessel unless we gave up our claim to Pularoon, boasting “that one Holland ship would take ten English: that they care not for our king, for Saint George was now turned child.”

King James reopened negotiations in earnest (September, 1618) and demanded that Dutch commissioners should be sent to London. A report was allowed to reach The Hague that he had ordered the seizure in England of certain Dutch East Indiamen, and in November

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the Dutch commissioners were accredited – six on behalf of the Dutch East India Company, and four on behalf of the States-General with the Dutch ambassador at their head.

The two questions to be settled were compensation for past injuries and a fair arrangement for the future. The Dutch commissioners proved able diplomatists, very subtle and cunning “as they seemed to our plain city men. At the very first meeting they took up a firm stand against “reparation of damage,” and by January 27, 1619, they were sending for men-of-war to carry them home. When Lord Digby patched up the breach, things again came to a stand in April, as the Hollanders, while demanding that the English Company should share the charges of the Dutch fortresses in the East, refused to allow it any share in their control. The king himself now intervened, declaring that in a matter that so nearly and highly concerns the weal of both countries, his Majesty will neither spare any travail to effect it, nor be in anything more partial to either side than if they were both his own subjects.”

The king’s eagerness constrained the London Company to come to terms. In July, 1619, was concluded a treaty which yielded the main points to the Hollanders and proved from the first unworkable by the English. The London Company obtained no compensation for past injuries, reckoned at £100,000 during a single year, and no share in the control of the Dutch fortifications to whose cost they were to contribute. The treaty, after granting an amnesty for all excesses on

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either side, and providing for a mutual restitution of ships and property, declared the trade in the East to be open to both Companies. Both Companies should exert themselves to reduce the native dues and exactions, to keep down prices of Indian commodities in the East, and to maintain a high scale of prices in Europe.

Gold lace workers at Lucknow

On the southeast Indian coast the English were to have free trade at Pulicat on paying half the expenses of the Dutch garrison. In Java the pepper trade should be equally divided. In the Moluccas and the Banda and Amboyna Archipelagoes, which included the clove and nutmeg islands, the English should have one-third and the Dutch two-thirds of the trade, paying for the garrisons in a corresponding ratio. Each Company

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was to furnish ten ships of war to be kept in the East for purposes of common defence, and not to be employed on home voyages, but only in the port-to-port trade. All forts should remain in the hands of their present possessors – which practically meant of the Dutch, as we had then so few – and certain proposed fortifications of the English were to be postponed for two or three years, until both Companies could. agree upon them.

The treaty was to be binding for twenty years. Its execution was to be supervised by a joint Council of Defence in the Indies, composed of four members from each Company, with an appeal in case of dispute to the States-General and the King of England. So much eventually turned on this Council of Defence clause that I give it in full5. Its functions were defined as the direction of the common defence by sea, the distribution of the ships of war, and the regulation of dues or imposts for maintaining the forts and garrisons.

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There is no mention of civil or criminal jurisdiction, nor of any system of law to be administered.

The English Company felt that the royal role of peacemaker had been played chiefly at their cost. They petitioned the king in particular against the articles touching the forts, “as utterly cutting off the Company from all hope and expectation of their obtaining any parts of the forts at any time hereafter, which in the end would utterly exclude the Company from the whole trade of the Indies.” Even the king’s ambassador at The Hague thought the fortress clauses might have been more advantageous to us, while his friend Chamberlain plainly wrote to him “Say what they can, things are passed as the other [side] would have it.” Secretary Calvert regarded the treaty as a mere suspension of the dispute, and believed a great opportunity had been lost, for the Portuguese, French, and Danes were all eager for a trade alliance with us in the East. However, on July 16, 1619, King James ratified the engagement, and sweetened the pill to his subjects by a clause promising to erect no other East India Company during the treaty term of twenty years.

As a matter of fact, it but little affected events in the East. The treaty did not reach India till March, 1620, when the Dutch and English generals suspended their hostilities, proclaimed it on every ship from the mainmast, feasted each other, and liberated all prisoners on both sides. But their quarrel had got beyond control from home, and their amity ended as the smoke of their salvos cleared off. The English were trying

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to enforce two distinct claims which the Dutch believed to be incompatible with their position in the Eastern Archipelago: a claim to trade in the nutmeg and clove islands of the Banda and Amboyna groups, and a claim to a fortified settlement close to the Dutch headquarters in Java.

A glance at the map will show the significance of these claims. At the eastern end of the Archipelago lie two groups, represented for our present purpose by Amboyna, a clove island, and by the Banda, literally the “United,” nutmeg isles, including Lantor or Great Banda, Pularoon, Pulaway, and Rosengyn6. Not only did these islets produce the most valuable spices, but they might be approached from the southwest. If the English could establish themselves in Amboyna, Pularoon, and Rosengyn, they would, so to speak, turn the flank of the Dutch positions commanding the Straits of Malacca and of Sunda. By keeping to the south of the line of long islands (Sumatra, Java, Flores, Timor, etc.) they could secure a direct access, not unattended indeed by nautical dangers, to the clove and nutmeg archipelago. These matters, which were hidden from King James and his councillors, were vital to the Dutch control of the spice trade. The Dutch directors in Holland understood them better; and while granting us

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A Seventeenth-Century map of India

an equal share in the cheap pepper of Java, they would concede only one-third of the traffic with the clove and nutmeg islands of the further East. We were outmatched in point of knowledge as in armed force.

The Dutch rested their title to these islands on their conquest from the Portuguese and on treaties with the local chiefs. The English claimed that they were places of common resort for the spice trade, that in some of them they had built blockhouses which the Dutch pulled down, and that others, including Amboyna, Pularoon, and Rosengyn, had granted us a settlement or freely placed themselves under the protection of King James. The struggle for them, with its mutual outrages and reprisals, need not be detailed. It commenced as far back as 1608, became acute after 1616, and ended with the catastrophe of Amboyna in 1623.

While the English tried to circumvent the Dutch western positions on the Malacca and Sunda straits, and to fasten on the richest spice isles of the easternmost archipelago, they also threatened the Dutch settlements in Java itself. In December, 1618, the English by way of reprisal captured the Dutch Black Lion at Bantam. In January, 1619, they beat the Dutch fleet in a “cruel bloody fight” in which three thousand great shot were fired without lasting result, and in October the Dutch defeated our squadron off Sumatra – the last battle for the famous old Red Dragon. The Dutch Black Lion had a less noble end – being accidentally burned while in our possession by four

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drunken English sailors, one of whom we hanged and the other three were flogged round the fleet.

A Native of Java

This sea-struggle around the western entrances into the Archipelago had its counterpart conflict on shore. The ships of the two Protestant nations were individually pretty well matched, the captains equally skilful, the crews equally brave, and victory sometimes fell to the one, sometimes to the other. Our cursing and stamping admiral, Sir Thomas Dale – a determined man, bred in the cruel school of the Spanish-Dutch war – had by unsparing severity wrung order out of anarchy in Virginia, and was sent with six ships to India in 1618. But the English found the land forces in Java numerically superior to their own, and directed by a man of still more masterful character, and with a genius for organization not possessed by any other European then in the East.

Jan Pieterszoon Coen, born at Hoorn in 1587, had learned the secrets of commerce in the famous house of the Piscatori at Rome, and went first to Dutch India in 1607. By 1613 his talents raised him to the office of director-general of commerce and president at Bantam, with the control of all outlying agencies (comptoirs).

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In 1617 the Council of Seventeen appointed him governor-general, with a ratification from the States-General and a commission direct from Prince Maurice of Orange – powers so ample as afterwards to warrant him in questioning orders of the directors unless approved of by the States-General. In June, 1618, he entered on his high office at Java. “If the King of England does not make it his particular care,” a shrewd French observer reported, “the English run the risk of having the worst in the Indies, as being weaker than the Flemings are in that country.”

Coen was to the Dutch Indies in the seventeenth century what Albuquerque had been to the Portuguese in the sixteenth, and what Dupleix became to the French in the eighteenth. He resolved to found the Dutch power on a lasting territorial basis. His clear vision of a Dutch empire in the East met with opposition from narrower minds – the antagonism which Albuquerque’s policy had encountered from the honest Almeida, and which the schemes of Dupleix were to receive from a corrupt French court. But the Dutch Company, like the English Company in after days, knew a great man when they got one; and in spite of internal differences and a temporary eclipse, Coen was supported, rewarded, and honoured. His two governor-generalships, from 1618 to 1623, and from 1627 to 1629, form the seed-time of the Dutch greatness in the East.

A strongly fortified capital, commanding the western entrance to the Archipelago, yet centrally situated, was

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necessary to his design. The Straits of Malacca were already controlled by treaties, and circumstances led Coen to the northern exit of the Straits of Sunda as the position from which to dominate the island world. The two possible sites were Bantam and Jacatra at the north-western end of Java, where the Sunda Straits debouch into the Archipelago. Bantam was nearer to the straits, Jacatra lay round the corner to the northeast, but was the stronger position. Both places were resorted to by the English and Dutch, and the two nations claimed treaty rights with the native princes at each. One of Coen’s first acts as governor-general was to obtain leave from the Jacatra chief for a fortified settlement on his river.

Presently the Jacatra and Bantam chiefs grew afraid of the rising fortress, and, although not liking the English, obtained their help to expel the Dutch. Coen had sailed to the Moluccas to avenge a native revolt and to reunite his fleet; and in January-February, 1619, the Dutch at Jacatra, after a defence of their half-built walls, had to capitulate. They agreed to surrender their fortress, people, and war munitions to the English, and the money and goods of the Dutch Company to the native prince. The English were to provide a ship to convey away the Hollanders to the Indian coast of Coromandel, or whithersoever they might resolve to go, except to the Moluccas or Amboyna.

The claims of Bantam caused delay, and Coen had now reunited his fleet’ at the Moluccas. His return

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Matchlocks from various parts of India

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Blank page

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to Java prevented the treaty from being carried out. In the spring of 1619 he utterly destroyed the native town of Jacatra, seized the estuary of the river together with the adjacent territory, and built on it the city and fortress from which, under the new name of Batavia, the Dutch rule the Eastern Archipelago to this day.

Our admiral, brave, passionate Dale, having unwisely divided his fleet, and being stricken with fever from the swamps of the Jacatra River, sailed for India. Coen hurried on the fortifications at Batavia so as to give the complete command of the Jacatra estuary to the Dutch. He prepared to punish the Bantam prince who had joined and then quarrelled with the English during his (Coen’s) absence in the Moluccas. He drew the bonds tighter on the English trade, and resolved to use our alliance with Bantam as a casus belli for driving us out of the Spice Islands. At this juncture, early in 1620, the Anglo-Dutch treaty of July, 1619, arrived at Batavia, with its amnesty for the past and promise of peace in the future.

But scarcely had the joint cheering for King James and Prince Maurice died away and the’ fleets been stripped of their bunting, than the treaty of 1619 was discerned to be itself a new source of strife. In 1618 the Dutch directors frankly wrote to Coen that, although they were trying to come to an agreement with the London Company, yet in the meanwhile he was “strictly to carry out our previous orders for expelling the English and all other nations from all treaty places or where we have forts.” Coen had laid his plans

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accordingly. The Dutch directors were, however, willing to give the treaty of 1619 a fair chance. “It is our sincere and earnest desire,” they wrote in 1619–1620, honestly to observe its terms, and they even contemplated building a fortress at the Cape of Good Hope jointly with the English. But they insisted on our executing our engagements to the utmost letter, and above all on our maintaining the full complement of war-ships agreed on.

Cape Town and Table Mountain

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The last condition was one which the English Company could not fulfil. Coen knew this and foresaw that its non-fulfilment would leave him a free hand. While he therefore made fair arrangements for the joint Council of Defence on shore, for the mutual command of the fleet, and for caerying the two national flags at the mainmast every alternate fortnight, a guarded or even hostile attitude to the English was enjoined on the outlying Dutch settlements.

The truth is the two Companies had widely different interests in the main business of defencL The Dutch truce with Spain was about to expire (1621), and Holland resolved to break the Spanish-Portuguese power in the East as a preparation for the inevitable European war. The English were by no means so anxious to attack the Spaniards, with whom they were ostensibly at peace, and whom they believed they could undersell in an open market by the fair rivalry of trade. After several joint expeditions, the English failed to supply their quota of ships, but offered to pay half the naval expenses. Then they withdrew more openly, and after bitter recriminations the Dutch declared that the English “have neither law nor justice … the knife of the one [alone] keeps the knife of the other in the sheath.” The English replied that the Dutch used the alliance for their own ends, and that the treaty was for a fleet of defence and not for conquest. In 1623 they declined to join in a third expedition against the Spanish Manilas and their ships separated from the Dutch alike in Java and the Moluccas.

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A second cause of quarrel arose out of the blockade of Bantam, which the joint council undertook, but which the English soon declared to be a plan of conquest outside the duties of “defence.” The English only wanted an open trade at Bantam, and this the prince was willing to concede. The Dutch desired to avenge the attack of Bantam on their rising fort at Jacatra in 1618, and to ruin the trade of a rival port lying so close to their new Batavian capital. The question of the sovereign jurisdiction in the Archipelago supplied a third and more bitter subject of strife. The Dutch directors explicitly ordered that the laws of Holland were to be observed at Batavia; that the claim given by the treaty to the English was to a share of the trade but to no share of the dominium; and that the treaty had not “reduced our rights even in the smallest way in the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda.” The treaty had, in fact, omitted to provide for the question of jurisdiction. The English president himself was fined in 1621 for not obeying orders issued at Batavia in the name of the States-General, and in 1622 he was mulcted on the complaint of a native.

A fourth cause of quarrel was the money contribution for fortifications under the treaty. Here again the two nations had opposed interests in the East. It was the Flemish policy of ruining Spain by armed trade, as against the London Company’s desire for open ports. The Dutch wanted as many fortifications as they could get at the joint expense; the English wanted few fortifications, and none which they could not control. The

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Dutch accused the English of insufficient subsidies. The English replied that, while they found the money, the Dutch spent it, or pocketed it, as they pleased, and made no equal contribution on their part. The Dutch records themselves disclose some laxity in this respect. In 1621 the Dutch cut down the outlay on forts, garrisons, and the governor’s table allowances, yet warned their agents that “the English need not get the benefit of it,” but are to be charged as before. Nor were the English to be allowed to “build or make anything at their own expense, on which hereafter they can claim ownership.” All this is clear from Dutch manuscript records in the India Office. The English retaliated for the imposts enforced from them for fortresses in the Eastern Archipelago, by levying dues from Flemish ships near Ormuz, to the wrath of the Dutch captains.

The restitution of property clause furnished a fifth ground of wrangling, in which both sides thought themselves overreached. The constant and bitter personal disputes between the local agents of the two Companies supplied a sixth cause, which would alone have rendered unworkable the treaty of 1619. Within two years King James himself recognized that it had broken down. In March, 1621, he pressed the Dutch Government to send commissioners again, and in July he hastened its decision by threatening letters of marque. The commissioners arrived in England in November, 1621, but their negotiations were spun out to January, 1623 – too late to avert the impending tragedy.

As Barneveldt’s project for a United Dutch-English

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Company had been strangled by the diplomatic discord at London and The Hague, so all hope of compromise between the two nations was stifled amid the passionate disputes of their sea-captains in the East, and extinguished forever in the torture chamber of Amboyna

 

1604:

On March 13, 1604, King Sukadana Panembahan Giri Kusuma binding agreement with the Dutch (VOC) [15], which infuriated the Sultan of Mataram.
 1606: On February 14, 1606, an expedition led by Koopman Gillis Michaelszoon Dutch first arrived in Banjarmasin, because of bad temperament captain was killed in a riot. [16]
 1607: Aji Mas Anom Paser Indra became the ruler until the year 1644.
 1607: June 7, 1607 expedition led by Koopman VOC Michaelszoon Gillis arrived in Banjarmasin, all the crew were killed in retaliation for the seizure of Banjar junks in Banten in 1596. [17]
 1609: On October 1, VOC conduct cooperation pact with the Prince Duke of Sambas. [18]
 1610: Aji violated Kutai VII became King until the year 1635.
 1610: King maimed became ruler based in Pekana porcupine, Authorship.
 1612: In May 1612, fire destroyed the Dutch Company Banjar Banjar Old Empire’s capital, so capital was moved to Martapura. British trade partnership, chaired by Sir Henry Middleton coming to Brunei.
 1613: Amiril Pengiran Lion King Tidung Laoet served until 1650.
 1615: Prince Dipati Anta-founded the Duchy Kotawaringin Kasuma, fractional area of
​​the Sultanate of Banjar most western border with the Kingdom of Tanjungpura.
 1622: Sultanate of Mataram send Tumenggung Bahurekso, Regent of
Kendal Sukadana attack under control Bunku Princess / Queen Mas Jaintan (Mustika Giri’s mother), this attack will attack worrying Banjar Sultanate of Mataram. Giri mustaka (Raden Saradewa) son-king Prince Dipati Kotawaringin Kasuma Anta-crowned king-Matan Sukadana Syafiuddin title of Sultan Muhammad (1622-1659). He was the first king of the title of Sultan, the previous king Panembahan Sukadana title only.
 1625: Muhammad Ali became the Sultan of Brunei XII until 1660.
 1626: Production of pepper Banjar greatly increased, so the VOC attempted to gain monopoly pepper, and try to eliminate the incidence in 1612 the Dutch invasion of the sultanate of Banjar. The Netherlands also apologized for his actions robbed the Banjar in cruise ship sultanate of Brunei trade to July 4, 1626. Trading empire Banjar still directed to Cochin China (Veitnam) not to Batavia.
 1634: VOC sent six merchant ships headed to Banjarmasin Londensteijn Gijsbert van, then added a few ships under the command of Antonie and Steven Scop Barentsz. [19]
 1635: June 17, 1635 Pearl British ship arrived in Banjarmasin, Tewseling and Gregory.
 1635: 4 September 1635 the Sultan of Banjar is represented by Ratna Syahbandar Goja Babouw Kings held the first commercial contract in Batavia by the Dutch Company is represented by: Hendrik Brouwer, Antonio van Diemen, Jan van der Burgh, Steven Barentszoon. VOCs also helps Banjar to conquer the eastern Kalimantan (Sand). [18]
 1635: Prince Aji ing chances, Duke Sinum Bannerman Martapura Kukar VIII became King until the year 1650. This king conquered the kingdom of Kutai Martadipura.
 1636: Sultanate of Banjar claim areas along the Sambas Karasikan Berau as well as its territory since that time Banjarmasin already has the military capacity to confront the attacks of Mataram.
 1636: The first time the Dutch began to dwell in Banjarmasin as VOC trading office in Banjarmasin established under the leadership of Wollenbrant Gelijnsen. [19]
 1637: Banjarmasin hold peace relations with Mataram. [20]
 1638: Sultan Banjarmasin send envoys to the Sultan of Makassar Makassar and East Kalimantan borrow area as a place of trade. Sultan Muhammad Zainudin moved the capital of the Sultanate Matan Matan kingdoms from the river to the land called the kingdom of Indra Indra Laya Laya.
 1638: Contract Craemer Banjar Sultan refused a request to send pepper to Makassar, came the anti-war Dutch VOC many as 108 people, 21 Japanese were killed, and the lodges were burned and the destruction of VOC VOC ships in Banjarmasin.
 1640: Governor-General Antonio van Diemen VOC ordered that hostilities with the Sultanate of Banjar is stopped and only requires 50,000 as compensation for the real tragedy in 1638.
 1641: Around mid-October 1641 Prince Tapesana and Kiai Narangbaya as Sultan Banjarmasin envoy arrives in Jepara and its escort of 500 people to deliver gifts to the Sultan Agung – the king of Mataram. [20] [19] [21]
 1641: Inayatullah became Sultan Banjar V until the year 1646
 1643: Dutch erected forts and factories on the island of Tatas (now Central Banjarmasin). [22]
 1644: Maulana Aji Anom Lions became the ruler Paser until the year 1667.
 1646: Sultan Banjar VI Saidullah be until the year 1660.
 1648: Dutch get a monopoly of pepper Banjarmasin dipasakan to the Sultan. [23]
 1650: Prince Aji Dipati ing the Great became King Kukar Martapura IX until year 1665. Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila I served the King until the year 1695.
 1659: Sultan Muhammad Zainuddin I (Marhum Affairs Laya) ruled the Sultanate Sukadana-Matan (1659-1724). Abdul-Jabbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul XI until the year 1660.
 1660: Sultan Rakyatullah be Banjar VII until 1663, he made a treaty with the VOC December 18, 1660. Brunei Sultan Abdul Mubin become XIII until the year 1673.
 1661: Abdul Mubin Hakkul XIII to become the Sultan of Brunei in 1673. Sukadana-imperial envoy arrived in the Sultanate Matan Banjar to report that Sukadana back into the area of
​​the Sultanate of Banjar pegaruh since earlier in 1638.
 1662: According to Barra in 1662 there were
only 12 junks a Malay, English, Portuguese and pepper transporting gold to Makassar, while in the Port of Banjarmasin filled with more than 1000 sailboats, both interinsuler trade and inter-continental trade.
 1663: Sultan Sultan Amrullah be Banjar VIII, but he later coup by Sultan Agung to be the Sultan of Banjar IX until year 1679, with the help of tribal Biaju and moved the capital to the River Prince, New York.
 1665: Prince Aji Dipati Maja became King Kusuma ing Martapura Kukar X until the year 1686.
 1766: Sultan of Sulu island Balambangan surrender to the British. [24]
 1667: I to King Solomon Panembahan Paser until the year 1680. He was the first ruler who holds Panembahan Paser.
 January 21, 1668: La Mohang Daeng Mangkona whose inhabitants founded the city of Samarinda is known as the Bugis Samarinda Seberang.
 1670: Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin from Sambas reigned until the year 1708.
 1672: Sultan Muhammad Syamsudin Sa’idul Khairiwaddien Nata, as the first ruler Sintang wear wear a higher degree of Sultan, ruled until 1737.
 1673: Muhyiddin XIV became the Sultan of Brunei until 1690.
 1675: Muhammad Syafeiuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until 16701675-1685.
 1680: Good Amirullah Kusuma ascended the throne back to Emperor Banjar X until the year 1700. Adam Panembahan I became Panembahan Paser until 1705. King Senggauk be Panembahan Mempawah.
 1686: Queen’s Court, the first woman to lead the Kutai Kingdom in 1700.
 January 18, 1689: Spreader Catholicism, Fr. Antonino Ventimiglia arrives at Banjarmasin from Goa, India. [25]
 June 25, 1689: Portuguese ships under the command of Captain Francesco Luigi Cottigno entering the island area plot in Kapuas district and establishing relationships with the tribe Dayak Ngaju [26].
 1690: Nassaruddin became Sultan of Brunei until the year 1705.
 1695: Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila II serving ruler until the year 1731.
 1698: Sultan Banjarmasin, Saidilah establish a contract with the UK.
 1699: In April, two of the English Captain Henry Watson and Cotesworth instructed to establish factory / warehouse in Yogyakarta. [27]
 1700: Hamidullah became Sultan Banjar XI until the year 1734. Prince Aji Old Dipati XII became the Sultan of Kutai which until the year 1710. In 1700 the war between the Hedgehog and Matan, because the seizure of diamond inheritance Kobi. Hedgehogs assisted by Bantam and VOC, because it then Bantam expressed Hedgehogs and Matan under the power of the Sultanate of Banten.

1601

the first British contack with what is indonesia date back to 1601 when Quen Elisabeth I sent an emissary to the sultan of Acheen (Aceh). correspondence from those early contacts is still exant in the british  library in london. World demand for spices had led the european powers to establish route to the indies, the island the today form the indonesia archipelago. Trading post and garrisons were won and lost in the European power struggle, but it was the dutch who came dominate the lucrative trade in spices.

 

1605

 

Early history of Christianity in Indonesia is not the same as the dawn of the Protestant Church. In 1605 the Christian religion is no longer a stranger in the archipelago. Mung * kin once the Christian merchants from Arab khalifa or from South India to set foot in Indonesia starting from the 7th century or the 8th AD In 1323-1324 a member of the Franciscan Order, Oderico de Pordenone, visiting Borneo, the palace of Majapahit, and Sumatra. Twenty years later a messenger from the Pope met with a number of Christians in Sumatra [SGA I, 34v]. However, in this era of Christianity has not been rooted in the Earth Indonesia. Congregations that there may not leave scars, and in any case consists only of migrants.

 

Conversely, the expansion of Christianity that took place in the 16th century laid the foundation of the church that stands today. Around the year 1500 entered the Roman Catholic mission coincided with the soldiers and Portuguese and Spanish traders. In those days people of Spain and Portugal had just managed to repel the Arab rulers of Europe, but the Islamic kingdoms in North Africa remains a security threat to Southern Europe. At that time the Turks launched a great attack in the name of Islam in Southeast Europe. They conquered Christian countries in the Balkan peninsula and in 1529 invaded the country instead of Germany. Europeans feel besieged, and attempting to make a counter-attack by moving the circular. That way they hope to also get direct access to areas of origin of luxury goods as long as it reached Europe through the mediator in the East Indies and Egypt or Turkey. Then they explore the ocean to find a way to “the Indies”, which is located behind the Turkish camp.For them, the Indian was a fairy tale, the source of unimaginable wealth. As he sailed westward, the Spaniards discovered America, which at first they thought were “the Indies” (so-called natives “Indians”). A few years later, the Portuguese managed to reach the “Indies” the truth, namely the Indian Ocean region, and immediately began a military and economic war against the Muslims there, who they view as a ally of the Turks. They are not strong enough to colonize a large area, but only seize or establish a series of fortress along the trade route that stretched from India to Indonesia and China Eastern. Main strongholds is Goa (west coast of India), Malacca (Malaysia area now), Ternate and Solor (off the coast of Flores), as well as the Macao (China offshore). From their base in America, the Spaniards colonize and Christianize the North and Central Philippine region. At a later date, their influence extends to the islands of Sangihe and North Maluku.

 

It is clear that the activities of Europeans in Indonesia, particularly the Portuguese, religious motives, military motifs, and motifs interwoven trade. So fortresses they have dual functions. In it there is a military barracks, warehouses for merchandise, and a church building. The priests serving the soldiers and merchants in the fort. Sometimes they also came out to bring Christianity to the natives who live around the fort. But in general spread of the gospel does not become their primary goal. Said one high official of the Portuguese era: “They come with a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other. But when they found wealth, they immediately rule out the cross and fill their pockets “. The most active group mission is to perform the work of the clergy of the order, in particular members of the Society of Jesus (SJ) who worked in Asia since the 1540s. Beside them, the Order of Franciscans and Dominicans also need to be called.

 

Laying the Basic Christian Church

 

Here we only give an outline of the history of Catholic missions in the 16th century and the 17th. Who want to know the ropes can find in the work history of the Catholic Church in Indonesia, Volume I, and the Yeast Carita I. We will successively discuss the development of western Indonesian archipelago and in the East.

 

At the time the Portuguese arrived in the archipelago, the inhabitants of coastal areas of Sumatra and Java had converted to Islam. After all, in terms of politics they are relatively compact, they have formed a powerful kingdom with a relatively large area, such as Aceh, Johor, Banten and Demak. Therefore, the mission did not succeed to get a foothold there. Only in the city of Malacca, which in the 1511-1641 period is the main stronghold in the east of Portuguese Goa, there is a rather large Christian congregation, headed by a bishop. But this congregation is made up of immigrants from Europe and their descendants. Elsewhere in the western part of the archipelago there is never a stable congregation.

.1612

in 1612, in Tolucco (Fort Hollandia). The main Dutch base of the  Moluccas remained however the fort of Malayo. In a few years, practically the greater part of the island of Ternate had been lost to the Spanish control. Great aid in this reached to the Dutch from their natural allies the Ternatens. In the same years in which these forts in Ternate were built, the Dutch control extended also to the other islands of the archipelago. Starting from 1608 also all the island of Makian was occupied by the Dutch who constructed to three fortresses long the coasts of the island. Makian was the richer island in absolute than nail of ambita garofano and that more from the Dutch who aimed to control the commerce of the spices. Another fortress, Fort Nassau, was built in 1609 in the island of Moti (Motir), island situated between Tidore and Maquiem (Machian), also this island was rich of cloves. In 1609, also the Spanish fort of Bachan was captured by the Dutch commandants vice admiral Simon Jansz Hoen. Practically after 1606, and between 1607 and 1610, the Dutch with theirs ally succeeded to force the Spanish on the defensive and took the control of great part of the islands. Under the Spanish control only remained the southern side of the island of Ternate (where was the main town of “Nuestra Seńora del Rosario”), the entire island of Tidore and some ports in the islands of Halmahera and Morotai. The Spanish garrisons had their headquarters in the islands of Ternate and Tidore where it’s often difficult to understand by the documents where were situated  the spanish “presidios”, the some “presidio” was sometimes called with different names causing not little difficulties to understand where and which was. In addition to a multitude of fortified places in Ternate and Tidore, the Spaniards maintained sometimes for a few years some garrisons also in the peripheral islands of Halmahera, Morotai and Sulawesi, these places were important  for the maintenance of the garrisons, because those islands were sources of sago and other indispensable food for   the maintenance of the garrisons and of the population of the islands of Ternate and Tidore, islands where because of the conformation of the land and the continuous state of war in which they were did not allow the cultivation of such products. Often the spanish garrisons depended for the refueling of food, dressed and ammunitions nearly exclusively from the so-called fleet of “soccorro” that  was sendt every year from the Philippines. When one of these fleets lacked to the appointment or because it was captured from the Dutch or because the bad weather who provoked frequent shipwrecks, were times of great lack for the Spanish soldiers of the garrisons and for the population of the Spanish city of Ternate. In spite of these deprivations and of the high human and material cost, the Spaniards maintained their own garrisons in Ternate, Tidore and in other islands, until 1663, year in which on order of the governor of the Philippines Manrique de Lara was decided the dismantling and the abandonment of all the garrisons of the Moluccas.

Major VOC posts and forts in the archipelago, 17th century

 

The Company’s initial interest was in obtaining spices from Maluku for direct shipment to Europe, and it established a fort in Ambon (Amboina) in 1605. Under the third Governor-General, J.P. Coen, however, the Company’s ambitions began to extend to taking part in trade within Asia. Coen decided that the Company needed a more central base and in 1619 founded a new headquarters, which he called Batavia, in the small trading city of Jayakarta on the northwestern coast of Java. In developing this so-called inter-Asian trade, the VOC made the most both of its capital reserves, which gave it disproportionate power in the market place, and its naval strength, which enabled it to sweep from the seas both pirates and Asian traders it now classified as smugglers because they infringed its monopolies.

 

The VOC’s interests in Indonesia were only part of its Asian empire. The Company had major trading operations in India and was the only European power permitted to trade in Japan. It came to control the islands of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and Formosa (now Taiwan), as well as a significant territory at the Cape of Good Hope. Most of the Company’s territories were ruled by governors subordinate to the Governor-General in Batavia; the gouvernement of Java’s Northeast Coast, therefore, was no more directly monitored from Batavia than was the distant Cape settlement. Even within the VOC structure, therefore, the ‘Netherlands Indies’, as a precursor to modern Indonesia, had no formal existence.

 

 

KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 17 (BERSAMBUNG)

KOLEKSI SEJARAH INDONESIA

ABAD KE 17

BAGIAN KETIGA

 

JAKARTA,17TH CENTURY

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Sumatra, first half of 17th century

The successors of Sultan Iskandar Muda were unable to maintain the empire he had created and in the middle of the 17th century, the Acehnese empire began to contract. Within Aceh, moreover, royal power dwindled in the hinterland with the rise of powerful regional warlords or uleëbalang. Although Aceh remained independent, it was never again a major power.

Meanwhile, Aceh’s main rival, Johor, was also in decline. From the north, the aggressive Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya had turned Kedah into a vassal, requiring its ruler to send as tribute an intricate gold and silver tree (bunga mas dan perak). Johor was also under pressure from the south. From the middle of the 17th century, the pepper kingdoms of Jambi and Palembang had grown increasingly independent of their Javanese overlords and had begun to develop close relations with the VOC. Palembang soon fell out with the VOC, which sent forces to destroy its capital in 1659, but Jambi continued to prosper, repudiating Mataram’s overlordship in 1663. By 1673, Jambi was powerful enough to attack Johor and to destroy its capital utterly. Johor’s rulers then shifted their court once again into the islands for fifteen years. The final blow to Johor’s standing came in 1699, with the assassination of the brutal Sultan Mahmud, which broke Johor’s dynastic link with the prestige of the Melaka sultanate.

The decline of Aceh and Johor gave new opportunities to the Minangkabau peoples of central Sumatra. Siak on the Sumatra coast opposite Johor, Indrapura on the west coast, and the small Minangkabau communities of Sungai Ujung and Rembau near Melaka all became virtually independent in this era.

1602

The founding of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on 20 March 1602 marked the worldwide start of share trading. The VOC was the first company to give private citizens the opportunity to participate in its capital, and the documents recording their participation are thought to be the oldest shares in the world. The Amsterdam stock exchange owns one of the few remaining copies of this very rare document, which is seldom seen by the public. This VOC share will also be on display during Visitor’s Day.

 

In 1602,

 

the English East India Company’s first voyage, commanded by Sir James Lancaster, arrived in Aceh, region of Indonesia, located on the northern tip of the island of Sumatra.  and sailed on to Bantam, where he was allowed to build trading post which becomes the centre of English trade in Indonesia until 1682. In this case, the Prince took the Dutch, arrival seriously as the Dutch had constructed many military. A military is an organization authorized by its greater society to use lethal force, usually including use of weapons, in defending its country by combating actual or perceived threats…

1602

The Dutch Company’s charter of 1602 empowered it to appoint public prosecutors in the name of the States-General for the conduct of judicial business in its fortresses beyond the Cape of Good Hope. The ordinances for the Dutch governor-general in 1617 authorized him not only to execute all civil and

 

1602

 

Muhammad Yusuf Tonggi

Pada Tahun 1595, Lapattawe’ Daeng serang yang tercatat menaklukan Laica’ dengan membunuh laica’ di tangga istananya, kemudian menjadi Raja pengganti pada tahun 1595-1602.

Pada Riwayat Luwu’E, Lapattawe’ Daeng Serang adalah Waliyullah Muhammad Madzamuddin yang riwayatkan menikahi Datu Suppa yang saat itu menjadi Komandan Patroli laut. Muhammad Madzamuddin diriwayatkan sebagai Pajung Luwu’ yang menyambung (kembali) hubungan Keluarga Luwu’-Bone dan Makassar. Muhammad Madzamuddin adalah seorang Panglima Perang yang bergelar Cornelis de Hout Man dalam karier Militernya

Perkataan Bijak Imam Besar berdarah Pranakan Afrika yang bergelar tentang Agama Ketuhan berkaitan dengan Budi Pekerti, dapat kita lihat dibawa ini:

 

 

Cape Town and harbour

criminal sentences, but also to delegate this function to the subordinate councils and proper officers of settlements at which the governor-general and council could not be present.

Age of VOC
The Italians are the first Europeans to visit Borneo in the 14th century, then followed by the Spanish, British, and Dutch.

Sambas kingdom is the first area that was under the influence of the Netherlands since the contract with the VOC made by Queen Sapudak (King Sambas) on October 1, 1609.

1615

Prince Jayawikarta apparently also had a connection with the English and allowed them to build houses directly across from the Dutch buildings in 1615. When relations between Prince Jayawikarta and the Dutch later deteriorated, his soldiers attacked the Dutch fortress which covered two main buildings, Nassau and Mauritus. But even with the help of 15 ships from the English, Prince Jayawikarta’s army wasn’t able to defeat the Dutch, for Jan Pieterszoon Coen

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

(J.P. Coen) came to Jayakarta just in time, drove away the English ships and burned the English trading post.

 

Things then changed for the Prince, when the Sultan of Banten sent his soldiers and summoned Prince Jayawikarta to establish a close relationship with the English without an approval of the Banten authorities. The relationships between both Prince Jayawikarta and the English with the Banten government then became worse and resulted in the Prince’s decision to move to Tanara, a small place in Banten, until his death. This assisted the Dutch in their efforts to establish a closer relationship with Banten. The Dutch had by then changed the name to “Batavia”, which remained until 1942.

.

In 1602 the Dutch set up the Dutch East Indies Company, Vereenigde Oostindie Compagnie in Dutch or VOC. In the Moluccas, the Dutch took a first Portuguese fort in 1605.

 

1605

Maluku people’s resistance against the Portuguese, the Dutch used to set foot in the Moluccas. In 1605, the Dutch managed to force the Portuguese to give up its defenses in Ambon to Steven van der Hagen and the Tidore to Sebastiansz Cornelisz. Similarly, the British fort at Kambelo, Seram Island, destroyed by the Dutch. Since then the Dutch managed to control large parts of Maluku.
The position of the Dutch in the Moluccas strengthened with the establishment of the VOC in 1602, and since then the Dutch became the sole ruler in the Moluccas. Under the leadership of Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Chief Operating VOC, clove trade in the Moluccas sepunuh under the control of VOC for nearly 350 years. For this purpose the VOC did not hesitate to drive out competitors, Portuguese, Spanish, and English. Even tens of thousands of people become victims of brutality VOC Maluku.

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

was appointed the VOC governor general for the Moluccas. He too wanted to set up an establishment in Java. He took Jayakarta in 1619. On the ruins of the Javanese town, he founded Batavia, which he named after the ancestors of the Dutch people, the Germanic tribe of the Batavians

Batavians

The Batavi were an ancient Germanic tribe, originally part of the Chatti, reported by Tacitus to have lived around the Rhine delta, in the area that is currently the Netherlands, “an uninhabited district on the extremity of the coast of Gaul, and also of a neighbouring island, surrounded by the…

.

1619

In 1619

instructions had been duly given to Van Speult to administer justice as governor of Amboyna in civil and criminal cases.

 

Under a tropical sun these almost stagnant waters, soaking into-the soft soil, produced malaria, and the city came to be regarded as the graveyard of Europeans; the wealthy classes took up their residence in the suburbs which formed the new town on the heights of Weltevreden, whither the government offices were removed. Within a few years canals have been filled up and drainage introduced, so that the city is considered tolerably healthy. The thermometer ranges from 65° to 90°. The old town is mainly inhabited by natives and the poorer Chinese. The city has a bank and a newspaper, and has recently been connected with Singapore by a telegraphic cable 600 m. long. Among the principal public buildings are the Lutheran church, military hospital, and exchange. – Batavia occupies the site of the former native city of Jacatra, which was seized in 1619 by the Dutch governor Jan Pieterszoon Koen, the Dutch having a few years before set up a factory here. The capital of the Dutch possessions in India was now removed from Amboyna to this place. In 1628-’9 the allied sovereigns of Bantam, Jacatra. and Mataram twice besieged the new city, with an army of 100,000 men, but were repulsed.

1613

1613

When the kingdom was ruled by Raden Sumedang bans Suriadiwangsa, stepchild Geusan Ulun of RTU Harisbaya, Sumedanglarang into Mataram territory since 1620. Since then the status Sumedanglarang any changes from the kingdom into districts under the name Sumedang District. Mataram make Priangan as a region in western defenses against possible attacks Banten forces, and or Company based in Batavia, because of Mataram under Sultan Agung (1613-1645) hostile to the Company and the conflict with the Sultanate of Banten.

 

 
 

 

To oversee the Priangan, Sultan Agung lift Raden Aria Suradiwangsa be Wedana Regent (Regent Chief) in Priangan (1620-1624), with the title of Prince Rangga Gempol Kusumadinata, known as Rangga Gempol I.

In 1624 the great Emperor ordered Rangga Gempol I to conquer the Sampang (Madura). Therefore, the position represented Regent Wedana Priangan of younger princes Rangga Gempol I Dipati Rangga Gede. Shortly after Prince Dipati Rangga Gede served as Regent Wedana, Sumedang attacked by forces of Banten. Since most forces left Sumedang Sampang, Prince Dipati Rangga Gede unable to cope with the attack. As a result, he received a political sanction of Sultan Agung. Prince Dipati Rangga Gede held in Mataram. Regent Position Wedana Priangan submitted to Dipati Ukur, provided that he should be able to seize power Batavia of the Company.

Sultan Agung in 1628 ordered Dipati Ukur to help troops attacked the Mataram Company in Batavia. But the attack failed. Dipati Ukur realize that as a consequence of the failure that he will receive punishment similar to that received by Prince Dipati Rangga big, or a heavier punishment again. Therefore Dipati Ukur and their followers to rebel against Mataram. After the attacks on the Company fails, they do not come to Mataram report the failure of his duty. Dipati Ukur actions were considered by the party as a rebellion against the rulers of Mataram kingdom of Mataram.

Dipati Ukur occurrence of insubordination and his followers made possible, partly because of the Mataram difficult to monitor directly Priangan region, due to the distance between the center of Mataram Kingdom with regional Priangan. Theoretically, if the area is very far from the centers of power, the power center in the region are very weak. However, thanks to the assistance some areas in Priangan Head, Mataram party to quell the rebellion finally Dipati Ukur. According to Soil History (Chronicle), Dipati Ukur caught on Mount Barn (Bandung district) in the year 1632.

After the “rebellion” Dipati Ukur deemed concluded, Sultan Agung handed back office to the Prince Regent Wedana Priangan Dipati Rangga Gede who has been free from punishment. In addition, reorganization of government in Priangan to stabilize the situation and condition of the area. Priangan area outside Sumedang and Galuh divided into three districts, namely Bandung District, County and District Parakanmuncang Sukapura raised by three regional heads of Priangan which is considered to have contributed to quell the rebellion Dipati Ukur.

Third person referred to is the regional head Astamanggala Ki, was appointed head nurse pennant Cihaurbeuti great (regent) of Bandung with a degree Tumenggung Wiraangunangun, Tanubaya as regent Parakanmuncang and Ngabehi Wirawangsa became regent Sukapura with Wiradadaha Tumenggung title. The three men were sworn in together on the basis “Piagem Sultan Agung”, issued on Saturday the 9th of Muharam Year Alip (Javanese calendar). Thus, on 9 Muharam Taun Alip not just an anniversary of Bandung Kabupagten but at the same time as the anniversary Sukapura District and County Parakanmuncang.

 

 

Bandung 1800

 

 

The establishment of Bandung regency, means in Bandung area changes occur mainly in the areas of government. The area originally was part (subordinate) of the kingdom (the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajararan then Sumedanglarang) with an unclear status, turned into a region with a clear administrative sttus, namely district.

After the third regent appointed Mataram in central government, they return to their respective regions. Sadjarah Bandung (manuscript) states that the Regent of Bandung Tumeggung Wiraangunangun along with his followers from returning to the Tatar Ukur Mataram. The first time they come to Timbanganten. Where the regent of Bandung get 200 count.

Next Tumenanggung Wiraangunangun together people build Krapyak, a place located on the shores near the mouth of the Citarum River Sungat Cikapundung, (suburb of the southern part of Bandung Regency) as the district capital. As the central area of ​​Bandung regency, Krapyak and the surrounding area called Earth chick Gede.

Bandung District administrative area under the influence of Mataram (until the end of the 17th century), not known for sure, because accurate source that contains data about it is not / has not been found. According to native sources, the early stages of data covering several areas of Bandung regency, among others, Tatar Ukur, including area Timbanganten, Kuripan, Sagaraherang, and partly Tanahmedang.

Perhaps, the area outside the District Priangan Sumedang, Parakanmuncang, Sukapura and Galuh, which originally was Tatar territory Measure (Measure Sasanga) in the reign of Dipati Ukur, an administrative area of ​​Bandung regency at that time. If the allegations are true, then the capital of Bandung regency with Krapyak, its territory includes the area Timbanganten, Gandasoli, Adiarsa, Cabangbungin, Banjaran, Cipeujeuh, Majalaya, Cisondari, cavities, Kopo, Ujungberung and others, including area Kuripan, Sagaraherang and Tanahmedang.

 

 

Bandung regency as one of the district which formed the Kingdom of Mataram, and under the influence of royal authority, the system of government in Bandung Regency has a system of government of Mataram. Regent has a variety of symbols greatness, special guards and armed soldiers. Symbol and attributes it adds a big and strong power and influence over his people Bupti.

The amount of power and influence of the regents, among others, indicated by the possession of the privileges normally dmiliki by the king. These rights are the rights referred to inherit the position, only to collect taxes in money and goods, ha obtained a labor (Ngawula), hunting and fishing rights and the right to prosecute.

 

 

 

With very limited direct supervision of the rulers of Mataram, it is no wonder if that time Regent of Bandung in particular and generally Priangan Regents ruling like a king. He ruled over the people and regions. Pemerinatahn System regent and lifestyle is miniature of palace life. In performing its duties, the regent assisted by his subordinate officials, such as governor, prosecutors, rulers, village headman or chief cutak (head of district), district (chief assistant district), patinggi (headman or village leader) and others.

Bandung regency under the influence of the Mataram until the end of 1677. Then Bandung regency in the hands of the Company. This It occurs due to Mataram-VOC agreement (first agreement) December 19 to 20 October 1677. Under the authority of the Company (1677-1799), Regent of Bandung and other Regents Priangan still serves as the supreme ruler of the district, with no bureaucratic ties with the Company.

 

 

District government system basically does not have changes, because the Company only demanded that the regents recognize the power of the Company, with a guarantee to sell certain products of the earth to the VOC. In this case, the regents must not engage in political relations and trade with other parties. One thing that changed was the office of regent Wedana removed. Instead, the Company raised Prince Aria Cirebon as a supervisor (opzigter) area of ​​Cirebon-Priangan (Cheribonsche Preangerlandan).

One of the main obligations of the regents of the Company is obliged to carry out the planting of certain crops, especially coffee, and deliver results. The system is called Preangerstelsel compulsory planting. Meanwhile, the regents must maintain security and order in his territory. Regents also must not appoint or dismiss employees without consideration of subordinates regent regent ruler of the Company or the Company in Cirebon. For the regents to implement obligations of the latter well, the influence of the regent in the field of religion, including income from that field, such as the penis nature, are not bothered whether the regents and the people (farmers) get paid upon delivery of a large coffee determined by the Company.

Until the end of the power of VOC-VOC end in 1779, Bandung regency capital is Krapyak. During the Bandung regency ruled for generations by the six regents. Tumenggung Wiraangunangun (the first regent) ankatan Mataram who ruled until 1681. Five other regents are force the regents of the Company namely Tumenggung Ardikusumah who ruled in 1681-1704, Tumenggung Anggadireja I (1704-1747), Tumenggung Anggadireja II (1747-1763), R. Anggadireja III with a degree of RA Wiranatakusumah I (1763-1794) and RA Wiranatakusumah II who ruled from 1794 until 1829. In the reign of regents RA Wiranatakusumah II, moved the capital of Bandung Regency from Karapyak to the city of Bandung.

 

In 1613,

prince Rangsang became king of Mataram

Mataram Sultanate

 

The Sultanate of Mataram was the last major independent Javanese empire on Java before the island was colonized by the Dutch. It was the dominant political force in interior Central Java from the late 16th century until the beginning of the 18th century….

in Central Java. The following year, he attacked the principality of Surabaya

Surabaya

 

Surabaya is Indonesia’s second-largest city with a population of over 2.7 million , and the capital of the province of East Java…

in the east. The man who would be remembered as Sultan Agung had started a series of successful campaigns against rival kingdoms and principalities on Java.

 

Coen’s next step was to secure control of the five tiny nutmeg-and mace-producing Banda Islands.

In 1621,

he led an expeditionary force there, and withing a few weeks rounded up and killed most of the 15,000 inhabitants on the islands. Three of the islands were then transformed into spice plantations managed by Duth colonists and worked by slaves.

In the years that followed, the Dutch gradually tightened their grip on the spice trade. From their base at Ambon, they attempted to “negotiate” a monopoly in cloves with the rulers of Ternate and Tidore. But “leakages” continued to occur.

 

17th century

In the south, the sultanate of Banjarmasin grew strong on the pepper trade. Large areas in the hills behind Banjarmasin were cleared for pepper cultivation and from the middle of the 17th century the region threw off its tradition of vassaldom to Java to become a significant regional power.

Banjarmasin’s heartland was the basin of the Barito River, especially the fertile uplands of Amuntai, but at the height of its power, it claimed suzerainty over all the coastal states from Kota Waringin to Bulungan, and even claimed some influence in Sintang in the Kapuas basin.

In the west, the main power at the beginning of the 17th century was Sukadana, a major exporter of diamonds and forest products, though its influence was being challenged by Sambas to the north, which was a vassal of Johor. The state of Landak came under Sukadana’s control in about 1600, but frequently sought its independence.

1622

In 1622, forces from Mataram conquered Sukadana. Mataram,

1623

Decoration from an Indian sword

The End of the Struggle: The Tragedy of Amboyna

1623

Events were now hastening to a catastrophe. The Dutch governor-general, Coen, while resolved to make the Archipelago an island empire for Holland, was too sagacious to imperil his plans by putting his nation openly in the wrong toward a great European power. He trusted to the treaty of 1619 itself to afford causes of quarrel, which would enable him to carry out the instructions given to the first Dutch governor-general, 1609–1614, and steadily reiterated ever since, that “the commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should possess the least part.” But Coen’s far-reaching policy was beyond the grasp of his bluff ship-captains, with their flaming broadsides, or of the angry isolated Dutch agents, a thousand miles apart, with their forts and prison cells.

Coen himself believed that the treaty alone stood in the way of his triumph over the English. Our Admiral Dale, stricken with fever, and fearful lest the Bantamese might sacrifice the English to make terms with the Dutch, had shipped off our goods and factors from Bantam in the summer of 1619, sought an asylum for them on the east coast of India, and there died. The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619, and four others off Sumatra in October. Our alliance with the Prince of Bantam, to capture the half-built Dutch fort at Jacatra (Batavia) in the beginning of that year, furnished Coen with a cause of war against us, and placed him in the right from the point of view of European diplomacy. The arrival, early in 1620, of the treaty of July, 1619, snatched the prey from between his hands. “The English ought to be very thankful to you,” he wrote to the Dutch directors in Holland, “for they had worked themselves very nicely out of the Indies, and you have placed them again in the midst.”

If, however, he had to obey the treaty, he could use it for his own ends. The English would have liked. to resettle at Bantam, but Coen resolved not only to destroy the trade of that port but to force the English to live under his own eye at Batavia. After some negotiation the joint Council of Defence, established in Java by the treaty, agreed to blockade Bantam in 1620, and thus accomplished both his objects. For, although the English soon withdrew, they had compromised themselves with the Bantam prince, and the Dutch fleet was strong enough to continue the blockade without them.

Court of Directors, East India House

In Batavia Coen made our position so miserable that in July, 1620,

we had to keep a ship there as a floating warehouse, “having no place on shore.” In 1621 the English almost gave up Java in despair, and part of them again sought a refuge on the Indian coast. In August, 1622, Thomas Drockedon, our agent at Batavia, asked leave from the directors in London to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch.”

His situation was a mournful one. So far from restitution having been made to us under the treaty of 1619, we were compelled to supply “incredible sums” for fortifications which the Dutch did or did not build, but which could only be a menace to ourselves. We had been dragged into a war with Bantam, from which we could derive no benefit, and which shut us out from the chief pepper mart. The civil and criminal jurisdiction was exercised by the Dutch to publicly insult us. We were placed on a level with “the blacks,” whose bare affirmation was taken against us. We might not “kill a wild hog or gather a cocoanut in the wood without leave.” The Dutch had flogged William Clarke, steward of the English factory, in the market-place, “cruelly cutting his flesh, and then washed him with salt and vinegar, and laid him again in irons.” The English watch had been imprisoned for eight days and threatened with torture, to force them to make false confessions against the president of our council. What seemed to the Dutch their lawful jurisdiction, the English regarded as oppression.

For another alleged plot twelve natives had been condemned to be quartered, and the rest of the accused to perpetual slavery in chains. The torture failed to elicit anything against the English; but if it could have given the Dutch “any advantage against us,” we should have had no mercy. “Wherefore,” wrote in 1622 our President Furgand and council at Batavia,

“we earnestly desire speedily to be released from this bondage.” A similar attempt was made in the island of Pularoon to extort confessions against the English by cruel torments of the natives. Thus was rehearsed alike in the capital of Dutch India and in the distant Nutmeg Isles, that tragedy of torture which was so soon to be enacted at Amboyna. In the still remoter seas, as we learn from a letter of Richard Cocks, dated Nagasaki, 10th March, 1620, the Hollanders, with seven ships at Japan, had, “with sound of trumpet,” “proclaimed there open war against the English, as their mortal enemies.”

The Clove and Nutmeg Isles, including among them Amboyna, Banda, and Pularoon, lay, it will be remembered, at the south-eastern end of the Spice Archipelago. The Dutch claimed the sovereignty over them, by the conquest of Amboyna from the Portuguese in 1605, and in virtue of many treaties. The English had a set of counter-claims based on the free surrender of Pularoon to us in 1616, of Lantor or Great Banda in 1620, and on compacts with other chiefs. We had also an agency at Amboyna under the Dutch-English treaty of 1619. The Dutch with an overwhelming force expelled us from Lantor and Pularoon in 1621–1622. Our gallant agent, Nathaniel Courthorpe, who, in “much want and misery,” held Pularoon from 1616 to 1620, sometimes with but thirty-eight men to resist the “force and tyranny” of the Hollanders, had been mortally wounded in a sea-fight, and threw himself overboard rather than see his ship strike her flag.

 

Herman van Speult,

governor of the neighbouring island of Amboyna,

1618-1623

Herman van Speult (?? – Mocha, Yemen, August 1626) was a merchant in service of the Dutch East India Company. Van Speult left the island Texel in 1613, heading for Bantam and arrived after a journey of ten months. He was formerly employed in Spain, “whence he came, if report be true, full of the pox.”[1]

He was active as governor of Ambon from 1618 until 1625.

was regarded at headquarters as “too scrupulous” in his fiscal administration.

1622

They were further enforced by the Dutch governor-general’s express sanction to Van Speult in October, 1622, to deal unhesitatingly with conspiracies.

A candid examination of the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1619 shows that its jurisdiction clause referred only to questions of trade and joint defence, and left the criminal and civil jurisdiction untouched.

1623

 

Nor could the pronouncement of King James in 1623 seriously affect the issue, for the Dutch repudiated it as never having been accepted by (perhaps not even communicated to) their representatives. The States-General consistently maintained their civil and criminal jurisdiction in their settlements throughout the Spice Archipelago. As a matter of fact, the English in the Dutch settlements had been steadily subjected to that jurisdiction, although they groaned under it, and their very complaints to the directors in London prove their practical submission to its most irksome forms.

The general law of Europe at that time prescribed judicial torture as a proper and an almost necessary means for arriving at the truth. Dutch jurisprudence went so far as to declare that, in eases similar to that of Amboyna, a public prosecutor could demand sentence of death only on the confession of the accused.

The judges therefore, after satisfying themselves by independent proof of the guilt of the accused, had to obtain his confession; without torture if possible, by torture if not. But the Dutch ordinances of 1570 provided safeguards against the abuse of this method, and insisted on indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or a reasonable presumption of guilt before the torture was resorted to.

In England torture, although unrecognized by the common law, was employed in state trials by the Privy Council or High Commission Court in virtue of the royal prerogative. “The rack seldom stood idle in the Tower,” writes Hallam, “for all the latter part of Elizabeth’s reign.” Lord Burleigh defended its use, as the accused “was never so racked but that he was perfectly able to walk and to write;” and “the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the rack, were ever by those that attended the examinations specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as such a thing might be.” “In the highest cases of treason,” wrote Lord Bacon in 1603, “torture is used for discovery and not for evidence.”

James I had perhaps less right than any other English sovereign to complain of its use by the Dutch. As King of Scotland he had not only sanctioned torture in alleged cases of conspiracy and witchcraft, but had in 1596 authorized even a subordinate court – the provost and baillies of Edinburgh – to try rioters by torture. As King of England he had in 1605 racked Guy Fawkes, per gradus ad ima, and

 

 

 

 

 

 

In January, 1623,

the Governor-General Coen, when departing for Europe, enjoined strict justice, and mentioned Amboyna as a place where no English encroachments were to be allowed. “Trust them not,” he said,

any more than open enemies … not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out.” His farewell instructions merely reiterated the principles on which he had always insisted. “Trust the English no more than a public enemy ought to be trusted,” he wrote two months previously to Banda, the agency nearest Amboyna. This policy of suspicion, and of “not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out,” was now to be enforced with a stupid violence which the great governor-general might perhaps have anticipated, but which he would have been the first to condemn.

By the beginning of 1623 the Dutch found themselves completely masters of the Clove and Nutmeg Archipelago. At the principal clove island, Amboyna, they had, according to the English statement founded upon depositions on oath, a fortress garrisoned by two hundred Dutch soldiers, with three or four hundred native troops, including some thirty Japanese, and further protected by eight vessels in the roadstead. The English numbered eighteen men, scattered between five small factories on different islands, very badly off, with a few slaves, “just six and all boys.” In their house at Amboyna only three swords, two muskets, and half a pound of powder were found. The nearest English support was the Banda agency, at a distance across the sea, and containing but nine of their countrymen. English ships seldom came to Amboyna, and not one was then near. Our president in council at Java had in fact resolved to withdraw the petty English factories at Amboyna and throughout the Clove and Nutmeg

The fortress at Amboyna

Archipelago. He had even arranged with the Dutch governor-general for their transport to Batavia in Holland ships. In February, 1623, orders to this effect were on their way from our president in Batavia to Amboyna.

They arrived too. late. On the evening of February 10, 1623,

a Japanese soldier of the Dutch garrison had some talk with the sentries about the number of the troops and the times of changing the watch. When questioned by the Governor Van Speult next day, February 11th, he explained that he had merely chatted with the soldiers “for his own amusement.” Indeed, the steward of the Dutch factory afterwards declared that “it was an usual speech amongst soldiers to enquire one of another how strong the watch might be, that they might know how many hours they might stand sentinel.”

Van Speult was, however, on the lookout for conspiracy, and perhaps anxious to redeem his reputation from the charge of slackness at headquarters. In the previous summer he had written to the Governor-General Coen about the English at Amboyna: “We hope to direct things according to your orders that our sovereignty shall not be diminished or injured in any way by their encroachments, and if we may hear of any conspiracies of theirs against the sovereignty, we shall with your sanction do justice to them, suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In October, 1622, Coen gave this sanction. In February, 1623, the opportunity arrived. Van Speult put the Japanese soldier to the torture, and after he had “endured pretty long,” wrung from him an accusation against the English. His statement was signed by the unhappy man on the day of his torment, in direct contravention of the Dutch law that one who had confessed under torture should be re-heard to confirm it not sooner than twenty-four hours afterwards, “ne durare adhuc tormentorum metus videatur.”

Eight or nine other Japanese soldiers in the service of the Dutch, whose names he had mentioned, denied the plot, but were tortured on that and the following day, until a complete story of treason was evolved.

“Wailing and weeping by reason of their extreme tortures with burning, they were carried by slaves to prison, for it was not possible of themselves to go on their feet.” Such was the statement made by the steward of the Dutch factory regarding the affair.

The handful of English, ran the improbable tale, had solemnly sworn on New Year’s Day to seize the fort upon the arrival of an English ship, or during the absence of the Dutch governor, and had employed to corrupt the Japanese soldiers so unlikely an agent as a drunken barber, or barber-surgeon, Abel Price. This man already lay in the Dutch prison for threatening to set fire to a house in a frenzy of liquor. On February 15th, as the records show, he, too, was haled to the torture-chamber, and made to “confess whatever they asked him.”

A ship of the Seventeenth Century

The English treated as ridiculous the story that eighteen men, scattered over the two islands of Amboyna and Ceram, at the factories of Amboyna, Hittou, Larica, Loho, and Cambello, should dare conspire to take a fort from two hundred Dutch and three or four hundred native soldiers with eight Holland vessels in the harbour, and they went about their business as usual. But Van Speult, now armed with the confession under torture of his prisoner, the drunken English barber, seized our chief agent, Towerson, and the other factors at Amboyna, put them in irons, and swept in the whole English from the four outlying factories between February 15th and 23d – just eighteen men all told.

Of the extraordinary proceedings that followed we have six accounts by eye-witnesses. First, the minutes of the court, kept by the Greffier or secretary: minutes so irregular and incomplete as to call forth the censure of the Dutch governor-general, and to invalidate them as a judicial record under the Dutch law. Second, the solemn dying messages of the victims written on the pages of their prayer-books or other furtive scraps of paper. Third, the statements of certain members of the Dutch Council at Amboyna who formed the court, when called to account by the governor-general at Batavia two and a half years later (October, 1625). These latter admit the use of torture, passed over in silence by the minutes, but state that it was slight. Fourth, the depositions of six Englishmen who survived, taken on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of the Admiralty, in 1624. Fifth, the answers of certain of the Amboyna judges to interrogatories in 1628. Sixth, the statement of the steward of the Dutch factory, who also acted as interpreter during the trial. It was laid before Lord Dorchester and Secretary Coke in 1629. This man, George Forbis or Forbisher, a native of Aberdeen, and little likely to favour the English Company which persuaded James to cancel the charter granted to the Scotch, had long served the Dutch in the East, and was found on board a Dutch ship stayed by royal command at Portsmouth in 1627. He had continued in the Dutch service for two years after the trial. His declaration closely corresponds with the depositions of the English survivors.

In my narrative I fairly consider all the foregoing materials, together with the pamphlet literature which quickly sprang up7. I have also checked the “True Relation” from the depositions on oath.

That evidence consisted entirely of confessions wrung from the accused by torture. The ransacking of the English factories yielded not a single incriminating letter, or other corroborative piece of testimony, as is proved by the answer of Joosten, the Dutch officer who examined the papers. The Dutch began with John Beaumont and Timothy Johnson. Beaumont, an elderly man for India and an invalid, was left with a guard in the hall, while Johnson was taken into another room. Presently Beaumont heard him “cry out very pitifully; then be quiet for a little while, and then loud again.” Johnson long refused to confess, but after an hour he was “brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body.”

One Englishman, Edward Collins, gave evidence, according to the Dutch, without torture. But the narrative founded upon the depositions of the surviving Englishmen on oath states that Collins was tied up for the torture, and the cloth put about his throat. “Thus prepared he prayed to be respited and he would confess all. Being let down he again vowed and protested his innocency,” but for fear of the torture asked them what he should say. This was not enough and he was tortured, but not being able to endure it long, he made a confession helped out by the Dutch prosecutor. Collins himself confirmed this statement on oath and produced three witnesses who “heard him many times roar very pitifully, being in the next room, and saw him come out, having no doublet on, his shirt all wet, his face swollen and his eyes starting out of his head.” From February 15th to 23d the cruel process went on. According to the English statements, the prisoners, even while confessing under the torture, declared in the same breath that they were not speaking truth. In the case of Collins, the “fiscal,” or prosecutor, forced leading questions upon him, till one of the Dutch themselves exclaimed: “Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak for himself.” John Wetheral having been four times tied up, they were at length obliged to read out to him the confessions of the other victims until the poor wretch merely “answered yea to all.” He “prayed them to tell him what he should say or to write down what they would; he would subscribe it.” John Clarke stood the ordeal so bravely that “the tormentors reviled him, saying that he was a devil … or a witch.” So they “cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein.” They then went on with the torture – burning him with candles on the feet, hands, elbows, and “under the armpits until his inwards might evidently be seen.” The English declared that no surgeon was allowed to dress the sores “until, his flesh being putrefied, great maggots dropt and crept from him in most loathsome and noisome manner.” Authority for all these statements may be found in the first pamphlet, “A True Relation.”

According to the English accounts each confession was wrung forth by torture. The Dutch minutes of the trial conceal the fact of torture at all, and thus violate a fundamental rule of the Dutch criminal procedure. The members of the Amboyna council, who sat as judges, acknowledged on oath that twelve of the English were tortured by water and two of them also by fire, but stated that one (Beaumont) was only tortured a little on account of his age and feeble health.

The judges also pleaded in their defence that the torture was in no case extreme, indeed of a “civil” sort.

What it exactly amounted to we know from eye-witnesses. The accused man was hoisted up and tied spread-eagle fashion in a doorway. In the water torment “they bound a cloth about his neck and face so close that little or no water could go by. That done they poured the water softly upon his head until the cloth was full up to the mouth and nostrils … till his body was swollen twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead.” It was the  slow agony of bursting, joined to the acute but long-drawn-out agony of suffocation. In the fire torture, they held lighted candles beneath the most sensitive parts of the body – under the armpits, the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet. Emmanuel Thomson, like John Clarke, it was said, had no surgeon to dress his burnt flesh, so that no one “was able to endure the smell of his body.”

To the torture by fire and water, admitted by the Dutch, the English accounts add “the splitting of the toes, and lancing of the breast, and putting in gunpowder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left entire, neither for innocency nor execution. Clarke and Thomson were both fain to be carried to their execution, though they were tortured many days before.” But the Dutch admissions suffice.

Towerson, who steadily asserted his innocence, on being confronted with some who had confessed, charged them as they would answer it at the dreadful day of judgment, they should speak nothing but the truth.” The sufferers implored his forgiveness and declared all they had said was false. But, threatened again with torture, they reaffirmed their confessions. The spirit of the miserable little band was completely broken.

Even Van Speult felt that he might be going too far, and for some days hesitated as to whether he should not remit the case to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia. But the English president and council at Batavia had, on January 10–20, 1623, resolved to withdraw their oppressed factories from the Moluccas, Amboyna, and the Clove and Nutmeg Isles. They had indeed thanked the Dutch president and council for agreeing to bring them away in Flemish ships. Orders in this sense were simultaneously sent to our agents at Banda and elsewhere. The Calendar of State Papers of the East Indies for 1622–1624 (p. 398) shows that while the tortured men lay waiting their doom, two Holland ships arrived from Batavia, bringing the letter from the English president and council ordering the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna. “Which letter was opened and read by the Dutch governor while our people were yet in prison and not executed, and might well have secured him that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aid of shipping, whatever the English had through fear of torture confessed.” The statement is confirmed by Van Speult’s own admissions, and it gives a darker shade to his resolve on instant judgment.

The public prosecutor was instructed to demand sentence. This, according to the minutes, he did with irregular brevity – twenty-one lines of writing in all. According to the Dutch procedure, his requisition should have given a summary of the facts and evidence, which it did not. It should certainly have specified the separate names of the accused Englishmen, while it only contained that of Gabriel Towerson “and his creatures and accomplices.” These were not the omissions of ignorance. The “fiscal” who conducted the case was a lawyer, and in his haste for condemnation,

A scene at Darjiling

he set at defiance the safeguards of procedure which even the Dutch law prescribed. His demand was really the demand of Sieyes at the trial of Louis XVI – La Mort sans phrase.

On February 25, 1623, or February 23d

(for there are discrepancies as to the date), the prisoners, with certain exceptions, were condemned to death. The English from outlying factories, who had not even been at Amboyna at the time of the alleged plot, were released; three others were allowed to draw lots for their life; and in the end the elderly Beaumont and the terrified Collins were sent to give evidence at Batavia as “men condemned and left to the mercy of the governor-general.” Captain Towerson manfully proclaimed the iniquity of the proceedings. When ordered to indite a confession, he wrote out a protestation of his innocence. The governor gave it to the interpreter to read out in Dutch, “which I could not do,” said that officer, “without shedding of tears.” He had also to translate a dying declaration secretly written by Towerson in a Bible which he asked Van Speult to send to his friends in England – “which Bible after that time I never saw or heard mentioned.”

Yet some last words reached the outer world. William Griggs wrote in his Table-book, which was secretly saved by a servant: “We through torment were constrained to speak that which we never meant nor once imagined. … They tortured us with that extreme torment of fire and water that flesh and blood could not endure. … Written in the dark.” Captain Towerson wrote much; but all was suppressed, except an unnoticed sentence appended to his signature to a bill of debt due from the English Company: “Firmed by the Firm [i.e. signature] of me Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die, guiltless of anything that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt and receive me to His mercy. Amen.”

The old East India House (about 1650)

Samuel Colson, imprisoned with six of the others, on board the Dutch ships in the roads, wrote the following in his prayer-book and had it sewed up in a bed: “March 5, stilo novo, being Sunday, aboard the Rotterdam, lying in irons.” “Understand that I, Samuel Colson, late factor of Hitou, was apprehended for suspicion of conspiracy; and for anything I know must die for it: wherefore having no means to make my innocence known, have writ in this book hoping some good Englishman will see it. I do here upon my salvation, as I hope by His death and passion to have redemption for my sins, that I am clear of all such conspiracy; neither do I know any Englishman guilty thereof nor any other creature in the world. As this is true, God bless me, Sam. Colson.” In another part of the book, at the beginning of the Psalms, he declared: “As I mean and hope to have pardon for my sins, I know no more than the child unborn of this business.” These statements were written three or four days before the execution of the death sentence, as “March 5, stilo novo,” would correspond to February 23d, if we take the English dates.

On February 26th (English date) the prisoners were brought into the hall of the castle to be prepared for death. Captain Towerson was taken into the torture-chamber with “two great jars of water carried after him. What he there did or suffered is unknown to the English without, but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession” – a confession of a plot so wild that, had it ever entered a man’s brain, “he should,” in the words of the English Company, “rather have been sent to bedlam … than to the gallows.”

The condemned men still protested their innocence. “Samuel Colson spake with a loud voice saying, According to my innocency in this treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins; and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me never be partaker of Thy heavenly joys. At which words every one of the rest cried Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them knowing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation,” under the torture; “and they all freely forgave one another, for none had been so falsely accused, but he himself had accused another as falsely.” Their last “doleful night they spent in prayer, singing of psalms and comforting one another,” refusing the wine which the guards offered them, “bidding them to drink lustick and drive away the sorrow.”

Next day, February 27th (English date), the ten Englishmen8, nine Japanese, and the Portuguese captain of slaves were led out to execution “in a long procession round the town,” through crowds of natives who had been summoned by beat of drum “to behold this triumph over the English.”

It is not needful, after the fashion of that time, to accept as manifestations of divine wrath a “great darkness” and hurricane which immediately followed, and drove two Dutch ships from their anchorage; or the pestilence, said to have swept away one thousand people. The innocence of Towerson and his fellow sufferers rests upon no such stories, whether false or true. The improbability of the enterprise, the absence of any evidence except such as was wrung forth under torments, the neglect of the safeguards imposed by the Dutch law on judicial torture, the dying declarations of the victims – suffice to convince any unbiassed mind that the ten Englishmen were unjustly done to death. This, too, without insisting on the circumstance that would place Van Speult’s conduct in the darkest light – his being on the outlook for conspiracies; or on the arrival of the English letter during the trial ordering the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna; or on the existence of Dutch ships in the harbour which might even, if the shore prison were overcrowded, have carried those accused of the supposed conspiracy for judgment to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia, or served for their confinement till his confirmation of the proceedings was obtained.

Van Speult took possession of our Amboyna and neighbouring factories; “the poor remnant of the English” were removed to Batavia; and the great design for driving us out of the Clove and Nutmeg Isles was accomplished.

When the news of the tragedy reached England fifteen months later – May 29, 1624 – a cry of execration arose. The Company demanded justice. With English self-control it repressed irresponsible discussion by its members, and resolved, on June 16th, to trust to the state “to call for an account of the lives of the king’s subjects.” The governor refrained from speech until he was assured of the facts, and it was not until July 2d that he brought the matter officially before a general court of the Company.

The first feeling indeed was one of incredulity at so abominable an outrage on innocent men. King James apprehended the fact to be so foul … he could not believe it,” and, when convinced, threatened to extort reparation from Holland. At the Royal Council table “sundry of the greatest shed tears.” But James had resolved to break with Spain, in wrath at the treatment of Prince Charles on his knight-errant quest at Madrid for a Spanish wife in 1623. War with Spain meant an alliance with Holland, whose twelve years’ truce with Spain had also expired. Dutch envoys were, indeed, at that moment in London, negotiating a treaty of offence and defence. So the king and his Council dried their eyes, and the Dutch diplomats joyfully returned home, praising the good-will of a monarch who had said not a word about “the late accident at Amboyna.” Nor were courtiers wanting who blamed the Company for raising a difficulty “when his Majesty had resolved to aid the Dutch.”

Very different was the temper of the nation.

On July 2, 1624,

the governor of the Company declared that assuredly “God the Avenger of all such bloody acts will in His due time bring the truth to light” – “the unspeakable tyrannies done upon those unfortunate men, which is able to amaze the Christian world.” They still hoped that the king would help them; but their best comfort was that when man is at the weakest then God is strongest. On July 9th a general court of the Company decided that unless justice were “done on those Dutch that have in so great fury and tyranny tortured and slain the English,” the Company must wind up and “fetch home what they have in the Indies.” A petition in this sense was voted to the king – “and according to his answer and proceeding the trade to stop or proceed.” On July 11th they waited on the king in his bedchamber with the memorial, together with “A True Relation,” and received his promise of “a speedy reparation from the Dutch by the strength of his own arm, if they did it not suddenly themselves.”

The cry for revenge had gathered a strength which not even James could resist. Chamberlain, the Horace Walpole of his time, wrote to the English ambassador in Holland that “we should stay or arrest the first Indian ship that comes in our way, and hang up upon Dover cliffs” as many Dutchmen as had taken part in the outrage, “and then dispute the matter afterwards. For there is no other course to be held with such manner of men, as neither regard law nor justice, nor any other respect of equity or humanity, but only make gain their god.” The Company was believed to have collapsed. No man would pay in any money to it. If the king would not help, it was wildly propounded at a general court on July 22d, to “join with the Portugals and root the bloody Dutch out of the Indies.”

Marwario merchants, or traders of the Indies

The “True Relation” presented to James on July 11, 1624, had touched the sentimental fibre in his weak nature. On July 16th he promised to make stay of Dutch vessels if satisfaction were not given, and even offered to become himself a shareholder in the Company, and to allow its ships to sail under the royal standard. This offer of greatness thrust upon it, the Company respectfully declined. The king meanwhile ordered his ambassador at The Hague to demand satisfaction from the States-General before August 12th, under threat of reprisals by hanging, or even “an irreconcilable war.”

These were brave words, and if the Dutch Government had believed they would be followed by action, they might have proved decisive. For the outrage of Amboyna had come as an unpleasant surprise to the Dutch Company, and as a serious embarrassment to the Dutch Government. The governor-general at Batavia spoke his mind as freely as he dared to Van Speult. The Company in Holland, while making the best case they could against the English claims for compensation, refrained from sending back Coen to the East, although they had reappointed him governor-general in 1624. Members of the States-General openly expressed their disgust. The Prince of Orange wished that Van Speult with all his council had been hanged on a gibbet before they began “to spell this tragedy.”

The States-General accordingly appointed deputies to treat with our ambassador. But an English observer wrote that, although the king spoke valiantly, he could wish his Majesty would say less, so that he would do more. The Dutch deputies played on his irresolution, and the time allowed for redress expired. When at length, on October 15th, a royal warrant was issued for the seizure of Flemish ships, our ambassador at The Hague advised that this extremity should be avoided, and the Dutch were somehow warned of the danger. In November, 1624, the London Company officially informed the lord admiral that Holland ships were in the Straits of Dover, but they were allowed to pass unharmed.

The English Company was forced to realize that, in trusting to the royal support, it leaned on a broken reed. In July it had demanded satisfaction under three heads:, justice against the murderers, compensation for injuries, and absolute separation from the Dutch Company in the East. In October it despondently reduced its claims to the safe removal of the English from Batavia; the question of jurisdiction and Council of Defence; and the right to erect forts, and to be treated by the Dutch as allies and friends. James would not fight, and the Dutch knew it. They were willing enough to accept the first condition and allow the safe removal of the English from Batavia. But, while dangling before us a compromise, they would never surrender their sovereign jurisdiction in the Spice Islands or allow the English to erect fortifications.

On March 25, 1625, King James died.

Palace of Jahangir at Agra

1604

By this time the facts were well known in England. A certain simplicity in Towerson’s character gave additional pathos to his death. He had sailed on the Company’s second voyage in 1604 and obtained his admission as a freeman gratis in recognition of long service. Eighteen checkered years brought him to the chief agency at Amboyna in 1622, with a salary of £10 a month. Once indeed he had emerged for a moment. Having married the Indian widow of Captain Hawkins, he attempted for a time to make a figure not justified either by her position or his own.

In 1617

Sir ThomasRoe, our ambassador to the Moghul Emperor Jahangir, wrote that Towerson “is here arrived with many servants, a trumpet, and more show than I use.” In 1620 we find him back in England vainly soliciting the command of a ship, and returning to the Archipelago along with other factors in “the great cabin of the Anne.”

The contemporary records show that he had not gained caution with years. Arriving at Amboyna in May, 1622, he became a close friend of the Dutch Governor Van Speult and gave him his entire confidence. In June of that year, as we saw, Van Speult was on the lookout for conspiracies and asking the Dutch governor-general at Batavia for leave to deal with them “suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In September Towerson, on the other hand, wrote to the English president at Batavia in warm terms of Van Speult’s “courtesies” and “love.” He asks our president to send Van Speult a complimentary letter, together “with some beer or a case of strong waters, which will be very acceptable to him.”

The president and council at Batavia saw more of the game. “In such kind of courtesy,” they replied in December, 1622, “we know he is free enough, but in your main affairs you will find him a subtle man.” There was to be no beer or case of strong waters for Van Speult. On the contrary, “be careful you be not circumvented in matters of importance, through his dissembling friendship.” This warning they followed up next month by commanding Towerson and his subordinates to quit Amboyna. “Prepare and make yourself ready to come away from thence with all the rest of the factors in the Dutch ship, except two you may leave there at Amboyna to keep house until our further order.”

Meanwhile Towerson continued his unsuspecting course. On January 1, 1623, he gave his official dinner to the little English group at Amboyna – the regular New Year’s Day party which was to serve the Dutch fiscal as a ground-work for the alleged conspiracy. How far any thoughts of seizing Amboyna were from the minds of the English may be known by the letter of our president and council in March, 1622, to the Company, desiring to retire even from Batavia; by Brockedon’s petition in August, 1622, for leave to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch;” and by the orders of January, 1623, to Towerson and other outlying agencies to withdraw to Batavia with the English under their charge. Towerson, “a sincere, honest, and plain man without malice,” as one of the Amboyna free burghers and a servant of the Dutch Company described him, discerned not the signs of the times, and the letter ordering him to leave Amboyna was intercepted by the Dutch governor Van Speult. So he went to his death – ” that honest good man, Captain Towerson, whom I think in my conscience was so upright and honest toward all men, that he has harboured no ill will of any.”

Such a character is pretty sure of sympathy from the English middle classes, always indulgent to sturdy mediocrity, especially of the jovial sort. The story

De Houtman’s Map of the sea route to India, Batavia, and Java, in 1597

Blank page of Amboyna gathered round his name, until it reached Dryden’s version of a murderous plot by Van Speult against Towerson in revenge for his killing Van Speult’s son in a duel. In 1625 the legend was still a long way from this climax. But the last weeks of King James’s life had been harassed by popular demonstrations. In February, 1625, the Dutch living in London complained to the lords of the Council that on the coming Shrove Tuesday they would be in danger from the fury of the people. Besides the pamphlets spread broadcast, a play was to be publicly acted setting forth the sufferings of the English; and a great picture had been painted, “lively, largely, and artificially,” of their tortures and execution. The reins were falling from the old king’s hands, and the Council gently admonished the Company not to exhibit this picture – at least till Shrove Tuesday be passed.

Next month, March, 1625, Charles succeeded to the throne. The main business of our ambassador at The Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton (afterwards Viscount Dorchester), was to strengthen the affiance of Holland with England against Spain, and he groaned audibly over the new labours and awkward questions to which the Amboyna imbroglio gave rise. Charles, keenly resentful of his personal treatment when in quest of a wife at Madrid, was eager to send a fleet to the Spanish coast, and promised large subsidies to the Protestant league in the North. The Amboyna difficulty had to be got out of the way, and

in September, 1625,

Charles agreed to make no reprisals on the Dutch ships for eighteen months, and at the same time appeased the London Company by promising that if, by that time, justice were not done, he would proceed to hostilities. This is shown by the treaty of Southampton, September 7, 1625.

A Typical Eastern Scene

But before the expiration of the eighteen months Charles had quarrelled with his Parliament and found a war with France oh his hands. The Dutch were masters of the situation and they knew it. So far from their giving satisfaction for Amboyna, Coen went out as governor-general for a second time in March, 1627, in spite of the protests of the English Company, who regarded his policy as the main source of their sorrows. When in April, 1627, the States-General were reminded that the eighteen months had elapsed, they dexterously got the question transferred to the law courts, and offered to proceed by way of a legal prosecution against the Amboyna judges who had sentenced the English to death.

Here they were on safe ground. Preliminary difficulties at once arose. The Dutch naturally insisted that the tribunal should be a Dutch one sitting in Holland. King Charles objected to his subjects being required to leave their country and prosecute before a foreign court beyond the seas. The feeling both in England and Holland was that, while the States-General would gladly have seen the matter settled, the directors of the Dutch Company were so intermingled with the Dutch Government that no justice would be done.

English protests against the re-appointment of Coen passed unheeded, and in August, 1627, Carleton despaired of redress from a government controlled by the votes of the interested parties, among whom “one oar which holds back, stops more than ten can row forward.” In September, however, a tribunal of seven Dutch judges was constituted, three from the high and four from the provincial council.

Meanwhile Charles, with the rising tide in Parliament and in the nation against him, was anxious to keep the London Company his friends. In a moment of vigour, he stayed three Dutch ships off Cowes (September, 1627) and held them fast for eleven months, although threatened with a, Dutch fleet to bring them away. The English Company declared that, if his Majesty let the Dutch ships go, it were better for the Company to abandon the trade. But the fit of royal resolution passed, and the king, in sore straits for money, suddenly released the Dutch ships in August, 1628: it was rumoured, for a gratification of £30,000. In vain his Majesty tried to soften the blow by the unprecedented compliment of sending the lords of the Council to a court meeting of the Company to explain that the release was due to an “extraordinary matter of State.” The directors of the Dutch Company gave out as far back as March, 1628, that they had arranged for the release of the ships on the condition of their redeeming his Majesty’s jewels.

The Company now knew that, if they had little to expect from the Dutch tribunal, they had nothing to hope from the king. The Dutch also knew it. In November, 1628, his Majesty feebly suggested, in reply to the repeated demands of the Dutch for the English witnesses to go over to Holland, that the Dutch judges should come to England under a safe-conduct – a proposal which merely furnished a good ground for further delay.

A year later, having sunk into still deeper difficulties with the Parliament and the nation, Charles yielded to the demands of the foreigner and sent over the witnesses. But he tried to save his royal honour by explaining that he had never submitted to the jurisdiction of the Dutch judges, although he would prefer to receive reparation at their hands than by any other means The English ambassador must be present in the Dutch court; the English witnesses must not be questioned on other articles than those on which they had already been examined in his Majesty’s Court of Admiralty; the Dutch judges, when ready to deliver sentence, must inform the king of it, so that he might weigh and consider its import. The Dutch tribunal naturally refused to concede these points. The king had put not only himself but also the English nation in the wrong by his method of procedure, and again the Dutch knew it.

His Majesty struggled for a time in the meshes he had woven around himself.

 

 

In December, 1629,

he insisted on reserving the final sentence either to himself or to a joint bench of English and Dutch judges, on the strength of the treaty of 1619. The Dutch quite truly rejoined that the treaty contained not a single article which implied joint jurisdiction in criminal cases, but only in what concerned the joint defence and trade. While the preliminaries were thus spun out from 1627 to 1630, the six Amboyna councillors who were supposed to be on their trial figured as patriots to their nation. The English witnesses, still unheard, were sunk in debt to obtain food from day to day. They mournfully complained to the Privy Council that they had attended in Holland for twelve months, that they were now destitute and like to be cast into prison, while their wives and children were perishing miserably. In March, 1631, the British ambassador at The Hague reported that in the Amboyna business all was silence.

It is doubtful, even if the Amboyna council had been promptly and impartially tried, whether the London Company would have obtained substantial redress. It is certain that no court administering the law then in force in Europe could have condemned the judges to death for the Amboyna executions. The two grounds which underlay the English contention were badly chosen. As a matter of fact, the Amboyna council had exercised a lawful jurisdiction, and torture was not only allowed, but enjoined by the law which they were bound to administer.

 

in 1615

the aged Puritan

View of Lucknow

Lucknow, a city now numbering nearly three hundred thousand inhabitants, is one of the largest cities of India, after Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. It has been the capital of the Province of Oudh since 1775, and the part which it played in the tragic events of the Indian Mutiny, in the following century, rendered the name of Lucknow famous.

Peacham had been examined “in torture, between tortures, and after torture.” In the same year O’Kennan was put to the rack in Dublin by commission of the king’s deputy. In each one of his three kingdoms James had used torture, and he defended it with his “own princely pen.”

Even such details as the Dutch complaint that John Clarke must be “a devil” or “a witch,” because he stubbornly refused to confess under torment, are reproduced in the English trials. On January 21, 1615, Lord Bacon condoled with his Majesty on the obstinacy of the mangled Peacham, “whose raging devil seems to be turned into a dumb devil.” Lord Burleigh’s defence of the rack on the ground that it was mercifully administered and that the sufferer was always “able to walk and to write” afterwards, is an exact anticipation of the Amboyna judge’s plea of the “civil” character of the water-torture.

Yet if history must allow that the Dutch had jurisdiction, and that under that jurisdiction the use of torture was lawful, it must also declare that a grievous miscarriage of justice had taken place. It is admitted that the record discloses grave irregularities in procedure – irregularities so serious that if an appeal had been allowed they might have sufficed to quash the trial. How far they were due to the careless character of the record itself will ever remain undecided. There was certainly an absence of the indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or reasonable presumption of guilt, which would have justified torture under the Dutch law. The confession of the Japanese soldier which formed the ground of the whole proceeding was signed on the day of his torture in defiance of the Dutch ordinances of July 15, 1570, and it was attested by all the judges, although one of them (Wyncoop) was admittedly not in Amboyna on that day. The minutes make no mention of the witnesses being confronted with each other after torture, and of their reaffirming their confessions made under torture, as required by the Dutch law.

Above all, if the English statements on oath are accepted, the whole evidence from first to last was wrung forth by torture or fear of torture. If the Dutch counter-statements be preferred, the great mass of evidence was thus obtained. Of the two witnesses not subjected to torture, according to the Dutch account, one, Edward Collins, swore that he had been tortured, and produced testimony on oath to his dismal outcries. The other, the invalid Beaumont, declared that he had confessed only after he had been tied up for torture, and that he repeated his confession at Batavia to save his own life after the death of the victims had placed them beyond reach of further harm. The survivors consistently affirmed that the only evidence against them at their trial was derived from confessions under torture; confessions which, according to the English depositions on oath, were withdrawn after the torture; and which were solemnly affirmed to be false in the dying declarations of the sufferers.

It is not needful to assume that the Amboyna Council wickedly, and against their conscience, condemned the victims to death. Van Speult, as we have seen, was on the lookout for conspiracies, when he and his fellow councillors were suddenly transferred into the judges of men who had been their keen trade-rivals and the great obstacle to the Dutch supremacy in the Archipelago.

The Durbar of an Indian Ruler

Among Eastern races the king or governor was both ruler and judge, and the early European settlements in Asia found themselves compelled firmly to unite all functions, executive and judicial, in the hands of one man or body of men. Cases inevitably occurred in which they were practically judges in their own cause; apt in moments of public danger or fear to bring their passions and preconceptions as governors to their seats on the bench. The Amboyna trial was such a case. It stands on the forefront of our history in the East as an example of the danger of combining the executive and the judicial authority in the same hands. That danger the English have striven to guard against by the separation of judicial and executive offices – a process commenced almost from the foundation of their territorial rule in India, yet reaching its final stages only in our own time.

But if we view with charity the cruel blunder of the Amboyna Council as a whole, it is difficult to extend to either the governor or the prosecuting fiscal the benefit of the doubt. The fiscal, Isaac de Bruyne, appears throughout the records in a sinister light. Intent on obtaining a conviction, he constantly urged on Van Speult, and forced incriminating answers upon the witnesses till the council itself had to interpose. His record of the trial was so irregular and incomplete as to render impossible a fair judicial review of the proceedings. On the face of the record as it stands, the accused were improperly condemned. Bruyne’s conduct called forth the reprobation of his superiors at Amboyna, and in the English depositions he appears as “the greatest adversary against the English.” Whatever may have been Van Speult’s own preconception as to their guilt during the first excited days of the prosecution, he can scarcely, after the seizure of the English factory and the perusal of Towerson’s correspondence with the English president at Batavia, have believed in the plot. But by that time he may have felt that he had gone too far to retrace his steps. Or he may have simply been one of those commonplace officials who jump to conclusions and then remain obdurate to facts. His interception of the letter from our president at Batavia ordering the withdrawal of the English from Amboyna, was only the last act in the suppression of proof of innocence.

The Dutch authorities themselves felt uneasy lest Van Speult should be examined as to his share in the business. On the expiration of his term of office at Amboyna, he had hardly returned to Batavia when a rumour arrived of a ship in the Straits of Sunda bearing a joint commission from the king and States-General for the despatch of Van Speult to Europe. He was hastily sent off to the western coast of India, whence he proceeded with an expedition to the Red Sea, and he died at Mocha, carrying his secret to the grave.

Meanwhile the English, with their agents drawn in from the Spice Archipelago, and huddled together at Batavia, waited wistfully for redress from home. They waited in vain. News of the Amboyna tragedy reached Batavia on June 20, 1623. At length, having suffered nineteen more months of insults and exactions, their ships dogged by Dutch vessels at sea and cut off from trade on shore, they resolved to quit “this perfidious people,” and, cost what it might, to seek shelter elsewhere. Some of them found refuge on the Indian coast, and

 

in October, 1624,

the miserable remnant sailed to the unhealthy Lagundy islets on the southeast of Sumatra.

There, amid terrible privations, yet stubbornly “affiant of a happy plantation,” they renamed the little group Charles’s Islands, and held out against fever and dysentery for eight months, dying “like sheep infected” under the equatorial sun and rain. In May, 1625, the skeleton survivors were so reduced as to implore the clemency of the Dutch, who in pity fetched them back to Batavia. The commander Verholt, be it recorded, showed them all “care and courtesy,” although he himself and many of his crew caught the disease. Nor did Dutch compassion end with their bare deliverance. They received the rescued men with kindness and granted them a factory house at a moderate price, the Dutch governor-general and our president, in an effusion of good feeling, exchanging chains of gold.

The Dutch had, in fact, accomplished the two fixed purposes of their policy – our expulsion from the Spice Archipelago and our complete subjection at their Batavian headquarters in Java. Their harshness had been deliberately designed to this end, and, with the exception of Van Speult’s judicial slaughter at Amboyna, they had kept fairly within their treaty rights. Their double object being now achieved, they allowed their national good nature free scope. But the excess of cordiality wore off, and the English soon became impatient of the restraints which the Dutch thought themselves entitled to impose. In July, 1627, we find our President Hawley bitterly complaining of the treatment meted out to his countrymen.

Their position was indeed an impossible one, and the Company at home, sick of King Charles’s fair words, realized this fact.

In November, 1626,

it proposed to abolish its factory at Batavia and to establish one under the protection of the King of Bantam. In

Javanese Princes

January, 1628,

these orders reached Batavia, and the English, putting the relics of their property on board ship, sailed to Bantam, where they were welcomed by the native prince. The sad fortunes of our Bantam factory, its repeated reduction by the London Company to a subordinate post, its blockades by the Dutch, and the gradual but sure withdrawal of its trade to our settlements on the Indian coast, belong to a later period. Its history may, however, be summed up in a single sentence. As the executions at Amboyna proclaimed the triumph of the Dutch in the Spice Islands, so the fate of Bantam declared the supremacy of the Dutch in the sea-approaches to the Far East.

By 1631 all hope of judicial redress for the torture and execution of our countrymen at Amboyna had flickered out. In 1633, and again in 1638, Charles, urged by the despairing Company, reverted to feeble attempts at negotiation, with equal unsuccess9. Innocent Englishmen had been tortured and executed under the forms of a foreign law, and for their slaughter redress could not be obtained either by diplomacy or by judicial proceedings. From the first, the Dutch were resolved not to yield, save to force of arms. As they had speedily discovered that James I would not fight, so they gradually found out that Charles I could not fight.

It was not till the unhappy distractions of the second Stuart’s reign came to their tragic close, and until the Dutch found that a real man again ruled England, that they conceded to Cromwell, after war, what a little firmness might have secured at the outset to James.

At length, in April, 1654,

the States-General agreed “that justice be done upon those who were partakers or accomplices in the massacre of the English at Amboyna, as the Republic of England is pleased to term that fact, provided any of them be living.” Cromwell brooked no delay. Within five months all claims and counter-claims arising during forty-one years had been examined. In August the general damages of £85,000 were awarded to the London Company, together with £3615 to the heirs of the men done to death at Amboyna; and Pularoon was restored to English rule.

But this tardy justice failed to efface Amboyna from the English mind. The spectres of the tortured victims stood between the two great Protestant powers during a century. The memory of a great wrong unredressed and of innocent blood unavenged embittered their trade rivalry, intensified each crisis of political strain, and furnished a popular cry for two wars. Dryden’s “Tragedy of Amboyna,” produced in the fiftieth year after the execution, has been not unfairly described as his one literary effort which is wholly worthless except as a curiosity. Yet it serves to show how the story deepened into a darker hue with age.

The opening dialogue between Van Speult and the Dutch fiscal reveals their hatred to the English. Van Speult’s son, whom Towerson has rescued at sea, plots with the fiscal against the life of his preserver, and, after again being saved from death by Towerson, ravishes the Englishman’s bride and is thereupon killed by him in a duel. Van Speult, in revenge, invents the story of the plot. The victims are tortured on the stage, fiercely reviled by the governor, and led off to execution. On his way to death Towerson breaks forth in a prophetic strain, foretelling the vengeance of his countrymen and the ruin and downfall of the Dutch. The characters are coarsely drawn from the “True Relation;” the picture presented of the Dutch is grossly unfair. But it struck a chord of popular feeling, and responded to an antipathy which had hardened and set into a national tradition.

That tradition not only affected our internal and dynastic politics, but it profoundly influenced the march of events in Europe. If Holland and England had been friends at heart instead of occasional allies by interest, the aggressions of Louis XIV would have encountered a very different strength of resistance. Our Charles II

would scarcely have dared to remain the dependent of -France. James II would perhaps have shrunk from forcing a Catholic reaction on England. The memory

of Amboyna wrought like a fever on the trade-rivalry of the two Protestant sea powers. The friendship of France might mean court corruption and Popery, but between England and Holland, as long as that bloody memory lived, there could be no real friendship at all. Politicians and poets appealed to the middle-class hatred of the Dutch as against the middle-class hatred of Rome. Amboyna is thus disclosed as one of the influences which lured on the Stuarts to the Revolution, and as one of the remote secret springs of the age of Louis XIV.

Nor had Amboyna less important consequences for the Dutch. The overthrow of the English in the Spice Archipelago and their subjection in Java enabled the Holland Company to create a colonial system which, for frank indifference to human suffering, stands out in the history of European settlements across the seas. The fault was not the fault of the Dutch nation, but of the particular period when the chance of a great colonial empire came to it. The Catholic tradition of conversion by conquest, cruel as were its practices, had given place to the industrial idea of conquest for trade.

Neither Spain nor Portugal, with their record of blood in the Eastern and the Western worlds, nor England, with its subsequent slave traffic, can afford to cast stones. But the comparative isolation of Holland in the East, and the absence of any strong native power in the Archipelago like that of the Moghul dynasty in India, enabled the Dutch to work out the industrial idea of conquest to its logical results. The same isolation enabled them to perpetuate that idea, after it had been profoundly modified by a humanitarian awakening in Europe. It survived as a relic of a century when the Protestant nations of the Continent, wearied with religious strife, lost sight for a time of that spiritual brotherhood of man which shot rays across the darkness

Page 158

of Portuguese misrule, and which had burned up afresh before the foundation of British territorial sway in India. Jan Pieterszoon Coen, the chief founder of the Dutch colonial system, became governor-general in 1618 – the date taken by European history for the commencement of the Thirty Years’ War.

Tomb of the Moghul official Itmad-ad-Daulah, at Agra

Coen has left in his own words a detailed description of the fabric which he designed. The Dutch charter expired in January, 1623, and on the 21st of that month the great governor-general, as the last act of his first term of office, drew up his political testament for the benefit of his countrymen in the form of instructions left with Peter de Carpentier, governor-general, and the Council of the Indies, and dated Batavia,

Page 159

21–31, January, 1623.

 

He realized that the sea-power of Holland in the Archipelago must rest on a territorial basis with a territorial revenue, the absence of which had drawn forth from Cosme Annes, nearly a hundred years earlier (1549), the Portuguese lament: “We sit still, perishing without lands out of which to support ourselves or find shelter.” Albuquerque discerned the same need a century before. But Coen deliberately worked out what Albuquerque had perceived, and, unlike Albuquerque, he was backed by a nation which loyally supported its great servants in the East.

He cherished no illusions as to how such a territorial sea-empire was to be acquired and maintained. It was easy to bring the scattered islands under subjection. The problem was to people them with workers. The idea of settling Dutchmen and Dutchwomen in sufficient numbers, although it had its attractions for Coen as for the other colonizing spirits of that age, he saw to be impracticable. He anticipated the conclusion which some of the European nations are only now reaching after long and cruel experience, that agricultural emigrants from the temperate zone perish in the tropics. The lands of the equator can be tilled only by equatorial races. The heathen whom the Papal Bulls had given to the Portuguese for an inheritance, to be converted with a rod of iron or dashed to pieces like a potter’s vessel, were to Coen merely a cheap labour-force. The “ingathering of a multitude of people from all parts to people our country withall” was

Page 160

his first object, and of far more consequence, he declared, than the buying of cloths and goods.

This object he proposed to accomplish by three distinct methods: the enslavement of conquered islands, the purchase of slaves from the African and Asiatic continents, and the seizure of slaves on their coasts. The first method needs but the single comment, that it went much further than the subjection of the native races enforced by the Portuguese. As regards the second, orders for the buying of slaves had been given in 1614; Coen resolved to carry them out on a large scale. “Divers fleets” were now to be sent to the Coromandel coast, to Madagascar, and to the African seaboard, to purchase as many slaves, especially young people, as could be got. This buying of slaves was to go forward before any other work, to the extent of “many thousands, yea, to an infinite number.”

The third method, by seizure, was to be conducted by a squadron on the Chinese coast. The shore-dwellers, especially the women and children, were to be carried away for the peopling of Batavia, Amboyna, and Banda. “Herein will be a great service done for the Company, and by this means will be found all the charge of the war.” The Chinese slaves might be redeemed for sixty reals (£13 10s.) apiece. “But by no means you must not suffer any women to return to China, or any other part out of the Company’s jurisdiction, but with them to people the same.” As the Dutch supremacy firmly established itself, a fourth system

Page 161

of recruitment was added, by treaty provisions for a tribute in full-grown slaves.

A typical scene in India

The Dutch industrial system in the East, thus founded on the most rigorous forms of slavery, was eventually softened through successive stages of forced labour. It produced for a time enormous profits. A tropical soil was made to yield as it had never yielded before, and its fruits were monopolized by Holland.

Page 162

As respects European rivals, the restrictions which the Anglo-Dutch still imposed on Coen, in January, 1623, were removed by the tragedy of Amboyna in the next month, and by the withdrawal of the English factories from the Spice Archipelago. As regards native competition, the islanders were compelled to root up their clove and nutmeg trees, where they seemed to threaten the profits of the Dutch. The produce of the most fertile regions in the world, cultivated on the severest system of human toil, was secured to the Dutch and to the Dutch alone.

While Coen founded the colonial empire of Holland on the sure basis of the soil, he strengthened it by all the devices of a skilful administration – by a lucrative coasting trade with the African and Asiatic continents, by a great sea commerce with Europe, and by a well-planned system of tolls and local taxation. The rich island empire which he thus projected, he secured by fortresses, built and maintained by the cheap labour of prisoners and slaves. Coen stands out from among all men of European race in the Asia of his day – a statesman of the clearest vision, and an administrator of the firmest hand, half-way between the Portuguese Albuquerque in the sixteenth century and the French Dupleix or the English Warren Hastings, in the eighteenth. But he could not rise above the morals of his time, and his strong personality during a double tenure of office impressed the stamp of a cruel age on the colonial system of his country. His crime, or his misfortune, was that he stereotyped in Dutch India the disregard

Page 163

for human suffering which brutalized Europe during the Thirty Years’ War.

Holland was the first European country to send a steady supply of really able men to the East, and she supported them by force of arms. James I would not and Charles I could not fight. The English East India Company was still a body of private adventurers for whose benefit Parliament felt by no means eager to go to war. In spite of the long list of lords and gentlemen who swelled the subscription book of the Company, in spite of the outburst of wrath and indignation which the news of Amboyna aroused in London, England had not yet learned to look upon her Indian trade as a national concern. Holland had, and she was willing to make sacrifices and to screen crimes, in order to maintain her position in Asia.

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Footnotes

7. The chief contemporary pamphlets on the Amboyna tragedy are six in number.

(i) A True Relation of the Unjust, Cruel, and Barbarous Proceedings against the English at Amboyna. This narrative was “taken out of the depositions of six several English factors “who survived the trial, as delivered on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of. the Admiralty, supplemented by the testimony of Welden, the English chief agent in Banda at the time of the tragedy. The Privy Council in September, 1624, gave their opinion that the relation was justified by the statements of the six witnesses. Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1622–1624, par. 620.

(ii) A True Declaration of the Newes that came out of the East Indies, with the Pinace called the ‘‘Hare.” A Dutch pamphlet which appeared anonymously, and was thought by some to be the work of Boreel. The Directors of the Dutch Company denied the authorship, and, on complaint of the English ambassador, the States-General issued a proclamation declaring it to be “a scandalous and senseless libel,” and offering a reward of 400 guilders for the discovery of either the author or the printer.

(iii) An Answer to the Dutch Relation touching the pretended Conspiracy of the English at Amboyna in the Indies, being a reply to No. ii. (the libellous Dutch Declaration) drawn up by the English Company and issued under its authority. These three pamphlets were published together by the Company in 1624 with a preface. A third reprint is dated 1632, and there were several subsequent editions.

(iv) A Remonstrance of the Directors of the Netherlands East India Company presented to the Lords States-General … in defence of the said Company touching the bloody Proceedings against the English Merchants executed at Amboyna.

(v) The Acts of the Council of Amboyna. The official Court Record of the Trial and the confessions of the accused, as presented by the Dutch to the East India Company.

(vi) A Reply to the Defence of the Proceedings of the Dutch against the English at Amboyna. An answer to, and criticism of, Nos. iv. and v. These last three pamphlets were published by authority in London in 1632.

8. Captain Gabriel Towerson; Samuel Colson, factor at Hitto; Emanuel Thomson, assistant at Amboyna; Timothy Johnson, assistant at Amboyna; John Wetheral, factor at Cambello; John Clark, assistant at Hitto; William Griggs, factor at Larica; John Fardo, steward of the House; Abel Price (the drunken barber-surgeon); Robert Brown, tailor.

9. An English writer, who is not a lawyer and who has spent most of his life in the practical duties of Indian administration, should speak with diffidence as to the forms of Dutch procedure in the early seventeenth century. I have, therefore, taken the precaution to consult a Dutch jurist, Dr. Bisschop, who combines accurate historical research with a judicial training. He states, and quotes Dutch legal authorities for his opinion, that in extraordinary proceedings, in which the accused were examined without witnesses first being heard, the confessions of the accused were necessary for conviction, and that torture could be legitimately resorted to in order to obtain such confessions. The Amboyna trial came practically under this category, and the evidence from first to last was obtained by torture. But the Dutch law recognized the danger of a miscarriage of justice arising out of confessions thus wrung forth, and it provided safeguards accordingly. These safeguards were explicit in form and essential to the validity of the proceedings. They were disregarded in the Amboyna trial, although the prosecuting fiscal, in the words of the Dutch Governor-General and Council, “calls himself a lawyer, and was taken into the Company’s service as such

 

In 1625,

in addition to Central Java, Mataram was in control of central and eastern parts of the island’s northern coast, called the Pasisir. Now Agung wanted to take on Banten and Batavia.

1626


SYEKH YUSUF TAJUL KHALWATI
Lahir : Gowa, Sulawesi Selatan, 3 Juli 1626
Wafat : Cape Town, Afrika Selatan 23 Mei 1699

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

MESKIPUN Syekh Yusuf lahir di Gowa, Sulawesi Selatan, namun dirinya banyak menghabiskan waktu untuk berjuang di Banten bersama Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Perkenalan Syekh Yusuf dengan Sultan Banten terjadi lebih kurang pada tahun 1644 sewaktu akan menunaikan Ibadah Haji. Sebelum ke Makkah, Syekh Yusuf mampir ke Banten dan tinggal selama 5 tahun di kediaman Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Ketika itu, Banten sedang bermusuhan dengan Belanda.

Sekembalinya dari Makkah pada tahun 1664, Syekh Yusuf mampir kembali ke Banten dan membantu perjuangan Sultan Banten melawan VOC. Bahkan ia kemudian dijadikan menantu dan penasihat kesultanan. Ketika Belanda dan Sultan Haji berhasil menguasai Kesultanan Banten, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ditangkap dan dipenjara di Batavia. Sedangkan Syekh Yusuf bersama pengikutnya dibuang ke Sri Lanka pada tahun 1684.

Di Sri Lanka, Syekh Yusuf tetap berusaha berjuang dengan cara mengirimkan surat-surat kepada penguasa-penguasa di Nusantara untuk menentang Belanda. Di samping itu juga menyebarkan agama Islam. Perbuatan Syekh Yusuf tersebut membuat Belanda berang dan kembali membuang Syekh Yusuf ke Afrika Selatan.

Selama lima tahun di Afrika Selatan, Syekh Yusuf menyebarkan agama Islam. Oleh karena itu, penduduk di Cape Town hingga kini menganggap Syekh Yusuf sebagai orang pertama yang menyiarkan agama Islam di Afrika Selatan.

 

 

 

1628

Agung launched a first offensive on Batavia in 1628. Having suffered heavy losses, he had to retreat. he launched a second offensive in 1629. The Dutch fleet destroyed his supplies and his ships in the harbours of Cirebon

Cirebon

 

Cirebon is a port city on the north coast of the Indonesian island of Java. It is located in the province of West Java near the provincial border with Central Java, approximately 297 km east of Jakarta, at .The seat of a former Sultanate, the city’s West and Central Java border location have…

and Tegal

Tegal

Tegal is the largest city in the Tegal Regency, Indonesia. It is located on the north coast of Central Java about from Cirebon. Slawi, about to the south, is its suburb….

. Mataram troops, starving and decimated by illness, had to retreat again.

However, Agung pursued his conquering ambitions to the east. He attacked Blitar

Blitar

Blitar is a city and also the capital of the regency of the same name on East Java, Indonesia, about 73 kilometers from Malang and 167 kilometers from Surabaya. The area lies within longitude 111° 40′ – 112° 09′ East and its latitude is 8° 06′ South…

, Panarukan and the Blambangan principality in Java’s eastern salient, a vassal of the Bali

Bali

Bali is an Indonesian island located in the westernmost end of the Lesser Sunda Islands, lying between Java to the west and Lombok to the east. It is one of the country’s 33 provinces with the provincial capital at Denpasar towards the south of the island….

nese kingdom of Gelgel

Gelgel

Gelgel may refer to:*Gelgel, Chad, a city in Chad*Gelgel, Indonesia, a village on the island of Bali, and a former kingdom…

. Agung died in 1646. His son succeeded him under the title of Susuhunan

Sunan (Indonesian title)

Sunan is the shorter version of “Susuhunan”, both used as an honourific in Java Indonesia.According to Hamka in his book Dari Perbendaharaan Lama the word derived from a Javanese word for position of hands in reverential salutation, done with hands pressed together, palms touching and fingers……

outside the city walls

1631


SULTAN HASANUDDIN
Lahir : Makassar, 12 Januari 1631
Wafat : Makassar, 12 Juni 1670

 

 

 

 

 

 

On September 4, 1635,

the Sultanate of Banjar make the first trade contract with the VOC and VOC will help conquer Paser Banjar. Since 1636, New York trying to be the center of the mandala to the other kingdoms in West Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan and East Kalimantan. Banjar saga noted the delivery of tribute to the Sultan of Sambas Banjarmasin, Sukadana, Paser, Kutai, Berau, Karasikan (Buranun / Sulu), Great Lease (Sawakung), Bunyut and countries in Batang Lawai. Sukadana (formerly named Tanjungpura) is the host for the kingdom Tayan, Meliau, Sanggau and Mempawah.

 

 

As early as 1628,

Batavia came under Javanese attack. Sultan Agung (1613-46), third and greatest ruler of the Mataram kingdom, was then aggressively expanding his domain and had receltly concluded a successful five-year siege of Surabaya. He now controlled all of central and eastern Java, and next, he intended to take western Java by pushing the Dutch into the sea and then conquering Banten.

He nearly Succeed. A large Javanese expeditionary force momentarily breached Batavia’s defences, but was then driven back outside the walls in a last-ditch effort led by Governor-General Coen. The Javanese were not prepared for such resistance and withdrew for lack of provisions. A year later in 1629, Sultan Agung sent an even larger force, estimated at 10,000 men, provisioned with huge stockpiles of rice for what threatened to be a protracted siege. Coen, however, learned of the location of the rice stockpiles and captured of destroyed them before the Javanese even arrived. Poorly led, starving and sick, the Javanese troops died by the thousands outside the walls of Batavia. Never again did Mataram pose at threat to the city.

Relations between the Dutch and the Javanese improved during the despotic reign of Amangkurat I (1646-77), one reason being that they had common enemies-the pesisir trading kingdoms of the north Java coast.

It was ironic, then, that the Dutch conquest of Makassar later resulted, albeit in directly, in the demise of their “ally”.


In 1641

there was a revolt of the Chinese population, of whom 12,000 were massacred by order of the governor, Adriaan Valckenaer. In 1811 it was captured by the English, but was restored to the Dutch after the peace.

 

Batavia.

Development of local Chinese society and culture was based upon three main pillars: clan associations, ethnic media, and Chinese language schools.[2][3] These flourished during the period of Chinese nationalism in the final years of China’s Qing Dynasty and through the Second Sino-Japanese War; however, differences in the object of nationalist sentiments brought about a split in the population, with one group supporting political reforms in mainland China while others sought improved status in local politics. Under the government of the New Order (1967–1998) the pillars of ethnic Chinese identity were dismantled in favor of assimilation policies as a solution to the “Chinese Problem”. Patterns of assimilation and ethnic interaction can be found in Indonesia’s literature, architecture, and cuisine.

The Chinese Indonesian population of Java accounts for nearly half of the group’s national population. Although they are generally more urbanized than Indonesia’s indigenous population,[4] significant rural and agricultural communities also exist throughout the provinces. Declining fertility rates have resulted in an upward shift in the population pyramid as the median age increases. Additionally emigration has contributed to a shrinking population, with communities emerging in more industrialized nations in the second half of the 20th century. Some participated in repatriation programs to the People’s Republic of China, while others emigrated to Western countries to escape anti-Chinese sentiment. Among the overseas residents, their identities are noticeably more Indonesian than Chinese.[5]

 

 

 

Identity

 

 

Identity card of The Hong Eng, c. 1943, indicating her Chinese ethnicity during the occupation of the Dutch East Indies by Japan

Sociologist Mely G. Tan asserts that scholars studying ethnic Chinese emigrants often refer to the group as a “monolithic entity”: the overseas Chinese.[6] Such treatment also persisted in Indonesia with a majority of the population referring to them as orang Cina, orang Tionghoa (both meaning “Chinese people”, 中華), or hoakiau (華僑).[Note 1] Current ethnographic literature describe them as Chinese Indonesians. They were previously described as the Indonesian Chinese, but there has been a shift in terminology as the old description emphasizes the group’s Chinese origins, while the more recent one its Indonesian integration.[7] Aimee Dawis, citing prominent scholar Leo Suryadinata, believes the shift is “necessary to debunk the stereotype that they are an exclusive group” and also “promotes a sense of nationalism” among them.[8]

Ethnic Chinese in the 1930 Dutch East Indies census

were categorized as foreign orientals, and registered separately from the indigenous population.[9] Citizenship was conferred upon the ethnic Chinese through a 1946 citizenship act after Indonesia became independent, and it was further reaffirmed in 1949 and 1958. However, they often encountered obstacles regarding the legality of their citizenship. Chinese Indonesians were required to produce an Indonesian Citizenship Certificate (Surat Bukti Kewarganegaraan Republik Indonesia, SBKRI) when conducting business with government officials.[10] Without the SBKRI they were not able to make passports and identity cards (Kartu Tanda Penduduk, KTP); register birth, death, and marriage certificates; or register a business license.[11] The requirement for its use was abolished in 1996 through a presidential instruction which was reaffirmed in 1999, but media sources reported that local authorities were still demanding the SBKRI from Chinese Indonesians after the instructions went into effect.[12]

Other terms used for identifying sectors of the community include peranakan and totok. The former, used to describe those born locally, is derived from the root Indonesian word anak (“child”) and thus means “child of the land”. The latter is derived from Javanese, meaning “new” or “pure”, and is used to describe the foreign born and new immigrants.[13] There is also a significant number of Chinese Indonesians living in the People’s Republic of China and Hong Kong who are considered part of the population of “returned overseas Chinese” (華僑).[14] In order to identify the varying sectors of Chinese Indonesian society, Tan contends they must be differentiated according to nationality into those who are citizens of the host country and those who are resident aliens, then further broken down according to their cultu

Colonial attitudes (1600–1900)

 

Chinese workers await the preparation of their contracts by immigration officials at Medan’s labor inspectorate, c. 1920–1940.

By the time the Dutch arrived in the early 17th century, major Chinese settlements were already in existence along the northern coast of Java. Most were traders and merchants, but they also practiced agriculture in some inland areas. The Dutch contracted many of them as skilled artisans in the construction of Batavia on the northwestern coast of Java.[18] The new harbor was selected as the new headquarters of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, VOC) in 1609 by Jan Pieterszoon Coen. It soon grew into a major hub for trade with China and India. Batavia became home to the largest Chinese community in the archipelago and remains so today, though the city has been renamed as Jakarta.[23] Coen and other early Governors-Generals promoted the entry of Chinese immigrants to new settlements “for the benefit of those places and for the purpose of gathering spices like cloves, nutmeg, and mace”.[24] The port’s Chinese population of 300–400 in 1619 had grown to at least 10,000 by 1740.[25]

Most of those who settled in the archipelago had already severed their ties with the mainland and welcomed favorable treatment and protection under the Dutch.[26] Some became “revenue farmers”, middlemen within the corporate structure of the VOC, tasked with collecting export–import duties, managing land sales, and managing the harvest of natural resources.[27] Following the 1740 Batavia massacre and ensuing war the Dutch attempted to place a quota on the number of Chinese who could enter the Indies. Amoy was designated as the only immigration port to the archipelago, and ships were limited to a specified number of crew and passengers depending on size. This quota was adjusted at times to meet demand for overseas workers, such as in July 1802 when sugar mills near Batavia were in need of workers.[28]

When the VOC was nationalized on 31 December 1799, the freedoms the Chinese experienced under the corporation were taken away by the Dutch government. Among them was the Chinese monopoly on the salt trade which had been granted by the VOC administration.[29] An 1816 regulation introduced a requirement for the indigenous population and Chinese traveling within the territory to obtain a travel permit. Those who did not carry a permit risked being arrested by security officers. The Governor-General also introduced a resolution in 1825 which forbade “foreign Asians in Java such as Malays, Buginese and Chinese” from living within the same neighborhood as the native population.[30] Following the costly Java War (1825–1830) the Dutch introduced a new agrarian and cultivation system that required farmers to “yield up a portion of their fields and cultivate crops suitable for the European market”. Compulsory cultivation restored the economy of the colony, but ended the system of revenue farms established under the VOC.[31]

 

 

The first Dutch Chinese Schools were established in 1892 following a split in curriculum from the native population.

The Chinese were perceived as temporary residents and encountered difficulties in obtaining land rights. Europeans were prioritized in the choice of plantation areas, while colonial officials believed the remaining plots must be protected and preserved for the indigenous population. Short-term and renewable leases were later introduced as a temporary measure, but many Chinese remained on these lands upon expiration of their contracts and became squatters.[32] In the second half of the 19th century the colonial government began experimenting with the idea of an “Ethical Policy” to protect the indigenous population, casting the Chinese as the “foremost enemy of the state”. Under the new policy the administration increased restrictions on Chinese economic activities, which they believed exploited the native population.[33]

Chinese settlement in the archipelago was not limited to Java. In western Borneo the Chinese established their first major mining settlement in 1760 and ousted Dutch settlers and the local Malay princes, including establishing their own republic. By 1819 they came into conflict with the new Dutch government and were seen as “incompatible” with its objectives, yet indispensable for the development of the region.[34] The Bangka–Belitung Islands also became examples of major settlements in rural areas. Although only 28 Chinese were recorded on the islands in 1851, by 1915 the population had risen to nearly 40,000 and robust fishing and tobacco industries had developed. Coolies brought into the region after the end of the 19th century were mostly hired from the Straits Settlements due to recruiting obstacles that existed in China.[35]

[edit] Divided nationalism (1900–1949)

 

 

Chinese language school owned by the Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan in Sungailiat, Bangka

The Chinese revolutionary figure Sun Yat-sen visited southeast Asia in 1900[36] and later that year the socio-religious organization Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan (中華會館), also known as the Chinese Association, was founded. Their goal was to urge ethnic Chinese in the Indies to support the revolutionary movement in China. In its effort to build Chinese-speaking schools the association argued that the teaching of English and Chinese languages should be prioritized over Dutch, in order to provide themselves with the means of taking “a two or three-day voyage (Java–Singapore) into a wider world where they can move freely” and overcome restrictions of their activities.[37] Several years later the Dutch authorities abandoned its segregation policies, abolished travel permits for the ethnic Chinese, and allowed them to freely move throughout the colony. The 1911 Xinhai Revolution and the 1912 founding of the Republic of China coincided with a growing Chinese-nationalist movement within the Indies.[36]

Until 1908 there was no recognizable nationalist movement among the indigenous population; however, Dutch authorities feared that nationalist sentiments would spread with the growth of ethnically mixed associations, known as kongsi. In 1911 some Javanese members of the Kong Sing association in Surakarta broke away and clashed with the ethnic Chinese. This incident led to the creation of Sarekat Islam, the first organized popular nationalist movement in the Indies. Indigenous groups saw the Chinese nationalist sentiment as “haughty” which led to antagonism between the two sides.[38] The anti-Chinese sentiment spread throughout Java in 1918 and led to mass violence being carried out by members of Sarekat Islam on the ethnic Chinese in Kudus.[39] Following this incident the left-wing Chinese nationalist daily Sin Po called on both sides to work together to improve living conditions because it considered most ethnic Chinese, like most of the indigenous population, to be poor.[40]

 

 

Early draft of the Indonesia Raya, later adopted as a national anthem, in a 1928 weekly edition of the Sin Po newspaper.[41]

Sin Po first went into print in 1910 and began gaining momentum as the leading advocate of Chinese political nationalism in 1917. The ethnic Chinese who followed its stream of thought refused any involvement with local institutions and would only participate in politics relating to mainland China.[42] A second stream was later formed by wealthy ethnic Chinese who were Dutch-educated. This Dutch-oriented group wished for increased participation in local politics, Dutch education for the ethnic Chinese, and the furthering of ethnic Chinese economic standing within the colonial economy. Championed by the Volksraad‘s sole ethnic Chinese representative Kan Hok Hoei, this movement gained momentum and reached its peak with the Chung Hwa Congress of 1927 and the 1928 formation of the Chung Hwa Hui party, which elected Kan as its president. The editor-in-chief of the Madjallah Panorama news magazine criticized Sin Po for misguiding the ethnic Chinese by pressuring them into a Chinese-nationalist stance.[43]

In 1932 pro-Indonesian counterparts founded the Partai Tionghoa Indonesia to support absorption of the ethnic Chinese into the Javanese population and support the call for self-government of Indonesia. Members of this group were primarily peranakan.[44] This division resurfaced at the end of the period of Japanese occupation (1942–1945).[45] Under the occupation ethnic Chinese communities were attacked by Japanese forces, in part because of a suspicion that they contained sympathizers of the Kuomintang as a consequence of the Second Sino-Japanese War. When the Dutch returned, following the end of World War II, the chaos caused by advancing forces and retreating revolutionaries also saw radical Muslim groups attack ethnic Chinese communities.[39]

Although revolutionary leaders were sympathetic toward the ethnic Chinese, they were unable to stop the sporadic violence. Those who were affected fled from the rural areas to Dutch controlled cities, a move many Indonesians saw as proof of pro-Dutch sentiments.[46] There was evidence, however, that Chinese Indonesians were represented and participated in independence efforts. Four members of the Committee for the Investigation of the Preparation for Indonesian Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, BPUPKI) and one member on the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, PPKI) had names that were clearly Chinese

1649

Finally, in 1649,

the Dutch began a series of yearly sweeps of the entire area, the infamous hongi (war-fleet) expeditions de islands other than Ambon and Seram, where the Dutch were firmly established. So successful were these expeditions, that half of the islanders starved for lack of trade, and the remaining half were reduced to abject poverty.

Still, the smuggling of cloves and clove trees continued. Traders obtained these other goods at the new Islamic port of Makassar, in southern Sulawesi.

The Dutch repeatedly blockaded Makassar and imposed treaties theoretically barring the Makassarese from trading with other nations, but were unable for many years to enforce them.

 

 

 

(On the site of Jayakarta, the new town of Batavia had many of the features
of Amsterdaam)

 

The Dutch in Java

By such nefarious means the Dutch had achieved effective control of the eastern archipelago and its lucrative spice trade by the end of the 17th Century. In the western half of the archipelago, however, they became increasingly embroiled in fruitless intrigues and wars, particularly on Java. This came about largely because the Dutch presence at Batavia disturbed a delicate balance of power on Java.

 

1649

Kerajaan Sukapura

 

Kerajaan/ Kadipaten SukapuraMerupakan kerajaan/ kadipaten lama di Jawa Barat. Lokasinya adalah sebagai berikut:

 

 

 

Sumber: Digital Atlas of Indonesian History by Robert Cribb.Raja-raja dan bupati swapraja yang pernah memerintah Sukapura adalah:
• Wiradedaha I (1641-?)
• Wiradedaha II (?-1674)
• Anggadipa Wiradedaha III (1674-1726)

 

1650

however, soon declined and by 1650 Sukadana had recovered to dominate the entire west coast.

 

1651


SULTAN AGENG TIRTAYASA

Lahir : Banten, 1631
Wafat : Jakarta, 1692

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

NAMA kecilnya adalah Abdul Fatah.

Pada tahun 1651 Ia diangkat menjadi Sultan Banten pada usia 20 tahun dan mendapat gelar Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa memerintahkan rakyat Banten untuk menolak bekerjasama dengan VOC (Belanda) dan melakukan serangan-serangan gerilya terhadap kedudukan Belanda.

Ia juga berhasil membongkar blockade laut Belanda dan melakukan kerjasama dagang dengan bangsa-bangsa Eropa lain seperti Denmark dan Inggris.

Banyak kapal dan pekebunan teh VOC yang berhasil dirampas dan dirusak oleh pejuang-pejuang Banten. Hal ini sangat merugikan VOC.

Belanda akhirnya memakai strategi adu domba untuk menundukkan Banten, yakni dengan menghasut Sultan Haji anak tertua Sultan Ageng.

Sultan Haji termakan hasutan Belanda dan mengira ayahnya akan menyerahkan kekuasaan kepada Pangeran Purbaya, adik Sultan Haji, sehingga terjadi perselisihan bahkan sampai terjadi peperangan antara ayah dan anak. Kerjasama Belanda dan Sultan Haji akhirnya dapat mengalahkan Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa.

 

 

1655

 

 

TERLAHIR dengan nama asli I Mallambosi, dia diangkat menjadi Sultan Ke-6 Kerajaan Gowa dalam usia 24 tahun (tahun 1655).

Dia juga diberi nama Arab Muhammad Bakir dan bergelar Sultan Hasanuddin. Sementara itu, Belanda memberinya gelar de Haav van de Osten alias Ayam Jantan dari Timur karena kegigihan dan keberaniannya.


1660

 

Peperangan antara VOC dan Sultan Hasanuddin dimulai pada tahun 1660.

Saat itu, Belanda dibantu oleh Kerajaan Bone yang merupakan kerajaan taklukan dari Kerajaan Gowa.

Pada peperangan tersebut, Panglima Bone, Tobala, akhirnya tewas, tetapi Aru Palaka berhasil meloloskan diri. Perang tersebut berakhir dengan perdamaian.

Akan tetapi, perjanjian damai tersebut tidak berlangsung lama karena Sultan Hasanuddin yang merasa dirugikan kemudian menyerang dan merompak dua kapal Belanda, yaitu de Walvis dan Leeuwin. Belanda pun marah. Lalu mengirimkan armada perang yang besar di bawah pimpinan Cornelis Speelman. Aru Palaka, penguasa Bone, juga ikut memimpin pasukannya menyerang Gowa.

 

 

 

 

 


The Makassar wars of 1666-69,

and their aftermath, created a diaspora of Makassarese and Buginese refugees. Many of them fled to eastern Java, where they united under the leadership of a Madurese prince, Trunajaya. Aided and abetted by none other than the Mataram crown prince, Trunajaya succesfully stormed through Central Java and pludered the Mataram capital in 1676-7. Amangkurat I died fleeing the enemy forces.

Once in control of Java, Trunajaya renounced his alliance with the young Mataram prince and declared himself king. Having no one else to turn to, the crown prince pleaded for Dutch support, promising to reimburse all military expenses and to award the Dutch valuable trade concessions. The bait was swallowed, and a costly campaign was promptly mounted to capture Trunajaya. This ended, in 1680, with the restoration of the crown prince, now styling himself Amangkurat II, to the throne.

 

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

 

1667

Hasanuddin yang semakin terdesak akhirnya sepakat untuk membuat perjanjian yang disebut Perjanjian Bongaya pada tanggal 18 November 1667.

Pada tanggal 12 April 1668,

Hasanuddin kembali melakukan serangan terhadap Belanda. Namun, karena saat itu Belanda sudah mempunyai kedudukan yang kuat, pada tanggal 26 Juni 1668, Benteng Sombo Opu sebagai pertahanan terakhir Sultan Hasanuddin berhasil dikuasai Belanda.

 

Finally, in 1669,

following three years of bitter and bloody fighting, the Makassarese surrendered to superior Dutch and Buginese forces.

The Dutch now placed their Bugis ally, Arung Palakka, in charge of Makassar. The bloodletting did not stop here, however, for Arung Palakka embarked on a reign of terror to extend his control over all of southern Sulawesi

 

1670

Hingga wafatnya pada tanggal 12 Juni 1670, Sultan Hasanuddin tetap tidak mau bekerjasama dengan Belanda.

 

 

Cornelis Speelman

Cornelis Speelman (2 March 1628 – 11 January 1684) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1681 to 1684.

 

 

Cornelis Speelman, represented around 1800.

Cornelis Janzoon Speelman was the son of a Rotterdam merchant. He was born on 2 March 1628. In his 16th year, he left aboard the Hillegersberg for the India. He was employed as an Assistant (assistent) in the service of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). In 1645 he arrived in Batavia, Dutch East Indies. He became Bookkeeper (boekhouder) in 1648 and Underbuyer (onderkoopman) in 1649. He became Secretary (secretaris) to the Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van Indië). He travelled with the ambassador Joan Cunaeus to Persia that year, and wrote an account of the voyage. They were received by the Shah Abbas II with great festivity. Even before his voyage came to an end, in 1652,he was promoted to Buyer (koopman). On his return to Batavia, he took up a post in the office of the Bookkeeper-General (boekhouder-generaal), ‘for whom he deputised for a long time, and whom he succeeded in 1657. Meanwhile, he had married the fifteen year-old Petronella Maria Wonderaer, daughter to the Receiver-General (ontvanger-generaal). In 1659 he was placed in charge of the Company’s clerical and administrative staff (kapitein over de compagnie pennisten) in Batavia. In 1661, he became schepen van Batavia, ( a sort of alderman post connected with local government there).

On 12 June 1663, Cornelis Speelman was appointed Governor and Director of Dutch Coromandel, but was suspended by the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII), being accused of having illegally engaged in private trading. He had bought a diamond for his wife and later re-sold it because she had not liked it. Despite his strenuous protests, the court in Batavia wanted to make an example of him and he was sentenced to a 15 months suspension and a fine of 3,000 guilders. In 1666, he was named admiral and superintendent of an expedition to Makasar. On 18 November 1667, he concluded the so-called Bongaais Treaty. (Treaty of Bonggaya[1]) In the same year, he was named Commissioner (commissaris) of Amboina, Banda and Ternate. Consequently, he became Counsellor-extraordinary (raad extra-ordinaris) to the Dutch Council of the Indies. He travelled once again, in 1669, as admiral of another expedition to Makassar where he completely subjugated the kingdom, receiving a gold chain and medallion in recognition of this the following year.

He became a full Counsellor of the Indies on 23 March 1671. The following year he was admiral of a fleet sent against the French. In December 1676, he led an expedition to Central Java, where the ruler of Mataram was in difficulties and he needed to support the alliance with that prince. On Java’s East Coast, he went to war against the so-called Toerana Djaja. It took some time before peace was re-established. He was called back to Batavia at the end of 1677 and on 18 January 1678 named First Counsellor and Director-General of the Indies (Eerste Raad en Directeur-Generaal van Indië). Also in that year he was appointed President of the College van Schepenen (to do with local government) in Batavia. On 29 October 1680 he was named Governor-General, a post he took up on 25 November 1681, succeeding Rijckloff van Goens.

During the term of office of Cornelis Speelman as Governor-General, the Sultan of Ternate was conquered. He ceded all his lands of his kingdom to the Company. Speelman also subdued the city of Bantam. Cornelis Speelman died on 11 January 1684 in the Castle at Batavia. His funeral was accompanied with great noise and splendour, for which no pains or monies were spared. He was buried in the Kruiskerk to the noise of 229 cannon shots. He was followed as Governor-General by Johannes Camphuy

 

 

1683

 

Pada tahun 1683, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Pada tahun 1683, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa berhasil ditangkap dan dibuang ke Batavia hingga wafat di penjara pada tahun 1692. Sedangkan Pangeran Purbaya menyingkir ke daerah Priangan.

 

1685

It was on the 12 th july 1685  that ralph ord, the repsentative of the honourable East india company, managed to establish a settlemen at bencoolen, concluding an agreement with the local rulers fort the supply of papper to the company, in return for an undertaking to protect them from the dutch.

Bencoolen was considered to be in a strategic position to control the trade route through the sunda strait. In fact its strategic infortance was never realised as most Europeen  shipping chose to use the starait of malacca, the more direct route from india to china. Bencoolen was to remain the head quarters for the company’s Operations in sumatra. A number of small trading post, or factories as the were called  from the title of factor, (the official responsible for the settlement), were established on the west coast of sumatra from Tapanuli, natal and moko moko in the north, to manna and krui in the south, near the modern border with lampung.

 

 

 

 

Gouvenor general VOC

 

Governor Jacob Christiaan Pielat 1733‑tfull.jpg

 

View of Batavia, 1730
View of the city of Batavia, seen from out to sea with many ships in the foreground, including four East Indiamen.

After the Dutch arrived in the East Indies in 1596, the VOC (Dutch East India Company) established its headquarters in the city of Jayakarta, on the island of Java.

Later renamed Batavia, the city (now Jakarta) soon became the capital of the East Indies and the principal harbour for Dutch ships sailing to and from Europe.

The Governor-General and Council in Batavia controlled all VOC trade in Asia, and the city reflected the company’s monopolistic approach. Private trade at most of the ports was prohibited, except in Batavia.

 

View of the city and castle of Batavia in two parts 1650–1700

The VOC was not the first to use the monopoly approach. But it was the VOC and its appetite for new markets that eventually put Australia on the map.

Soon after the company established its base in the city, Batavia became the launching place for the first of many Dutch voyages of discovery beyond the Spice Islands.

In 1605, VOC headquarters in Amsterdam issued an order to Frederick de Houtman, Governor in Batavia: ‘There must be more charting, mapping and exploring of the lands further east of the Spice Islands and a renewed search for a passage through to the Pacific Ocean’.

The twin objectives of the expeditions to the unknown south were trade and territory: commanders of the voyages were instructed to find new commercial prospects and acquire new land. They were the orders that effectively signalled the beginning of the Dutch discovery of Australia.

 

Desepascaert vertoont de wegh, soo int heen als in het weerom seylen, die gehouden is bij het jacht het Duijfien in het besoecken van de landen beoosten Banda, tot aen Nova Guinea.
Map of the islands in the Banda Sea and the New Guinea region showing the tracks of the Duyfken in 1606.
engraving; 61.5 x 56.0 cm
Reproduction:
Monumenta cartographica, Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1925
National Library of Australia

Captained by Willem Janszoon, the voyage of the Duyfken in 1606 was the first of several planned voyages to the north of Australia. A secret map, Dese pascaert vertoont, shows the route of the Duyfken and the first European landfall on the Australian continent, at 11°45′S. Most VOC voyages, commercial or explorative, were secret. But maps of their voyages soon revealed to the world the extent of their discoveries. Janszoon’s discoveries were thought to be an extension of New Guinea as the Duyfken had missed Torres Strait.

No second voyage of discovery to the south lands was organised until 1623, though the Dutch did consider it. In 1620, prompted after a series of accidental landfalls on Australia’s west coast, the Seventeen urged closer investigation of the extent of Janszoon’s discoveries.

In 1622, Dutch exploration of the unknown South Land suddenly became urgent. In that year, the English ship the Trial (or Tryall) became the first European ship to come to grief on the Australian coast. The Trial was wrecked off the Montebello Islands, in north-west Australia. Captain John Brookes and 45 of his crew sailed in two boats to Batavia to mount a rescue, but 93 people left behind died.The safety of the VOC ships was paramount. On 29 September, VOC officials in Batavia instructed the captains of the de Haringh and Hasewint to combine the search for new trading opportunities with the pressing need to chart unknown, and possibly dangerous, stretches of coastline.

The main object for which you are dispatched on this occasion is, that for 45° or 50°S, or from the farthest point to which the land shall be found to extend southwards within these latitudes, up to the northernmost extremity of the South Land you will have to discover and survey all capes, forelands, bights, lands, islands, rocks, sandbanks, depths, shallows, roads, winds, currents and all that appertains to the same, so as to be able to map out and duly mark everything in its true latitude, longitude, bearings and conformation. You will moreover go ashore in various places and diligently examine the coast in order to ascertain whether or not it is inhabited, the nature of the land and the people, their towns and inhabited villages, the divisions of their kingdoms, their religion and polity, their wars, their rivers, the shape of their vessels, their fisheries, commodities and manufactures, but especially to inform yourselves what minerals, such as gold, silver, tin, iron, lead, and copper, what precious stones, pearls, vegetables, animals and fruits, these lands yield and produce.

 

Carten dese landen Zin ontdeckt bij de compangie ontdeckers behaluen het norder deelt van noua guina ende het West Eynde van Java dit Warck aldus
[Bonaparte Tasman map]
‘Map these lands were discovered by the Company’s explorers except for the northern part of New Guinea and the west end of Java.’
manuscript map, hand-coloured; 73.0 x 95.0 cm
State Library of New South Wales

While this project came to nothing, the following year the voyage of discovery of the ships Pera and Arnhem added significantly to Dutch knowledge of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the discoveries of Jan Carstensz began to appear on regional and world maps.

Twenty years later, the VOC was still probing, and Dutch discoveries reached their climax with Abel Tasman‘s two voyages in 1642–43 and 1644.

In August 1642, Anthonie van Diemen, Governor-General of the East Indies from 1636 to 1645, instructed Abel Tasman to ‘sail to the partly known as well as the undiscovered South and East lands, to discover them and find some important lands, or at the very least some practicable passages to well known rich places, to be used eventually to enhance and enlarge the general welfare of the company’.

New Holland, as the Dutch and for a time the rest of the world would come to know Australia, offered little through trade in the way of spices or precious stones or produce. With only a few exceptions, the Dutch navigators had experienced some of the most desolate and inhospitable of Australia’s coasts. They were confounded by their contact with Indigenous Australians.

After the loss of several ships and with little to show for its effort, the VOC began losing interest in the South Land with each expedition. The last significant voyage commissioned by the company was that of Willem de Vlamingh in 1696.

Some VOC expeditions that left Batavia to explore the South Land

 

Johannes Camphuys

 

 

Portrait of Johannes Campuys

Johannes Camphuys (registered as Kamphuis, Centraal Bureau voor Genealogie) (Haarlem, July 18 1634 – Batavia (Jakarta), July 18 1695) was the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1684 to 1691.[1]

[edit] Japan

At this point in Japanese history, the sole VOC outpost (or “factory”) was situated on Dejima island in the harbor of Nagasaki on the southern island of Kyushu. Camphuys was three times sent to Japan as Opperhoofd or chief negotiant and officer of the VOC trading post.[2]

  • 22 October 1671–12 November 1672[2]
  • 29 October1673–19 October 1674[2]
  • 7 November 1675–27 October 1676[2]

[edit] Legacy

The life of Camphuys is commemorated in the name of a street in the Lombok neighbourhood of Utrecht; and he is also remembered in the name of a street in the Bezuidenhoutquarter of The Hague.

 

Willem van Outhoorn

 

 

Willem van Outhoorn (4 May 1635 – 27 November 1720) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1691 to 1704. He was born and died in the Dutch East Indies.

[edit] Biography

Willem van Outhoorn (or Oudthoorn) was born on 4 May 1635 at Larike on Ambon Island in Indonesia. His father was a Dutch East India Company (VOC) Buyer (koopman) there. He was sent to the Netherlands to study Law at the University of Leiden. On 28 November 1657 he graduated in Law.

[edit] Government career

In 1659 van Outhoorn returned to the Indies, employed as Underbuyer (onderkoopman). He was to remain in the East for the rest of his life. Even a journey to nearby Bantam was a journey too far for him. In 1662 he became a member of the Council of Justice (Raad van Justitie) in Batavia. In 1672 he became Receiver-General (ontvanger-generaal), and in 1673 he became Vice-President of the Council of Justice. In 1678 he was charged with a mission to Bantam and he became an extraordinary member of the Dutch Council of the Indies. He was named a full Counsellor, being confirmed in that post in 1681. He became President of the Council of Justice in 1682 and in 1689 President of the College van Heemraden (dealing with estate boundaries, roads, etc.). That same year he was appointed First Counsellor and Director-General of the Dutch East Indies.

On 17 December 1690 van Outhoorn was appointed Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, taking over from Johannes Camphuys on 24 September 1691. After ten years, the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) granted his wish to be honourably relieved of his duties, but it was 15 August 1704 before he could hand over all his official functions to his successor, Joan van Hoorn.

He requested that he be allowed to remain on his estate just outside Batavia. Such requests were generally not allowed, for fear that retired governors would interfere with the work of their successors. However, because he was in ill-health and was over 70, he was allowed to stay. He died at age 85 on 27 November 1720.

His term of office was not marked by many important developments or events. At the end of his term, Amangkurat II Sultan of Mataram died. As the VOC did not recognise his son as successor, a long war broke out just before Van Outshoorn left office. In 1693 the French overran Pondicherry. During his time, efforts were made to establish coffee growing in Java. The first harvest failed because of flooding, but the next harvest had more success.

Van Outhoorn was not a very strong ruler. Corruption and nepotism, in which he was also involved, became more blatant during his time. His son-in-law Joan van Hoorn, married to his daughter Susanna, followed him as Governor-General

 

1611

 

The wreck Of Batavia Ship

Mutiny on the Batavia

This is the article  of the shipwreck of the Batavia, and the ensuing mutiny and massacre.

Well, despite all the carnage the surviving crew and passengers of the Batavia were lucky in one sense, they were eventually rescued. In 1711 another Dutch ship, the Zuytdorp, also wrecked upon the same remote coast. Actually many Dutch ships had disappeared before along this coast, which was bad news for the Zuytdorp, because when she didn’t make it to Indonesia, no search was made. Presumably becasue of the expense of previous fruitless searches. This was unfortunate for the Zuytdorp,  because some survivors made it ashore. Starting in the 1920s when westerners started penetrating this remote area of coast, many artifacts from a shipwreck were found, some clearly having been carried to cliff tops with unmistakable evidence of habitation found as well. And while the survivors may indeed have tried to signal passing ships, even if they were seen most likely ships simply regarded them as fires set by aborigines.

 

Both the wreck and the land sites were excavated in a  series of digs over many decades, and many artifacts discovered. Coins dated 1711 very early pegged the site as the Zuytdorp, it was carrying a cargo of said coins, and in fact when the site was first visited by divers, they reported  a “carpet” of silver coins.

The excavation took decades because the location is so treacherous that only a  few days a year is it safe to dive. And even on land the airstrip is extremely windy and dangerous. It was done though, and many artifacts were recovered. The big question, what happened to the survivors, was never answered. Did any of them join with the aborigines? Could there be aborigines with 17th and 18th century Dutch DNA in them? Remember, two of the Batavia mutineers were also marooned on this coast, and no doubt other unknown survivors made it ashore in the centuries that Dutch ships hugged this coast. Alas, a 2002 DNA study concluded, not likely.

As for the wreck of the Batavia, it was discovered in the sixties, and in pretty good shape all things considered. It was excavated in the early seventies, one of the first great underwater shipwreck excavations. It inspired laws to protect such sites, and many further recovery efforts. Much of the stern of the ship was recovered intact, as well as a stone archway intended for a Dutch fort in Indonesia. Both can be seen above, as they are on display in the Fremantle Maritime Museum, in Fremantle Australia. Human remains were recovered as well, and I read that some of them are on display too.

And on the islands where the actual fighting and battles took place, there have been excavations. The remains of the fort and the well built by Wiebbe Hayes and his men are still to be seen, and are in fact the oldest European built structures in Australia. Yes, the “barren” island Wiebbe Hayes and company had been left on actually had an aquifer, and a shallow well provided fresh water. And they had discovered that they could wade at low tide to another nearby island, East Wallabi Island. And on said island,  some sort of small island wallaby lived. They were delicious.

That was one of many details I left out of a fascinating but complicated story. Complicated in and of itself, and complicated by the fact that I had trouble finding good images or even maps of the area. I did find some pictures of Wiebbe Hayes Fort here. Unfortunately the images show two stone structures, with no explanation as to which is what. Still, the fact that the earliest structures built by Europeans in Australia are still intact shows nicely just how remote the Abrolhos Islands, or more properly, the Houtman Abrolhos, really are.

. The wreck of the Batavia happened over 400 years ago, yet multiple threads from this event are still unravelling.

It probably goes without saying that Jeronimus Cornelisz was a psychopath/sociopath.

The link above says he was a devil worshipper, which may or may not be true, it’s suspected but not proved that he had links with Johannes van der Beeck, a Dutch artist who was executed for atheistic and Satanistic beliefs. I suspect without Jeronimus Cornelisz the mutiny would never have happened or been a much more bloodless thing. A case can be made that many if not most of the murderous mutineers only became murderers because they got trapped on a deserted island with a psychopath. Imagine Gilligan’s Isle if Gilligan had been a psychopath. Yikes. This is why I never get in an elevator with strangers.

1623

 

 

A bond issued by the Dutch East India Company, dating from 7 November 1623, for the amount of 2,400 florins

 

 

 

 

Pera and Arnhem, 1623

 

Sir Robert Dudley (1574–1649)
Carta particolare della costa Australe scoperta dall’Olandesi … d’ Asia Carta
Part of the coast of New Holland.
engraving; 47.5 x 37.3 cm
Firenze: Nella stamperia di Francesco Onofri, 1647
Northern Territory Library

Captain Jan Carstenszoon in the Pera and Captain Willem van Coolsteerd in the Arnhem explored the south coast of New Guinea and the western side of Cape York Peninsula. Carstenszoon went on to chart the Gulf of Carpentaria, naming it for Pieter de Carpentier, the Governor-General in Batavia. Meantime, van Coolsteerd charted the northern part of Arnhem Land.

1627

 

 

 

After these initial West African slaves  were brought to the Cape the Dutch East India Company fell into line with agreements with the Dutch West Indian Company to focus its slaving operations on the African territories on Indian Ocean coast and East Indies.

In addition to the dedicated Cape based slaver ships, other slaver ships of many nationalities anchored in the Cape with ‘cargoes` destined for Europe and the Americas.

 

Some from amongst this ‘cargo` ware sent to Indonesia(Dutch Indie)

 

 

 

 

 

1638

In 1638

in Yogyakarta tragedy occurred a massacre of the Dutch and Japanese so that the Dutch sent punitive expeditions and making threats against the Sultanate of Banjarmasin, the Kingdom and the Kingdom Sukadana Kotawaringin.

Heemskerck and Zeehaen, 1642

Abel Tasman, commanding the Heemskerck and Zeehaen, became the first European to sight Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania), Statenlandt (New Zealand) and the islands of Tonga and Fiji. Tasman charted much of Tasmania, but missed Bass Strait and the east coast of the continent, proceeding east to New Zealand.

Zeemeeuw, Limmen and Bracq, 1644

Commanding a second expedition of three ships, the Zeemeeuw, Limmen and Bracq, Tasman charted much of Australia’s north and north-west coasts, from Cape York in the east to Point Cloates in the west.

1645

 

 

1646

When  Sultan Agung  died in 1646 his tomb at the holy hilltop of Imogiri was already built according to his own specifications: the mythical Nyai Loro Kidul, Queen of the Southern Ocean, had told Sultan Agung the very hour of his coming demise, it was said.

 

Great King: Sultan Agung

Sultan Agung had created the most magnificent Muslim kingdom that Java had ever known, a state to rival even the much-vaunted Majapahit, but once he was interred at Imogiri the rot set rapidly in.

His heir, Amangkurat I, did his best with offerings to keep the Queen of the Southern Ocean on side to keep the kingdom ticking over, but he was a brutal man, who according to the Javanese accounts was a ‘king who had sunk to the level of the beasts’.

 

 

1651

.

 

Indonesia ,Indies, It became a Crown Colony in 1651 with the E.I.C. responsible for administration. The Cocos-Keeling Islands were found in 1609 during one of the early voyages when Captain Keeling was blown south, off course, and was making his way back to the Indies.

 

1658

Dutch travel literature: the account of Wouter Schouten’s adventurous travels in the East Indies in a rare French edition, published in 1708 by Pierre Mortier. The ship surgeon Schouten travelled widely in the East Indies between 1658 and 1665, visiting Colombo (Ceylon), the Malabar coast, Bengal, Arakan, Batavia, Formosa (= Taiwan), Sumatra, the Moluccas and Amboina.

Being an observant traveller, his narrative contains much detailed information on life in the East, including an eye-witness report of the Dutch Siege of Makassar, Ceylon.

 

1660

 

the Indian Ocean Slave Trade

As stated in other posts, the first slaves to be brought to the Cape Colony were from West Africa, but that soon changed to a position where slaves almost exclusively came from the Indian Ocean slave trade.

From the 1660s until 1742, a majority, over 57% of slaves, came from India and the Indonesian Archipelago. Thereafter the figures decreased.

After 1767 a combination of official reluctance to bring slaves from the east and, a decrease in the fortunes of Dutch shipping, finally resulted in the import of eastern slaves dwindling to a trickle. During the overall 180 year period of slavery around 51% of new slaves in the Cape came from Africa, Madagascar and the Mascarenes, 26% from India and 22% from the Indonesian Archipelago.

This post deals with the complex roots of the Indian and Indonesian components which dominated the early years of slavery at the Cape and has often been simplistically referred to as the Malay slaves.

 

The heyday of the Dutch dominance in the Indian Ocean Slave Trade is poorly understood in South Africa, in terms of where slaves actually originally came from. The confusion arises out of the ‘shorthand` accounts of ships bringing slaves from slaving ‘stations` or ‘centres` rather than where slaves originally actually were taken. Modern day Indonesia and Malaysia and its attributes are also overlaid on the situation pertaining in the 17th and 18th centuries. In South Africa we have also allowed the local construct of a ‘Cape Malay` Muslim identity cloud our understanding of the roots of eastern slavery.

According to Markus Vink, The World`s Oldest Trade: Dutch Slavery and Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century, Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (Fall 2003): the Dutch Indian Ocean slave system drew captive labour from three interlocking and overlapping circuits of sub-regions: the westernmost, African circuit of East Africa, Madagascar, and the Mascarene Islands (Mauritius and Réunion); the middle, South Asian circuit of the Indian subcontinent (Malabar, Coromandel, and the Bengal/Arakan coast); and the easternmost, Southeast Asian circuit of Malaysia, Indonesia, New Guinea (Irian Jaya), and the southern Philippines.

Vink goes on to establish that ‘in general, the Dutch slave trade took people from segmented microstates and stateless societies in the East outside the House of Islam to the company`s Asian headquarters, the Chinese colonial city of Batavia (Jakarta), and its regional centre in the western districts of the Indian Ocean, coastal Ceylon (Sri Lanka),` From here slaves were dispersed to strategic footholds in Malacca and Makassar and in eastern Indonesian islands of Maluku, Ambon, and Banda. The Cape Colony was also one of these strategic footholds of Dutch interest.

Markus Vink establishes that the first circuit or sub-region of the Dutch Slave Trade, the Indian subcontinent (Arakan/Bengal, Malabar, and Coromandel), remained the most important source of slave labour until the mid 1660s. Vink says that during the first thirty years of Batavia`s existence, Indian and Arakanese slaves provided the main labour force of the company`s Asian headquarters. The point is further made that until the Dutch seizure of the Portuguese settlements on the Malabar coast (165863), large numbers of slaves were also captured and sent from India`s west coast to Batavia, Ceylon, and elsewhere. After 1663, however, the stream of forced labour from Cochin dried up to a trickle of about 50100 and 80120 slaves per year to Batavia and Ceylon, respectively.

 

Amongst the Cape Colony slaves, Bengal, coast of Coromandel, Saloor (Ceylon), Cochin, Palicatte, Devanampatnam and other places of origin listed in slave inventories feature strongly in the last three decades of the 1600s. Vink makes the point that in contrast with other areas of the Indian subcontinent, Coromandel remained the centre of a spasmodic slave trade throughout the seventeenth century. In various short-lived booms accompanying natural and human-induced calamities, the Dutch exported thousands of slaves from the east coast of India. South African history does little to acknowledge these Indian roots of slaves in the Cape. Generally it projects that Indians first came to South Africa as indentured labourers and merchants in the late 1800s. That this migration occurred is absolutely true as the large KwaZulu-Natal Indian population has its roots therein. But it is not the only truth.

In the Cape Colony the much earlier forced Indian migration has left very little of a distinct Indian character amongst the population. The dubbing over of Indian roots with the ‘Cape Malay` construct whereby all eastern slaves got lumped together as a constructed ethnic identity, resulted in wiping out historical facts. This had more to do with dividing slave descendants who had the same roots, into Christian and Muslim entities as though distinct ethnic differences existed. The irony was that many who had been enslaved and sold to the Dutch were often the ‘heathen` victims of conquering Muslim religious armies in South-Indian wars. In the Cape many of these ‘hindu` or ‘heathen` slaves converted to Islam, while others converted to Christianity. When war and religious conquest was not the reason for enslavement, then famine facilitated enslavement. Markus Vink makes the point elsewhere that between 1620 and 1830, Hindu Bali, internally divided among various rival states after the collapse of the kingdom of Gelgel, exported at least 100,000 members of its own population and neighboring Lombok, Sumbawa, Sumba, and elsewhere as slaves.

 

Markus Vink in his study provides the following information: ‘A third short-lived boom in slaving took place between 1659 and 1661 due to the devastation of Tanjavur resulting from a series of successive Bijapuri raids, creating the usual famine-slave cycle. At Nagapatnam, Pulicat, and elsewhere, the company purchased 8,00010,000 slaves, the bulk of whom were sent to Ceylon while a small portion were shipped to Batavia and Malacca. A fourth boom (167377) was initiated by a long drought in
Madurai and southern Coromandel starting in 1673, exacerbated by the prolonged Madurai-Maratha struggle over Tanjavur and resulting oppressive fiscal practices.

Between 1673 and 1677,

the VOC exported 1,839 slaves from the Madurai coast alone. A fifth boom occurred in 1688, caused by a combination of poor harvests and the Mughal advance into the Karnatak. Reportedly thousands of people from Tanjavur, mostly girls and little boys, were sold into slavery and exported by Asian traders from Nagapattinam to Aceh, Johor, and other slave markets’.

Of the tiny pinch of spice that Malay has added to the bubbling semantic stew of the English language, one word above all has a particularly pungent tang.

Four more loaded letters (or five, depending how you choose to spell it) are hard to think of; between its two syllables it carries all the dark and incomprehensible threat of the foreign, and all the weight of half-a-millennium of dehumanising, denigrating European ideas about ‘the natives’.  The word is ‘amok’.

 

Negative Epithets: ‘The Malay Character’

The Malay Character

In the 19th century and beyond much was made by foreigners in the tropics about a curious concept called ‘the Malay character’.

Depending on the ignorance levels of the white man in question (and it generally was a white man, pontificating with gin and tonic in hand as the punkahs swished on the ceiling of the Club and the warm rain lashed down over the rubber plantations), the ‘Malay race’ could refer merely to the Malay-speakers of the Peninsula and southern Sumatra, or it could be expanded in great conquering sweeps of generalisation to encompass all of maritime Southeast Asia,

taking in everyone from the Bugis of southwest Sulawesi, to the Balinese, Javanese and Madurese; from the Dayak spearmen of the Borneo forests to the white-robed Achenese totting their prayer beads on Mecca’s Veranda in northern Sumatra.  Sometimes, sweeping aside the final feeble palisades of language, culture and geography with a rattle of the gin glass, it was cast further still to blanket even the Philippines, Thailand and the Buddhist lands of Indochina.

But what mattered, wherever you drew their territorial limits, was that these ‘Malays’ were amongst the most indolent people on the planet.  They were very feeble, and they were shockingly lazy.  They would not work; they did nothing; they behaved in fact (though nobody mentioned this) very much like late-18th century Dutchmen during the dying days of VOC Batavia.  That, at least, was the theory.

Coupled to this alleged lethargy were various other adjectives of differing degrees of negativity.

The mythical Malay was often described as proud and even gentlemanly; they were soft – whether you viewed that as good or bad – and refined.  But they were also, like virtually every ‘native’ everywhere, ‘deceitful’ and ‘treacherous’.  And worse yet, there was a literally fatal flaw in all this slow-moving indolence: the most notable aspect of the Malay character, our gin-swiller would have had it as the sweat dribbled down his rosy cheeks, was their capacity to go on an unprovoked, motiveless rampage at a moment’s notice, to slash and stab with darkened eyes.

‘These acts of indiscriminate murder are called mucks,’ it was explained, ‘because the perpetrators of them, during their frenzy, continually cry out amok, amok, which signifies kill, kill’:

When the cry ‘amok! amok!’ is raised, people fly to the right and left for shelter, and after the blinded madman’s kris has once ‘drunk blood,’ his fury becomes ungovernable, his sole desire is to kill; he strikes here and there, he stabs fugitives in the back, his kris drips blood, he rushes on yet more wildly, blood and murder in his course; there are shrieks and groans, his bloodshot eyes start from their sockets, his frenzy gives him unnatural strength, then all of a sudden he drops, shot through the heart, or from sudden exhaustion, clutching his bloody kris.

This idea of Malays spontaneously combusting in the street without warning seemed almost designed to encourage contemptuous unease amongst Europeans.  In colonial Southeast Asia the very word amok was enough to set an Englishman trembling in his boots.

National Method of Suicide

 

Exotic: Southeast Asia through European eyes

Amok does not, in fact, ‘signify kill, kill’.  It is the root of a proper Malay verb which could best be translated as quite simply ‘to run amok’.

Accounts and explanations of the practice abound.  It was, one Englishman declared, ‘the Malay national method of committing suicide’, for they were never known to kill themselves in more conventional fashion.  Special – and especially brutal – methods of dealing with it were put in place.

In VOC Batavia, ‘In order, if possible to take them [the amok-runners] alive, the officers of justice are provided with a pole ten or twelve feet in length, at the end of which is a kind of fork, made of two pieces of wood, three feet long, stuck on the inside with sharp iron spikes; this is held before the wretched object of pursuit, who runs into it, and is thus taken.’

If the madman somehow survived being impaled in this way, he was ‘immediately broken alive upon the wheel’.  If an officer managed to catch an amok-runner alive his reward was ‘very considerable’; if he killed them in the attempt, however, he got nothing more than a pat on the back.

In the face of such evidence, and such accounts, it seems hard to dispute that amok existed.  The idea must have left the more imaginative Englishmen in the Indies in a state of permanent paranoid panic;

the sight of a gaggle of listless locals reclining at the roadside would have been full of ominous threat.  ‘What if one of them goes, right now?’ they must have wondered, hurrying nervously onwards under the hot tropical sun. But peer a little closer, and cracks begin to appear in the idea of amok.

For a start, there was a certain disagreement over just who out of all the ‘Malays’ was most likely to leap up shrieking, kris in hand.  William Marsden, one of the greatest British orientalists of the early colonial era, a man based in Sumatra, declared that ‘It is not to be controverted that these desperate acts of indiscriminate murder, called by us mucks, and by the natives mongamo [mengamuk, the full verb], do actually take place, and frequently too, in some parts of the east (in Java in particular)’.  But Raffles disagreed, stating that ‘It is a mistake,

however, to attribute these acts of desperation to the Javans… That such have occurred on Java, even during the British administration is true, but not among the Javans: they have happened exclusively in the large towns… and have been confined almost entirely to the class of slaves’.  Anywhere but here, it seems (though Raffles’ assertion on this point is rather contradicted by an account of a Javanese retainer of the toppled Sultan ‘running amok’ in Yogyakarta the night after the British sacked and looted the kraton).

And then there was the question of the process itself.  Though amok was always presented as an utterly unpredictable moment of madness, many of the accounts mentioned preparatory imbibing of opium or arak, which instantly turns terrifyingly spontaneity into something else entirely, something much less exotic.  If amok represented some unidentifiable breaking point in ‘the Malay character’, then how could people plan to do it in advance, and how on earth could people plan to do it en masse?  Yet all too often accounts speak of ‘bodies of Malays’ having ‘resolved to run amok’ together.

Very often these ‘bodies’ were simply soldiers opposing a party of European invaders – fighting with suicidal bravery and determination.

 

Berserk: The chilly Norse version of ‘amok’

Finally, there’s the idea that amok is unique to that much maligned Malay character.  There is considerable evidence that the word itself, and perhaps the idea of a mass military amok too, comes not from Southeast Asia, but from southern India.

In its four pages dedicated to the subject, Hobson Jobson, the great dictionary-encyclopaedia of the British Empire in Asia comes up with more examples of the practice from non-Malays than Malays: everyone was running amok from Sikh soldiers to Turks on the Black Sea, from the son of an Indian raja to a Spanish sailor in Liverpool…

Old Rope

Drunks, madmen and opium addicts have gone on the rampage on streets the world over since time immemorial, and they still do today (all too often with an automatic assault rifle in hand, it seems).  The idea of suicidally brave soldiers repeats in the Japanese kamikaze, and amok has both an absolute equivalent and a perfect synonym in berserk, drawn not from treacherous Asian natives, but from bearskin-clad Norsemen who fought in a furious trance.

 

The Indian Rope Trick: complete with eyewitnesses

In the 19th century Southeast Asia could be a violent place – and it still can be today.

Local cultures certainly did encompass the idea of possibly dangerous trances (the performers of the darker dance-dramas in Bali and Java,

for example, are supposed to go into a trance), the concept of ‘being entered by a demon’, and the notion of supernatural invulnerability in battle (easily confused, perhaps, with the near-superhuman strength of someone going berserk).  What was more, the very real local notions of decorum and good conduct meant that the universal point at which tempers are lost was rarely preceded in the Indies by the kind of demonstrative preliminary bluster familiar in uncouth English bar rooms.   But for all its exotic potency, take a magnifying glass to the idea of amok, and the dark eyes and spontaneous rampages all too often resolve themselves as little more than a drunken rage,

a cold-headed assassination attempt or a conventional riot, born of the frustrations of indigenous oppression or the heavy yoke of European colonialism.

Amok, in part at least, is perhaps not unlike the infamous myth of the Indian Rope Trick: repeat an exotic story often enough, especially if it is full of magic or barbarism, and eyewitnesses will begin to rise miraculously from the basket, like a lot of old rope…

 

 

1677

By the time Sultan Amangkurat I  died in 1677 Mataram was a mess.  He had fallen out with his own heir; Gunung Merapi had erupted violently; there had been famines and earthquakes, and a rampaging rebel prince from Madura had sacked the Mataram court.

The Dutch VOC too had been drawn into Mataram matters for the first time as mercenaries and powerbrokers, and they played that role ever more often as the succession continued over the coming decades.  It was not necessarily something they wanted to do – the Javanese often invited them in.

1678

The second Amangkurat moved the Mataram capital to Kartasura, halfway between Merapi and Mount Lawu, but despite this new and auspicious location the troubles continued.  There were more rebellions, more courtly intrigues, more ham-fisted VOC meddling, and more disputed successions.

However, the court was still in possession of powerful pusaka, the energy-laden heirloom regalia that fuelled legitimacy (in 1678 they had added the golden crown of the Majapahit kings to their collection), and as far as anyone knew the successive rulers were still regularly consorting with the Queen of the Southern Ocean.

That all brought a certain mystic authority to the throne of Mataram that was not to be taken lightly, no matter how much of a state the temporal realm was in.

 

In September 1687,

665 slaves were exported by the English from Fort St. George, Madras. The Dutch decision to participate was belated for the boom ended as abruptly as it had started as a result of the abundant rice harvest in early 1689. Finally, in 169496, when warfare once more ravaged South India, a total of 3,859 slaves were imported from Coromandel by private individuals into Ceylon.`

Vink goes on to elaborate that ‘after 1660 relatively more slaves came from the second circuit or sub-region, Southeast Asia. Warfare and endemic raiding expeditions provided a steady supply of slaves from the region`s stateless societies and microstates, especially after the collapse of the powerful sultanate of Makassar (Goa) in Southwest Sulawesi (1667/1669). The slave trade network in the archipelago revolved around the dual axis of Makassar and Bali. Makassar was the main transit port for slaves from Borneo (Kalimantan), Sulawesi, Buton (Butung), and the northeastern islands, as well as the eastern Tenggara islands (Lombok, Sumbawa, Bima, Manggarai, and Solor). The kingdoms of Bali were not only independent slave exporters, but also re-exported slaves from eastern Indonesia as far as New Guinea (Irian Jaya). Of almost 10,000 Indonesian slaves brought to Batavia by Asian vessels between 1653 and 1682, 41.66% (4,086) came from South Sulawesi, 23.98% (2,352) from Bali, 12.07% (1,184) from Buton, 6.92% (679) from the Tenggara islands, and 6.79% (646) from Maluku (Ambon and Banda).`

This post shows just the surface of the complexity of roots that exist behind those who were labelled Cape Malays in the Cape Colony, a term that has been accepted by some and rejected by others. Both Christian Coloured people and Muslim Coloured people have these roots that were dubbed ‘Cape Malay`, but which have a very strong Indian Hindu background as well as roots amongst islanders practicing animist beliefs and even Catholic converts of the Portuguese. Conversion to Islam largely took place in Cape Town when Muslim rebellious nobles, political and religious leaders captured in the East were exiled to the Cape. They had a profound and positive influence on the enslaved and offered social coherence and comfort in dire circumstances. The ‘Cape Malay` construct is here to stay but we should ensure that the historical distortions are cleared up so that all Coloured people may celebrate the hidden layers of cultures that are part of who we were and are. The Indian and multifaceted Indonesian Archipelago roots can be celebrated by us all and should not be allowed to be ghettoised .

1653

Why they signed on for the VOC 1)

Reading the Journael of the Ongeluckige Voyagie van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer (the unhappy voyage of the jaght the Sperwer) makes one wonder what made people throw themselves in an adventure like this. One may consider the shipwrecking of the Sperwer and the involuntary stay of the surviving crew as a company accident, but who enlisted as a sailor on a VOC ship, should have known that one exposed himself at a considerable risk.

Though the Heeren XVII did everything in their power to make these risks as small as possible. And not totally without success. The health conditions of the crew for instance became little by little better. Around the middle of the seventeenth century contagious diseases like cholera, didn’t occur more on board of the ships than in contemporary Amsterdam.

From the records which have been kept, we know that he, who survived the first journey, made statistically a good chance to keep up for years. According to present standards these ships would have been hardly called seaworthy. Nevertheless it appeared from the ‘daghregisters‘ (daily records) in which the departures and arrivals of the ships were written down, that from the so-called return ships on route to the Indies in two centuries only two percent perished. From the ships on their way home only four percent didn’t return. So it is well possible that the perspective of being separated for a long time from family and acquaintances was a bigger drawback for signing on then the fear of possible dangers. But maybe was the desire for adventure sometimes bigger than the family ties. According to Arthur van Schendel the scent of pepper and nutmeg, which floated around the warehouses of the VOC, turned into many a young man’s head, and they let themselves seduce by the exiting stories which old seamen told, while sitting on their “lie benches”. This might have played a role. But the most important reason to take service with the VOC, will have been poverty.

A research done by the Department of Agricultural History of the former Agricultural Academy of Wageningen, shows that in the period, which is called in the History books of the Netherlands: the Golden Age, many civilians suffered from hunger. And for these people a VOC-contract meant a living. In the 17th century the social lower classes in Holland were better fed then in the rest of Europe, but hunger amongst them was not a rare occurrence.

In 1653,

the year in which the unhappy voyage of the Sperwer took place, many failed grain harvests in the East-Sea countries and war violence on the North-Sea (first English War) led in many cities of the Republic to severe shortage of food. J.A. Faber, Death and Famine in Pre-Industrial Netherlands (1980).

It appeared that when life circumstances of the lower class improved little by little, less and less Hollanders seemed to be willing to sign in as a sailor at the VOC. In the beginning of the 18th century only the officers on most VOC-ships were still Hollanders. The rest of the crew members were Scottish, Scandinavian or other immigrant workers. And already in the 17th century conjunctural fluctuations caused problems with getting people to sign on. Sometimes the shipbuilding industry of the VOC competed with the shipping industry. When many ships had to be built, there was much employment and this created a lack of sailors.

Then some coercion had to be practiced. Everywhere recruiters were active. With fine words and empty promises they appeased the doubters and irresolutes. A contract was signed easily. Illiterate, and those were the most, could suffice with putting a cross. How much would be known to them of the contents of the contract? Who signed once, stayed usually loyal to the VOC. Who was strong and didn’t drown, because the sea demanded its toll as well, completed his tour of duty and signed on for the next period. Because it was not easy to find a job ashore, and who had been at sea for a long time could not thrive well as a landlubber.

Few happy ones made a career, and became eventually a skipper. Ex-captains of the VOC sometimes had beautiful dwellings build in their place of birth. They had made it, but the rest just remained a motley crew.

How a jaght was designed.

In the course of the 16th century the appearance of the newly build ships changed somewhat. It became fashionable to build a new-built ship as a Spiegelschip (a ship with a straight stern, a transom). The types themselves didn’t change though, and it was quite possible to see two ships that were of the same type, but nonetheless were different, since only the newer ship would have a transom

By the end of the 16th century smaller, fast, but usually completely rigged, transomships, whatever their type, are indicated by the merchant navy with the word “jaght” (yacht, which is derived from the Dutch word: jacht, it means hunt, hunter, but also speed and in the latter meaning it was used for the ship).

 

Well-known jaghts are the Duyfken, which partook in a voyage to the Indies under the command of Cornelis Houtman in 1595, the Halve Maen, which Hudson sailed to North America in 1609, and the Sperwer, its voyage being described before, ending in a shipwreck on the coast of Quelpaert in 1653. Since the Sperwer was launched in Amsterdam in 1648, which was the year of the Munster peace treaty, when it shipwrecked, it was only five years old.

By its build the Sperwer should be considered a “Vlieboot” (also called a vliet, a boat that could be sailed through the “Vlie“, i.e.. to open sea). The size of such seaworthy jaghts was between the 15 and 80 last (A last is a: A measure of volume for ships; and b: A measure of cargo/deadweight capacity; a last is 2000 kg), at a maximum length of 135 voet (A voet is a measure of length; a Rijnlandse voet is about 30 cm) and a width of 25 voet. The water replacement was around the 540 tons.

The rigging consisted of three masts; a square rigged jibmast (or mast with a foresail), a big mast, a mizzen with a gallant, a topsail and a Latin sail. Jaghts were designed for the transportation of artillery.

Jaght” was not an absolute type indication but a relative one. A jaght was built more for speed, where other ships of the same type would be built more for transport. A jaght would therefore have had smaller hold, and less guns. It would still have been armed, though: The jaght the Sperwer had 30 pieces on board, which actually made it for a jaght rather heavily armed.

That “jaght” is not the name of a fixed type is demonstrated by the fact that sometimes the smallest type of warship was called “jaght” as well, though it was more commonly indicated as “pinnace“. Usually, however, the name was limited to the types directly below the warships in size.

Apparently sometimes even the transom was not considered a requirement. At least, this is apparently the only way to explain the occasional mix-ups with the transom-less Flutes [a a narrow type of ship also called a flyship], such as the following one:

 

 

Journael van ‘t geene de overgebleven officierin ende Matroosen van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer ‘t zedert den 16en Augustus A° 1653: dat ‘tselve Jacht aan ‘t quelpaerts eijland (staande onder den Coninck van Coree) hebben verlooren, tot den 14en September A° 1666 dat met haar 8en onvlught, ende tot Nangasackij in Japan aangecomen Zijn, Int selve Rijk van Coree is wedervaeren, mitsgaders den ommeganck van die natie ende gelegentheijt van ‘t land

 

Journal of what happened to the remaining officer(s) and sailors of the jaght the Sperwer, since August 1653. They lost the same ship off the island of Quelpaert (reigned by the King of Coree). Until September 14, 1666, when eight of them have fled and arrived at Nagasaki in Japan. What had happened to them in the same kingdom of Coree, the manners of the country and the circumstances of the country

Then follows, in a third handwriting, the actual Journael. Whether this is the handwriting of Hendrick Hamel or of a clerk, who copied the Journael in Batavia, cannot be retrieved anymore. Hamel starts his Journael as follows:

 

 

Naer dat wij bij d’Ed=e. Hr. gouverneur en d’E. H=ren raden van India naer Taijoan waren gedestineert, soo sijn op den 18en Junij 1553 met bovengenoemde Iacht vande rheede van Batavia ‘tzeijl gegaen, op hebbende d’E. Hr. Cornelis Caesar om’t gouvernement van Taijoan, Formosa , met den aencleven van dien te becleden, tot vervangh van d’E

After that we by the honorable Mr. governor-general and the honorable Mr. Councils of the Indies were destined for Tayoan, so did we go under sail on June 18, 1553 on the above mentioned jaght, from the roadstead of Batavia. On board were also honorable Mr. Cornelis Caesar, to take over the government of Tayoan, to hold this office, to replace the honorable.

B. The text editions of the Journael

/ Van de ongeluckighe Voyagie / van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer/ van Batavia ghedestineert na Tayowan/ in ‘t / Jaer 1653. en van daer op Japan; hoe ‘t selve Jacht door storm op het / Quelpaerts Eylandt is gestrant/ ende van 64. personen/ maer 36. / behouden aen het voornoemde Eylant by de Wilden zijn gelant: / Hoe de selve Maets door de Wilden daer van daen naer het / Coninckrijck Coeree zijn vervoert/ by haer genaemt Tyos/cen-koeck; Alwaer sy 13 Jaren en 28 dagen in slaver-/nye onder de Wilden hebben gezworven/ zijnde in die / tijt tot op 16, NA aldaer gestorven/ waer van 8 Per-/sonen in ‘t Jaer 1666, met een kleyn Vaertuych / zijn ontkomen/ latende daer noch 8. Maets /sitten/ende zijn in ‘t Jaer 1668. in het / Vaderlandt gearriveert. / Alles beschreven door de Boeckhouder van ‘t voornoemde / Jacht de Sperwer/ genaemt / HENDRICK HAMEL van Gorcum. / [Schip in woodcut] / Tot Amsterdam/ gedruckt by JACOB VAN VELSEN / in de Kalverstraet/ / aen de Ossesluys/Anno 1668.

8 sheets, sign. A2-A5, 4o alternating Gothic en Roman letter types. On the reverse side of the title on top the Namen van de acht Maets die van ‘t Eylandt Coeree af gekomen zijn. (names of the eight mates coming from the island Coeree) and the “Namen van de acht Maets die daer noch zijn.  (Names of the eight mates who are still there)

JOURNAEL, / Van de ongeluckighe Voyagie / van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer/ van Batavia ghedestineert NA Tayowan/ in ‘t / Jaer 1653. En van daer op Japan; hoe ‘t selve Jacht door storm op het / Quelpaerts Eylandt is gestrant/ ende van 64. personen/ maer 36. / behouden aen het voornoemde Eylant by deWilden zijn gelant: / Hoe de selve Maets door de Wilden daer van daen naer het / Coninckrijck Coeree zijn vervoert/ by haer genaemt Tyo-/cen-koeck; Alwaer zy 13 Jaren en 28 dagen in slaver-/nye onder de Wilden hebben gezworven/ zijnde in die / tijt tot op 16. NA aldaer gestorven / waer van 8 Per-/sonen in ‘t Jaer 1666. met een kleyn Vaertuych / zijn ontkomen/ latende daer noch 8. Maets / sitten/en de zijn in ‘t Jaer 1668 in het / Vaderlandt gearriveert. / Alles beschreven door de Boeckhouder van ‘t voornoemde / Jacht de Sperwer/ genaemt / HENDRICK HAMEL van Gorcum./[Schip in houtsn.] / Tot Amsterdam/ Gedruckt by JACOB VAN [VELSEN / in de Kalverstraet/] / aende Ossesluys/An[no 1668.]

8 sheets, sign. A2-A5, 4o alternating Gothic en Roman letter types. On the reverse side of the title on top the “Namen van de acht Maets die van ‘t Eylandt Coeree AF gekomen zijn.” (Names of the eight mates coming from the island Coeree) and the “Namen van de acht Maets die daer noch zijn.” (Names of the eight mates who are still there)

JOURNAEL, / Van de Ongeluckige Voyagie van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer/ van / Batavia gedestineert NA Tayowan/ in ‘t Jaar 1653

. En van daar op Japan; hoe ‘t selve / Jacht door storm op ‘t Quelpaarts Eylant is ghestrant/ ende van 64. personen / maar 36. / behouden aan ‘t voornoemde Eylant by de Wilden zijn gelant: Hoe de selve Maats door / de Wilden daar van daan naar ‘t Coninckrijck Coeree sijn vervoert/ by haar ghenaamt / Tyocen-koeck; Alwaar zy 13. Jaar en 28. daghen/ in slavernije onder de Wilden hebben / gesworven/ zijnde in die tijt tot op 16, NA aldaar gestorven/ waer van 8. Persoonen in / ‘t Jaar 1666. Met een kleen Vaartuych zijn ontkomen/ latende daar noch acht / Maats sitten/ ende zijn in ‘t Jaar 1668. In ‘t Vaderlandt gearriveert. / Als mede een pertinente Beschrijvinge der Landen/ Provin-/tien/ Steden ende Forten/ leggende in ‘t Coninghrijck Coeree: Hare Rechten/ Justitien / Ordonnantien/ ende Koninglijcke Regeeringe: Alles beschreven door de Boeck-/houder van ‘t voornoemde Jacht de Sperwer/ Ghenaamt / HENDRICK HAMEL van Gorcum. / Verciert met verscheyde figueren. / [houtsnede: de schipbreuk van de Sperwer] / Tot Rotterdam, / Gedruckt by JOHANNES STICHTER / Boeck-drucker: Op de Hoeck / van de Voghele-sangh/ inde Druckery/1668. 
16 sheets, 20 + 12 pages, sign. A – D, 4o Gothic letter type. On the reverse side the name lists (titles and spellings peculiarities as in the last edition-van Velsen ). The journal fills page. 3-20. In the text 7 rather rude woodcuts, which are used on this webiste as well: presenting the capture (page. 5) penal exercise (page. 8), crossing in four Korean ships (page. 9), in front of the King (page. 11), forced labor (page. 13), flight in a ship (page. 18), arrival at the Dutch fleet in Japan (page. 20). After the  Journael a new title: Beschryvinge / Van ‘t Koninghrijck / Coeree, / Met alle hare Rechten, Ordon-/nantien, ende Maximen, soo inde Politie, als / inde Melitie, als vooren verhaelt, / [Ornament woodcut] / Anno M.DC.LXVII J.


‘t Oprechte JOURNAEL, / Van de ongeluckige Reyse van ‘t Jacht de / Sperwer, / Varende van Batavia NA Tyoman NA Fer-/ mosa/ in ‘t Jaer 1653. En van daer NA Japan/ daer / Schipper op was REYNIER EGBERTSZ . van Amsterdam. / Beschrijvende hoe het Jacht door storm en onweer op Quelpaerts Ey-/lant vergaen is/ op
hebbende 64. Man/ daer van 36. aen Lant zijn geraeckt/ en gevan-/gen genomen van den Gouverneur van ‘t Eylant/ die haer als Slaven NA den Coninck / van Coree dede voeren/ alwaer sy 13. Jaren en 28. dagen hebben in Slaverny moeten blij-/ven/ waren in die tijdt tot op 16. nae gestorven: Daer van acht persoonen in ‘t Jaer 1666. / Met een kleyn Vaertuygh zijn ‘t ontkomen/ achterlatende noch acht van haer Maets: / En hoe sy in ‘t Vaderlandt zijn aen gekomen Anno 1668. In de Maent July. / [Schip in houtsnede] / t’ Amsterdam, Gedruckt / By GILLIS JOOSTEN SAAGMAN, in de Nieuwe-straet/ / Ordinaris Drucker van de Zee-Journalen en Landt-Reysen.

20 sheets, 40 numbered pages, sign. A – E, 4o Gothic typeface, 2 columns. On the reverse side of the front is a big woodcutde Faam,” printed by van Sichem, which has been printed in several older Journael editions of Saagman as well. The name on the globe has been replaced with the word d’Atlas. Under the picture is a rhyme of six lines:
Ghy die begeerigh zijt yets Nieuws en vreemts te lesen,
(You, who are desirous to read something new and strange)
Kond’ hier op u gemack, en in u Huys wel wesen,
(Can here, at ease and being well in your house)
En sien wat perijckelen dees Maets zijn over g’komen,
(And see what perils these mates had occurred)
Haer Schip dat blijft door storm, gevangen zijns’ genomen,
(Their ship that stayed, by storm, taken prison)
In een woest Heydens landt; in ‘t kort men u beschrijft
(In a wild heathen country; in short being described to you)
Den handel van het volck, d’Negotie die men drijft.
(The conduct of the people and the trade one does)
Hier nae een Beter.
(Hereafter a better one.)

On Page 3 starts “de Korte Beschrijvinghe van de Reyse.” In some lines the departure from Texel (10 Jan.1653) and the arrival  in Batavia (2nd of June) is told, and after that, like in the manuscript and in other editions, the departure from Batavia and the rest of the journey. In the edition are only slight differences with the manuscript and the other editions. The description of Korea is here, like in the manuscript, in the middle of the Journal. In the margins are dates and short summaries placed and on page 30-31 in the enumeration of the animals, a short description is added, with two big pictures of elephants found in Asia and the crocodiles or caimans of which “in this country” many can be found. A marginal comment indicates that this is a “note to fill these two pages” (Nota tot vervullinghe van dese twee pagiens). The Journal doesn’t end, as with the other printers, with the arrival in Japan, but gives, like the manuscript, in some lines note of the stay there, the interrogation before the departure (without the text itself) of the trip to Batavia, as addition the presentation of the Journal to “Den Generael” and the arrival in Amsterdam on July 20, 1668. Both the name lists follow. In the text 6 prints and 5 engravings and a woodcut from the storage of Saagman: On page 4: a ship wreckage, used before in the journey of the Bontekoe; on page 7: a crowd of armed people a carriage with two horses, and two camels on their way to a reinforcement; on page 13: prisoners in front of an oriental monarch; on page 22Straffe der Hoereerders” (punishment of the whore-hoppers from the 2nd journey of Van Neck; in the filler on page 30 a woodcut of a big elephant, already used by Saagman in his edition of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario, and on page 31 a big engraving, depicting a landscape with crocodiles and casuarisses. Copies are the Royal Library in the Hague and in the Koch in Rotterdam.

JOURNAEL / Van de ongeluckige Reyse ‘t Jacht de / Sperwer, / Varende van Batavia NA Tyowan en Fer-/mosa/ in ‘t Jaer 1653. En van daer NA Japan/ daer /Schipper op was REYNIER EGBERTSZ. van Amsterdam. / Beschrijvende hoe het Jacht door storm en onweer ver:/gaen is/ veele Menschen verdroncken en gevangen sijn: Mitsgaders / wat haer in 16. Jaren tijdt wedervaren is/ en eyndelijck hoe / noch eenighe van haer in ‘t Vaderlandt zijn aen geko-/ men Anno 1668. In de Maendt July. / [woodcut with 2 ships] / t’ Amsterdam, Gedruckt / By GILLIS JOOSTEN SAAGMAN, in de Nieuwe-straet/,/ Ordinaris Drucker van de Zee-Journalen en LandtReysen.

20 sheets, 40 numbered pages, sign. A-E, 4o Gothic typeface, 2 columns. On the reverse side the Faam with the poem as in “‘t Oprechte Journael.” Also the text is similar except some spelling differences, literally the same. On page 7 is another engraving: a fort on the waterside and the filler on page 30/31 is changed. The big crocodile print is replaced by a smaller print of a “krackedil”, the marginal notes which indicated the filler as such, disappeared, and from the elephants is said that they are “hier”(here). Both descriptions have been made bigger to fill the space. A copy is in the collection Mensing in Amsterdam.

JOURNAEL, / Van de ongeluckige Reyse van ‘t Jacht de / Sperwer, / Varende van Batavia NA Tyowan en Fer-/mosa/ in ‘t Jaer 1653. En van daer NA Japan/ daer / Schipper op was REYNIER EGBERTSZ. Van Amsterdam. / Beschrijvende hoe ‘t Jacht door storm en onweer op Quelpaerts Eylant / vergaen is/ op hebbende 64 man/ daer van 36 aen landt zijn geraeckt/ en gevangen ghe:/nomen van den Gouverneur van ‘t Eylandt/ die haer als Slaven NA den Koningh van / Coree dede voeren/ alwaer sy 13 Jaren en 28 daghen hebben in slaverny moeten blijven; / waren in die tijdt tot op 16 NA gestorven: daer van 8 persoonen in ‘t 1666. met een kleyn / Vaertuygh ‘t ontkomen zijn/ achterlatende noch 8 van haer Maets: En hoe sy in ‘t/ Vaderlandt zijn aen-gekomen/ Anno 1668. In de Maent Julij. / [Ship with woodcut.] / t’ Amsterdam, / By GILLIS JOOSTEN ZAAGMAN, in de Nieuwe-straet / Ordinaris Drucker van de Zee-Journalen en Landt- Reysen

20 sheets, 40 numbered pages, sign. AE 4o Gothic letter type 2 columns. On the reverse side the Faam with the poem as in the other two editions Zaagman. Also the text is page by page similar. On page 7 the fort on the waterside; on page 22 the print is disappeared; on page 23, where the worship of the idols is mentioned, a big engraved portrayal is added, borrowed from Van Linschoten en Houtman (see Werken Linsch.-vereniging, VII, page 124); the whole page filling with both the prints (elephant and crocodiles) on page 30/31 has been removed; in it’s place on page 30/32 (4 columns) a “beschrijvinghe van des Konings Gastmael” (description of the kings host-meal) from the”Javaense Reyse gedaen van Batavia over Samarangh NA de Konincklijcke Hoofd-plaets Mataram, in den jare 1656“(Javanese journey done from Batavia via Samarang to the capital Mataram, in the year 1656) printed in Dordrecht in 1666, is added. The host meal “van den Sousouhounan, Grootmachtighste Koninck van ‘t Eyland Java” (of the Susuhan, great mighty king of the isle of Java) is without any clue, transferred to Korea. This copy was in Hoetinks time still in the Prussian State Library (Kgl. Bibliothek) in Berlin.

4. MINUTOLI (1670), ‘Relation du noufrage d’un vaiseau hollandois sur la Coste de l”Isle de Quelparts. Avec la Description de Royaume de Corée’.
Traduit de Flamande, par Monsieur Minutoli. A Paris, chez Thomas Jolly, au Palis, dans la Salle des Merciers, au coin de la Gallerie des prissonniers,   la Palme & aux Armes d’Hollande.

5. MICHAEL UND JOH. FRIEDRICH ENDTERS (1672), ‘Journal, oder Tagregister. Darinnen Alles Dasjenige was sich mit einem Holländischen Schiff das von Batavien aus nach Tayowan, und von dannen ferner nach Japan, reisfertig durch Sturm im 1653 Jahre gestranded, und mit dem Volk darauf so das Knigreich Corea gebracht worden nach begeben ordentlich beschrieben und erzehlt wird: von Heinrich Hamel von Gorkum, damaligem Buchhalter auf denjenigen Schiff SPERBER genannt’, aus dem Niederladischen verteutschet.
Mit. Rom. Kays. Majest. Freyheit. Nurnberg. In Verlegung Michael un Joh. Endters, im Jahre M.DC.LXXII

The daily record of Batavia tell us that December 11, 1667, ‘

Hendrick Hamel, gewesen boeckhouder (*) van het jagt de Sperwer, nevens nog seven 7 personen van gemelte jagt, den 28e November jongsteden met de FLUYT de Spreeuw is aengecomen‘. (Hendrick Hamel, former bookkeeper of the jaght the Sperwer , beside 7 other person of the mentioned jaght, did arrive on last November 28 with the FLUTE the Spreeuw). But in the Hollantsche Mercurius, XIX, 1668, page 113, it is written that ” ‘t JACHT de Spreeuw 20 Julij 1668 in Tessel wel gearriveert” (the jaght de Spreeuw had well arrived).

The flute itself was derived from the “Vlieboot“, but it was shaped longer, which may account for its name. The first flute was built in 1595 by Pieter Jansz. Liorne. Though Flutes did not have transoms, they were nevertheless built in two styles. Flutes sailing to England or sailing South had an ordinarily shaped deck. However, since Danish taxes were calculated in relation to the size of the deck, flutes sailing North or East were built with a relatively small deck and a bulky trunk, to lower the costs of visiting Norway or passing through the Sont.

It has been established, however, that at least the Sperwer was indeed a jaght. Like any ship in the service of the VOC, jaghts were primarily meant for the transport of merchandise. Furthermore, since they were fast ships, they were used to transport persons and messages, and occasionally ammunition.

The bigger part of the trunk was taken by holds for the cargo. This left little room for the crew, who were accommodated rather tightly. Most of the crew was quartered on the tween deck, an area where one could hardly stand up straight. Here the mates slept and used their meals. There were no beds, inner walls or closets; their personal possessions were kept in chests. In the bow were some primitive toilets, however, in heavy weather when the bow plunged into the waves these sanitary provisions could not be used.

 

The officers were accommodated slightly more comfortably. They slept in cabins near the stern of the ship. However, most officers had to share a cabin, sleeping in bunks or hammocks, and sharing a common room next to the
galley. The
bookkeeper had his own office with a writing desk, where writing was done standing up, and a closet for the ship papers and the money chest, of which chest both bookkeeper and skipper had a key.

The most beautiful cabin on the ship was the cabin for the skipper. This was located on deck at the rear of the ship. It had windows to the front as well as windows that looked out through the transom, to let in as much light as possible. The aft windows also gave the captain the only clear view aft on the whole ship, except for guard in the crow’s nest, and it must have been through those aft windows that skipper Reijnier Egberse of the jaght the Sperwer saw, by coincidence, on August 1, 1653, the island the jaght had drifted precariously close to.

Food and drinks aboard were plainly bad, at least for the common sailors. They ate porridge or grit and prunes cooked in butter in the morning, yellow peas or beans with salted meat, stock fish or bacon covered with a butter sauce or just bread in the afternoon for lunch. Often dinner was was just a concoction of the leftovers. Additionally they received per week half a pound of butter and five pounds of bread or ship’s biscuits. They ate in groups of seven from one bowl or plate. Daily they received a mutsje [=1.5 deciliter] of wine or jenever, and a liter of beer. After about five weeks the beer would go bad and they had to drink water which on it’s turn turned undrinkable very soon as well because of the tropical heat. Sometimes they stirred the water with a hot iron rod to try to kill the vermin, but in order not to eat the worms, bugs or insects, they had to drink the water with their teeth closed.

The officers on the other hand, received daily fresh meat and vegetables. There was life-stock aboard and aft there was a small vegetable garden with herbs and other greens. They ate with pewter tableware in the cabin of the skipper.

The Lords XVII were strict in their orders about the hygiene aboard. The holds had to be aired on a regular base. It had to be fumigated with gunpowder and juniper berries and afterwards sprinkled with vinegar. The bunk linens had to be aired regularly on deck and between decks had to be cleaned with the fire-hose. The rotten keel water under in the ship, the bad hygiene and the fact that people sometimes took a crap anywhere (although heavily fined), was a breeding ground for diseases. Not to forget the fact that people didn’t wash themselves.

The one-sided food and the hygiene were a cause for many diseases. There was a lack of vitamins and scurvy and beriberi were common. The gums rotted and the legs got swollen, often the patient just died, since the barber was most of the times not a good doctor. When the Cape of Good Hope was opened as a refreshing station and also when ships took pots with fresh herbs along, scurvy was not the most important cause of dead and desease anymore, but other diseases like dysentery, spotted fever and typhoid fever were still rampant. Malaria was common in Asia as well.

Irregularities were severely punished. Blasphemy, inebriety and spilling food overboard, were fined, fighting, using dice or making them and gambling in general were usually punished with solitary confinement, flogging and when someone had been fighting, his hand was pinned to the mast with his own knife and he had to figure out how to free himself. Keelhauling was the punishement for insulting an officer. Mutiny and sodomy were considered fit for capital punishment. The culprits were just thrown overboard or hung from the yard. Murder was just punished if there happened to be a witness. There was a system with which there were three kinds of councils responsible for the discipline. The council of naval officers the so-called broad council and the militairy council for the soldiers aboard. Above all this stood the skipper or captain who had a final word in the verdict and could overrule the councils.

In the light of this information one should also read the Journael of Hamel. One should not only look at what he wrote, but also what he didn’t write.

Outside the territorial waters of the Republic, the skipper represented both the Company and the country of which his ship hoisted the flag. That’s why his cabin had a representative function and was furnished distinguishably. The skipper sometimes received highly placed guests over here. Important functionaries of the VOC, who sailed as passengers, used, with their family, this cabin as a day room. That’s why it was relatively spacey. On most of the jaghts there were two big cabinets, in which glassware, crockery and cutlery was stored. In the other the sea charts were stored. These were in brass cases. There was also a list, on which all the charts were mentioned, which was signed by the skipper. Because the skipper paid deposit for the charts, which was refunded when he handed back the undamaged charts after the journey.

 

Example of a hand-drawn chart like they were used in the 17th century on board of the VOC-ships.

Initially all these charts were made in Amsterdam. Later there was a map manufactory in Batavia. The charts were drawn by hand. They had only the coastlines with all the bays, coves and shoals. Again some time later the professional cartographers also published charts.. Of course these were printed.

They were beautifully decorated with mythological characters, like the sea god Neptune, depictions of existing or legendary animals and of ships. On board there were a limited number of navigational instruments, amongst which a compass, the cross staff, the back staff, and the mariners astrolabe. They formed the set of instruments that 17th century Dutch mariners used to measure altitude of objects and calculate latitude. The longitude could be determined with a clock, based on the determined latitude. The first marine clock however, did not appear until 1735, invented by John Harrison and it was 40 years later that Harrison developed a clock that won the prize from the English Board of Longitude. Marine chronometers were exceedingly rare aboard ships until well into the 19th century. Oceanic sailors used dead reckoning and empirical measures to determine longitude. Dead reckoning was a deductive way of reckoning; estimating location and speed using a variety of different methods including wind, waves, bird sightings, and current. Dutch ships of the 17th century did not carry sextants, which were not invented until about 1760. Even then, it was not practical until mechanical dividing machines were developed about 1775. The octant was more commonly used, with the sextant coming into greater use in the 19th century.

The octant came into being in the early 18th century (1730s) 1).

In the 10th century, Abd al-Rahmân b. Umar al-Sufî(d. 986-7) wrote 386 chapters, describing 1000 uses for the astrolabe, including finding latitude. Chaucer wrote the first English technical manual (1391?) on the astrolabe with similar procedures for solar sightings. Altitude readings could be taken with any available instrument and then applied to an astrolabe to use it as an analog calculator rather than a sighting instrument.

The cross-staff in use was a simple device that worked reasonably well for measuring the angle of the sun above the horizon at noon. It was fitted with one movable vane (transversally) that, with the end of the staff placed at the eye of the observer, was positioned so that it appeared to touch both the horizon and the sun. The angle was then read from a scale on the staff.

The mariner’s astrolabe in common use by the Dutch seamen at the time was a wheel-shaped, cast-brass instrument of perhaps 17 to 20 centimeter in diameter with a thumb ring at the top. The ring mount was designed to allow the instrument to hang vertically plumb and to provide for precise rotational control by the user. The disk was divided into four quadrants, two or more of which had scales divided into 90 degrees each. The astrolabe had a rotating sighting arm (alhidada), mounted through the center. Though the astrolabe offered a reliable and accurate method of measuring altitude, the mariner’s ability to read the degree scales along the rim was a limiting factor on the precision of the observation. Since each degree division for a 17 cm diameter instrument was only about one centimeter, the mariner could read the angle only to the nearest half degree. As with the quadrant, the mariner’s ability to make an astrolabe sighting at sea could be completely frustrated by movement of the ship.

A barometer was neither on board, this instrument was only invented in 1643 by the Italian Toricelli.

It didn’t belong to the standard equipment of the VOC-ships in the 17th century. A thermometer was missing as well. Celsius made his scale division only in the year 1742. Because these instruments were missing, a hurricane announced itself often, for crew and skipper alike, totally unexpected

A trip to the Indies of a return convoy

jaghts like the Sperwer made their journey from Holland or Zeeland to the East-Indies only once in their existence.

They stayed there subsequently to maintain the connection between the several factories.

The connection with the mother country was done by the so-called return-ships. These were much bigger than the jaghts, sometimes twice as big. During a trip to and from the East-Indies, they sailed always in convoy. Such a convoy was called a return-fleet.
Most return-fleets had Amsterdam as their home port. The ships from Amsterdam sailed out of the
IJ via the Zuiderzee to the roadstead of Texel. There they waited for the ships from Hoorn and Enkhuizen. Then the convoy sailed southward till the mouth of the Meuse. Here the ships from Rotterdam and Delft/Delftshaven joined the convoy. From there they sailed further until the mouth of the Scheldt, where they waited for the ships from Middelburg. Only after all the ships had joined, the journey started.
One of the skippers, most of the time somebody from Amsterdam, was in command of the convoy. He was called the commander and his ship the flagship.

 

 

 

A critical phase was passing the Iberian peninsula. To limit the chance of meeting a Spanish or Portuguese convoy, a western course was followed via the Cape-Verdian Islands and the Azores Islands. Off these islands, on the African coast there was a Hollands factory called Goree (see part of the map from 1806, nowadays Dakar. Click on it to see the whole map) . The convoy anchored here; fresh water, vegetables and fruits were taken in and messages exchanged. But nobody was allowed to leave the ship. Most of the times the convoy sailed on in 24 hours.

Usually the next place where the convoy anchored was the factory Elmina on the Ivory Coast (Jan Boonstra has been in Elmina and says it’s on the Goldcoast, nowadays Ghana). Thus some other factories were frequented and finally the convoy arrived after several months in Cape Town, where it stayed for at least one month. Everybody embarked and before they sailed on, the ships were cleaned thoroughly. There were almost always sick persons who had to stay behind. Sometimes there were so many sick persons that one of the ships had to stay behind as well.

Now the most dangerous part of the journey began: the crossing from Cape of Good Hope to the Island of Java, right across the Indian Ocean. It started already right east of Cape Town, in the area where the treacherous Cape storms raged (The Portuguese called the cape for a while Cape of Storms, but then the sailors didn’t want to go there anymore, so John II renamed it to Cape of Good Hope). When the convoy came into a hurricane, the skippers not rarely stayed on their post for days in a row.

While the mates worked in shifts and were regularly relieved, the skippers didn’t get out of their clothes. A myth had to be kept up. (Think of the myth of the flying Dutchman) If a skipper would hand over his task to his coxswain, the mates might conclude that he was just as well or maybe even better than the skipper. When the convoy had passed the area of the Cape storms, soon the island of Mauritius came into sight.

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders.

It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

To protect themselves against the burning sun, pieces of sails were stretched horizontally over the deck. The mates walked half-naked, but the skipper stood completely dressed on the castle. He even kept on his hat. The decorum demanded that.

At the end of the journey, there was often lack of certain foods. Cockroaches seemed to have eaten the beans and peas, worms were crawling in the flour and the drinking water started to smell. Though there was a regular hunt at rats, their numbers remained constant. The mates were also troubled by lice and fleas. On top of that they started to become bored, they longed to the end of the journey.

Everybody became overjoyed when the watch at the end of the journey of two months after Mauritius shouted: “Land a shore.”The commander and the other skipper skimmed the horizon with their binoculars. Had they sailed the right course? Or did the convoy go too much to the south and were they in front of the unknown Southland” terra australis?” The coast became clearer and clearer, the charts of street Sunda were taken out of their cases. On these was also a silhouette of the southwestern point of Java and of the south coast of Sumatra, as well as the small islands in-between. Finally the tension was broken. The convoy was in the entrance of Strait Sunda. Cheering went in the air. The mates received a drink. Carefully they sailed on. The first land birds were flying over the ship. On the horizon a dot appeared which became bigger and bigger. It appeared to be a VOC- jaght, which was on the outlook.

Some salute shots were exchanged, after which the jaght turned around and sailed to Batavia as fast as possible to report the arrival of the convoy.

The northwestern point of Java was rounded. They sailed that close to the coast that palm-trees could be seen with the bare eye. Some local ships appeared, fisherman boats and perahus. They passed Bantam. More ships could be seen. And there it was; the roadstead of Batavia. Again salute-shots were exchanged between the convoy and the batteries ashore. Some hours later the ships anchored. Relieved the bookkeeper of the flagship closed his Journael with the following words:

 

Heden den 18en Maij, zijn Godtloff, behouden te Batavia gearriveerd, na weijnigh tegenspoet, de Tijger, de Witte Leeuw, de Constantia en de Hollantsche Tuyn uyt Amsterdam, ‘t Wapen van Hoorn en de Westfrysia uyt Hoorn, de Lelie en de Vryheijt uyt Enkhuizen, De Hollandia uyt Rotterdam, De Spreeuw uyt Delft en het Wapen van Middelburg uyt Zeeland..

 

 

Today, May 18, safely arrived at Batavia , praise to the Lord, after little adversity, The Tijger , the Witte Leeuw , the Constantia and the Hollantsche Tuyn from Amsterdam, ‘t Wapen van Hoorn and the Westfrysia from Hoorn, the Lelie and the Vryheijt from Enkhuizen, the Hollandia from Rotterdam, the Spreeuw from Delft and the Wapen van Middelburg from Zeeland.

1) I want to thank William T. (Chip) Reynolds Captain of the Half Moon for some excellent remarks on this page especially about the instruments on board and some of the terminology. Also thanks to Peter Hans van den Muijzenberg who has sent email with corrections and additions. (Back to top)

Click on the image to learn more details about ship rigging and there you can also download the above uncompressed image (4,2Mb)

If you want to have an idea how the size of the sailors related to the size of the ship, follow this link (it also gives a good idea how small a boat like the Sperwer really was

Vink, 1657

The Vink sailed to Batavia with orders to search for survivors of the VOC ship Vergulde Draeck, which had hit a reef and sunk off the coast of Western Australia, about 100 kilometres north of present-day Perth, on 28 April 1656. After 75 survivors managed to struggle ashore, a crew of seven sailed to Batavia to raise the alarm. The Vink‘s rescue mission was unsuccessful.

1656

.

Batavia 1656

Waeckende Boei and Emeloort, 1658

Joining the search for the Vergulde Draeck were the Waeckende Boei and Emeloort, commanded by Samuel Volkerson and Aucke Pietersz Jonck. They also failed to find any wreckage

1663

 

A soldier of Amboina

 

The Macasser soldiers blow the poisons

 

The habit of Malayan and his Wife of Batavia

 

The Church of the cross of Batavia

 

The Fort of Ryswick

 

Hospital of  Batavia

 

Fish Market of Batavia

 

slaughter House Of Batavia

 

tHE tYGER’S CRAFT OF bATAVIA

 

1650

 

 

 

  • FrancoisValentijn (1666-1727): Batavia in ‘t Verschiet. Amsterdam 1726. Ca. 27 x 54cm. (private collection)
  • Arnoldus Montanus: Batavia (detail). From: Gedenkwaerdige Gesantschappen der Oost-Indische Maetschappy in’t Vereenigde Nederland, aen de Kaisaren van Japan [...] Getrokken uit de Geschriften en Reiseaentekeninge der zelver Gesanten, door Arnoldus Montanus, t’ Amsterdam, By Jacob Meurs [...] 1669. (private collection)
  •  
  • G. Leti: Waere affbeeldinge wegens het casteel ende stadt Batavia. Amsterdam 1681. Ca. 40 x 51 cm. (private collection)
    After Clement de Jonghe’s map on a smaller scale. Coastline comes to lie farer from the castle.
  • F. Halma: Batavia. Amsterdam 1705. 19 x 27 cm. Copied after Johannes Vingbooms.
  • Reinier & Josua Ottens: Afbeldinge van het casteel en de stadt Batavia [...]. Amsterdam 1740. Ca. 40 x 49 cm, cop