KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 17(BERSAMBUNG)

KOLEKSI SEJARAH INDONESIA

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JAKARTA,17TH CENTURY

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Dr Iwan Suwandy , MHA

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1645

 

Sultan Agung   wafat pada tahun 1645, sebelum penyerangan itu terlaksana.

 

1645-1647

Pengganti SULTAN Agung , Sultan Amangkurat I (1645-1677) ternyata bersikap lemah dan mau bekerjasama dengan Belanda.

1648

The british had ben forced out of the cosmopolitan peper trading fort at banten near present day serang in 1648, but the were determinet to break the dutch  monopoly.


SULTAN AGENG TIRTAYASA

Lahir : Banten, 1631
Wafat : Jakarta, 1692

 

1650

VOC territories and trading posts in Asia, 1650

The naval commercial power of the VOC, especially in an island region such as Indonesia, meant that the Company could pursue its interests on many fronts, but its two most important adversaries in the period to 1800 were Makasar and Mataram. Makasar, the main port in southern Sulawesi, became a major centre for the ‘smuggling’ trade which defied the Dutch monopoly until it succumbed to the Dutch and allied indigenous forces in a three-year war ending in 1669.

 

 

 

(Jan Pieterszoon Coen, architect of Dutch empire in the East)

 

The Founding of Batavia

Coen’s first step was to establish a permanent headquarters at Jayakarta on the north-western coast of Java, close to the pepper producing parts of Sumatra and the strategic Sunda Straits. In 1618, he sought and received permission from Prince Wijayakrama of Jayakarta to expand the existing Dutch post, and proceeded to throw up a stone barricade mounted with cannon. The prince protested that fortifications were not provided for in their agreement and Coen responded by bombarding the palace thereby reducing it to rubble. A seige of the fledgling Dutch fortress ensued, in which the powerful Bantenese and a recently arrived English fleet joined the Jayakartans. Coen was not so easily beaten, however (his motto:”Never Dispair!”), and escaped to Ambon leaving a handful of his men in defense of the fort and its valuable contents.

Five months later, Coen returned to discover his men still in possession of their post. Though outnumbered 30-to-1 they had rather unwittingly played one foe against another by acceding to any and all demands, but were never actually required to surrender their position due to the mutual suspicion and timidity of the three attacking parties. Coen set his adversaries to flight in a series of dramatic attacks, undertaken with a small force of 1,000 men that included several score of fearsome Japanese mercenaries. The town of Jayakarta was razed to the ground and construction of a new Dutch town begun, eventually to include canals, drawbridges, docks, warehouse, barracks, a central square, a city hall and a church-all protected by a high stone wall and a moat-a copy in short, of Amsterdam itself.

 

 

(Natives bring nutmegs for sale to a Dutch trading post at Banda Neira)

 

The only sour note in the proceedings was struck by the revelation that during the darkest days of the seige, many of the Dutch defenders had behaved them selves in a most unseemly manners-drinking, singing and fornicating for several nights in succession. Worst of all, they had broken open the company storehouse and divided the contents up amongst themselves. Coen, a strict disciplinarian, ordered the immediate execution of those involved, and memories of the infamous siege soon faded-save one. The defenders had dubbed their fortress “Batavia,” and the new name stuck.

 

Coen had placed his headquarters on Java some distance from the rising central Java power of Mataram, but the two quickly came into conflict. In 1628 and 1629 forces from Mataram attacked Batavia but were repulsed. Thereafter, it was the Company which harassed Mataram, both deliberately circumscribing its power and finding itself drawn into civil wars and political conflicts within Mataram to defend its own interests. Following its participation in the defeat of Trunojoyo in 1678–1681, the VOC was a permanent element in Javanese politics and the Company gradually moved from being a maritime trading power to managing a territorial empire on Java. The Company’s administrative structure, however, continued to resemble that of a trading company, with officials below the level of governor holding mercantile titles and retaining principal responsibility for commercial matters along with administration

1664.

The Dutch however complain that she gave assistance to their enemies the people of Perak, and in 1664 it was found necessary to send a squadron under the command of Pieter de Bitter to bring her to reason. As it happened that she was at this time at war with some of her own dependants he made himself master of several places on the western coast that were nominally at least belonging to Achin.

1666.

About 1666 the English establishments at Achin and some ports to the southward appear to have given considerable umbrage to their rivals.

1669.

In 1669 the people of Dilli on the north-eastern coast threw off their allegiance, and the power of the kingdom became gradually more and more circumscribed.

1675.

This queen died in 1675, after reigning, with a degree of tranquillity little known in these countries, upwards of thirty-four years.

The people being now accustomed and reconciled to female rule, which they found more lenient than that of their kings, acquiesced in general in the established mode of government.

1677.

And she was immediately succeeded by another female monarch, named Nur al-alum, who reigned little more than two years and died in 1677.

The queen who succeeded her was named Anayet-shah.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1678

 

 

Portrait of Rijklof van Goens

Rijckloff van Goens (Rees, June 24, 1619 – Amsterdam, November 14, 1682) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1678-1681. He wrote extensively about his travels to Ceylon and India.

 

 

His writing about

 

visits to

the palaces of

 

Sultan Agung

and his successors are important references for historians of the Mataram era in Java

 

aankomst Rijklof van Goens bij Cochin, 1678-1681 in NEDERLANDS OOST-INDIE

 

1684.

In the year 1684 she received an embassy from the English government of Madras, and appeared at that time to be about forty years. The persons who were on this occasion presented to her express their suspicions, which were suggested to them by a doubt prevailing amongst the inhabitants, that this sovereign was not a real queen, but a eunuch dressed up in female apparel, and imposed on the public by the artifices of the orang kayas. But as such a cheat, though managed with every semblance of reality (which they observe was the case) could not be carried on for any number of years without detection, and as the same idea does not appear to have been entertained at any other period, it is probable they were mistaken in their surmise. Her person they describe to have been large, and her voice surprisingly strong, but not manly.*

(*Footnote. The following curious passage is extracted from the journal of these gentlemen’s proceedings. “We went to give our attendance at the palace this day as customary. Being arrived at the place of audience with the orang cayos, the queen was pleased to order us to come nearer, when her majesty was very inquisitive into the use of our wearing periwigs, and what was the convenience of them; to all which we returned satisfactory answers. After this her majesty desired of Mr. Ord, if it were no affront to him, that he would take off his periwig, that she might see how he appeared without it; which, according to her majesty’s request, he did. She then told us she had heard of our business, and would give her answer by the orang cayos; and so we retired.” I venture, with submission, to observe that this anecdote seems to put the question of the sex beyond controversy.)

The purport of the embassy was to obtain liberty to erect a fortification in her territory, which she peremptorily refused, being contrary to the established rules of the kingdom; adding that if the governor of Madras would fill her palace with gold she could not permit him to build with brick either fort or house. To have a factory of timber and plank was the utmost indulgence that could be allowed; and on that footing the return of the English, who had not traded there for many years, should be welcomed with great friendship. The queen herself, the orang kayas represented, was not allowed to fortify lest some foreign power might avail themselves of it to enslave the country. In the course of these negotiations it was mentioned that the agriculture of Achin had suffered considerably of late years by reason of a general licence given to all the inhabitants to search for gold in the mountains and rivers which afforded that article; whereas the business had formerly been restricted to certain authorized persons, and the rest obliged to till the ground.

1684.

The court feared to give a public sanction for the settlement of the English on any part of the southern coast lest it should embroil them with the other European powers.*

(*Footnote. The design of settling a factory at this period in the dominions of Achin was occasioned by the recent loss of our establishment at Bantam, which had been originally fixed by Sir James Lancaster in 1603. The circumstances of this event were as follows. The old sultan had thought proper to share the regal power with his son in the year 1677, and this measure was attended with the obvious effect of a jealousy between the parent and child, which soon broke forth into open hostilities. The policy of the Dutch led them to take an active part in favour of the young sultan, who had inclined most to their interests and now solicited their aid. The English on the other hand discouraged what appeared to them an unnatural rebellion, but without interfering, as they said, in any other character than that of mediators, or affording military assistance to either party; and which their extreme weakness rather than their assertions renders probable. On the twenty-eighth of March 1682 the Dutch landed a considerable force from Batavia, and soon terminated the war. They placed the young sultan on the throne, delivering the father into his custody, and obtained from him in return for these favours an exclusive privilege of trade in his territories; which was evidently the sole object they had in view. On the first day of April possession was taken of the English factory by a party of Dutch and country soldiers, and on the twelfth the agent and council were obliged to embark with their property on vessels provided for the purpose, which carried them to Batavia. From thence they proceeded to Surat on the twenty-second of August in the following year.

In order to retain a share in the pepper-trade the English turned their thoughts towards Achin, and a deputation, consisting of two gentlemen, of the names of Old and Cawley, was sent thither in 1684; the success of which is above related. It happened that at this time certain Rajas or chiefs of the country of Priaman and other places on the west coast of Sumatra were at Achin also to solicit aid of that court against the Dutch, who had made war upon and otherwise molested them. These immediately applied to Mr. Ord, expressing a strong desire that the English should settle in their respective districts, offering ground for a fort and the exclusive purchase of their pepper. They consented to embark for Madras, where an agreement was formed with them by the governor in the beginning of the year 1685 on the terms they had proposed. In consequence of this an expedition was fitted out with the design of establishing a settlement at Priaman; but a day or two before the ships sailed an invitation to the like purport was received from the chiefs of Bang­kaulu (since corruptly called Bencoolen); and as it was known that a considerable proportion of the pepper that used to be exported from Bantam had been collected from the neighbourhood of Bencoolen (at a place called Silebar), it was judged advisable that Mr. Ord, who was the person entrusted with the management of this business, should first proceed thither; particularly as at that season of the year it was the windward port. He arrived there on the twenty-fifth day of June 1685, and, after taking possession of the country assigned to the English Company, and leaving Mr. Broome in charge of the place, he sailed for the purpose of establishing the other settlements. He stopped first at Indrapura, where he found three Englishmen who were left of a small factory that had been some time before settled there by a man of the name of Du Jardin. Here he learned that the Dutch, having obtained a knowledge of the original intention of our fixing at Priaman, had anticipated us therein and sent a party to occupy the situation. In the meantime it was understood in Europe that this place was the chief of our establishments on the coast, and ships were accordingly consigned thither. The same was supposed at Madras, and troops and stores were sent to reinforce it, which were afterwards landed at Indrapura. A settlement was then formed at Manjuta, and another attempted at Batang-kapas in 1686; but here the Dutch, assisted by a party amongst the natives, assaulted and drove out our people. Every possible opposition, as it was natural to expect, was given by these our rivals to the success of our factories. They fixed themselves in the neighbourhood of them and endeavoured to obstruct the country people from carrying pepper to them or supplying them with provisions either by sea or land. Our interests however in the end prevailed, and Bencoolen in particular, to which the other places were rendered subordinate in 1686, began to acquire some degree of vigour and respectability. In 1689 encouragement was given to Chinese colonists to settle there, whose number has been continually increasing from that time. In 1691 the Dutch felt the loss of their influence at Silebar and other of the southern countries, where they attempted to exert authority in the name of the sultan of Bantam, and the produce of these places was delivered to the English. This revolution proceeded from the works with which about this time our factory was strengthened. In 1695 a settlement was made at Triamang, and two years after at Kattaun and Sablat. The first, in the year 1700, was removed to Bantal. Various applications were made by the natives in different parts of the island for the establishment of factories, particularly from Ayer-Bangis to the northward, Palembang on the eastern side, and the people from the countries south of Tallo, near Manna. A person was sent to survey these last, as far as Pulo Pisang and Kroi, in 1715. In consequence of the inconvenience attending the shipping of goods from Bencoolen River, which is often impracticable from the surfs, a warehouse was built in 1701 at a place then called the cove; which gave the first idea of removing the settlement to the point of land which forms the bay of Bencoolen. The unhealthiness of the old situation was thought to render this an expedient step; and accordingly about 1714 it was in great measure relinquished, and the foundations of Fort Marlborough were laid on a spot two or three miles distant. Being a high plain it was judged to possess considerable advantages; many of which however are counterbalanced by its want of the vicinity of a river, so necessary for the ready and plentiful supply of provisions. Some progress had been made in the erection of this fort when an accident happened that had nearly destroyed the Company’s views. The natives incensed at ill treatment received from the Europeans, who were then but little versed in the knowledge of their dispositions or the art of managing them by conciliating methods, rose in a body in the year 1719, and forced the garrison, whose ignorant fears rendered them precipitate, to seek refuge on board their ships. These people began now to feel alarms lest the Dutch, taking advantage of the absence of the English, should attempt an establishment, and soon permitted some persons from the northern factories to resettle the place; and, supplies arriving from Madras, things returned to their former course, and the fort was completed. The Company’s affairs on this coast remained in tranquillity for a number of years. The important settlement of Natal was established in 1752, and that of Tappanuli a short time afterwards; which involved the English in fresh disputes with the Dutch, who set up a claim to the country in which they are situated. In the year 1760 the French under Comte d’Estaing destroyed all the English settlements on the coast of Sumatra; but they were soon reestablished and our possession secured by the treaty of Paris in 1763. Fort Marlborough, which had been hitherto a peculiar subordinate of Fort St. George, was now formed into an independent presidency, and was furnished with a charter for erecting a mayor’s court, but which has never been enforced. In 1781 a detachment of military from thence embarked upon five East India ships and took possession of Padang and all other Dutch factories in consequence of the war with that nation. In 1782 the magazine of Fort Marlborough, in which were four hundred barrels of powder, was fired by lightning and blew up; but providentially few lives were lost. In 1802 an act of parliament was passed “to authorize the East India Company to make their settlement at Fort Marlborough in the East Indies, a factory subordinate to the presidency of Fort William in Bengal, and to transfer the servants who on the reduction of that establishment shall be supernumerary, to the presidency of Fort St. George.” In 1798 plants of the nutmeg and clove had for the first time been procured from the Moluccas; and in 1803 a large importation of these valuable articles of cultivation took place. As the plantations were, by the last accounts from thence, in the most flourishing state, very important commercial advantages were expected to be derived from the culture.)

A few years before these transactions she had invited the king of Siam to renew the ancient connexion between their respective states, and to unite in a league against the Dutch, by whose encroachments the commerce of her subjects and the extent of her dominions were much circumscribed. It does not appear however that this overture was attended with any effect, nor have the limits of the Achinese jurisdiction since that period extended beyond Pidir on the northern, and Barus on the western coast.

1688.

She died in 1688, having reigned something less than eleven years, and was succeeded by a young queen named Kamalat-shah; but this did not take place without a strong opposition from a faction amongst the orang kayas which wanted to set up a king, and a civil war actually commenced. The two parties drew up their forces on opposite sides of the river, and for two or three nights continued to fire at each other, but in the daytime followed their ordinary occupations. These opportunities of intercourse made them sensible of their mutual folly. They agreed to throw aside their arms and the crown remained in possession of the newly elected queen. It was said to have been esteemed essential that she should be a maiden, advanced in years, and connected by blood with the ancient royal line. In this reign an English factory, which had been long discontinued, was reestablished at Achin, but in the interval some private traders of this nation had always resided on the spot. These usually endeavoured to persuade the state that they represented the India Company, and sometimes acquired great influence, which they are accused of having employed in a manner not only detrimental to that body but to the interests of the merchants of India in general by monopolizing the trade of the port, throwing impediments in the way of all shipping not consigned to their management, and embezzling the cargoes of such as were. An asylum was also afforded, beyond the reach of law, for all persons whose crimes or debts induced them to fly from the several European settlements. These considerations chiefly made the Company resolve to reclaim their ancient privileges in that kingdom, and a deputation was sent from the presidency of Madras in the year 1695 for that purpose, with letters addressed to her illustrious majesty the queen of Achin, desiring permission to settle on the terms her predecessors had granted to them; which was readily complied with, and a factory, but on a very limited scale, was established accordingly, but soon declined and disappeared. In 1704, when Charles Lockyer (whose account of his voyage, containing a particular description of this place, was published in 1711) visited Achin, one of these independent factors, named Francis Delton, carried on a flourishing trade. In 1695 the Achinese were alarmed by the arrival of six sail of Dutch ships of force, with a number of troops on board, in their road, not having been visited by any of that nation for fifteen years, but they departed without offering any molestation.

1699.

This queen was deposed by her subjects (whose grounds of complaint are not stated) about the latter part of the year 1699, after reigning also eleven years; and with her terminated the female dynasty, which, during its continuance of about fifty-nine years, had attracted much notice in Europe.

Her successor was named Beder al-alum sherif Hasham, the nature of whose pretensions to the crown does not positively appear, but there is reason to believe that he was her brother. When he had reigned a little more than two years it pleased God (as the Annals express it) to afflict him with a distemper which caused his feet and hands to contract (probably the gout) and disqualified him for the performance of his religious duties.

 

1619 –

January:

English force Dutch surrender at Jayakerta

, but Banten forces take over from the English in a surprise move. The English and the Pangeran of Jayakerta retreat.

March 12:

Dutch rename post at Jayakerta to Batavia (today’s Jakarta).

 

May:

Coen passes through Jepara,

and burns down the city again, including the English trading post.

May 28:

Coen arrives at Jayakerta

, and burns down the original town of Jayakerta, leaving only the Dutch post of Batavia remaining to become VOC headquarters.

 

 

August:

VOC begins building city at Batavia.

 

 

 

1620 –

VOC under Coen almost exterminates population of Banda to prevent “smuggling”. Survivors settle on small islands near Seram.

One of Coen’s goals was to make the VOC strong enough on its own so that it did not have to depend on the goodwill of neighboring rulers. He intended to do this by changing the VOC from a trade empire to an empire that ruled actual territories, then settling those territories with colonists from the Netherlands. Military strength was important, both for maintaining a position of power among the local kings and sultans, and for keeping the Spanish, Portuguese and English away.

1621 –

British found trading post at Ambon.

1622 –

Agung and VOC make overtures to each other.

1623 –

VOC agents in Ambon arrest, torture and execute English agents on charges of conspiracy.

Aceh sacks Johore. Carstenz expedition for VOC explores southern coast of Irian Jaya. Coen returns to the Netherlands. Carpentier is new Governor-General of the VOC. VOC takes nominal claim to Aru Islands.

1625 –

the expansionist Javanese state of Mataram, which laid a general claim to Palembang in 1625

 

The first “hongi” raids took place in Maluku.

These were attacks, usually by local allies of the VOC, against anyone who was growing cloves without authorization of the VOC.

 

1627 –

Coen returns from the Netherlands

to serve as Governor-General of the V.O.C. again.

December 25:

Soldiers from Banten infiltrate

the fortress of Batavia, kill some guards, and escape, but do little damage.

 

1628 –

Sultan Agung sends army against VOC in Batavia;

dams Ciliwung River in attempt to deny fresh water to the VOC. He fails to oust the Dutch, who prevent his army from receiving supplies by sea. Commanders of the Mataram army are executed for failure.

Last of the English leave Banda.

1629 –

Agung attacks Batavia again.

He is defeated, although Coen dies during the siege. Banten, fearing Agung now more than the VOC, pleads for peace with the VOC.

Iskandar Muda sends navy of Aceh against Portuguese Melaka,

but the Aceh navy is destroyed. September 20: Coen passes away. Introduction of sugar cultivation in Banten.

1630 –

Dutch abandon Solor, which is retaken by the Portuguese.

1633

Agung raids east Java;

the Hindu kingdom of Balambangan asks for VOC help and is refused. Balambangan then asks the King of Gelgel in Bali for help.

 

 

War between VOC and Banten.

1633

after this year no information from Dva-pa- tan or bali anymore, because the the Dva-pa-tan or bali Kingdom were appart from the Java Kingdom (Mataram)

after Sultan Agung of Mataram Kingdom occupied blambangan Bali protectorated Kingdom ex Mojopahit east java

after attack in 1633 and Dva-pa-tan or Bali Kingdom didn’t succeed occupied by Sultan Agung because Bali protected by Ducth East India company-VOC.

1634 –

Dutch arrest Kakiali,

leader of Hitu in Maluku, on charges of smuggling.

This was the “mercantilist” age of trade empires. There were many powers that wanted to create trade empires: the Dutch through the VOC, the English, Banten, and Gowa were among them. There was no such thing as “free trade” under these empires. The VOC especially wanted total control of trade, and any selling to anyone outside the VOC was considered “smuggling”.

 

 

Batak warrior

1635 –

VOC signs treaty with Kutai on Kalimantan.

1636 –

Agung, realizing that he cannot defeat Dutch, makes overtures towards VOC.

 

Van Diemen becomes Governor-General of VOC.

Portuguese abandon posts on Solor after six years. VOC bans all private correspondence (until 1701).

1637 –

VOC attacks Ternate.

VOC releases Kakiali, who pledges friendship to VOC but makes anti-Dutch alliance between Hitu, Ternate, and Gowa.

Local Muslims overcome Portuguese fortress at Ende on Flores. Agung gives permission for Portuguese and Catholic refugees from Batavia to settle around Jepara. Around this time the VOC started pushing the Portuguese out of many of their posts in Nusa Tenggara.

1639 –

Chief minister Matoaya of Gowa

is succeeded by his son Pattingalloang. Unlike his father, Pattingalloang did not maintain good relations with the Bugis. The bad feeling would eventually lead some Bugis to side with the VOC against Gowa and Makassar.

1640 –

Portugal regains independent crown from Spain.

Portuguese abandon trading post at Jepara.

 

1641 –

Further north on the east coast, pepper became the basis for a revival of the Palembang and Jambi regions, which had been the heart of Srivijaya.

This prosperity, however, attracted the attention of the expansionist Javanese state of Mataram, which laid a general claim to Palembang in 1625 and

sent a fleet in 1641–42 to force both Palembang and Jambi to become vassals of Java

Taj ul-Alam becomes Sultana of Aceh, starts period of female rulers; Johore and Aceh settle differences. January 14: VOC takes Melaka from Portuguese, with help from the Sultan of Johore. The Sultan opens ports in Riau to all traders. Kakiali and Hitu attack VOC on Ambon.

And the Dutch seized Melaka in 1641.

The VOC takeover of Melaka

was the real end of Portuguese importance in the region. But after losing Melaka, some Portuguese started trading with Gowa on Sulawesi. With the English and Portuguese almost gone, and Batavia and Ambon relatively secure from neighboring rulers, this was the most profitable time for the VOC.

 

1642 –

VOC gets monopoly on trade with

Palembang by treaty.

Tasman explores coasts of Irian Jaya for VOC on voyage back from New Zealand. “Statutes of Batavia”, based on Roman law, are introduced as a legal code for VOC territories.

 

1645 –

Mandarsyah

becomes Sultan of Ternate with VOC help.

VOC established outpost at Perak.

 

 

1646 –

Sultan Agung dies,

and is succeeded by Susuhunan Amangkurat I.

Relations between Amangkurat I and the VOC are good in the beginning. VOC finally takes Hitu.

Dutch arrive again on Solor, abandoned by the Portuguese ten years earlier.

September 24:

Cooperation treaty between VOC and Mataram,

involving promises of mutual assistance against enemies and extradition of runaway debtors, among other things.

Ships of Mataram may trade at any VOC port except Ambon, Ternate or Banda, but must apply for a pass at Batavia if they are sailing for Melaka or points beyond.

Portuguese begin building a settlement at the present site of Kupang on western Timor.

VOC builds a trading post in the Tanimbar Islands.

1650 – VOC intervenes in uprising against Sultan Mandarsyah of Ternate, sparking civil war.

1651 –

VOC reopens post at Jepara; Amangkurat I begins interfering in coastal trade.

VOC takes Kupang on western Timor;

Portuguese move to Lifau, in what is now East Timor.

VOC outpost at Perak is destroyed.

1652 –

VOC takes Sultan Mandarsyah of Ternate to Batavia, makes him sign agreement not to grow cloves, starts military moves against opposing faction in Ternate.

Amangkurat I bans the export of rice or timber.

Tensions grow between the VOC and Gowa.

1656 –

VOC deports population of Hoamoal near Ternate to Ambon.

1657 –

VOC forces population of Buru to relocate to Kaleji Bay.

1658 –

VOC sets up post at Manado.

War between VOC and Palembang.

1659 –

VOC forces burn down Palembang,

and reestablish the VOC post.

Amangkurat I has several family members murdered,

including the mother of the future Amangkurat II.

July 10

Treaty between VOC and Banten:

prisoners and runaway slaves are to be exchanged; VOC receives a presence at Banten free from rent or taxes; boundary between Banten and VOC territory is set.

VOC builds fort in the Aru Islands,

but soon abandons it

.

 

 

1660 –

VOC attacks Gowa,

destroys Portuguese ships in harbor, and forces peace treaty on Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa.

Amangkurat I closes ports again; VOC leaves Jepara.

 

 

By the end of the 1660s,

Banten was trading directly

with China, Japan, Thailand, India and Arabia, using its own ships to compete with English, French, Danish and VOC traders.

Sultan Ageng of Banten was a strong opponent of the VOC monopoly who insisted on promoting trade with other European, Arab and Asian traders as he pleased.

Dr Iwan Note:

To this historical fact, we can proved with the founding of many Chinese ceramic from this era late Ming and early Qing found at Banten Lama,around karang Hantu port and Sorosuwan Citadel.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

For complete information look at other CD-ROM

the Chinese ceramic found in Indonesia

contact via comment at

hhtp://www.driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com

 

 

1662 –

Portuguese headquarters in the east is moved from Larantuka, Flores to Lifau (today Oecussi or Pantemakassar) in what is now East Timor.

VOC signs treaty with chiefs on Roti.

1663 –

Spanish abandon post at Tidore.

VOC allows Arung Palakka and followers to settle at Batavia.

Banten begins direct trade with Manila.

July 6

Treaty of Painan:

coastal areas of Minangkabau, including Padang, become a protectorate of the VOC, which guarantees them security against raids from Aceh.

1666 –

VOC sends out a fleet under Admiral Cornelis Speelman, with Bugis soldiers under Arung Palakka and Ambonese soldiers under “Captain Jonker”,

to settle issues in Gowa and Maluku.

1667 –

VOC expedition under Speelman

lands at Butung, and clears the island of Gowa forces. Speelman expedition forces the Sultan of Tidore (now free of Spanish presence) to submit to the VOC. A peace treaty is signed between Ternate and Tidore, now both under VOC control.

Future Amangkurat II begins seeking VOC help against his father. The English give up claims to Banda in exchange for Manhattan Island in America.

Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa

is remembered for fighting bravely against the VOC, but he eventually had to sign a treaty giving up almost all his territories to the Dutch.

 

Indonesian war boat

 

 

 

1668 –

Speelman expedition finally defeats Gowa.

November 18,

Treaty of Bungaya:

Gowa submits to VOC control, and Sultan Hasanuddin has no influence outside the general area of the city of Makassar. VOC extends claims to Sumbawa and Flores after the defeat of Gowa.

VOC builds a fort at Menggala in Lampung.

1669 –

Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa passes away; continuing troubles against the VOC in Gowa finally end. V

OC traders at Banjarmasin are massacred.

1670 –

VOC establishes outposts at Bengkalis

(across the straits from Melaka) and Perak, both for controlling the trade in tin.

1672 –

Louis XIV of France invaded the Netherlands with 100,000 soldiers. The Dutch had to open the dikes and flood the fields to prevent Amsterdam from falling to the French. However, since travel and communication were so slow in the 1600s and 1700s, these events had little effect on the activities of the VOC, which had the power to govern itself in any case.

1675 –

Rebels appeal to Islamic sentiments among the common people against both the court of Mataram and the VOC.

1676 –

Amangkurat I sends his son, Pangeran Puger, to the VOC to ask for help.

VOC sends Admiral Speelman to fight the rebels against Mataram in North Java and Madura. Speelman quiets the rebellion along the coast between Cirebon and Jepara.

1677 –

February 25,

VOC makes a treaty with Amangkurat I:

VOC will help Mataram, VOC territory around Batavia will be extended eastward, VOC may establish a factory anywhere they like without any restrictions on exports or imports, Mataram will restrict Malays, Arabs and other outsiders from settling in Mataram, and Mataram will repay the VOC for the cost of putting down the rebellion.

Speelman receives the right to make treaties on behalf of Amangkurat I.

 

 

May:

VOC pushes Trunojoyo out of Surabaya.

Trunojoyo leaves behind over a 100 cannons.

July:

Amangkurat I dies.

Amangkurat II

seeks VOC help against the rebels.

VOC occupies Sangir islands.

1678 –

January 15

Amangkurat II gives the VOC a monopoly

on the sugar trade in Jepara.

Amangkurat II, without money to pay his debts to the VOC, promises to give up Semarang, his claims to the Priangan, and fees from coastal ports until debts are paid.

VOC and Amangkurat II march on Kediri and destroy Trunojoyo’s headquarters

after a fifty-day siege. Arung Palakka and his supporters fight for the VOC as mercenaries, and conspire to win away Makassarese mercenaries fighting for Trunojoyo.

December 9:

Nine Makassarese chiefs who had been fighting for Trunojoyo as mercenaries surrender to the VOC, and are allowed to return to Sulawesi.

1679 –

VOC and Arung Palakka

drive the remaining Makassarese out of East Java. VOC makes an alliance with Minahasans at Manado.

December 25:

Trunojoyo

gives himself up to the combined VOC and Mataram forces, under the promise that his life will be spared. He is executed anyway.

(In one story, he is promised the post of minister and executed by Amangkurat II himself, with a royal keris.)

 

 

A couple in discussion

From the 1680s

to the early nineteenth century, there was a rapid increase in the output of woven cotton and batik. (Andaya 1989: 40)

Weaving was a major source of income for local families by 1785,

with red and blue checks prominent. Although cotton was the most important fibre, silk and palm fibres also figured. (Pelras 1996: 241-2, 245) Numerous migrants, from South and Southeast Sulawesi, diffused the area’s techniques around the archipelago. (Heersink 1999: 49-50; Maznah 1996: 88)

The Philippines had a lively weaving tradition, noted in the first Spanish documents. Panay had the highest reputation for its diaphanous materials woven from pineapple fibres, known as piña or nipi.

This cloth was also famous for its designs and bright and varied colours, and almost every family in the province of Iloilo had a loom by the early nineteenth century. (McCoy 1982: 301-3; Mallat 1983: 190, 195-6)

 

Also entering into Philippines textiles, often in complex mixtures, were cotton, silk, and abacá, the latter a kind of banana confusingly called Manila hemp. Ilocos was the chief centre of cotton cloth production, with an estimated 20,000 looms

By the late seventeenth century,

 

Persia produced much cheap cotton cloth, but it still could not rival fine Indian cottons. (Ferrier 1996: 174-5)

 

 

 

Coarse stuffs were traditionally employed for tents and ‘middle class’ clothing, but there were indications of better quality cloth, including prints, being made in the eighteenth century, notably in Isfahan, Yazd and Kirman. (Issawi 1971: 262-81)

 

Iraq had the misfortune of being fought over repeatedly by Persians and Turks from the sixteenth century, dimming the textile glories of the Abbasid Caliphate

A gloomy French report from the 1780s

opined that ‘a few woollen manufactures’ in Baghdad was all that remained, and that imports from Persia, India and Europe dominated the market.

In reality, Baghdad, Basra, Mosul and Kirkuk retained small silk, cotton and woollen industries, and some rural linen production survived

had given the world the name ‘muslins,’ was a mere shadow of its former self. (Khoury 1997: 33-7; Shields 2000: 76-8, 99; Lombard 1978: 64)

 

 

 

Silks and woollens were initially to the fore in the Ottoman empire, but cottons grew rapidly from the seventeenth century, beginning close to existing centres in Syria. The Diyarbakir region of Southeastern Anatolia was prominent, specialising in red cloths modelled on Indian fashions. (Baker 1995: 160; Issawi 1966: 33) As for Cyprus, it printed calicoes to cover divans. (Issawi 1966: 44) Bursa, the old Ottoman capital, initially focused almost exclusively on silk, but developed the printing of cottons after 1600.

Istanbul also became known for its prints. (Baker 1995: 160) The rise of cotton textiles in the Ottoman Balkans came in the eighteenth century, supplementing existing woollens. (Crampton 1987: 10-11; Castellan and Todorov 1976: 19; Jones 1981: 189-91; Issawi 1966: 43-4, 48-9

Greater Syria, incorporated into the Ottoman empire in 1516,

 

had the best established cotton weaving sector in the Middle East, based on local cultivation of cotton. The area also produced exquisite silks, and cloth of gold. (Lamm 1937: 226-34)

 

 

 

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

Traditional kingdoms of Maluku, early 15th century, and the spheres of influence of Ternate and Tidore, early 16th century

As the main reason for European interest in the Indies, the Spice Islands were amongst the first to experience direct European military intervention. Ternate and Tidore were unable to prevent first the Portuguese and Spanish and later the Dutch and English from establishing fortified trading posts in the region, though Ternate had a number of military victories over the Europeans in the course of the sporadic hostilities of the 16th and early 17th centuries.

By the middle of the 17th century, however, Ternate’s need for free trade in spices was fundamentally in conflict with the Dutch aims for monopoly. In 1652, the Dutch extracted a treaty from Ternate giving the Company a monopoly of clove production, and broke the power of local Ternatean lords in a series of bloody campaigns during the next few years. The Company then centred clove production on Ambon and sent out periodic expeditions to destroy clove trees in other regions.

The great island of New Guinea was also a major centre of population, but its people were concentrated in the interior and except on the fringes close to Maluku there is no record at all of political forms before the 17th century.

Imagining the Archipelago

Although trade routes had tied the Indonesian archipelago to China, India and the Middle East since very early times, the region remained relatively unknown to outsiders until five or six centuries ago. Long distances and the hazards of travel, together with the fact that Indonesians themselves carried most of the products of their islands to the outside world, meant that scholars in the major centres of civilization generally relied on sparse and often second hand accounts of Southeast Asia.

In the West, the Egyptian geographer Claudius Ptolemy (c. 85–165 AD) prepared a major geographical work, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, containing a compilation of information on the region gathered from traders and seafarers. Ptolemy described a Golden Chersonese, or peninsula, far to the east which is normally identified with the Malay Peninsula and he records the existence of many islands in the vicinity. Ptolemy’s geography formed the basis of most Western conceptions of the Far East until the 16th century, and also influenced some of the Arab geographers. The maps of Idrisi (d. 1165) show a good deal more detail than those based on Ptolemy’s account, but they clearly reflect an attempt to reconcile imprecise and contradictory information originating from several centuries and a wide variety of sources.

 

 

The Indonesian Battaks King Sisingamangaraja Picture,art and document Historic collections

Frame One :

The Chronologic Historic of Sisingamangaraja.

 

Raja Si Singamangaraja I : Raja Manghuntal

 

King Si Singamangaraja I: King ManghuntalKing Si Singamangaraja I was the son of King Bonanionan Sinambela, namely the third or youngest son. King Boru Pasaribu Bonanionan married. Although they had long been married, but they do not have derivatives. Therefore Boru Pasaribu go to the “Spear-Sulu Sulu” to “marpangir” (wash with lime). Each time you finish marpangir, Boru Pasaribu pray to “Ompunta” above, beg mercy for gifted offspring. On one day, came flying into the light-Sulu Sulu Spear and alighted at altitude is respected in the place. Who came were introducing ourselves, like a flash-light glow that came and it was Ompunta Guru Doli. Ompunta Tuan Guru Boru Pasaribu Doli said that would give birth to a child. He said: “Believe that you will give birth to a child and give his name Singamangaraja”. If your son has grown up, tell him to take the signs of the kingdom of Raja Uti, comprising:1. Piso Gaja densely packed
2. Pungga Haomasan
3. Lage Haomasan
4. Hujur Siringis
5. Podang Halasan
6. Taboos SitarapullangNot long after starting Pasaribupun Boru contain. Once pregnant for 19 months Boru Pasaribu birth to a son. The Son is born with teeth that have grown and hairy tongue. During adolescence Singamangaraja much to do or act strange, especially in people who are not forgiving, who broke his promise, forgetting his compatriot a weak, relieve those who tarbeang losing gamble. The Singamangarajapun never showed amazement of people who partied in which gondangnya be silent and paddy and maize roots turned upward following the Si Singamangaraja when dihariara parjuragatan somersaults. This happened because they were forgotten.After the mother’s adult Singamangaraja Boru Pasaribu convey the message of Guru Ompunta Doli that Singamangaraja should take the signs of the kingdom of King Uti. He did not know where the sacred village of King Uti likewise his mother. He went armed with the show and lead prayer walking into the shrine.In the course of many obstacles as well as arrival at the sacred village of King Uti which turned out to exist in the area of
​​Barus. There also he tried but all can be overcome with good. Sisingamangaraja met with King Uti and they eat together and she said: “It is true this is the King of the Batak people.” When finished eating they ask pedigree (martarombo) and Si Singamangarajapun her point, and besides that Sisingamangaraja ask a few elephants. The purpose Over Singamangaraja, King UTI said it would give such a message was conveyed on condition Si Ompunta Singamangaraja need to submit a banana leaf width of leaf thatch, quail tail and rope made of sand. Conditions that prompted the King Uti to get harajaon signs that can be met all the Singamangaraja. Being on the demand for elephant, Raja Uti gave origin Si Singamangaraja can catch yourself. The Singamangarajapun call the elephant saw the astonished King Uti. And after that he brought the signs were returned to the Bakara harajaon including the elephant. With harajaon signs it, be he a king Singamangaraja, mangalompoi lion, Lion naso halompoan.King Sisingamangaraja I to IX, King Si Singamangaraja not known when the death and where his tomb. The kings of this after having offspring and felt it was his successor go there and wander densely packed Piso Gaja not carried. They certainly have died is through the natural signs that there is a branch of a broken hariara Namarmutiha. If there is a broken branch hariara means any family member who died and if the main branch which means broken Si Singamangaraja King was dead. Namarmutiha hariara is also known as hariara mark and is still growing in Bakara.Usually this condition is followed by the dry weather season, so that the community expects rain through tonggo-tonggo King Sisingamangaraja. The Onom Ompu (Bakara, Sinambela, Sihite, Simanullang, Marbun and Simamora) from Bakara prepare margondang ceremony and asked the son of King Si Singamangaraja willingness for them gondangi.
 
By wearing clothing Batak ulos Jogia Sopipot and lift the dish contains rice bowl magic repose ulos Sande Huliman as conditions martonggo, son of the king even this is welcome to start the show. He also asked gondang and convey tonggo-tonggo (pray) to Ompunta the above to ask for rain, then manortorlah son of this king. At manortor that heaven was overcast and finally heavy rains and society Si Onom Ompupun greeted him with words Horas Horas Horas. Then piso Gaja densely packed even referred to it and removed / drew perfectly from the nest and lifted upward while manortor. Who among the king’s son who can do things on top of it was he who became King Si Singamangaraja the next, so do not have the oldest son.
 
Respectively be the King The next Singamangaraja and approximate year reign is as follows:
Ø Singamangaraja II, King Tinaruan Ompu
Ø Singamangaraja III, King Itubungna
Ø Singamangaraja IV, Sir Sorimangaraja
Ø Singamangaraja V, King Pallongos
Ø Singamangaraja VI, King Pangolbuk
Ø Singamangaraja VII, sir Ompu Lumbut
Ø Singamangaraja VIII, Ompu Sotaronggal
Ø Singamangaraja IX, Ompu Sohalompoan
Ø Singamangaraja X, Ompu Mr. Na Bolon
Ø Singamangaraja XI, Ompu Sohahuaon
Ø Singamangaraja XII, Patuan Bosar, title Ompu Pulo Batu


King Si Singamangaraja X: Ompu Tuan Nabolon

King Si Singamangaraja X Ompu Mr. Nabolon died because beheaded by Si Pokki Nangolngolan or Tuanku Rao, who with a sly sense to invite the King Si Singamangaraja X to come to Butar. At a meeting in Butar that the Pokki decapitate King Sisingamangaraja X. Chief King is flying away, flying into the lap of his mother Boru Situmorang. By his mother, secretly buried in a large stone in Lumban King, because earlier he had sensed the events that would befall his son.

The body of King Si Singamangaraja X parhorboan lying on the hill, buried in the earth because of the hill suddenly collapsed. King of the Onom Ompu with the followers who accompanied King Si Singamangaraja X and some friends were against the Pokki it dies. But because the Pokki troops who had been hiding came to help the Pokki and the Pokki become stronger, they fled to Mount Immune am left. The Pokki continued to attack and many ditewaskannya Bakara both adults and young children.

According to the Pokki Nangolngolan (Tuanku Rao), he was the son of the King’s sister Sisingamangaraja X who goes to Bonjol. Pokki Nangolngolan said that he had missed the bone and he’ll feed him (manulangi) and will give the piso-piso (money) as an offering. Because the sweet words of the then King Sisingamangaraja this Pokki X went to butar. Although initially he say why the Pokki not come into Bakara.
Because do not get the corpse of King The Singamangaraja X, Tuanku Rao continued to attack the Bakara. Many residents who were killed. His troops burned the entire area in its path from Butar into Bakara including Pande Lumban palace in Bakara.

Wife of the King The first X Singamangaraja namely Boru Situmorang with 2 small children fled to the village of Boho Daily Lintong parents Situmorang. Being the second wife surnamed Nainggolan Boru and his son King Mangalambung kidnapped the Pokki with other children who had expected a son of King Si Singamangaraja X. They were taken to the southeast on the way back to Bonjol. In his travels in South Tapanuli was an outbreak of infectious disease (begu antuk) are also on / attacking forces so Tuanku Rao mess. Prisoners scattered in the South Tapanuli. Some of these scattered settlements in the area make South Tapanuli this.

King Si Singamangaraja XI: Ompu Sohahuaon

Not to mention over the suffering caused by the attack happened also Pokki prolonged dry season. The Society agreed Onom Ompu convey this to the Boru Situmorang and asked him to return to the Bakara. After Boru Situmorang brought her two children back, masyarakatpun requested that they Sohahuaon Ompu gondangi to rain.

Events margondangpun well prepared and Ompu Sohahuaon little dress comes with Batak ulos. Boru Situmorang and the community was shocked and amazed Onom Ompu, because Ompu Sohahuaon young gondang was able to ask and say tonggo-downs tonggo to rain. They chanted with manortor. Haripun darkened by clouds and fell with a heavy hujanpun. Ompu manortor Sohahuaon continue until the end gondang who asked him to. Then handed over to him and Piso Gaja densely packed manortor back while wielding Piso Gaja densely packed perfectly and sheathed again. Ompu Sohahuaon Singamangaraja crowned king of Si XI at the age of 10 years.

In the reign of King Si Singamangaraja XI drafted “Pustaha Harajaon (royal library),” written with ink / Chinese ink on legal-sized paper-made Italian Watermark in writing and Batak language. This library is made of guidance from Ompu Sohahuaon own. Pustaha harajaon consists of 24 volumes, each about 5 cm thick jilidnya whose contents can be briefly described as follows:
Volume 1 to 3: Government Mr Sorimangaraja for 90 derived from the Princess But Donda Nauasan.
Volumes 4 to 7: Government royal Singamangaraja I s / d IX.
Volume 8: About Sword Padri Tuanku Rao against Mr. Nabolon Sisingamangaraja X.
Volume 9: About Pongkinangolngolan and Datu Safe Tagor Simanullang.
Volumes 11 to 12: About Pastor Pilgram, killing of the Reverend Lyman and Munson by King Panggalamei.
Volumes 13-16: The period of rebuilding the capital of the kingdom of Bakara, and regions in 1835-1845 Toba on pembumi hangusan knurl war.
Volume 17: Subject Dr. Junghun, van der Tuuk who come see Sisingamangaraja XI and about photonya.
Vol 18 s / d 24: Coronation of Ompu Sohahuaon be Sisingamangaraja XI, his government until the year 1886 and about a devastating infectious disease in the land of Batak.

In 1884

 

Pustaha Harajaon is found from the pile being burned by the royal house of the Dutch Military. Brought to Holland by Reverend Pilgrams and now in the Museum Library of the Netherlands in Leiden Holland. Pustaha Harajaon not forwarded by Sisingamangaraja XII writing because there is no chance, because since the beginning of his reign, the Dutch colony has launched its aggression in Batak and surrounding soil, so Ompu Pulobatu fought for 30 years until death at the age of 59 years on 17 June 1907.King Si Singamangaraja XI Ompu Boru Arita Sohahuaon married as first wife who gave birth to King Parlopuk. The second wife gave birth Situmorang Boru Patuan Bosar Pulo Batu Ompu title. Different age of King Parlopuk with Patuan Bosar very far, there are about 15 years.
When Ompu Sohahuaon fell ill, the way the government carried out by King Parlopuk. King Parlopuk long enough to hold the job and properly implemented.

 

1866

Ompu Sohahuaoan died in Bakara and built his tomb by King Parlopuk with Si Onom Ompu in Lumban King. This is the first tomb in the Bakara because Sisingamangaraja I to IX are not known to have died where. The King Left Singamangaraja XI died, Patuan Bosar being migrated to the Acehnese.The tomb was demolished by King Si Singamangaraja XII because Bakara attacked the Netherlands. King Si Singamangaraja bones XI brought join fight to the forest, because they do not want the skull of her parents were taken by the Dutch. During the struggle of these bones on Leave in huta Promise Dolok Sanggul then moved again to the Huta Paung. After the time of independence, again on the move at home Soposurung.Approximately 105 years later, the tomb was rebuilt by the family of King Sisingamangaraja and in 1975 the bones of King Sisingamangaraja istrerinya XI and returned to the tomb originally buried in Bakara. King Parlopuk continue to implement Singamangaraja government until the year 1871, ie after dinobatkannya Patuan Bosar as King Sisingamangaraja XII.King Si Singamangaraja XII: Patuan Bosar Ompu title Pulo BatuAlthough the king had died The Singamangaraja XI, Si Onom Ompu not feel something is missing in the government, because the King Parlopuk works pretty well. But when the dry season comes and brings suffering, start the Onom Ompu margondang think to the event. King Parlopukpun they invite to their gondangi martonggo begged him to rain. But the rain did not fall down too.Initially Ompu Pulo Batu gondangi because they would not feel that his brother had been substitute father as king. Finally Ompu Pulo Batu willing to see the pain suffered by society Si Onom Ompu. After the ceremony as it is commonly done, Ompu Pulobatu successfully bring rain. Pulo Ompu Batupun crowned king of The Singamangaraja XII in 1871.1848

Pulo Ompu Stone was born in 1848 from his mother Boru Situmorang. At the time of youth, Ompu Pulo Batu traveled to Aceh, there mingle with merchants from Persia and learn many things. Therefore, when the war against the Dutch, King Si Singamangaraja XII aided by fighters from Aceh, and the stamp / stempelnya use of Arabic and Batak.In 1877

King Si Singamangaraja XII declared war on the Netherlands. Then he runs the war against the Netherlands for 3 decades.

 

 

 

1601

In 1601 the Est India  Company’s first expedition was sent to the Indies, carrying trade goods and silver coin to the value of £28,742. It is not known what proportion of the coins was of the “Portcullis” issue. As trade coins they were too little and too late; the Spanish dollar was the accepted standard for the area, so they were probably used as bullion. The unit is a dollar or 8 testerns with fractions of half, quarter, and eighth.

 

This map shows the locations mentioned in the talk and Bantam in NE Java was the main factory (Trading Post) for the E.I.C.

 

The Struggle between the English and the Dutch for the Eastern Archipelago

1601–1623

Our real struggle for the Indian trade was to be with a very different rival. The decline of Spain and Portugal left the two Protestant sea-powers of the North face to face in the Asiatic seas. Holland entered on the contest in the patriotic flush of achieved independence, and with the same newly born sense of national unity which nerved Portugal for her heroic explorations two hundred years before. England had left behind her the spacious age of Elizabeth; before her stretched the crooked diplomacy and domestic disorders of a dynasty which could never become English at heart, and which had in the end to be cast forth. Throughout the first half of the seventeenth century the States-General played the leading maritime part in Europe, as the Portuguese House of Aviz had played it in the first half of the sixteenth.

The magnificent position which Holland thus won,

Page 59

she merited by her services to mankind. It is scarcely too much to say that the political reformation of Europe dates from the Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581. Then for the first time was asserted and enforced the principle that governments exist for nations, not nations for governments, as no abstract dogma, but as a truth for which a whole people was willing to die.

The vigour which achieved the liberty of Holland pulsed through every vein of her internal and external life. Amsterdam, the city of refuge from Parma’s havoc at Antwerp, became the European emporium of Indian commerce, richer and more powerful by far than Venice, Genoa, or Lisbon in their prime. Her manufactures were improved and her financial strength increased by the Jews who fled the Spanish Inquisition, and who gave to Amsterdam alike the genius of Spinoza and the diamond-cutting industry which centres there to this day. Dutch navigators put a girdle of discovery and colonization round the globe from New Holland, now Australia, to New Amsterdam, now New York. Dutch agriculture, by transferring the potato and turnip from the garden to the field, created a new winter food for men and cattle, as has been pointed out by the political economist Thorold Rogers. This change made possible the growth of population in modern Europe, feeding threefold the inhabitants off areas which had barely supported one-third litz frequent peril of famine, and contributing more than any other cause to banish leprosy from Christendom. At the same time the Dutch leaped forward to the front rank of intellectual

Page 60

activity. Holland became the printing house of Europe. Her thinkers were the oracles of their age, her painters have left an imperishable influence on art. Leyden was more famous for a time than Oxford or Paris, and it is still a tradition of the Scottish Bar to complete a legal education at the great Dutch university.

The outburst of national energy found its chief vent on the sea. The Indian voyage of De Houtman in 1595 fired the popular enthusiasm, and while the London merchants were awaiting the changing moods of Elizabeth, or extracting subscriptions for a single expedition, no fewer than fifteen fleets sailed between 1595 and 1601 from Holland to the East. This period of “separate” Dutch voyages is so little realized by English historians, yet forms so essential a part of the Dutch precedent closely followed by the English Company, that I give their details below4. Of the sixty-five ships sent from Holland in the six years from April, 1595, to May, 1601, Amsterdam supplied by far the larger number; Zeeland, with Middleburg as its centre, came next; and the merchants of minor states competed with companies of their own.

The Dutch government sagaciously foresaw the dangers to which separate expeditions might give rise in distant and hostile seas: that opposition of interests among rival groups of adventurers of the same nation, and that weakness in the face of a common enemy, to which the English system of “separate voyages” subsequently succumbed. On March 20, 1602, as we have

Page 61

Delhi Gate of the fort at Agra

seen, it united the Indian Companies in the several states into one Joint Stock Association under the title of the United East India Company, with an exclusive monopoly of the Indian trade for twenty-one years, dating from January 1, 1602.

The combination was compulsory, as any company which refused to join would be ipso facto shut out from the Indian trade. On the other hand, the Dutch government behaved liberally to the separate organizations, and took over their directors for life into the joint directorate of the United Company. In this way the number of directors of the United Company, although fixed in permanence under the charter at sixty, was at first seventy-three. All this will become clear to any one who will take the pains to consult the Dutch records on the subject.

In a similar spirit the joint directorate was divided into six chambers, representing the six subscribing states in proportion to the amount which they severally contributed to the common capital. This representative principle was carried still further in the executive Committee of Seventeen entrusted with the management of the United Company’s expeditions. Sixteen of its members were taken from the six subscribing provincial centres in direct ratio to their contributions, while the seventeenth was appointed by the minor states in succession.

The government had close relations with the personnel of the directorate. Reports were made to the States-General; accounts were to be submitted to them;

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they supervised the Company’s instructions to its servants; and they left in the hands of the Company until 1638 a sum of twenty-five thousand florins (£2000) due for the charter of 1602. The Council of Seventeen was, in fact, a sort of elected Board of Control, intermediate between the Dutch Company and the States-General, somewhat, although by no means exactly, like the Board of Control established nearly two centuries later between the English East India Company and Parliament.

The qualification for a director in the four leading Chambers was £500 and £250 in the two minor ones. The directors and their staff were to be remunerated by one per cent. on the cargoes. A general reckoning was to be made every ten years, at which periods shareholders might reclaim their subscriptions and withdraw. The shares were ordinary ones of £250 each, and “head-participant” shares of £500. The subscription was thrown open to the whole population of Holland. But practically the first expedition in 1602 consisted of the ships belonging to the previous separate companies and taken over from them by the United Dutch Company.

So high rose the tide of national enthusiasm that even ruined Antwerp, bleeding and mangled in the claws of Spain, found money for shares. Her clandestine subscriptions, through agents at Amsterdam and Middelburg, roused the wrath of her oppressors, and an Antwerp merchant was condemned to lifelong imprisonment for this offence. The great Company, with its

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capital of, say, £540,000, and with ample powers of conquest or attack vested in it by the State, was recognized by friend and foe as a new national force. It marks, in truth, the final development of that policy of sea-war by sea-trade with which Holland had first confronted, and was now about to beat down, Spain.

The States-General perfectly understood that there could be no peace between the two nations. It was not merely a question of the sullen Spanish pride, and of the long slaughter of Protestant saints and patriots in sacked towns and on bloody fields; it was also the spectral procession of those one hundred thousand judicial murders of peaceful men and women by fire and torture and burying alive, before the country rose in its despair, that compelled every act of Holland to be an act of war against Spain. The United East India Company was the instrument by which the Dutch were to compel the oppressor first to an unwilling truce, and finally to let them go.

That magnificent achievement belongs to European history, and I here venture only to note a few of the first landmarks which it left behind in Asia. In 1602 the fleet of the Dutch Company routed the Portuguese near Bantam, and laid open for ever the road to the Moluccas or Spice Islands. From that date the ascendency of the Dutch in the Eastern seas, although subject to occasional checks, was only a question of time.

In 1603 they threatened Goa, the middle capital of the Indo-Portuguese route, and in 1606 blockaded its western terminus by carrying the war into the estuary

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of the Tagus itself. They shut up that river by a great expedition, to which the Dutch East India Company largely contributed, and in April, 1607, they totally destroyed the Spanish fleet in Gibraltar Bay. In the furthermost East, the Dutch wrenched the fairest isles of the Moluccas from the Portuguese, and although partially expelled for a time, they returned in force, gradually completed the conquest, and ousted the Portuguese trade even in Japan.

A bird’s eye view of Bantam

The exclusive possession of the Spice Islands became a fixed point in the Dutch policy. The instructions to their first governor-general, Pieter Both (1609–1614), were that “the commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should have the least part.” Throughout their long negotiations with England, they never yielded their sovereign rights in the Spice Islands.

Having thus struck at Spain at the two extremities

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of her Indo-Portuguese trade, Lisbon and the Moluccas, the Dutch proceeded deliberately to establish themselves at vantage-posts along the line of communication. Into the military operations of the next half-century space precludes me from entering. Five dates must suffice to mark the further Dutch conquest of the Indian trade-route. Having made themselves a power in Java, midway between the Malay Straits and the Moluccas, they fixed their capital at Batavia on its northern coast, in 1619. In 1641 they captured Malacca from the Portuguese, and thus turned the straits into a Dutch waterway. From 1638 onwards they expelled the Portuguese from Ceylon, driving them from their last stronghold in 1658. They took possession of the great half-way house of Indo-European commerce, the Cape of Good Hope, and settled a colony there in 1652. When Portugal emerged, in 1640, from her sixty years’ captivity to Spain, she found that her power in the Eastern seas had passed to the Dutch. In 1641 she surrendered for ever her exclusive claims to the spice trade by a treaty with Holland, on the basis of the Dutch retaining their conquests, and of free navigation and trade to both powers in the Eastern seas.

Holland’s conquest of the Indian Archipelago was, in truth, a conquest by treaty not less than by war. Always ready to fight, she regarded fighting chiefly as an instrument of trade. Her object was not, as Portugal’s had been, to take vengeance on the “nefandissimi Machometi secta” for the loss of the Holy Places in Palestine, or to swell the pride of a royal house by

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new Asiatic titles and to bring the kingdoms of the East within the Christian fold, but by establishing a sufficient degree of sovereignty over the islands to prevent them from selling their spices to any European nation but herself. Where she found a stringent supremacy needful, she established it; where a less control sufficed, she was at first willing to leave the princes and peoples very much to themselves. The whole process is laid bare in the documents copied for the English East India Company during our occupation of Java (1811–1818) and now preserved in the India Office.

I intend, as in my sketch of the Portuguese policy in Asia, to exhibit briefly from the manuscript records the methods, rather than the military operations, by which the Dutch built up their supremacy in the Eastern seas. So far as it is possible to generalize, the Dutch kept three points steadily in view. First, the sovereign authority of Holland must be acknowledged by the island-chiefs. This was asserted sometimes as the result of conquest, but frequently in the form of a protectorate, the native princes consenting to hold their territories as a kind of fief under the Dutch suzerainty. Second, all other European nations, and especially England, were to be excluded from the island trade; and in many cases specific engagements were entered into for war against Portugal and Spain. Third, as the Dutch tightened their grasp on the Archipelago, they adopted more drastic provisions for the maintenance of their monopoly. The natives were forbidden

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to sail beyond certain limits from their respective coasts, under pain of piracy; they were prohibited from trading with Indian or other Asiatic ports; and they were compelled to root up their spice-trees in islands which competed with the produce of the Dutch settlements. Stipulations were sometimes introduced

The Old East India House used as the Sign of a “Joiner.”

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to permit the introduction of the Reformed Religion.

A few examples must suffice to illustrate these general principles of policy. The arena was that great island world, perhaps the mountain-tops and plateaus of a submerged continent, which stretches from the shores of Asia to the Australian coast An almost continuous belt of long islands (Sumatra, Java, Flores and Timor, and others) curves south-eastwards from the Malay Peninsula to the northwest point of Australia. Within this belt, on the north, lie Borneo; Celebes to the east of Borneo; the Moluccas or Spice Islands, including Ternate and Tidore; with the valuable Nutmeg and Clove Isles, Banda, Amboyna, Pulaway, Pularoon, and Rosengyn among them to the south; and finally New Guinea at the easternmost extremity. The Philippines stretch in elongated broken masses northward from the Spice Islands toward Formosa, China, and Japan.

The Dutch resolved to make themselves masters both of the outer or southern belt of long islands and of the rich spice archipelago which they girt in. A glance at the map will show that the first strategic point on the outer belt is Achin, on the north-western point of Sumatra, commanding the entrance to the narrow sea between that island and the Malay Peninsula. The King of Achin claimed a disputed supremacy over all Sumatra, and in 1600 the Dutch entered into a treaty with him for a resident factory. The relations were gradually strengthened into an armed alliance against

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the Portuguese, whose Eastern capital, Malacca, dominated the opposite coast. When the Dutch grew strong and the Achin raja, fearing the results of their success, began to give trouble, he found his dependent chiefdoms and islets had themselves entered into separate engagements with Holland acknowledging her sovereignty, and securing to her the privileges of exclusive trade. From the year 1688 onward, and even before that date, the Dutch treaties with the Sumatra minor chiefs pledged them to hostility against the King of Achin.

On the opposite coast of the Malay Peninsula the Dutch took even more effective measures. The keys to the passage on the northern side were Portuguese Malacca, about two-thirds down the straits, and the native kingdom of Johor, at their exit near the eastern point of the Malay Peninsula. In the early days’ of the Dutch Company, Malacca, the Eastern capital of Portuguese Asia, could defy any Protestant fleet unless aided by a native land power. So in 1606 the Dutch made a compact with Johor to seize Malacca; Holland to keep the town and fortress, Johor to have the adjacent territory, and all captured property to be divided between them. From this time onward the Dutch could attack Malacca with the help of the Achin fleet from Sumatra on the northwest and of the Johor levies from the east. It was only their unstable relations with these native states that deferred the final fall of the Portuguese headquarters in the Far East to Holland in 1641. In that year the country around Malacca also abjured

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its allegiance to Portugal and promised fidelity to the Dutch.

Of scarcely less importance than the Malacca passage between the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra, which thus came into Dutch keeping, were the Straits of Sunda between Sumatra and Java. This narrow opening formed an alternative entrance through the belt of long islands into the Archipelago, and the Dutch Company resolved to secure the command of it. Bantam, on the north-western point of Java, dominated its exit into the inner sea of islands. Even before the United Company’s first voyage, the “separate” Dutch commanders had made a compact with the Raja of Bantam for “mutual honest trade,” and the subsequent treaties with Bantam fill many pages of the India Office records.

In 1609, by an engagement known as the “Eternal Treaty,” the Dutch agreed to aid the Bantam raja against foreign enemies, particularly the Spanish and Portuguese, and his state slowly passed into a dependency of Holland The Dutch perceived, however, that the mouth of the Jacatra River, with its spacious bay, a little to the east of Bantam, afforded superior convenience for shipping. In 1612 a treaty secured free trade to the Dutch at Jacatra, and after a scuffle with the English, the Dutch destroyed the old Javanese town, rebuilt it under the name of Batavia, and made it their headquarters in the East (1619).

The clearness of vision which led them to secure the two main inlets into the Archipelago (the Straits of Malacca and the Straits of Sunda) also guided the

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Dutch to the best sites in the enclosed island world. The positions which they took up were either strong for war or rich in trade, and eventually passed into the Dutch power by conquest from the Portuguese or by treaties with the native chiefs. Almost everywhere we find a defensive alliance with the natives against the Portuguese becomes the basis of the Dutch power. Thus

A Chinese Street in Batavia, Java

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at Ternate, the chief seat of trade in the Moluccas or Spice Islands, the Sultan entered into a treaty with the Dutch admiral in 1607 for protection against a Spanish-Portuguese armada. The right to build and to destroy forts followed. The uprooting of the clove-trees which might compete with the Dutch at Amboyna came in due course; and in 1649 the Sultan appointed the Dutch governor as his viceroy over his chief island dependencies.

One other example must suffice. Amboyna, the richest clove island of the Southern Moluccas, had been visited by the Dutch “separate” expeditions, and entered into a trade arrangement. In 1600 this friendly relation was strengthened into a compact for the expulsion of the Portuguese and the erection of a Dutch castle. In 1605 the chiefs acknowledged the sovereignty of Holland, in return for a guarantee of protection against Portugal and Spain. They agreed to aid the Dutch in their wars and to sell their cloves to no other nation. As the Dutch drew tighter their bonds on the Moluccas, Amboyna, like its suzerain island, Ternate, grew restive. But in 1618 the Dutch finally established their supremacy at Amboyna, and secured by treaties the exclusive trade, the free exercise of the Reformed Religion, and the right to demand forced labour. In 1628 they took advantage of a dispute in the family of the Ternate raja to shake off his suzerain claims to the customs duties at Amboyna, and to declare themselves masters of the island by virtue of conquest from the Portuguese in 1605.

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The harsher measures of the Dutch in the Archipelago belong, generally, to a period subsequent to 1623. It was not till a much later date that they fully developed their system of confining the islanders on pain of piracy to their own or adjacent coasts, forbade their sending or receiving embassies to or from India and the Asiatic continent, and enforced a tribute in “full-grown slaves.” In the early years of the seventeenth century the Dutch really were what they declared themselves to be, the deliverers of the islands from Portuguese oppression. In return for their protection they demanded the exclusive trade and such subsidiary guarantees as they deemed needful to secure it.

The growing rivalry of the English put an end to this state of comparative calm. On the one hand, the Dutch claimed the monopoly of the richest of the Spice Islands on the threefold ground of priority of occupation, services rendered to the natives against the Portuguese, and treaties which at once defined and secured their rights. On the other hand, the English asserted the still earlier arrival of Drake’s ship in 1579, denied that the isolated coast castles of the Dutch amounted to effective occupation of a great archipelago, and claimed an equal right with the Dutch to make treaties with the native powers.

The English claim founded on Drake’s priority of discovery could not be pressed in serious diplomacy, as it told against our general contention that a title to territory could be maintained only on the ground of

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actual possession, or effective occupation. But it long served as a national rallying cry. In 1606 Sir Henry Middleton asserted our right to a factory in the Moluccas, “for that Sir Francis Drake had trade in Ternate

Sir Francis Drake

before the name of the Hollanders was known in those parts of the world.” As late as 1652 it formed a basis of a discourse, the East India Trade first discovered by the English, in which the author gravely relates how the Dutch “took the advantage of the negligent and inconsiderate English” to secure the profits of Drake’s

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discovery. This popular plea, although put forward in official documents, cannot be accepted by an honest historian. But it explains that sense of having been overreached which embittered English feeling to the Dutch.

The situation was in fact incompatible with peace. Yet Holland and England were not only at peace in Europe, but were the joint champions of a great religious cause. Nor could either country at once forget that, but for Elizabeth’s coldness to the Dutch overtures, the English queen might have been the sovereign of the united nations. On the arrival of the English ships in the East in 1602, the commanders of the two Protestant fleets joined against the Portuguese; and, as we saw, the plunder of a Portugal ship supplied the return cargo for the first voyage of the London Company. But the Dutch quickly perceived that the English were both weak and inconvenient neighbours in the Archipelago.

Each English voyage worked with a small capital, and raised the local prices by eagerness to secure a freight. The Dutch abstained for a time from hostilities, yet strove to frighten the natives from dealing with the newcomers by representing them as buccaneers. When the island chiefs found that the English, instead of making piratical descents, came with money in their hands, and parted with it more freely than the Dutch, this device failed. The Dutch next tried bribery, and in 1603 were said to have offered twelve thousand dollars to the natives of Pularoon if they would not trade with the English. The death of Elizabeth in 1603, and

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King James’s treaty with Spain and Portugal in the following year, broke the tradition of Dutch and English friendship based on the joint championship of the Protestant cause. Scruples of sentiment or of religion disappeared, and commercial rivalry became the permanent factor in the relations of England and Holland.

It is not needful to dwell on the. early phases of the struggle which ensued. The English Company was the weakling child of the old age of Elizabeth and of the shifty policy of King James; the Dutch Company was the strong outgrowth of the life and death struggle of a new nation with its Spanish oppressors. The English Company began with slender resources in 1601 the system of “separate voyages,” which the Dutch Company, after a trial of that method on a great scale after 1595, deliberately abandoned in 1602 for the joint system of a -United Company with vast capital – the joint system which the English adopted only after eleven years of painful experience in 1612, and even then in a less stable form.

Yet the English boldly stood forth to the natives not only as rivals but as opponents of the Dutch. In 1605 the King of Tidore, in the Spice Islands, appealed to King James for help against the Hollanders, on the ground that his Majesty was in friendship with Spain. The King of Ternate, hard by, inquired after the health of the “great Captain Francis Drake,” whose return we have daily expected,” and complained that the Dutch, having driven out the Portuguese, prevented him from granting a factory to the English. The King

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of Bantam in Java rejoiced that “now England and Bantam are both as one.” From Achin in Sumatra, commanding the western gateway of the Archipelago, to the Spice Islands in its farthest east, the Dutch found themselves encountered by a new set of competing, and sometimes hostile, compacts between the native princes and the English Company.

We even went so far as to try to provide an English wife for the King of Sumatra. As that potentate had expressed a wish for such a consort, “a gentleman of honourable parentage” proposed at a court meeting of the Company in 1614, “his daughter of most excellent parts for music, her needle, and good discourse, as also very beautiful and personable.” The probable benefit to the Company was gravely debated, “and the lawfulness of the enterprise proved by Scripture.” But, as the State Papers show, some feared that the other wives “may poison her if she became an extraordinary favourite.” The father was willing to take the risk, but we do not hear that the lady went out. Yet the bare suggestion must have seemed alarming to the Dutch.

Nor did the English diplomacy in Europe tend to soothe the rivalry in the Asiatic seas. Holland quickly valued at its real worth the lip-friendship of King James. During the Dutch efforts for a settlement with Spain, England was detached from the Protestant cause by the bait of a Spanish marriage, and of the Netherlands as a prospective dowry of the Infanta after the death of the childless archduke. Holland, thus deserted,

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saw her hoped-for peace with Spain dwindle to the Twelve Years’ Truce of 1609, leaving the menace of a Spanish war on its expiration, and a resentment against England for a century to come.

A gun from the Indian Archipelago

The Dutch in the East took prompt measures to deal with the situation. If England proved so faint a friend in Europe, the Archipelago was to become a place of little ease for the English Company. Scarcely had the Spanish truce of 1609 given Holland a breathing-pause than she resolved to consolidate her Asiatic settlements under a firm local control. The Council of Seventeen nominated Pieter Both, a man of great ability, to the charge of the Company’s factories, and in November, 1609, the States-General commissioned him with extensive powers as the first governor-general of the Dutch East Indies. Pieter Both justified their confidence. He had proved his capacity as admiral of the Brabant Company’s expedition in 1599–1601, and his initial duty in his new high office was to take an oath of fidelity of the Dutch servants in the East to the States-General and the United Company.

He sailed as governor-general with a fleet of eight ships in January, 1610, and after months of storm arrived

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at Bantam in January, 1611. During the next four years he brought the islands within a network of treaties. He thus confirmed from Java to the Moluccas the supremacy and exclusive trade of the Dutch; procured, when expedient, the toleration of the Protestant religion; and laid the foundations of a new national power in the Eastern Archipelago. On the expiration of his office, he sailed in January, 1615, with four richly laden vessels for Europe, but perished in a hurricane off the Mauritius. The name of a mountain in that island long commemorated his loss, and appears in a journal of 1689 as “Pierre Both.”

He had found his task an easy one. The native rulers in the Archipelago, like the coast rajas with whom the Portuguese dealt on the Malabar seaboard, were princes on a small scale. The greatest of them, like the King of Achin and the Sultan of Ternate, exercised an uncertain suzerainty over detached territories and islands, each with lesser chiefs of its own. Nor as regards the English did the first Dutch governor-general find much difficulty. The whole number of English ships sent out up to the year 1610, inclusive, amounted to seventeen, and of the seventeen vessels only a few were at any one time in Asiatic waters. The Dutch, on the other hand, had sent out sixty-five ships before the union of the separate companies in 1602, and sixty-nine vessels from 1602 to 1610. The armament and fighting force of the English ships were also inferior to the Dutch. The Dutch, moreover, took a practical care for the well-being and morals of their

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servants that was unknown in the English factories. While the London Company sent out volumes of sermons and forced back the first English wife, the Dutch governor-general carried with him thirty-six goodly young women as mates to their countrymen in the East. It was not till more than half a century later that the English Company, moved by the scandal of a half-caste population, followed their example.

The English factors and captains in the Archipelago were in truth outmatched at every point, and the London Company found itself compelled to seek support nearer home. In 1611 it opened negotiations at Amsterdam. A letter of Robert Middleton to the burgomasters of that city proposed “that as our nations have long continued in firm bonds and league of amity, so we might peaceably proceed to trade jointly together without troubling of either states.” The Dutch replied in an amicable spirit, and proposed to approach the States-General on the subject. But meanwhile the London merchants realized that the struggle was a national one, not to be settled by the two Companies alone, and had declared to the Lord High Treasurer of England that they “are enforced at last to break silence and complain their griefs.”

The tale they told was one to which no English sovereign could turn a deaf ear. They had “long and patiently endured sundry notorious wrongs and injurious courses at the hands of the Hollanders,” and being now reduced to extremities “but having no means of remedy, do humbly implore your Lordship’s honourable

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assistance and mediation to the States.” They based their claim to trade in the Archipelago on the prior discoveries of Drake, Cavendish, and Lancaster; and on Drake’s compact with the King of Ternate (the suzerain of the Moluccas) long before the Dutch were heard of in those seas. The argument had its inconveniences, for it would have told still more strongly in favour of the Portuguese prior rights which the English Company were about to scatter to the winds. But it sufficed to bring the question within the range of European diplomacy, and to open out new opportunities to James in his favourite role of the peacemaking monarch.

Thomas Cavendish

From this period the relations of the Dutch and English Companies divide into two distinct branches: continuous negotiation in Europe, and continuous contests in the East. After preliminary action by our ambassador in Holland, the States-General, in 1613, sent commissioners accompanied by Grotius, then pensionary of Rotterdam and the foremost international jurist of the age, to treat with English commissioners in London. Much wrangling resulted in a vague agreement in 1614 that each nation should enjoy such places as it had conquered or discovered, and pay customs

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duties to the other at those ports, while both should join against the common enemy – Spain and Portugal. The governor of the English Company held a conference with the Dutch ambassador in London for “a loving alid friendly trade both defensive and offensive,” by the two corporations: we to throw open the Cambay coast to the Dutch, and they to admit us to the Spice Islands.

The growing animosities in the East rendered this arrangement a dead-letter, and in January, 1615, negotiations were renewed at The Hague. Sir Henry Wotton, our ambassador in Holland, together with certain commissioners to represent the East India Company, received a favourable audience from Barneveldt, who would gladly have seen the two Companies join “to beat the Spaniard out of the East Indies.” King James himself put pressure on the English Company to come to terms, but forbade any open breach with Spain. This last condition rendered a real agreement impossible for Holland. The English commissioners demanded free trade by the law of nations. The Dutch replied that any trade at all in the Eastern seas could be secured only by great armaments and garrisons against Spain, and that if the English refused to share in the cost, they could not fairly claim to share in the profits.

Finally Barneveldt offered three alternatives. First, for the English to retire from the trade; second, for the English to unite in a joint East India Company with the Dutch; third; for the English to maintain their position by a vigorous war. He declared that the

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View of the River Hugli at Calcutta

The River Hugli, with its crowded shipping at Calcutta, tells the story of the commerce to-day between India, Europe, and the Farther East. The river-banks are lined with signs of busy trade, and the smart native boats ply their way in and out among the large foreign craft that load and unload their export and import wares.

States-General regarded the East Indian trade as a cardinal point in their national policy, and that they assisted the Dutch Company with great sums to maintain it by force of arms. The English, on the other hand, thought that the Dutch capital was wasted in wars and on an army of ten thousand soldiers in the East. Nothing remained but for our commissioners to come away. The negotiations of 1615 broke down at The Hague, as those of 1613–1614 had proved fruitless in London.

King James felt annoyed that he had failed in his part of royal peacemaker, and the Dutch were aware of the fact. They saw their advantage in a union which should compel the English to share in the Protestant defence of the Indies, and they had confidence in their own ability to retain the lion’s share of the trade. They therefore transferred the scene of operations once more to England, and their ambassador urged as a groundwork “for the amalgamation of the two Companies that they should jointly subscribe £1,200,000 to a common stock. The English Company had by this time broken the Spanish-Portuguese power on the Indian coast, and saw their way to trade without sharing in the costly armaments and island-defences of the Dutch. In August, 1615, they declared that they were content that Holland should surcease from her wars with Spain in the East, being themselves “confident that in time they will eat the Spaniard out of that trade, only by underselling him in all parts of Christendom.” So with “good words” they thanked the Dutch

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ambassador, and the third series of negotiations came to an end.

Broach, on the coast of India, in 1778

Meanwhile the Hollanders were rendering our position intolerable in the Archipelago. In 1613 they forcibly prevented the people of Machian in the Moluccas from trading with us. In 1614 our agents retaliated by a treaty with the rich nutmeg island Banda, whose inhabitants declared themselves willing to live and die with the English. In 1615 the London Company encouraged its factors to break boldly into the Spice Islands and to attempt both Banda and Amboyna. But the Dutch replied by the argument of “seven tall ships” in the Archipelago, and threatened to sink any English interloper. In December, 1615, at their headquarters at Bantam in Java, “the envy of the Hollanders is so great that to take out one of our eyes they

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will lose both their own.” In 1617 came the news that the Dutch had forty or fifty English prisoners in irons at Amboyna, starving on a single cake of bread a day, so that they were reduced to skin and bone.

The personal hatred between the agents of the two Companies had now risen to fever-heat. The English despised the phlegmatic “mechanic” ways of the Hollanders, called them “shoemakers” and “beer-brewers,” and flew into a passion at the mere sight of a Dutch document. In 1618 our admiral at Batavia, Sir Thomas Dale, on receiving a communication in Flemish, “scolded, stamped on the ground, swore, cursed,” asking “why the letters were not in French, Spanish, Latin, or any other language if we did not like to write English.” The Dutch paid back abuse with scorn, pulled down the English flag, befouled it, and tore it to pieces, and hit upon a device for rendering it hateful to the natives. In 1617 they “covered all the seas from the Red Sea to the coast of China, spoiling and robbing all nations in the name and under the colour of the English.” In 1618 they publicly insulted our flag by running up the French and English colours, with Prince Maurice’s banner displayed above, “triumphing in the doing thereof, because they have overcome both.”

If we look only to their position in the East, they had cause for exultation. Their second governor-general, Gerard Reynst (1614–1615), proved a worthy successor to Pieter Both. A director of the United Company at Amsterdam, Reynst was induced to accept the governor-generalship by liberal allowances, a gold

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medal with a massy chain, and the assurance of being reappointed a director on his return. He sailed in July, 1613, at the head of a large fleet, with ample powers from the Council of Seventeen ratified by the States-General, and with a commission direct from Prince Maurice. This double sanction of the States-General and of the House of Orange represented the union of the supreme civil power with the highest military authority in Holland. It gave to the Flemish Company a national basis which was absent from the charters of our Stuart kings, and which the English Company only obtained by Acts of Parliament under Dutch William, three-quarters of a century later. The tenure of office for the Dutch governor-generals was five years – a term afterwards adopted for our own.

Thus backed by the strength of his nation, Reynst detached a squadron on the voyage out to plant factories at Aden and on the Arabian coast, and became the founder of the Dutch trade in the Red Sea. But his chief aim was to shut up the nutmeg and clove islands of the Archipelago against the English. With a fleet of eleven ships he chastised the Banda chiefs who had traded with us, seized on the neighbouring islands, and drove us out of Amboyna. His career was cut short by dysentery in December, 1615. Laurens Reaal (1616–1618), provisionally appointed to fill his place by the Council of India then assembled at Ternate, consolidated what his two predecessors had won. He strengthened the Dutch fortifications throughout the Archipelago, extended the Company’s commerce, filled its

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exchequer, and prepared the way for the great governor-general who succeeded him.

Aden

The English Company also armed itself for a life or death struggle. In spite of obstacles the four expeditions of its First Joint Stock (1613–1616) were bringing home rich cargoes, and its shares rose to 207 per cent. in 1617. But much of its property then remained in the Indies, and, owing to losses from the Dutch, had eventually to be sold to the Second Joint Stock at a low valuation. Its accounts could not be finally wound up until 1621, and its whole profits during the eight

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years (1613–1621) only amounted to 87½ per cent. Its permanent achievement, as we shall see, was the strengthening of our position not in the Eastern Archipelago, but on the west coast of India under the sanction of the Moghul emperor obtained by Sir Thomas Roe. In 1616, however, its credit stood high, and the expectations from the division of its profits still higher.

When, therefore, on the expiration of the four years of the First Joint Stock (1613–1616), the London Company resolved to open a new contribution for another four years, it was eagerly subscribed. The spirit of adventure among the English nobility and country gentry, which had found scope on the Spanish main under Elizabeth, but which the Spanish entanglements of James pent up, sought an outlet in the Second Joint Stock of the East India Company. Fifteen dukes and earls, thirteen countesses and ladies of title, eighty-two knights, judges and privy councillors, headed the list of 954 subscribers. The contributions amounted to £1,629,040, the largest capital that had ever been subscribed to any joint stock undertaking in the world. With this sum, to be divided into three voyages, it seemed as if the English Company might at length hold their own against Holland in the Eastern seas.

They soon discovered, however, that the capture of the spice trade was not to be achieved by money alone. Both at home and in the East the English organization was inferior to the Dutch. The original weakness in the constitution of the London Company still rendered it unfit for great or permanent efforts. The “separate”

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voyages of 1601 to 1612 had indeed given place to recurring joint stocks. But the change only superseded temporary groups of adventurers for single voyages by somewhat less temporary groups of adventurers for three or four voyages. Each group, whether for a single voyage, or for three or four, knew that its existence was limited to a brief term of years. Its object was to make as much money as it could within the period allotted to it, and to spend as little as possible on fortifications which it would have to leave behind in the East and make over at a low valuation to the next group of adventurers. The Dutch East India Company felt its interests to be bound up with those of the Dutch Government, adopted the state policy, and willingly spent vast sums on troops and fortresses in the confidence that it would reap the permanent fruits of its territorial conquests.

The English Company, in fact, still remained a private venture; the Dutch Company knew itself to be a national enterprise. The difference received emphasis from the personal character of King James. The London Company’s charter was never quite safe from court intrigues. If royal favourites could no longer procure a license for English interlopers, his Majesty was King of Scotland as well as of England, and the charter did not affect his northern subjects. In the crisis of its struggle with the Dutch, the London Company learned with dismay that the king had in 1617 granted a patent to Sir James Cuningham for a Scottish Company to trade to Greenland, Muscovy, and the East Indies –

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“in as ample manner and as the Company of London do.”

The danger was grave. For the Scotch would not only prove keen rivals in trade, but their charter might be covertly utilized by English interlopers, and a Presbyterian nation was not unlikely to come to an understanding with the Calvinist and Lutheran Dutch. The movement which resulted in the Scottish Brigade in Holland had set in; and the London Company might find itself beset by a Scotch and Dutch combination in the East. We shall find that the steward of the Dutch factory at Amboyna in 1623 was an Aberdeen man. King James listened to the remonstrances of his English subjects, and in 1618 the new grant was recalled upon the London Company agreeing to compensate the Scotch patentee.

The concession did not come too soon. In the autumn of the same year, 1618, the English Company found itself once more compelled to appeal for state support in what now clearly revealed itself as a struggle between the Dutch and the English nations. It presented memorials to the king and the Privy Council, setting forth “the manifest and insupportable wrongs and abuses done by the Hollanders unto your Majesty and your Majesty’s subjects in the East Indies.” The two nutmeg islets of Pularoon and Rosengyn, with a chief town in Lantor or Great Banda which had freely surrendered to his Majesty, had been threatened or attacked by the Hollanders, and English prisoners had been publicly shown in chains. “Lo, these are the

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men,” said the Dutch to the islanders, “whom ye made your gods, in whom ye put your trust, but we have made them our slaves.” Twenty of the miserable captives were since dead of cruel usage.

Court of Proprietors, East India House

The Dutch had also taken two English ships, rifled another, and put the crews in irons, declaring they had the authority of King James himself to capture any English vessel to the east of the Celebes. They refused to restore a vessel unless we gave up our claim to Pularoon, boasting “that one Holland ship would take ten English: that they care not for our king, for Saint George was now turned child.”

King James reopened negotiations in earnest (September, 1618) and demanded that Dutch commissioners should be sent to London. A report was allowed to reach The Hague that he had ordered the seizure in England of certain Dutch East Indiamen, and in November

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the Dutch commissioners were accredited – six on behalf of the Dutch East India Company, and four on behalf of the States-General with the Dutch ambassador at their head.

The two questions to be settled were compensation for past injuries and a fair arrangement for the future. The Dutch commissioners proved able diplomatists, very subtle and cunning “as they seemed to our plain city men. At the very first meeting they took up a firm stand against “reparation of damage,” and by January 27, 1619, they were sending for men-of-war to carry them home. When Lord Digby patched up the breach, things again came to a stand in April, as the Hollanders, while demanding that the English Company should share the charges of the Dutch fortresses in the East, refused to allow it any share in their control. The king himself now intervened, declaring that in a matter that so nearly and highly concerns the weal of both countries, his Majesty will neither spare any travail to effect it, nor be in anything more partial to either side than if they were both his own subjects.”

The king’s eagerness constrained the London Company to come to terms. In July, 1619, was concluded a treaty which yielded the main points to the Hollanders and proved from the first unworkable by the English. The London Company obtained no compensation for past injuries, reckoned at £100,000 during a single year, and no share in the control of the Dutch fortifications to whose cost they were to contribute. The treaty, after granting an amnesty for all excesses on

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either side, and providing for a mutual restitution of ships and property, declared the trade in the East to be open to both Companies. Both Companies should exert themselves to reduce the native dues and exactions, to keep down prices of Indian commodities in the East, and to maintain a high scale of prices in Europe.

Gold lace workers at Lucknow

On the southeast Indian coast the English were to have free trade at Pulicat on paying half the expenses of the Dutch garrison. In Java the pepper trade should be equally divided. In the Moluccas and the Banda and Amboyna Archipelagoes, which included the clove and nutmeg islands, the English should have one-third and the Dutch two-thirds of the trade, paying for the garrisons in a corresponding ratio. Each Company

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was to furnish ten ships of war to be kept in the East for purposes of common defence, and not to be employed on home voyages, but only in the port-to-port trade. All forts should remain in the hands of their present possessors – which practically meant of the Dutch, as we had then so few – and certain proposed fortifications of the English were to be postponed for two or three years, until both Companies could. agree upon them.

The treaty was to be binding for twenty years. Its execution was to be supervised by a joint Council of Defence in the Indies, composed of four members from each Company, with an appeal in case of dispute to the States-General and the King of England. So much eventually turned on this Council of Defence clause that I give it in full5. Its functions were defined as the direction of the common defence by sea, the distribution of the ships of war, and the regulation of dues or imposts for maintaining the forts and garrisons.

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There is no mention of civil or criminal jurisdiction, nor of any system of law to be administered.

The English Company felt that the royal role of peacemaker had been played chiefly at their cost. They petitioned the king in particular against the articles touching the forts, “as utterly cutting off the Company from all hope and expectation of their obtaining any parts of the forts at any time hereafter, which in the end would utterly exclude the Company from the whole trade of the Indies.” Even the king’s ambassador at The Hague thought the fortress clauses might have been more advantageous to us, while his friend Chamberlain plainly wrote to him “Say what they can, things are passed as the other [side] would have it.” Secretary Calvert regarded the treaty as a mere suspension of the dispute, and believed a great opportunity had been lost, for the Portuguese, French, and Danes were all eager for a trade alliance with us in the East. However, on July 16, 1619, King James ratified the engagement, and sweetened the pill to his subjects by a clause promising to erect no other East India Company during the treaty term of twenty years.

As a matter of fact, it but little affected events in the East. The treaty did not reach India till March, 1620, when the Dutch and English generals suspended their hostilities, proclaimed it on every ship from the mainmast, feasted each other, and liberated all prisoners on both sides. But their quarrel had got beyond control from home, and their amity ended as the smoke of their salvos cleared off. The English were trying

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to enforce two distinct claims which the Dutch believed to be incompatible with their position in the Eastern Archipelago: a claim to trade in the nutmeg and clove islands of the Banda and Amboyna groups, and a claim to a fortified settlement close to the Dutch headquarters in Java.

A glance at the map will show the significance of these claims. At the eastern end of the Archipelago lie two groups, represented for our present purpose by Amboyna, a clove island, and by the Banda, literally the “United,” nutmeg isles, including Lantor or Great Banda, Pularoon, Pulaway, and Rosengyn6. Not only did these islets produce the most valuable spices, but they might be approached from the southwest. If the English could establish themselves in Amboyna, Pularoon, and Rosengyn, they would, so to speak, turn the flank of the Dutch positions commanding the Straits of Malacca and of Sunda. By keeping to the south of the line of long islands (Sumatra, Java, Flores, Timor, etc.) they could secure a direct access, not unattended indeed by nautical dangers, to the clove and nutmeg archipelago. These matters, which were hidden from King James and his councillors, were vital to the Dutch control of the spice trade. The Dutch directors in Holland understood them better; and while granting us

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A Seventeenth-Century map of India

an equal share in the cheap pepper of Java, they would concede only one-third of the traffic with the clove and nutmeg islands of the further East. We were outmatched in point of knowledge as in armed force.

The Dutch rested their title to these islands on their conquest from the Portuguese and on treaties with the local chiefs. The English claimed that they were places of common resort for the spice trade, that in some of them they had built blockhouses which the Dutch pulled down, and that others, including Amboyna, Pularoon, and Rosengyn, had granted us a settlement or freely placed themselves under the protection of King James. The struggle for them, with its mutual outrages and reprisals, need not be detailed. It commenced as far back as 1608, became acute after 1616, and ended with the catastrophe of Amboyna in 1623.

While the English tried to circumvent the Dutch western positions on the Malacca and Sunda straits, and to fasten on the richest spice isles of the easternmost archipelago, they also threatened the Dutch settlements in Java itself. In December, 1618, the English by way of reprisal captured the Dutch Black Lion at Bantam. In January, 1619, they beat the Dutch fleet in a “cruel bloody fight” in which three thousand great shot were fired without lasting result, and in October the Dutch defeated our squadron off Sumatra – the last battle for the famous old Red Dragon. The Dutch Black Lion had a less noble end – being accidentally burned while in our possession by four

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drunken English sailors, one of whom we hanged and the other three were flogged round the fleet.

A Native of Java

This sea-struggle around the western entrances into the Archipelago had its counterpart conflict on shore. The ships of the two Protestant nations were individually pretty well matched, the captains equally skilful, the crews equally brave, and victory sometimes fell to the one, sometimes to the other. Our cursing and stamping admiral, Sir Thomas Dale – a determined man, bred in the cruel school of the Spanish-Dutch war – had by unsparing severity wrung order out of anarchy in Virginia, and was sent with six ships to India in 1618. But the English found the land forces in Java numerically superior to their own, and directed by a man of still more masterful character, and with a genius for organization not possessed by any other European then in the East.

Jan Pieterszoon Coen, born at Hoorn in 1587, had learned the secrets of commerce in the famous house of the Piscatori at Rome, and went first to Dutch India in 1607. By 1613 his talents raised him to the office of director-general of commerce and president at Bantam, with the control of all outlying agencies (comptoirs).

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In 1617 the Council of Seventeen appointed him governor-general, with a ratification from the States-General and a commission direct from Prince Maurice of Orange – powers so ample as afterwards to warrant him in questioning orders of the directors unless approved of by the States-General. In June, 1618, he entered on his high office at Java. “If the King of England does not make it his particular care,” a shrewd French observer reported, “the English run the risk of having the worst in the Indies, as being weaker than the Flemings are in that country.”

Coen was to the Dutch Indies in the seventeenth century what Albuquerque had been to the Portuguese in the sixteenth, and what Dupleix became to the French in the eighteenth. He resolved to found the Dutch power on a lasting territorial basis. His clear vision of a Dutch empire in the East met with opposition from narrower minds – the antagonism which Albuquerque’s policy had encountered from the honest Almeida, and which the schemes of Dupleix were to receive from a corrupt French court. But the Dutch Company, like the English Company in after days, knew a great man when they got one; and in spite of internal differences and a temporary eclipse, Coen was supported, rewarded, and honoured. His two governor-generalships, from 1618 to 1623, and from 1627 to 1629, form the seed-time of the Dutch greatness in the East.

A strongly fortified capital, commanding the western entrance to the Archipelago, yet centrally situated, was

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necessary to his design. The Straits of Malacca were already controlled by treaties, and circumstances led Coen to the northern exit of the Straits of Sunda as the position from which to dominate the island world. The two possible sites were Bantam and Jacatra at the north-western end of Java, where the Sunda Straits debouch into the Archipelago. Bantam was nearer to the straits, Jacatra lay round the corner to the northeast, but was the stronger position. Both places were resorted to by the English and Dutch, and the two nations claimed treaty rights with the native princes at each. One of Coen’s first acts as governor-general was to obtain leave from the Jacatra chief for a fortified settlement on his river.

Presently the Jacatra and Bantam chiefs grew afraid of the rising fortress, and, although not liking the English, obtained their help to expel the Dutch. Coen had sailed to the Moluccas to avenge a native revolt and to reunite his fleet; and in January-February, 1619, the Dutch at Jacatra, after a defence of their half-built walls, had to capitulate. They agreed to surrender their fortress, people, and war munitions to the English, and the money and goods of the Dutch Company to the native prince. The English were to provide a ship to convey away the Hollanders to the Indian coast of Coromandel, or whithersoever they might resolve to go, except to the Moluccas or Amboyna.

The claims of Bantam caused delay, and Coen had now reunited his fleet’ at the Moluccas. His return

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Matchlocks from various parts of India

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Blank page

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to Java prevented the treaty from being carried out. In the spring of 1619 he utterly destroyed the native town of Jacatra, seized the estuary of the river together with the adjacent territory, and built on it the city and fortress from which, under the new name of Batavia, the Dutch rule the Eastern Archipelago to this day.

Our admiral, brave, passionate Dale, having unwisely divided his fleet, and being stricken with fever from the swamps of the Jacatra River, sailed for India. Coen hurried on the fortifications at Batavia so as to give the complete command of the Jacatra estuary to the Dutch. He prepared to punish the Bantam prince who had joined and then quarrelled with the English during his (Coen’s) absence in the Moluccas. He drew the bonds tighter on the English trade, and resolved to use our alliance with Bantam as a casus belli for driving us out of the Spice Islands. At this juncture, early in 1620, the Anglo-Dutch treaty of July, 1619, arrived at Batavia, with its amnesty for the past and promise of peace in the future.

But scarcely had the joint cheering for King James and Prince Maurice died away and the’ fleets been stripped of their bunting, than the treaty of 1619 was discerned to be itself a new source of strife. In 1618 the Dutch directors frankly wrote to Coen that, although they were trying to come to an agreement with the London Company, yet in the meanwhile he was “strictly to carry out our previous orders for expelling the English and all other nations from all treaty places or where we have forts.” Coen had laid his plans

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accordingly. The Dutch directors were, however, willing to give the treaty of 1619 a fair chance. “It is our sincere and earnest desire,” they wrote in 1619–1620, honestly to observe its terms, and they even contemplated building a fortress at the Cape of Good Hope jointly with the English. But they insisted on our executing our engagements to the utmost letter, and above all on our maintaining the full complement of war-ships agreed on.

Cape Town and Table Mountain

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The last condition was one which the English Company could not fulfil. Coen knew this and foresaw that its non-fulfilment would leave him a free hand. While he therefore made fair arrangements for the joint Council of Defence on shore, for the mutual command of the fleet, and for caerying the two national flags at the mainmast every alternate fortnight, a guarded or even hostile attitude to the English was enjoined on the outlying Dutch settlements.

The truth is the two Companies had widely different interests in the main business of defencL The Dutch truce with Spain was about to expire (1621), and Holland resolved to break the Spanish-Portuguese power in the East as a preparation for the inevitable European war. The English were by no means so anxious to attack the Spaniards, with whom they were ostensibly at peace, and whom they believed they could undersell in an open market by the fair rivalry of trade. After several joint expeditions, the English failed to supply their quota of ships, but offered to pay half the naval expenses. Then they withdrew more openly, and after bitter recriminations the Dutch declared that the English “have neither law nor justice … the knife of the one [alone] keeps the knife of the other in the sheath.” The English replied that the Dutch used the alliance for their own ends, and that the treaty was for a fleet of defence and not for conquest. In 1623 they declined to join in a third expedition against the Spanish Manilas and their ships separated from the Dutch alike in Java and the Moluccas.

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A second cause of quarrel arose out of the blockade of Bantam, which the joint council undertook, but which the English soon declared to be a plan of conquest outside the duties of “defence.” The English only wanted an open trade at Bantam, and this the prince was willing to concede. The Dutch desired to avenge the attack of Bantam on their rising fort at Jacatra in 1618, and to ruin the trade of a rival port lying so close to their new Batavian capital. The question of the sovereign jurisdiction in the Archipelago supplied a third and more bitter subject of strife. The Dutch directors explicitly ordered that the laws of Holland were to be observed at Batavia; that the claim given by the treaty to the English was to a share of the trade but to no share of the dominium; and that the treaty had not “reduced our rights even in the smallest way in the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda.” The treaty had, in fact, omitted to provide for the question of jurisdiction. The English president himself was fined in 1621 for not obeying orders issued at Batavia in the name of the States-General, and in 1622 he was mulcted on the complaint of a native.

A fourth cause of quarrel was the money contribution for fortifications under the treaty. Here again the two nations had opposed interests in the East. It was the Flemish policy of ruining Spain by armed trade, as against the London Company’s desire for open ports. The Dutch wanted as many fortifications as they could get at the joint expense; the English wanted few fortifications, and none which they could not control. The

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Dutch accused the English of insufficient subsidies. The English replied that, while they found the money, the Dutch spent it, or pocketed it, as they pleased, and made no equal contribution on their part. The Dutch records themselves disclose some laxity in this respect. In 1621 the Dutch cut down the outlay on forts, garrisons, and the governor’s table allowances, yet warned their agents that “the English need not get the benefit of it,” but are to be charged as before. Nor were the English to be allowed to “build or make anything at their own expense, on which hereafter they can claim ownership.” All this is clear from Dutch manuscript records in the India Office. The English retaliated for the imposts enforced from them for fortresses in the Eastern Archipelago, by levying dues from Flemish ships near Ormuz, to the wrath of the Dutch captains.

The restitution of property clause furnished a fifth ground of wrangling, in which both sides thought themselves overreached. The constant and bitter personal disputes between the local agents of the two Companies supplied a sixth cause, which would alone have rendered unworkable the treaty of 1619. Within two years King James himself recognized that it had broken down. In March, 1621, he pressed the Dutch Government to send commissioners again, and in July he hastened its decision by threatening letters of marque. The commissioners arrived in England in November, 1621, but their negotiations were spun out to January, 1623 – too late to avert the impending tragedy.

As Barneveldt’s project for a United Dutch-English

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Company had been strangled by the diplomatic discord at London and The Hague, so all hope of compromise between the two nations was stifled amid the passionate disputes of their sea-captains in the East, and extinguished forever in the torture chamber of Amboyna

 

1604:

On March 13, 1604, King Sukadana Panembahan Giri Kusuma binding agreement with the Dutch (VOC) [15], which infuriated the Sultan of Mataram.
 1606: On February 14, 1606, an expedition led by Koopman Gillis Michaelszoon Dutch first arrived in Banjarmasin, because of bad temperament captain was killed in a riot. [16]
 1607: Aji Mas Anom Paser Indra became the ruler until the year 1644.
 1607: June 7, 1607 expedition led by Koopman VOC Michaelszoon Gillis arrived in Banjarmasin, all the crew were killed in retaliation for the seizure of Banjar junks in Banten in 1596. [17]
 1609: On October 1, VOC conduct cooperation pact with the Prince Duke of Sambas. [18]
 1610: Aji violated Kutai VII became King until the year 1635.
 1610: King maimed became ruler based in Pekana porcupine, Authorship.
 1612: In May 1612, fire destroyed the Dutch Company Banjar Banjar Old Empire’s capital, so capital was moved to Martapura. British trade partnership, chaired by Sir Henry Middleton coming to Brunei.
 1613: Amiril Pengiran Lion King Tidung Laoet served until 1650.
 1615: Prince Dipati Anta-founded the Duchy Kotawaringin Kasuma, fractional area of
​​the Sultanate of Banjar most western border with the Kingdom of Tanjungpura.
 1622: Sultanate of Mataram send Tumenggung Bahurekso, Regent of
Kendal Sukadana attack under control Bunku Princess / Queen Mas Jaintan (Mustika Giri’s mother), this attack will attack worrying Banjar Sultanate of Mataram. Giri mustaka (Raden Saradewa) son-king Prince Dipati Kotawaringin Kasuma Anta-crowned king-Matan Sukadana Syafiuddin title of Sultan Muhammad (1622-1659). He was the first king of the title of Sultan, the previous king Panembahan Sukadana title only.
 1625: Muhammad Ali became the Sultan of Brunei XII until 1660.
 1626: Production of pepper Banjar greatly increased, so the VOC attempted to gain monopoly pepper, and try to eliminate the incidence in 1612 the Dutch invasion of the sultanate of Banjar. The Netherlands also apologized for his actions robbed the Banjar in cruise ship sultanate of Brunei trade to July 4, 1626. Trading empire Banjar still directed to Cochin China (Veitnam) not to Batavia.
 1634: VOC sent six merchant ships headed to Banjarmasin Londensteijn Gijsbert van, then added a few ships under the command of Antonie and Steven Scop Barentsz. [19]
 1635: June 17, 1635 Pearl British ship arrived in Banjarmasin, Tewseling and Gregory.
 1635: 4 September 1635 the Sultan of Banjar is represented by Ratna Syahbandar Goja Babouw Kings held the first commercial contract in Batavia by the Dutch Company is represented by: Hendrik Brouwer, Antonio van Diemen, Jan van der Burgh, Steven Barentszoon. VOCs also helps Banjar to conquer the eastern Kalimantan (Sand). [18]
 1635: Prince Aji ing chances, Duke Sinum Bannerman Martapura Kukar VIII became King until the year 1650. This king conquered the kingdom of Kutai Martadipura.
 1636: Sultanate of Banjar claim areas along the Sambas Karasikan Berau as well as its territory since that time Banjarmasin already has the military capacity to confront the attacks of Mataram.
 1636: The first time the Dutch began to dwell in Banjarmasin as VOC trading office in Banjarmasin established under the leadership of Wollenbrant Gelijnsen. [19]
 1637: Banjarmasin hold peace relations with Mataram. [20]
 1638: Sultan Banjarmasin send envoys to the Sultan of Makassar Makassar and East Kalimantan borrow area as a place of trade. Sultan Muhammad Zainudin moved the capital of the Sultanate Matan Matan kingdoms from the river to the land called the kingdom of Indra Indra Laya Laya.
 1638: Contract Craemer Banjar Sultan refused a request to send pepper to Makassar, came the anti-war Dutch VOC many as 108 people, 21 Japanese were killed, and the lodges were burned and the destruction of VOC VOC ships in Banjarmasin.
 1640: Governor-General Antonio van Diemen VOC ordered that hostilities with the Sultanate of Banjar is stopped and only requires 50,000 as compensation for the real tragedy in 1638.
 1641: Around mid-October 1641 Prince Tapesana and Kiai Narangbaya as Sultan Banjarmasin envoy arrives in Jepara and its escort of 500 people to deliver gifts to the Sultan Agung – the king of Mataram. [20] [19] [21]
 1641: Inayatullah became Sultan Banjar V until the year 1646
 1643: Dutch erected forts and factories on the island of Tatas (now Central Banjarmasin). [22]
 1644: Maulana Aji Anom Lions became the ruler Paser until the year 1667.
 1646: Sultan Banjar VI Saidullah be until the year 1660.
 1648: Dutch get a monopoly of pepper Banjarmasin dipasakan to the Sultan. [23]
 1650: Prince Aji Dipati ing the Great became King Kukar Martapura IX until year 1665. Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila I served the King until the year 1695.
 1659: Sultan Muhammad Zainuddin I (Marhum Affairs Laya) ruled the Sultanate Sukadana-Matan (1659-1724). Abdul-Jabbar became the Sultan of Brunei Jalilul XI until the year 1660.
 1660: Sultan Rakyatullah be Banjar VII until 1663, he made a treaty with the VOC December 18, 1660. Brunei Sultan Abdul Mubin become XIII until the year 1673.
 1661: Abdul Mubin Hakkul XIII to become the Sultan of Brunei in 1673. Sukadana-imperial envoy arrived in the Sultanate Matan Banjar to report that Sukadana back into the area of
​​the Sultanate of Banjar pegaruh since earlier in 1638.
 1662: According to Barra in 1662 there were
only 12 junks a Malay, English, Portuguese and pepper transporting gold to Makassar, while in the Port of Banjarmasin filled with more than 1000 sailboats, both interinsuler trade and inter-continental trade.
 1663: Sultan Sultan Amrullah be Banjar VIII, but he later coup by Sultan Agung to be the Sultan of Banjar IX until year 1679, with the help of tribal Biaju and moved the capital to the River Prince, New York.
 1665: Prince Aji Dipati Maja became King Kusuma ing Martapura Kukar X until the year 1686.
 1766: Sultan of Sulu island Balambangan surrender to the British. [24]
 1667: I to King Solomon Panembahan Paser until the year 1680. He was the first ruler who holds Panembahan Paser.
 January 21, 1668: La Mohang Daeng Mangkona whose inhabitants founded the city of Samarinda is known as the Bugis Samarinda Seberang.
 1670: Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin from Sambas reigned until the year 1708.
 1672: Sultan Muhammad Syamsudin Sa’idul Khairiwaddien Nata, as the first ruler Sintang wear wear a higher degree of Sultan, ruled until 1737.
 1673: Muhyiddin XIV became the Sultan of Brunei until 1690.
 1675: Muhammad Syafeiuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until 16701675-1685.
 1680: Good Amirullah Kusuma ascended the throne back to Emperor Banjar X until the year 1700. Adam Panembahan I became Panembahan Paser until 1705. King Senggauk be Panembahan Mempawah.
 1686: Queen’s Court, the first woman to lead the Kutai Kingdom in 1700.
 January 18, 1689: Spreader Catholicism, Fr. Antonino Ventimiglia arrives at Banjarmasin from Goa, India. [25]
 June 25, 1689: Portuguese ships under the command of Captain Francesco Luigi Cottigno entering the island area plot in Kapuas district and establishing relationships with the tribe Dayak Ngaju [26].
 1690: Nassaruddin became Sultan of Brunei until the year 1705.
 1695: Amiril Pengiran Tidung Maharajalila II serving ruler until the year 1731.
 1698: Sultan Banjarmasin, Saidilah establish a contract with the UK.
 1699: In April, two of the English Captain Henry Watson and Cotesworth instructed to establish factory / warehouse in Yogyakarta. [27]
 1700: Hamidullah became Sultan Banjar XI until the year 1734. Prince Aji Old Dipati XII became the Sultan of Kutai which until the year 1710. In 1700 the war between the Hedgehog and Matan, because the seizure of diamond inheritance Kobi. Hedgehogs assisted by Bantam and VOC, because it then Bantam expressed Hedgehogs and Matan under the power of the Sultanate of Banten.

1601

the first British contack with what is indonesia date back to 1601 when Quen Elisabeth I sent an emissary to the sultan of Acheen (Aceh). correspondence from those early contacts is still exant in the british  library in london. World demand for spices had led the european powers to establish route to the indies, the island the today form the indonesia archipelago. Trading post and garrisons were won and lost in the European power struggle, but it was the dutch who came dominate the lucrative trade in spices.

 

1605

 

Early history of Christianity in Indonesia is not the same as the dawn of the Protestant Church. In 1605 the Christian religion is no longer a stranger in the archipelago. Mung * kin once the Christian merchants from Arab khalifa or from South India to set foot in Indonesia starting from the 7th century or the 8th AD In 1323-1324 a member of the Franciscan Order, Oderico de Pordenone, visiting Borneo, the palace of Majapahit, and Sumatra. Twenty years later a messenger from the Pope met with a number of Christians in Sumatra [SGA I, 34v]. However, in this era of Christianity has not been rooted in the Earth Indonesia. Congregations that there may not leave scars, and in any case consists only of migrants.

 

Conversely, the expansion of Christianity that took place in the 16th century laid the foundation of the church that stands today. Around the year 1500 entered the Roman Catholic mission coincided with the soldiers and Portuguese and Spanish traders. In those days people of Spain and Portugal had just managed to repel the Arab rulers of Europe, but the Islamic kingdoms in North Africa remains a security threat to Southern Europe. At that time the Turks launched a great attack in the name of Islam in Southeast Europe. They conquered Christian countries in the Balkan peninsula and in 1529 invaded the country instead of Germany. Europeans feel besieged, and attempting to make a counter-attack by moving the circular. That way they hope to also get direct access to areas of origin of luxury goods as long as it reached Europe through the mediator in the East Indies and Egypt or Turkey. Then they explore the ocean to find a way to “the Indies”, which is located behind the Turkish camp.For them, the Indian was a fairy tale, the source of unimaginable wealth. As he sailed westward, the Spaniards discovered America, which at first they thought were “the Indies” (so-called natives “Indians”). A few years later, the Portuguese managed to reach the “Indies” the truth, namely the Indian Ocean region, and immediately began a military and economic war against the Muslims there, who they view as a ally of the Turks. They are not strong enough to colonize a large area, but only seize or establish a series of fortress along the trade route that stretched from India to Indonesia and China Eastern. Main strongholds is Goa (west coast of India), Malacca (Malaysia area now), Ternate and Solor (off the coast of Flores), as well as the Macao (China offshore). From their base in America, the Spaniards colonize and Christianize the North and Central Philippine region. At a later date, their influence extends to the islands of Sangihe and North Maluku.

 

It is clear that the activities of Europeans in Indonesia, particularly the Portuguese, religious motives, military motifs, and motifs interwoven trade. So fortresses they have dual functions. In it there is a military barracks, warehouses for merchandise, and a church building. The priests serving the soldiers and merchants in the fort. Sometimes they also came out to bring Christianity to the natives who live around the fort. But in general spread of the gospel does not become their primary goal. Said one high official of the Portuguese era: “They come with a crucifix in one hand and a sword in the other. But when they found wealth, they immediately rule out the cross and fill their pockets “. The most active group mission is to perform the work of the clergy of the order, in particular members of the Society of Jesus (SJ) who worked in Asia since the 1540s. Beside them, the Order of Franciscans and Dominicans also need to be called.

 

Laying the Basic Christian Church

 

Here we only give an outline of the history of Catholic missions in the 16th century and the 17th. Who want to know the ropes can find in the work history of the Catholic Church in Indonesia, Volume I, and the Yeast Carita I. We will successively discuss the development of western Indonesian archipelago and in the East.

 

At the time the Portuguese arrived in the archipelago, the inhabitants of coastal areas of Sumatra and Java had converted to Islam. After all, in terms of politics they are relatively compact, they have formed a powerful kingdom with a relatively large area, such as Aceh, Johor, Banten and Demak. Therefore, the mission did not succeed to get a foothold there. Only in the city of Malacca, which in the 1511-1641 period is the main stronghold in the east of Portuguese Goa, there is a rather large Christian congregation, headed by a bishop. But this congregation is made up of immigrants from Europe and their descendants. Elsewhere in the western part of the archipelago there is never a stable congregation.

.1612

in 1612, in Tolucco (Fort Hollandia). The main Dutch base of the  Moluccas remained however the fort of Malayo. In a few years, practically the greater part of the island of Ternate had been lost to the Spanish control. Great aid in this reached to the Dutch from their natural allies the Ternatens. In the same years in which these forts in Ternate were built, the Dutch control extended also to the other islands of the archipelago. Starting from 1608 also all the island of Makian was occupied by the Dutch who constructed to three fortresses long the coasts of the island. Makian was the richer island in absolute than nail of ambita garofano and that more from the Dutch who aimed to control the commerce of the spices. Another fortress, Fort Nassau, was built in 1609 in the island of Moti (Motir), island situated between Tidore and Maquiem (Machian), also this island was rich of cloves. In 1609, also the Spanish fort of Bachan was captured by the Dutch commandants vice admiral Simon Jansz Hoen. Practically after 1606, and between 1607 and 1610, the Dutch with theirs ally succeeded to force the Spanish on the defensive and took the control of great part of the islands. Under the Spanish control only remained the southern side of the island of Ternate (where was the main town of “Nuestra Seńora del Rosario”), the entire island of Tidore and some ports in the islands of Halmahera and Morotai. The Spanish garrisons had their headquarters in the islands of Ternate and Tidore where it’s often difficult to understand by the documents where were situated  the spanish “presidios”, the some “presidio” was sometimes called with different names causing not little difficulties to understand where and which was. In addition to a multitude of fortified places in Ternate and Tidore, the Spaniards maintained sometimes for a few years some garrisons also in the peripheral islands of Halmahera, Morotai and Sulawesi, these places were important  for the maintenance of the garrisons, because those islands were sources of sago and other indispensable food for   the maintenance of the garrisons and of the population of the islands of Ternate and Tidore, islands where because of the conformation of the land and the continuous state of war in which they were did not allow the cultivation of such products. Often the spanish garrisons depended for the refueling of food, dressed and ammunitions nearly exclusively from the so-called fleet of “soccorro” that  was sendt every year from the Philippines. When one of these fleets lacked to the appointment or because it was captured from the Dutch or because the bad weather who provoked frequent shipwrecks, were times of great lack for the Spanish soldiers of the garrisons and for the population of the Spanish city of Ternate. In spite of these deprivations and of the high human and material cost, the Spaniards maintained their own garrisons in Ternate, Tidore and in other islands, until 1663, year in which on order of the governor of the Philippines Manrique de Lara was decided the dismantling and the abandonment of all the garrisons of the Moluccas.

Major VOC posts and forts in the archipelago, 17th century

 

The Company’s initial interest was in obtaining spices from Maluku for direct shipment to Europe, and it established a fort in Ambon (Amboina) in 1605. Under the third Governor-General, J.P. Coen, however, the Company’s ambitions began to extend to taking part in trade within Asia. Coen decided that the Company needed a more central base and in 1619 founded a new headquarters, which he called Batavia, in the small trading city of Jayakarta on the northwestern coast of Java. In developing this so-called inter-Asian trade, the VOC made the most both of its capital reserves, which gave it disproportionate power in the market place, and its naval strength, which enabled it to sweep from the seas both pirates and Asian traders it now classified as smugglers because they infringed its monopolies.

 

The VOC’s interests in Indonesia were only part of its Asian empire. The Company had major trading operations in India and was the only European power permitted to trade in Japan. It came to control the islands of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and Formosa (now Taiwan), as well as a significant territory at the Cape of Good Hope. Most of the Company’s territories were ruled by governors subordinate to the Governor-General in Batavia; the gouvernement of Java’s Northeast Coast, therefore, was no more directly monitored from Batavia than was the distant Cape settlement. Even within the VOC structure, therefore, the ‘Netherlands Indies’, as a precursor to modern Indonesia, had no formal existence.

 

 

KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 17 (BERSAMBUNG)

KOLEKSI SEJARAH INDONESIA

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JAKARTA,17TH CENTURY

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Sumatra, first half of 17th century

The successors of Sultan Iskandar Muda were unable to maintain the empire he had created and in the middle of the 17th century, the Acehnese empire began to contract. Within Aceh, moreover, royal power dwindled in the hinterland with the rise of powerful regional warlords or uleëbalang. Although Aceh remained independent, it was never again a major power.

Meanwhile, Aceh’s main rival, Johor, was also in decline. From the north, the aggressive Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya had turned Kedah into a vassal, requiring its ruler to send as tribute an intricate gold and silver tree (bunga mas dan perak). Johor was also under pressure from the south. From the middle of the 17th century, the pepper kingdoms of Jambi and Palembang had grown increasingly independent of their Javanese overlords and had begun to develop close relations with the VOC. Palembang soon fell out with the VOC, which sent forces to destroy its capital in 1659, but Jambi continued to prosper, repudiating Mataram’s overlordship in 1663. By 1673, Jambi was powerful enough to attack Johor and to destroy its capital utterly. Johor’s rulers then shifted their court once again into the islands for fifteen years. The final blow to Johor’s standing came in 1699, with the assassination of the brutal Sultan Mahmud, which broke Johor’s dynastic link with the prestige of the Melaka sultanate.

The decline of Aceh and Johor gave new opportunities to the Minangkabau peoples of central Sumatra. Siak on the Sumatra coast opposite Johor, Indrapura on the west coast, and the small Minangkabau communities of Sungai Ujung and Rembau near Melaka all became virtually independent in this era.

1602

The founding of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on 20 March 1602 marked the worldwide start of share trading. The VOC was the first company to give private citizens the opportunity to participate in its capital, and the documents recording their participation are thought to be the oldest shares in the world. The Amsterdam stock exchange owns one of the few remaining copies of this very rare document, which is seldom seen by the public. This VOC share will also be on display during Visitor’s Day.

 

In 1602,

 

the English East India Company’s first voyage, commanded by Sir James Lancaster, arrived in Aceh, region of Indonesia, located on the northern tip of the island of Sumatra.  and sailed on to Bantam, where he was allowed to build trading post which becomes the centre of English trade in Indonesia until 1682. In this case, the Prince took the Dutch, arrival seriously as the Dutch had constructed many military. A military is an organization authorized by its greater society to use lethal force, usually including use of weapons, in defending its country by combating actual or perceived threats…

1602

The Dutch Company’s charter of 1602 empowered it to appoint public prosecutors in the name of the States-General for the conduct of judicial business in its fortresses beyond the Cape of Good Hope. The ordinances for the Dutch governor-general in 1617 authorized him not only to execute all civil and

 

1602

 

Muhammad Yusuf Tonggi

Pada Tahun 1595, Lapattawe’ Daeng serang yang tercatat menaklukan Laica’ dengan membunuh laica’ di tangga istananya, kemudian menjadi Raja pengganti pada tahun 1595-1602.

Pada Riwayat Luwu’E, Lapattawe’ Daeng Serang adalah Waliyullah Muhammad Madzamuddin yang riwayatkan menikahi Datu Suppa yang saat itu menjadi Komandan Patroli laut. Muhammad Madzamuddin diriwayatkan sebagai Pajung Luwu’ yang menyambung (kembali) hubungan Keluarga Luwu’-Bone dan Makassar. Muhammad Madzamuddin adalah seorang Panglima Perang yang bergelar Cornelis de Hout Man dalam karier Militernya

Perkataan Bijak Imam Besar berdarah Pranakan Afrika yang bergelar tentang Agama Ketuhan berkaitan dengan Budi Pekerti, dapat kita lihat dibawa ini:

 

 

Cape Town and harbour

criminal sentences, but also to delegate this function to the subordinate councils and proper officers of settlements at which the governor-general and council could not be present.

Age of VOC
The Italians are the first Europeans to visit Borneo in the 14th century, then followed by the Spanish, British, and Dutch.

Sambas kingdom is the first area that was under the influence of the Netherlands since the contract with the VOC made by Queen Sapudak (King Sambas) on October 1, 1609.

1615

Prince Jayawikarta apparently also had a connection with the English and allowed them to build houses directly across from the Dutch buildings in 1615. When relations between Prince Jayawikarta and the Dutch later deteriorated, his soldiers attacked the Dutch fortress which covered two main buildings, Nassau and Mauritus. But even with the help of 15 ships from the English, Prince Jayawikarta’s army wasn’t able to defeat the Dutch, for Jan Pieterszoon Coen

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

(J.P. Coen) came to Jayakarta just in time, drove away the English ships and burned the English trading post.

 

Things then changed for the Prince, when the Sultan of Banten sent his soldiers and summoned Prince Jayawikarta to establish a close relationship with the English without an approval of the Banten authorities. The relationships between both Prince Jayawikarta and the English with the Banten government then became worse and resulted in the Prince’s decision to move to Tanara, a small place in Banten, until his death. This assisted the Dutch in their efforts to establish a closer relationship with Banten. The Dutch had by then changed the name to “Batavia”, which remained until 1942.

.

In 1602 the Dutch set up the Dutch East Indies Company, Vereenigde Oostindie Compagnie in Dutch or VOC. In the Moluccas, the Dutch took a first Portuguese fort in 1605.

 

1605

Maluku people’s resistance against the Portuguese, the Dutch used to set foot in the Moluccas. In 1605, the Dutch managed to force the Portuguese to give up its defenses in Ambon to Steven van der Hagen and the Tidore to Sebastiansz Cornelisz. Similarly, the British fort at Kambelo, Seram Island, destroyed by the Dutch. Since then the Dutch managed to control large parts of Maluku.
The position of the Dutch in the Moluccas strengthened with the establishment of the VOC in 1602, and since then the Dutch became the sole ruler in the Moluccas. Under the leadership of Jan Pieterszoon Coen, Chief Operating VOC, clove trade in the Moluccas sepunuh under the control of VOC for nearly 350 years. For this purpose the VOC did not hesitate to drive out competitors, Portuguese, Spanish, and English. Even tens of thousands of people become victims of brutality VOC Maluku.

Jan Pieterszoon Coen

 

Jan Pieterszoon Coen was a officer of the Dutch East India Company in the early seventeenth century, holding two terms as its Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies….

was appointed the VOC governor general for the Moluccas. He too wanted to set up an establishment in Java. He took Jayakarta in 1619. On the ruins of the Javanese town, he founded Batavia, which he named after the ancestors of the Dutch people, the Germanic tribe of the Batavians

Batavians

The Batavi were an ancient Germanic tribe, originally part of the Chatti, reported by Tacitus to have lived around the Rhine delta, in the area that is currently the Netherlands, “an uninhabited district on the extremity of the coast of Gaul, and also of a neighbouring island, surrounded by the…

.

1619

In 1619

instructions had been duly given to Van Speult to administer justice as governor of Amboyna in civil and criminal cases.

 

Under a tropical sun these almost stagnant waters, soaking into-the soft soil, produced malaria, and the city came to be regarded as the graveyard of Europeans; the wealthy classes took up their residence in the suburbs which formed the new town on the heights of Weltevreden, whither the government offices were removed. Within a few years canals have been filled up and drainage introduced, so that the city is considered tolerably healthy. The thermometer ranges from 65° to 90°. The old town is mainly inhabited by natives and the poorer Chinese. The city has a bank and a newspaper, and has recently been connected with Singapore by a telegraphic cable 600 m. long. Among the principal public buildings are the Lutheran church, military hospital, and exchange. – Batavia occupies the site of the former native city of Jacatra, which was seized in 1619 by the Dutch governor Jan Pieterszoon Koen, the Dutch having a few years before set up a factory here. The capital of the Dutch possessions in India was now removed from Amboyna to this place. In 1628-‘9 the allied sovereigns of Bantam, Jacatra. and Mataram twice besieged the new city, with an army of 100,000 men, but were repulsed.

1613

1613

When the kingdom was ruled by Raden Sumedang bans Suriadiwangsa, stepchild Geusan Ulun of RTU Harisbaya, Sumedanglarang into Mataram territory since 1620. Since then the status Sumedanglarang any changes from the kingdom into districts under the name Sumedang District. Mataram make Priangan as a region in western defenses against possible attacks Banten forces, and or Company based in Batavia, because of Mataram under Sultan Agung (1613-1645) hostile to the Company and the conflict with the Sultanate of Banten.

 

 
 

 

To oversee the Priangan, Sultan Agung lift Raden Aria Suradiwangsa be Wedana Regent (Regent Chief) in Priangan (1620-1624), with the title of Prince Rangga Gempol Kusumadinata, known as Rangga Gempol I.

In 1624 the great Emperor ordered Rangga Gempol I to conquer the Sampang (Madura). Therefore, the position represented Regent Wedana Priangan of younger princes Rangga Gempol I Dipati Rangga Gede. Shortly after Prince Dipati Rangga Gede served as Regent Wedana, Sumedang attacked by forces of Banten. Since most forces left Sumedang Sampang, Prince Dipati Rangga Gede unable to cope with the attack. As a result, he received a political sanction of Sultan Agung. Prince Dipati Rangga Gede held in Mataram. Regent Position Wedana Priangan submitted to Dipati Ukur, provided that he should be able to seize power Batavia of the Company.

Sultan Agung in 1628 ordered Dipati Ukur to help troops attacked the Mataram Company in Batavia. But the attack failed. Dipati Ukur realize that as a consequence of the failure that he will receive punishment similar to that received by Prince Dipati Rangga big, or a heavier punishment again. Therefore Dipati Ukur and their followers to rebel against Mataram. After the attacks on the Company fails, they do not come to Mataram report the failure of his duty. Dipati Ukur actions were considered by the party as a rebellion against the rulers of Mataram kingdom of Mataram.

Dipati Ukur occurrence of insubordination and his followers made possible, partly because of the Mataram difficult to monitor directly Priangan region, due to the distance between the center of Mataram Kingdom with regional Priangan. Theoretically, if the area is very far from the centers of power, the power center in the region are very weak. However, thanks to the assistance some areas in Priangan Head, Mataram party to quell the rebellion finally Dipati Ukur. According to Soil History (Chronicle), Dipati Ukur caught on Mount Barn (Bandung district) in the year 1632.

After the “rebellion” Dipati Ukur deemed concluded, Sultan Agung handed back office to the Prince Regent Wedana Priangan Dipati Rangga Gede who has been free from punishment. In addition, reorganization of government in Priangan to stabilize the situation and condition of the area. Priangan area outside Sumedang and Galuh divided into three districts, namely Bandung District, County and District Parakanmuncang Sukapura raised by three regional heads of Priangan which is considered to have contributed to quell the rebellion Dipati Ukur.

Third person referred to is the regional head Astamanggala Ki, was appointed head nurse pennant Cihaurbeuti great (regent) of Bandung with a degree Tumenggung Wiraangunangun, Tanubaya as regent Parakanmuncang and Ngabehi Wirawangsa became regent Sukapura with Wiradadaha Tumenggung title. The three men were sworn in together on the basis “Piagem Sultan Agung”, issued on Saturday the 9th of Muharam Year Alip (Javanese calendar). Thus, on 9 Muharam Taun Alip not just an anniversary of Bandung Kabupagten but at the same time as the anniversary Sukapura District and County Parakanmuncang.

 

 

Bandung 1800

 

 

The establishment of Bandung regency, means in Bandung area changes occur mainly in the areas of government. The area originally was part (subordinate) of the kingdom (the Kingdom of Sunda-Pajararan then Sumedanglarang) with an unclear status, turned into a region with a clear administrative sttus, namely district.

After the third regent appointed Mataram in central government, they return to their respective regions. Sadjarah Bandung (manuscript) states that the Regent of Bandung Tumeggung Wiraangunangun along with his followers from returning to the Tatar Ukur Mataram. The first time they come to Timbanganten. Where the regent of Bandung get 200 count.

Next Tumenanggung Wiraangunangun together people build Krapyak, a place located on the shores near the mouth of the Citarum River Sungat Cikapundung, (suburb of the southern part of Bandung Regency) as the district capital. As the central area of ​​Bandung regency, Krapyak and the surrounding area called Earth chick Gede.

Bandung District administrative area under the influence of Mataram (until the end of the 17th century), not known for sure, because accurate source that contains data about it is not / has not been found. According to native sources, the early stages of data covering several areas of Bandung regency, among others, Tatar Ukur, including area Timbanganten, Kuripan, Sagaraherang, and partly Tanahmedang.

Perhaps, the area outside the District Priangan Sumedang, Parakanmuncang, Sukapura and Galuh, which originally was Tatar territory Measure (Measure Sasanga) in the reign of Dipati Ukur, an administrative area of ​​Bandung regency at that time. If the allegations are true, then the capital of Bandung regency with Krapyak, its territory includes the area Timbanganten, Gandasoli, Adiarsa, Cabangbungin, Banjaran, Cipeujeuh, Majalaya, Cisondari, cavities, Kopo, Ujungberung and others, including area Kuripan, Sagaraherang and Tanahmedang.

 

 

Bandung regency as one of the district which formed the Kingdom of Mataram, and under the influence of royal authority, the system of government in Bandung Regency has a system of government of Mataram. Regent has a variety of symbols greatness, special guards and armed soldiers. Symbol and attributes it adds a big and strong power and influence over his people Bupti.

The amount of power and influence of the regents, among others, indicated by the possession of the privileges normally dmiliki by the king. These rights are the rights referred to inherit the position, only to collect taxes in money and goods, ha obtained a labor (Ngawula), hunting and fishing rights and the right to prosecute.

 

 

 

With very limited direct supervision of the rulers of Mataram, it is no wonder if that time Regent of Bandung in particular and generally Priangan Regents ruling like a king. He ruled over the people and regions. Pemerinatahn System regent and lifestyle is miniature of palace life. In performing its duties, the regent assisted by his subordinate officials, such as governor, prosecutors, rulers, village headman or chief cutak (head of district), district (chief assistant district), patinggi (headman or village leader) and others.

Bandung regency under the influence of the Mataram until the end of 1677. Then Bandung regency in the hands of the Company. This It occurs due to Mataram-VOC agreement (first agreement) December 19 to 20 October 1677. Under the authority of the Company (1677-1799), Regent of Bandung and other Regents Priangan still serves as the supreme ruler of the district, with no bureaucratic ties with the Company.

 

 

District government system basically does not have changes, because the Company only demanded that the regents recognize the power of the Company, with a guarantee to sell certain products of the earth to the VOC. In this case, the regents must not engage in political relations and trade with other parties. One thing that changed was the office of regent Wedana removed. Instead, the Company raised Prince Aria Cirebon as a supervisor (opzigter) area of ​​Cirebon-Priangan (Cheribonsche Preangerlandan).

One of the main obligations of the regents of the Company is obliged to carry out the planting of certain crops, especially coffee, and deliver results. The system is called Preangerstelsel compulsory planting. Meanwhile, the regents must maintain security and order in his territory. Regents also must not appoint or dismiss employees without consideration of subordinates regent regent ruler of the Company or the Company in Cirebon. For the regents to implement obligations of the latter well, the influence of the regent in the field of religion, including income from that field, such as the penis nature, are not bothered whether the regents and the people (farmers) get paid upon delivery of a large coffee determined by the Company.

Until the end of the power of VOC-VOC end in 1779, Bandung regency capital is Krapyak. During the Bandung regency ruled for generations by the six regents. Tumenggung Wiraangunangun (the first regent) ankatan Mataram who ruled until 1681. Five other regents are force the regents of the Company namely Tumenggung Ardikusumah who ruled in 1681-1704, Tumenggung Anggadireja I (1704-1747), Tumenggung Anggadireja II (1747-1763), R. Anggadireja III with a degree of RA Wiranatakusumah I (1763-1794) and RA Wiranatakusumah II who ruled from 1794 until 1829. In the reign of regents RA Wiranatakusumah II, moved the capital of Bandung Regency from Karapyak to the city of Bandung.

 

In 1613,

prince Rangsang became king of Mataram

Mataram Sultanate

 

The Sultanate of Mataram was the last major independent Javanese empire on Java before the island was colonized by the Dutch. It was the dominant political force in interior Central Java from the late 16th century until the beginning of the 18th century….

in Central Java. The following year, he attacked the principality of Surabaya

Surabaya

 

Surabaya is Indonesia’s second-largest city with a population of over 2.7 million , and the capital of the province of East Java…

in the east. The man who would be remembered as Sultan Agung had started a series of successful campaigns against rival kingdoms and principalities on Java.

 

Coen’s next step was to secure control of the five tiny nutmeg-and mace-producing Banda Islands.

In 1621,

he led an expeditionary force there, and withing a few weeks rounded up and killed most of the 15,000 inhabitants on the islands. Three of the islands were then transformed into spice plantations managed by Duth colonists and worked by slaves.

In the years that followed, the Dutch gradually tightened their grip on the spice trade. From their base at Ambon, they attempted to “negotiate” a monopoly in cloves with the rulers of Ternate and Tidore. But “leakages” continued to occur.

 

17th century

In the south, the sultanate of Banjarmasin grew strong on the pepper trade. Large areas in the hills behind Banjarmasin were cleared for pepper cultivation and from the middle of the 17th century the region threw off its tradition of vassaldom to Java to become a significant regional power.

Banjarmasin’s heartland was the basin of the Barito River, especially the fertile uplands of Amuntai, but at the height of its power, it claimed suzerainty over all the coastal states from Kota Waringin to Bulungan, and even claimed some influence in Sintang in the Kapuas basin.

In the west, the main power at the beginning of the 17th century was Sukadana, a major exporter of diamonds and forest products, though its influence was being challenged by Sambas to the north, which was a vassal of Johor. The state of Landak came under Sukadana’s control in about 1600, but frequently sought its independence.

1622

In 1622, forces from Mataram conquered Sukadana. Mataram,

1623

Decoration from an Indian sword

The End of the Struggle: The Tragedy of Amboyna

1623

Events were now hastening to a catastrophe. The Dutch governor-general, Coen, while resolved to make the Archipelago an island empire for Holland, was too sagacious to imperil his plans by putting his nation openly in the wrong toward a great European power. He trusted to the treaty of 1619 itself to afford causes of quarrel, which would enable him to carry out the instructions given to the first Dutch governor-general, 1609–1614, and steadily reiterated ever since, that “the commerce of the Moluccas, Amboyna, and Banda should belong to the Company, and that no other nation in the world should possess the least part.” But Coen’s far-reaching policy was beyond the grasp of his bluff ship-captains, with their flaming broadsides, or of the angry isolated Dutch agents, a thousand miles apart, with their forts and prison cells.

Coen himself believed that the treaty alone stood in the way of his triumph over the English. Our Admiral Dale, stricken with fever, and fearful lest the Bantamese might sacrifice the English to make terms with the Dutch, had shipped off our goods and factors from Bantam in the summer of 1619, sought an asylum for them on the east coast of India, and there died. The English ships that remained in the Archipelago seemed destined to fall to the Dutch, who captured two of them in July, 1619, and four others off Sumatra in October. Our alliance with the Prince of Bantam, to capture the half-built Dutch fort at Jacatra (Batavia) in the beginning of that year, furnished Coen with a cause of war against us, and placed him in the right from the point of view of European diplomacy. The arrival, early in 1620, of the treaty of July, 1619, snatched the prey from between his hands. “The English ought to be very thankful to you,” he wrote to the Dutch directors in Holland, “for they had worked themselves very nicely out of the Indies, and you have placed them again in the midst.”

If, however, he had to obey the treaty, he could use it for his own ends. The English would have liked. to resettle at Bantam, but Coen resolved not only to destroy the trade of that port but to force the English to live under his own eye at Batavia. After some negotiation the joint Council of Defence, established in Java by the treaty, agreed to blockade Bantam in 1620, and thus accomplished both his objects. For, although the English soon withdrew, they had compromised themselves with the Bantam prince, and the Dutch fleet was strong enough to continue the blockade without them.

Court of Directors, East India House

In Batavia Coen made our position so miserable that in July, 1620,

we had to keep a ship there as a floating warehouse, “having no place on shore.” In 1621 the English almost gave up Java in despair, and part of them again sought a refuge on the Indian coast. In August, 1622, Thomas Drockedon, our agent at Batavia, asked leave from the directors in London to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch.”

His situation was a mournful one. So far from restitution having been made to us under the treaty of 1619, we were compelled to supply “incredible sums” for fortifications which the Dutch did or did not build, but which could only be a menace to ourselves. We had been dragged into a war with Bantam, from which we could derive no benefit, and which shut us out from the chief pepper mart. The civil and criminal jurisdiction was exercised by the Dutch to publicly insult us. We were placed on a level with “the blacks,” whose bare affirmation was taken against us. We might not “kill a wild hog or gather a cocoanut in the wood without leave.” The Dutch had flogged William Clarke, steward of the English factory, in the market-place, “cruelly cutting his flesh, and then washed him with salt and vinegar, and laid him again in irons.” The English watch had been imprisoned for eight days and threatened with torture, to force them to make false confessions against the president of our council. What seemed to the Dutch their lawful jurisdiction, the English regarded as oppression.

For another alleged plot twelve natives had been condemned to be quartered, and the rest of the accused to perpetual slavery in chains. The torture failed to elicit anything against the English; but if it could have given the Dutch “any advantage against us,” we should have had no mercy. “Wherefore,” wrote in 1622 our President Furgand and council at Batavia,

“we earnestly desire speedily to be released from this bondage.” A similar attempt was made in the island of Pularoon to extort confessions against the English by cruel torments of the natives. Thus was rehearsed alike in the capital of Dutch India and in the distant Nutmeg Isles, that tragedy of torture which was so soon to be enacted at Amboyna. In the still remoter seas, as we learn from a letter of Richard Cocks, dated Nagasaki, 10th March, 1620, the Hollanders, with seven ships at Japan, had, “with sound of trumpet,” “proclaimed there open war against the English, as their mortal enemies.”

The Clove and Nutmeg Isles, including among them Amboyna, Banda, and Pularoon, lay, it will be remembered, at the south-eastern end of the Spice Archipelago. The Dutch claimed the sovereignty over them, by the conquest of Amboyna from the Portuguese in 1605, and in virtue of many treaties. The English had a set of counter-claims based on the free surrender of Pularoon to us in 1616, of Lantor or Great Banda in 1620, and on compacts with other chiefs. We had also an agency at Amboyna under the Dutch-English treaty of 1619. The Dutch with an overwhelming force expelled us from Lantor and Pularoon in 1621–1622. Our gallant agent, Nathaniel Courthorpe, who, in “much want and misery,” held Pularoon from 1616 to 1620, sometimes with but thirty-eight men to resist the “force and tyranny” of the Hollanders, had been mortally wounded in a sea-fight, and threw himself overboard rather than see his ship strike her flag.

 

Herman van Speult,

governor of the neighbouring island of Amboyna,

1618-1623

Herman van Speult (?? – Mocha, Yemen, August 1626) was a merchant in service of the Dutch East India Company. Van Speult left the island Texel in 1613, heading for Bantam and arrived after a journey of ten months. He was formerly employed in Spain, “whence he came, if report be true, full of the pox.”[1]

He was active as governor of Ambon from 1618 until 1625.

was regarded at headquarters as “too scrupulous” in his fiscal administration.

1622

They were further enforced by the Dutch governor-general’s express sanction to Van Speult in October, 1622, to deal unhesitatingly with conspiracies.

A candid examination of the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1619 shows that its jurisdiction clause referred only to questions of trade and joint defence, and left the criminal and civil jurisdiction untouched.

1623

 

Nor could the pronouncement of King James in 1623 seriously affect the issue, for the Dutch repudiated it as never having been accepted by (perhaps not even communicated to) their representatives. The States-General consistently maintained their civil and criminal jurisdiction in their settlements throughout the Spice Archipelago. As a matter of fact, the English in the Dutch settlements had been steadily subjected to that jurisdiction, although they groaned under it, and their very complaints to the directors in London prove their practical submission to its most irksome forms.

The general law of Europe at that time prescribed judicial torture as a proper and an almost necessary means for arriving at the truth. Dutch jurisprudence went so far as to declare that, in eases similar to that of Amboyna, a public prosecutor could demand sentence of death only on the confession of the accused.

The judges therefore, after satisfying themselves by independent proof of the guilt of the accused, had to obtain his confession; without torture if possible, by torture if not. But the Dutch ordinances of 1570 provided safeguards against the abuse of this method, and insisted on indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or a reasonable presumption of guilt before the torture was resorted to.

In England torture, although unrecognized by the common law, was employed in state trials by the Privy Council or High Commission Court in virtue of the royal prerogative. “The rack seldom stood idle in the Tower,” writes Hallam, “for all the latter part of Elizabeth’s reign.” Lord Burleigh defended its use, as the accused “was never so racked but that he was perfectly able to walk and to write;” and “the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the rack, were ever by those that attended the examinations specially charged to use it in so charitable a manner as such a thing might be.” “In the highest cases of treason,” wrote Lord Bacon in 1603, “torture is used for discovery and not for evidence.”

James I had perhaps less right than any other English sovereign to complain of its use by the Dutch. As King of Scotland he had not only sanctioned torture in alleged cases of conspiracy and witchcraft, but had in 1596 authorized even a subordinate court – the provost and baillies of Edinburgh – to try rioters by torture. As King of England he had in 1605 racked Guy Fawkes, per gradus ad ima, and

 

 

 

 

 

 

In January, 1623,

the Governor-General Coen, when departing for Europe, enjoined strict justice, and mentioned Amboyna as a place where no English encroachments were to be allowed. “Trust them not,” he said,

any more than open enemies … not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out.” His farewell instructions merely reiterated the principles on which he had always insisted. “Trust the English no more than a public enemy ought to be trusted,” he wrote two months previously to Banda, the agency nearest Amboyna. This policy of suspicion, and of “not weighing too scrupulously what may fall out,” was now to be enforced with a stupid violence which the great governor-general might perhaps have anticipated, but which he would have been the first to condemn.

By the beginning of 1623 the Dutch found themselves completely masters of the Clove and Nutmeg Archipelago. At the principal clove island, Amboyna, they had, according to the English statement founded upon depositions on oath, a fortress garrisoned by two hundred Dutch soldiers, with three or four hundred native troops, including some thirty Japanese, and further protected by eight vessels in the roadstead. The English numbered eighteen men, scattered between five small factories on different islands, very badly off, with a few slaves, “just six and all boys.” In their house at Amboyna only three swords, two muskets, and half a pound of powder were found. The nearest English support was the Banda agency, at a distance across the sea, and containing but nine of their countrymen. English ships seldom came to Amboyna, and not one was then near. Our president in council at Java had in fact resolved to withdraw the petty English factories at Amboyna and throughout the Clove and Nutmeg

The fortress at Amboyna

Archipelago. He had even arranged with the Dutch governor-general for their transport to Batavia in Holland ships. In February, 1623, orders to this effect were on their way from our president in Batavia to Amboyna.

They arrived too. late. On the evening of February 10, 1623,

a Japanese soldier of the Dutch garrison had some talk with the sentries about the number of the troops and the times of changing the watch. When questioned by the Governor Van Speult next day, February 11th, he explained that he had merely chatted with the soldiers “for his own amusement.” Indeed, the steward of the Dutch factory afterwards declared that “it was an usual speech amongst soldiers to enquire one of another how strong the watch might be, that they might know how many hours they might stand sentinel.”

Van Speult was, however, on the lookout for conspiracy, and perhaps anxious to redeem his reputation from the charge of slackness at headquarters. In the previous summer he had written to the Governor-General Coen about the English at Amboyna: “We hope to direct things according to your orders that our sovereignty shall not be diminished or injured in any way by their encroachments, and if we may hear of any conspiracies of theirs against the sovereignty, we shall with your sanction do justice to them, suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In October, 1622, Coen gave this sanction. In February, 1623, the opportunity arrived. Van Speult put the Japanese soldier to the torture, and after he had “endured pretty long,” wrung from him an accusation against the English. His statement was signed by the unhappy man on the day of his torment, in direct contravention of the Dutch law that one who had confessed under torture should be re-heard to confirm it not sooner than twenty-four hours afterwards, “ne durare adhuc tormentorum metus videatur.”

Eight or nine other Japanese soldiers in the service of the Dutch, whose names he had mentioned, denied the plot, but were tortured on that and the following day, until a complete story of treason was evolved.

“Wailing and weeping by reason of their extreme tortures with burning, they were carried by slaves to prison, for it was not possible of themselves to go on their feet.” Such was the statement made by the steward of the Dutch factory regarding the affair.

The handful of English, ran the improbable tale, had solemnly sworn on New Year’s Day to seize the fort upon the arrival of an English ship, or during the absence of the Dutch governor, and had employed to corrupt the Japanese soldiers so unlikely an agent as a drunken barber, or barber-surgeon, Abel Price. This man already lay in the Dutch prison for threatening to set fire to a house in a frenzy of liquor. On February 15th, as the records show, he, too, was haled to the torture-chamber, and made to “confess whatever they asked him.”

A ship of the Seventeenth Century

The English treated as ridiculous the story that eighteen men, scattered over the two islands of Amboyna and Ceram, at the factories of Amboyna, Hittou, Larica, Loho, and Cambello, should dare conspire to take a fort from two hundred Dutch and three or four hundred native soldiers with eight Holland vessels in the harbour, and they went about their business as usual. But Van Speult, now armed with the confession under torture of his prisoner, the drunken English barber, seized our chief agent, Towerson, and the other factors at Amboyna, put them in irons, and swept in the whole English from the four outlying factories between February 15th and 23d – just eighteen men all told.

Of the extraordinary proceedings that followed we have six accounts by eye-witnesses. First, the minutes of the court, kept by the Greffier or secretary: minutes so irregular and incomplete as to call forth the censure of the Dutch governor-general, and to invalidate them as a judicial record under the Dutch law. Second, the solemn dying messages of the victims written on the pages of their prayer-books or other furtive scraps of paper. Third, the statements of certain members of the Dutch Council at Amboyna who formed the court, when called to account by the governor-general at Batavia two and a half years later (October, 1625). These latter admit the use of torture, passed over in silence by the minutes, but state that it was slight. Fourth, the depositions of six Englishmen who survived, taken on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of the Admiralty, in 1624. Fifth, the answers of certain of the Amboyna judges to interrogatories in 1628. Sixth, the statement of the steward of the Dutch factory, who also acted as interpreter during the trial. It was laid before Lord Dorchester and Secretary Coke in 1629. This man, George Forbis or Forbisher, a native of Aberdeen, and little likely to favour the English Company which persuaded James to cancel the charter granted to the Scotch, had long served the Dutch in the East, and was found on board a Dutch ship stayed by royal command at Portsmouth in 1627. He had continued in the Dutch service for two years after the trial. His declaration closely corresponds with the depositions of the English survivors.

In my narrative I fairly consider all the foregoing materials, together with the pamphlet literature which quickly sprang up7. I have also checked the “True Relation” from the depositions on oath.

That evidence consisted entirely of confessions wrung from the accused by torture. The ransacking of the English factories yielded not a single incriminating letter, or other corroborative piece of testimony, as is proved by the answer of Joosten, the Dutch officer who examined the papers. The Dutch began with John Beaumont and Timothy Johnson. Beaumont, an elderly man for India and an invalid, was left with a guard in the hall, while Johnson was taken into another room. Presently Beaumont heard him “cry out very pitifully; then be quiet for a little while, and then loud again.” Johnson long refused to confess, but after an hour he was “brought forth wailing and lamenting, all wet and cruelly burnt in divers parts of his body.”

One Englishman, Edward Collins, gave evidence, according to the Dutch, without torture. But the narrative founded upon the depositions of the surviving Englishmen on oath states that Collins was tied up for the torture, and the cloth put about his throat. “Thus prepared he prayed to be respited and he would confess all. Being let down he again vowed and protested his innocency,” but for fear of the torture asked them what he should say. This was not enough and he was tortured, but not being able to endure it long, he made a confession helped out by the Dutch prosecutor. Collins himself confirmed this statement on oath and produced three witnesses who “heard him many times roar very pitifully, being in the next room, and saw him come out, having no doublet on, his shirt all wet, his face swollen and his eyes starting out of his head.” From February 15th to 23d the cruel process went on. According to the English statements, the prisoners, even while confessing under the torture, declared in the same breath that they were not speaking truth. In the case of Collins, the “fiscal,” or prosecutor, forced leading questions upon him, till one of the Dutch themselves exclaimed: “Do not tell him what he should say, but let him speak for himself.” John Wetheral having been four times tied up, they were at length obliged to read out to him the confessions of the other victims until the poor wretch merely “answered yea to all.” He “prayed them to tell him what he should say or to write down what they would; he would subscribe it.” John Clarke stood the ordeal so bravely that “the tormentors reviled him, saying that he was a devil … or a witch.” So they “cut off his hair very short, as supposing he had some witchcraft hidden therein.” They then went on with the torture – burning him with candles on the feet, hands, elbows, and “under the armpits until his inwards might evidently be seen.” The English declared that no surgeon was allowed to dress the sores “until, his flesh being putrefied, great maggots dropt and crept from him in most loathsome and noisome manner.” Authority for all these statements may be found in the first pamphlet, “A True Relation.”

According to the English accounts each confession was wrung forth by torture. The Dutch minutes of the trial conceal the fact of torture at all, and thus violate a fundamental rule of the Dutch criminal procedure. The members of the Amboyna council, who sat as judges, acknowledged on oath that twelve of the English were tortured by water and two of them also by fire, but stated that one (Beaumont) was only tortured a little on account of his age and feeble health.

The judges also pleaded in their defence that the torture was in no case extreme, indeed of a “civil” sort.

What it exactly amounted to we know from eye-witnesses. The accused man was hoisted up and tied spread-eagle fashion in a doorway. In the water torment “they bound a cloth about his neck and face so close that little or no water could go by. That done they poured the water softly upon his head until the cloth was full up to the mouth and nostrils … till his body was swollen twice or thrice as big as before, his cheeks like great bladders, and his eyes staring and strutting out beyond his forehead.” It was the  slow agony of bursting, joined to the acute but long-drawn-out agony of suffocation. In the fire torture, they held lighted candles beneath the most sensitive parts of the body – under the armpits, the palms of the hand, and the soles of the feet. Emmanuel Thomson, like John Clarke, it was said, had no surgeon to dress his burnt flesh, so that no one “was able to endure the smell of his body.”

To the torture by fire and water, admitted by the Dutch, the English accounts add “the splitting of the toes, and lancing of the breast, and putting in gunpowder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left entire, neither for innocency nor execution. Clarke and Thomson were both fain to be carried to their execution, though they were tortured many days before.” But the Dutch admissions suffice.

Towerson, who steadily asserted his innocence, on being confronted with some who had confessed, charged them as they would answer it at the dreadful day of judgment, they should speak nothing but the truth.” The sufferers implored his forgiveness and declared all they had said was false. But, threatened again with torture, they reaffirmed their confessions. The spirit of the miserable little band was completely broken.

Even Van Speult felt that he might be going too far, and for some days hesitated as to whether he should not remit the case to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia. But the English president and council at Batavia had, on January 10–20, 1623, resolved to withdraw their oppressed factories from the Moluccas, Amboyna, and the Clove and Nutmeg Isles. They had indeed thanked the Dutch president and council for agreeing to bring them away in Flemish ships. Orders in this sense were simultaneously sent to our agents at Banda and elsewhere. The Calendar of State Papers of the East Indies for 1622–1624 (p. 398) shows that while the tortured men lay waiting their doom, two Holland ships arrived from Batavia, bringing the letter from the English president and council ordering the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna. “Which letter was opened and read by the Dutch governor while our people were yet in prison and not executed, and might well have secured him that there was no further danger to be feared of the English aid of shipping, whatever the English had through fear of torture confessed.” The statement is confirmed by Van Speult’s own admissions, and it gives a darker shade to his resolve on instant judgment.

The public prosecutor was instructed to demand sentence. This, according to the minutes, he did with irregular brevity – twenty-one lines of writing in all. According to the Dutch procedure, his requisition should have given a summary of the facts and evidence, which it did not. It should certainly have specified the separate names of the accused Englishmen, while it only contained that of Gabriel Towerson “and his creatures and accomplices.” These were not the omissions of ignorance. The “fiscal” who conducted the case was a lawyer, and in his haste for condemnation,

A scene at Darjiling

he set at defiance the safeguards of procedure which even the Dutch law prescribed. His demand was really the demand of Sieyes at the trial of Louis XVI – La Mort sans phrase.

On February 25, 1623, or February 23d

(for there are discrepancies as to the date), the prisoners, with certain exceptions, were condemned to death. The English from outlying factories, who had not even been at Amboyna at the time of the alleged plot, were released; three others were allowed to draw lots for their life; and in the end the elderly Beaumont and the terrified Collins were sent to give evidence at Batavia as “men condemned and left to the mercy of the governor-general.” Captain Towerson manfully proclaimed the iniquity of the proceedings. When ordered to indite a confession, he wrote out a protestation of his innocence. The governor gave it to the interpreter to read out in Dutch, “which I could not do,” said that officer, “without shedding of tears.” He had also to translate a dying declaration secretly written by Towerson in a Bible which he asked Van Speult to send to his friends in England – “which Bible after that time I never saw or heard mentioned.”

Yet some last words reached the outer world. William Griggs wrote in his Table-book, which was secretly saved by a servant: “We through torment were constrained to speak that which we never meant nor once imagined. … They tortured us with that extreme torment of fire and water that flesh and blood could not endure. … Written in the dark.” Captain Towerson wrote much; but all was suppressed, except an unnoticed sentence appended to his signature to a bill of debt due from the English Company: “Firmed by the Firm [i.e. signature] of me Gabriel Towerson now appointed to die, guiltless of anything that can be justly laid to my charge. God forgive them their guilt and receive me to His mercy. Amen.”

The old East India House (about 1650)

Samuel Colson, imprisoned with six of the others, on board the Dutch ships in the roads, wrote the following in his prayer-book and had it sewed up in a bed: “March 5, stilo novo, being Sunday, aboard the Rotterdam, lying in irons.” “Understand that I, Samuel Colson, late factor of Hitou, was apprehended for suspicion of conspiracy; and for anything I know must die for it: wherefore having no means to make my innocence known, have writ in this book hoping some good Englishman will see it. I do here upon my salvation, as I hope by His death and passion to have redemption for my sins, that I am clear of all such conspiracy; neither do I know any Englishman guilty thereof nor any other creature in the world. As this is true, God bless me, Sam. Colson.” In another part of the book, at the beginning of the Psalms, he declared: “As I mean and hope to have pardon for my sins, I know no more than the child unborn of this business.” These statements were written three or four days before the execution of the death sentence, as “March 5, stilo novo,” would correspond to February 23d, if we take the English dates.

On February 26th (English date) the prisoners were brought into the hall of the castle to be prepared for death. Captain Towerson was taken into the torture-chamber with “two great jars of water carried after him. What he there did or suffered is unknown to the English without, but it seemeth they made him then to underwrite his confession” – a confession of a plot so wild that, had it ever entered a man’s brain, “he should,” in the words of the English Company, “rather have been sent to bedlam … than to the gallows.”

The condemned men still protested their innocence. “Samuel Colson spake with a loud voice saying, According to my innocency in this treason, so Lord pardon all the rest of my sins; and if I be guilty thereof more or less, let me never be partaker of Thy heavenly joys. At which words every one of the rest cried Amen for me, Amen for me, good Lord. This done, each of them knowing whom he had accused, went one to another begging forgiveness for their false accusation,” under the torture; “and they all freely forgave one another, for none had been so falsely accused, but he himself had accused another as falsely.” Their last “doleful night they spent in prayer, singing of psalms and comforting one another,” refusing the wine which the guards offered them, “bidding them to drink lustick and drive away the sorrow.”

Next day, February 27th (English date), the ten Englishmen8, nine Japanese, and the Portuguese captain of slaves were led out to execution “in a long procession round the town,” through crowds of natives who had been summoned by beat of drum “to behold this triumph over the English.”

It is not needful, after the fashion of that time, to accept as manifestations of divine wrath a “great darkness” and hurricane which immediately followed, and drove two Dutch ships from their anchorage; or the pestilence, said to have swept away one thousand people. The innocence of Towerson and his fellow sufferers rests upon no such stories, whether false or true. The improbability of the enterprise, the absence of any evidence except such as was wrung forth under torments, the neglect of the safeguards imposed by the Dutch law on judicial torture, the dying declarations of the victims – suffice to convince any unbiassed mind that the ten Englishmen were unjustly done to death. This, too, without insisting on the circumstance that would place Van Speult’s conduct in the darkest light – his being on the outlook for conspiracies; or on the arrival of the English letter during the trial ordering the withdrawal of our agency from Amboyna; or on the existence of Dutch ships in the harbour which might even, if the shore prison were overcrowded, have carried those accused of the supposed conspiracy for judgment to the Dutch governor-general at Batavia, or served for their confinement till his confirmation of the proceedings was obtained.

Van Speult took possession of our Amboyna and neighbouring factories; “the poor remnant of the English” were removed to Batavia; and the great design for driving us out of the Clove and Nutmeg Isles was accomplished.

When the news of the tragedy reached England fifteen months later – May 29, 1624 – a cry of execration arose. The Company demanded justice. With English self-control it repressed irresponsible discussion by its members, and resolved, on June 16th, to trust to the state “to call for an account of the lives of the king’s subjects.” The governor refrained from speech until he was assured of the facts, and it was not until July 2d that he brought the matter officially before a general court of the Company.

The first feeling indeed was one of incredulity at so abominable an outrage on innocent men. King James apprehended the fact to be so foul … he could not believe it,” and, when convinced, threatened to extort reparation from Holland. At the Royal Council table “sundry of the greatest shed tears.” But James had resolved to break with Spain, in wrath at the treatment of Prince Charles on his knight-errant quest at Madrid for a Spanish wife in 1623. War with Spain meant an alliance with Holland, whose twelve years’ truce with Spain had also expired. Dutch envoys were, indeed, at that moment in London, negotiating a treaty of offence and defence. So the king and his Council dried their eyes, and the Dutch diplomats joyfully returned home, praising the good-will of a monarch who had said not a word about “the late accident at Amboyna.” Nor were courtiers wanting who blamed the Company for raising a difficulty “when his Majesty had resolved to aid the Dutch.”

Very different was the temper of the nation.

On July 2, 1624,

the governor of the Company declared that assuredly “God the Avenger of all such bloody acts will in His due time bring the truth to light” – “the unspeakable tyrannies done upon those unfortunate men, which is able to amaze the Christian world.” They still hoped that the king would help them; but their best comfort was that when man is at the weakest then God is strongest. On July 9th a general court of the Company decided that unless justice were “done on those Dutch that have in so great fury and tyranny tortured and slain the English,” the Company must wind up and “fetch home what they have in the Indies.” A petition in this sense was voted to the king – “and according to his answer and proceeding the trade to stop or proceed.” On July 11th they waited on the king in his bedchamber with the memorial, together with “A True Relation,” and received his promise of “a speedy reparation from the Dutch by the strength of his own arm, if they did it not suddenly themselves.”

The cry for revenge had gathered a strength which not even James could resist. Chamberlain, the Horace Walpole of his time, wrote to the English ambassador in Holland that “we should stay or arrest the first Indian ship that comes in our way, and hang up upon Dover cliffs” as many Dutchmen as had taken part in the outrage, “and then dispute the matter afterwards. For there is no other course to be held with such manner of men, as neither regard law nor justice, nor any other respect of equity or humanity, but only make gain their god.” The Company was believed to have collapsed. No man would pay in any money to it. If the king would not help, it was wildly propounded at a general court on July 22d, to “join with the Portugals and root the bloody Dutch out of the Indies.”

Marwario merchants, or traders of the Indies

The “True Relation” presented to James on July 11, 1624, had touched the sentimental fibre in his weak nature. On July 16th he promised to make stay of Dutch vessels if satisfaction were not given, and even offered to become himself a shareholder in the Company, and to allow its ships to sail under the royal standard. This offer of greatness thrust upon it, the Company respectfully declined. The king meanwhile ordered his ambassador at The Hague to demand satisfaction from the States-General before August 12th, under threat of reprisals by hanging, or even “an irreconcilable war.”

These were brave words, and if the Dutch Government had believed they would be followed by action, they might have proved decisive. For the outrage of Amboyna had come as an unpleasant surprise to the Dutch Company, and as a serious embarrassment to the Dutch Government. The governor-general at Batavia spoke his mind as freely as he dared to Van Speult. The Company in Holland, while making the best case they could against the English claims for compensation, refrained from sending back Coen to the East, although they had reappointed him governor-general in 1624. Members of the States-General openly expressed their disgust. The Prince of Orange wished that Van Speult with all his council had been hanged on a gibbet before they began “to spell this tragedy.”

The States-General accordingly appointed deputies to treat with our ambassador. But an English observer wrote that, although the king spoke valiantly, he could wish his Majesty would say less, so that he would do more. The Dutch deputies played on his irresolution, and the time allowed for redress expired. When at length, on October 15th, a royal warrant was issued for the seizure of Flemish ships, our ambassador at The Hague advised that this extremity should be avoided, and the Dutch were somehow warned of the danger. In November, 1624, the London Company officially informed the lord admiral that Holland ships were in the Straits of Dover, but they were allowed to pass unharmed.

The English Company was forced to realize that, in trusting to the royal support, it leaned on a broken reed. In July it had demanded satisfaction under three heads:, justice against the murderers, compensation for injuries, and absolute separation from the Dutch Company in the East. In October it despondently reduced its claims to the safe removal of the English from Batavia; the question of jurisdiction and Council of Defence; and the right to erect forts, and to be treated by the Dutch as allies and friends. James would not fight, and the Dutch knew it. They were willing enough to accept the first condition and allow the safe removal of the English from Batavia. But, while dangling before us a compromise, they would never surrender their sovereign jurisdiction in the Spice Islands or allow the English to erect fortifications.

On March 25, 1625, King James died.

Palace of Jahangir at Agra

1604

By this time the facts were well known in England. A certain simplicity in Towerson’s character gave additional pathos to his death. He had sailed on the Company’s second voyage in 1604 and obtained his admission as a freeman gratis in recognition of long service. Eighteen checkered years brought him to the chief agency at Amboyna in 1622, with a salary of £10 a month. Once indeed he had emerged for a moment. Having married the Indian widow of Captain Hawkins, he attempted for a time to make a figure not justified either by her position or his own.

In 1617

Sir ThomasRoe, our ambassador to the Moghul Emperor Jahangir, wrote that Towerson “is here arrived with many servants, a trumpet, and more show than I use.” In 1620 we find him back in England vainly soliciting the command of a ship, and returning to the Archipelago along with other factors in “the great cabin of the Anne.”

The contemporary records show that he had not gained caution with years. Arriving at Amboyna in May, 1622, he became a close friend of the Dutch Governor Van Speult and gave him his entire confidence. In June of that year, as we saw, Van Speult was on the lookout for conspiracies and asking the Dutch governor-general at Batavia for leave to deal with them “suitably, unhesitatingly, and immediately.” In September Towerson, on the other hand, wrote to the English president at Batavia in warm terms of Van Speult’s “courtesies” and “love.” He asks our president to send Van Speult a complimentary letter, together “with some beer or a case of strong waters, which will be very acceptable to him.”

The president and council at Batavia saw more of the game. “In such kind of courtesy,” they replied in December, 1622, “we know he is free enough, but in your main affairs you will find him a subtle man.” There was to be no beer or case of strong waters for Van Speult. On the contrary, “be careful you be not circumvented in matters of importance, through his dissembling friendship.” This warning they followed up next month by commanding Towerson and his subordinates to quit Amboyna. “Prepare and make yourself ready to come away from thence with all the rest of the factors in the Dutch ship, except two you may leave there at Amboyna to keep house until our further order.”

Meanwhile Towerson continued his unsuspecting course. On January 1, 1623, he gave his official dinner to the little English group at Amboyna – the regular New Year’s Day party which was to serve the Dutch fiscal as a ground-work for the alleged conspiracy. How far any thoughts of seizing Amboyna were from the minds of the English may be known by the letter of our president and council in March, 1622, to the Company, desiring to retire even from Batavia; by Brockedon’s petition in August, 1622, for leave to return home, as he could “live no longer under the insolence of the Dutch;” and by the orders of January, 1623, to Towerson and other outlying agencies to withdraw to Batavia with the English under their charge. Towerson, “a sincere, honest, and plain man without malice,” as one of the Amboyna free burghers and a servant of the Dutch Company described him, discerned not the signs of the times, and the letter ordering him to leave Amboyna was intercepted by the Dutch governor Van Speult. So he went to his death – ” that honest good man, Captain Towerson, whom I think in my conscience was so upright and honest toward all men, that he has harboured no ill will of any.”

Such a character is pretty sure of sympathy from the English middle classes, always indulgent to sturdy mediocrity, especially of the jovial sort. The story

De Houtman’s Map of the sea route to India, Batavia, and Java, in 1597

Blank page of Amboyna gathered round his name, until it reached Dryden’s version of a murderous plot by Van Speult against Towerson in revenge for his killing Van Speult’s son in a duel. In 1625 the legend was still a long way from this climax. But the last weeks of King James’s life had been harassed by popular demonstrations. In February, 1625, the Dutch living in London complained to the lords of the Council that on the coming Shrove Tuesday they would be in danger from the fury of the people. Besides the pamphlets spread broadcast, a play was to be publicly acted setting forth the sufferings of the English; and a great picture had been painted, “lively, largely, and artificially,” of their tortures and execution. The reins were falling from the old king’s hands, and the Council gently admonished the Company not to exhibit this picture – at least till Shrove Tuesday be passed.

Next month, March, 1625, Charles succeeded to the throne. The main business of our ambassador at The Hague, Sir Dudley Carleton (afterwards Viscount Dorchester), was to strengthen the affiance of Holland with England against Spain, and he groaned audibly over the new labours and awkward questions to which the Amboyna imbroglio gave rise. Charles, keenly resentful of his personal treatment when in quest of a wife at Madrid, was eager to send a fleet to the Spanish coast, and promised large subsidies to the Protestant league in the North. The Amboyna difficulty had to be got out of the way, and

in September, 1625,

Charles agreed to make no reprisals on the Dutch ships for eighteen months, and at the same time appeased the London Company by promising that if, by that time, justice were not done, he would proceed to hostilities. This is shown by the treaty of Southampton, September 7, 1625.

A Typical Eastern Scene

But before the expiration of the eighteen months Charles had quarrelled with his Parliament and found a war with France oh his hands. The Dutch were masters of the situation and they knew it. So far from their giving satisfaction for Amboyna, Coen went out as governor-general for a second time in March, 1627, in spite of the protests of the English Company, who regarded his policy as the main source of their sorrows. When in April, 1627, the States-General were reminded that the eighteen months had elapsed, they dexterously got the question transferred to the law courts, and offered to proceed by way of a legal prosecution against the Amboyna judges who had sentenced the English to death.

Here they were on safe ground. Preliminary difficulties at once arose. The Dutch naturally insisted that the tribunal should be a Dutch one sitting in Holland. King Charles objected to his subjects being required to leave their country and prosecute before a foreign court beyond the seas. The feeling both in England and Holland was that, while the States-General would gladly have seen the matter settled, the directors of the Dutch Company were so intermingled with the Dutch Government that no justice would be done.

English protests against the re-appointment of Coen passed unheeded, and in August, 1627, Carleton despaired of redress from a government controlled by the votes of the interested parties, among whom “one oar which holds back, stops more than ten can row forward.” In September, however, a tribunal of seven Dutch judges was constituted, three from the high and four from the provincial council.

Meanwhile Charles, with the rising tide in Parliament and in the nation against him, was anxious to keep the London Company his friends. In a moment of vigour, he stayed three Dutch ships off Cowes (September, 1627) and held them fast for eleven months, although threatened with a, Dutch fleet to bring them away. The English Company declared that, if his Majesty let the Dutch ships go, it were better for the Company to abandon the trade. But the fit of royal resolution passed, and the king, in sore straits for money, suddenly released the Dutch ships in August, 1628: it was rumoured, for a gratification of £30,000. In vain his Majesty tried to soften the blow by the unprecedented compliment of sending the lords of the Council to a court meeting of the Company to explain that the release was due to an “extraordinary matter of State.” The directors of the Dutch Company gave out as far back as March, 1628, that they had arranged for the release of the ships on the condition of their redeeming his Majesty’s jewels.

The Company now knew that, if they had little to expect from the Dutch tribunal, they had nothing to hope from the king. The Dutch also knew it. In November, 1628, his Majesty feebly suggested, in reply to the repeated demands of the Dutch for the English witnesses to go over to Holland, that the Dutch judges should come to England under a safe-conduct – a proposal which merely furnished a good ground for further delay.

A year later, having sunk into still deeper difficulties with the Parliament and the nation, Charles yielded to the demands of the foreigner and sent over the witnesses. But he tried to save his royal honour by explaining that he had never submitted to the jurisdiction of the Dutch judges, although he would prefer to receive reparation at their hands than by any other means The English ambassador must be present in the Dutch court; the English witnesses must not be questioned on other articles than those on which they had already been examined in his Majesty’s Court of Admiralty; the Dutch judges, when ready to deliver sentence, must inform the king of it, so that he might weigh and consider its import. The Dutch tribunal naturally refused to concede these points. The king had put not only himself but also the English nation in the wrong by his method of procedure, and again the Dutch knew it.

His Majesty struggled for a time in the meshes he had woven around himself.

 

 

In December, 1629,

he insisted on reserving the final sentence either to himself or to a joint bench of English and Dutch judges, on the strength of the treaty of 1619. The Dutch quite truly rejoined that the treaty contained not a single article which implied joint jurisdiction in criminal cases, but only in what concerned the joint defence and trade. While the preliminaries were thus spun out from 1627 to 1630, the six Amboyna councillors who were supposed to be on their trial figured as patriots to their nation. The English witnesses, still unheard, were sunk in debt to obtain food from day to day. They mournfully complained to the Privy Council that they had attended in Holland for twelve months, that they were now destitute and like to be cast into prison, while their wives and children were perishing miserably. In March, 1631, the British ambassador at The Hague reported that in the Amboyna business all was silence.

It is doubtful, even if the Amboyna council had been promptly and impartially tried, whether the London Company would have obtained substantial redress. It is certain that no court administering the law then in force in Europe could have condemned the judges to death for the Amboyna executions. The two grounds which underlay the English contention were badly chosen. As a matter of fact, the Amboyna council had exercised a lawful jurisdiction, and torture was not only allowed, but enjoined by the law which they were bound to administer.

 

in 1615

the aged Puritan

View of Lucknow

Lucknow, a city now numbering nearly three hundred thousand inhabitants, is one of the largest cities of India, after Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. It has been the capital of the Province of Oudh since 1775, and the part which it played in the tragic events of the Indian Mutiny, in the following century, rendered the name of Lucknow famous.

Peacham had been examined “in torture, between tortures, and after torture.” In the same year O’Kennan was put to the rack in Dublin by commission of the king’s deputy. In each one of his three kingdoms James had used torture, and he defended it with his “own princely pen.”

Even such details as the Dutch complaint that John Clarke must be “a devil” or “a witch,” because he stubbornly refused to confess under torment, are reproduced in the English trials. On January 21, 1615, Lord Bacon condoled with his Majesty on the obstinacy of the mangled Peacham, “whose raging devil seems to be turned into a dumb devil.” Lord Burleigh’s defence of the rack on the ground that it was mercifully administered and that the sufferer was always “able to walk and to write” afterwards, is an exact anticipation of the Amboyna judge’s plea of the “civil” character of the water-torture.

Yet if history must allow that the Dutch had jurisdiction, and that under that jurisdiction the use of torture was lawful, it must also declare that a grievous miscarriage of justice had taken place. It is admitted that the record discloses grave irregularities in procedure – irregularities so serious that if an appeal had been allowed they might have sufficed to quash the trial. How far they were due to the careless character of the record itself will ever remain undecided. There was certainly an absence of the indicia sufficientia ad torturam, or reasonable presumption of guilt, which would have justified torture under the Dutch law. The confession of the Japanese soldier which formed the ground of the whole proceeding was signed on the day of his torture in defiance of the Dutch ordinances of July 15, 1570, and it was attested by all the judges, although one of them (Wyncoop) was admittedly not in Amboyna on that day. The minutes make no mention of the witnesses being confronted with each other after torture, and of their reaffirming their confessions made under torture, as required by the Dutch law.

Above all, if the English statements on oath are accepted, the whole evidence from first to last was wrung forth by torture or fear of torture. If the Dutch counter-statements be preferred, the great mass of evidence was thus obtained. Of the two witnesses not subjected to torture, according to the Dutch account, one, Edward Collins, swore that he had been tortured, and produced testimony on oath to his dismal outcries. The other, the invalid Beaumont, declared that he had confessed only after he had been tied up for torture, and that he repeated his confession at Batavia to save his own life after the death of the victims had placed them beyond reach of further harm. The survivors consistently affirmed that the only evidence against them at their trial was derived from confessions under torture; confessions which, according to the English depositions on oath, were withdrawn after the torture; and which were solemnly affirmed to be false in the dying declarations of the sufferers.

It is not needful to assume that the Amboyna Council wickedly, and against their conscience, condemned the victims to death. Van Speult, as we have seen, was on the lookout for conspiracies, when he and his fellow councillors were suddenly transferred into the judges of men who had been their keen trade-rivals and the great obstacle to the Dutch supremacy in the Archipelago.

The Durbar of an Indian Ruler

Among Eastern races the king or governor was both ruler and judge, and the early European settlements in Asia found themselves compelled firmly to unite all functions, executive and judicial, in the hands of one man or body of men. Cases inevitably occurred in which they were practically judges in their own cause; apt in moments of public danger or fear to bring their passions and preconceptions as governors to their seats on the bench. The Amboyna trial was such a case. It stands on the forefront of our history in the East as an example of the danger of combining the executive and the judicial authority in the same hands. That danger the English have striven to guard against by the separation of judicial and executive offices – a process commenced almost from the foundation of their territorial rule in India, yet reaching its final stages only in our own time.

But if we view with charity the cruel blunder of the Amboyna Council as a whole, it is difficult to extend to either the governor or the prosecuting fiscal the benefit of the doubt. The fiscal, Isaac de Bruyne, appears throughout the records in a sinister light. Intent on obtaining a conviction, he constantly urged on Van Speult, and forced incriminating answers upon the witnesses till the council itself had to interpose. His record of the trial was so irregular and incomplete as to render impossible a fair judicial review of the proceedings. On the face of the record as it stands, the accused were improperly condemned. Bruyne’s conduct called forth the reprobation of his superiors at Amboyna, and in the English depositions he appears as “the greatest adversary against the English.” Whatever may have been Van Speult’s own preconception as to their guilt during the first excited days of the prosecution, he can scarcely, after the seizure of the English factory and the perusal of Towerson’s correspondence with the English president at Batavia, have believed in the plot. But by that time he may have felt that he had gone too far to retrace his steps. Or he may have simply been one of those commonplace officials who jump to conclusions and then remain obdurate to facts. His interception of the letter from our president at Batavia ordering the withdrawal of the English from Amboyna, was only the last act in the suppression of proof of innocence.

The Dutch authorities themselves felt uneasy lest Van Speult should be examined as to his share in the business. On the expiration of his term of office at Amboyna, he had hardly returned to Batavia when a rumour arrived of a ship in the Straits of Sunda bearing a joint commission from the king and States-General for the despatch of Van Speult to Europe. He was hastily sent off to the western coast of India, whence he proceeded with an expedition to the Red Sea, and he died at Mocha, carrying his secret to the grave.

Meanwhile the English, with their agents drawn in from the Spice Archipelago, and huddled together at Batavia, waited wistfully for redress from home. They waited in vain. News of the Amboyna tragedy reached Batavia on June 20, 1623. At length, having suffered nineteen more months of insults and exactions, their ships dogged by Dutch vessels at sea and cut off from trade on shore, they resolved to quit “this perfidious people,” and, cost what it might, to seek shelter elsewhere. Some of them found refuge on the Indian coast, and

 

in October, 1624,

the miserable remnant sailed to the unhealthy Lagundy islets on the southeast of Sumatra.

There, amid terrible privations, yet stubbornly “affiant of a happy plantation,” they renamed the little group Charles’s Islands, and held out against fever and dysentery for eight months, dying “like sheep infected” under the equatorial sun and rain. In May, 1625, the skeleton survivors were so reduced as to implore the clemency of the Dutch, who in pity fetched them back to Batavia. The commander Verholt, be it recorded, showed them all “care and courtesy,” although he himself and many of his crew caught the disease. Nor did Dutch compassion end with their bare deliverance. They received the rescued men with kindness and granted them a factory house at a moderate price, the Dutch governor-general and our president, in an effusion of good feeling, exchanging chains of gold.

The Dutch had, in fact, accomplished the two fixed purposes of their policy – our expulsion from the Spice Archipelago and our complete subjection at their Batavian headquarters in Java. Their harshness had been deliberately designed to this end, and, with the exception of Van Speult’s judicial slaughter at Amboyna, they had kept fairly within their treaty rights. Their double object being now achieved, they allowed their national good nature free scope. But the excess of cordiality wore off, and the English soon became impatient of the restraints which the Dutch thought themselves entitled to impose. In July, 1627, we find our President Hawley bitterly complaining of the treatment meted out to his countrymen.

Their position was indeed an impossible one, and the Company at home, sick of King Charles’s fair words, realized this fact.

In November, 1626,

it proposed to abolish its factory at Batavia and to establish one under the protection of the King of Bantam. In

Javanese Princes

January, 1628,

these orders reached Batavia, and the English, putting the relics of their property on board ship, sailed to Bantam, where they were welcomed by the native prince. The sad fortunes of our Bantam factory, its repeated reduction by the London Company to a subordinate post, its blockades by the Dutch, and the gradual but sure withdrawal of its trade to our settlements on the Indian coast, belong to a later period. Its history may, however, be summed up in a single sentence. As the executions at Amboyna proclaimed the triumph of the Dutch in the Spice Islands, so the fate of Bantam declared the supremacy of the Dutch in the sea-approaches to the Far East.

By 1631 all hope of judicial redress for the torture and execution of our countrymen at Amboyna had flickered out. In 1633, and again in 1638, Charles, urged by the despairing Company, reverted to feeble attempts at negotiation, with equal unsuccess9. Innocent Englishmen had been tortured and executed under the forms of a foreign law, and for their slaughter redress could not be obtained either by diplomacy or by judicial proceedings. From the first, the Dutch were resolved not to yield, save to force of arms. As they had speedily discovered that James I would not fight, so they gradually found out that Charles I could not fight.

It was not till the unhappy distractions of the second Stuart’s reign came to their tragic close, and until the Dutch found that a real man again ruled England, that they conceded to Cromwell, after war, what a little firmness might have secured at the outset to James.

At length, in April, 1654,

the States-General agreed “that justice be done upon those who were partakers or accomplices in the massacre of the English at Amboyna, as the Republic of England is pleased to term that fact, provided any of them be living.” Cromwell brooked no delay. Within five months all claims and counter-claims arising during forty-one years had been examined. In August the general damages of £85,000 were awarded to the London Company, together with £3615 to the heirs of the men done to death at Amboyna; and Pularoon was restored to English rule.

But this tardy justice failed to efface Amboyna from the English mind. The spectres of the tortured victims stood between the two great Protestant powers during a century. The memory of a great wrong unredressed and of innocent blood unavenged embittered their trade rivalry, intensified each crisis of political strain, and furnished a popular cry for two wars. Dryden’s “Tragedy of Amboyna,” produced in the fiftieth year after the execution, has been not unfairly described as his one literary effort which is wholly worthless except as a curiosity. Yet it serves to show how the story deepened into a darker hue with age.

The opening dialogue between Van Speult and the Dutch fiscal reveals their hatred to the English. Van Speult’s son, whom Towerson has rescued at sea, plots with the fiscal against the life of his preserver, and, after again being saved from death by Towerson, ravishes the Englishman’s bride and is thereupon killed by him in a duel. Van Speult, in revenge, invents the story of the plot. The victims are tortured on the stage, fiercely reviled by the governor, and led off to execution. On his way to death Towerson breaks forth in a prophetic strain, foretelling the vengeance of his countrymen and the ruin and downfall of the Dutch. The characters are coarsely drawn from the “True Relation;” the picture presented of the Dutch is grossly unfair. But it struck a chord of popular feeling, and responded to an antipathy which had hardened and set into a national tradition.

That tradition not only affected our internal and dynastic politics, but it profoundly influenced the march of events in Europe. If Holland and England had been friends at heart instead of occasional allies by interest, the aggressions of Louis XIV would have encountered a very different strength of resistance. Our Charles II

would scarcely have dared to remain the dependent of -France. James II would perhaps have shrunk from forcing a Catholic reaction on England. The memory

of Amboyna wrought like a fever on the trade-rivalry of the two Protestant sea powers. The friendship of France might mean court corruption and Popery, but between England and Holland, as long as that bloody memory lived, there could be no real friendship at all. Politicians and poets appealed to the middle-class hatred of the Dutch as against the middle-class hatred of Rome. Amboyna is thus disclosed as one of the influences which lured on the Stuarts to the Revolution, and as one of the remote secret springs of the age of Louis XIV.

Nor had Amboyna less important consequences for the Dutch. The overthrow of the English in the Spice Archipelago and their subjection in Java enabled the Holland Company to create a colonial system which, for frank indifference to human suffering, stands out in the history of European settlements across the seas. The fault was not the fault of the Dutch nation, but of the particular period when the chance of a great colonial empire came to it. The Catholic tradition of conversion by conquest, cruel as were its practices, had given place to the industrial idea of conquest for trade.

Neither Spain nor Portugal, with their record of blood in the Eastern and the Western worlds, nor England, with its subsequent slave traffic, can afford to cast stones. But the comparative isolation of Holland in the East, and the absence of any strong native power in the Archipelago like that of the Moghul dynasty in India, enabled the Dutch to work out the industrial idea of conquest to its logical results. The same isolation enabled them to perpetuate that idea, after it had been profoundly modified by a humanitarian awakening in Europe. It survived as a relic of a century when the Protestant nations of the Continent, wearied with religious strife, lost sight for a time of that spiritual brotherhood of man which shot rays across the darkness

Page 158

of Portuguese misrule, and which had burned up afresh before the foundation of British territorial sway in India. Jan Pieterszoon Coen, the chief founder of the Dutch colonial system, became governor-general in 1618 – the date taken by European history for the commencement of the Thirty Years’ War.

Tomb of the Moghul official Itmad-ad-Daulah, at Agra

Coen has left in his own words a detailed description of the fabric which he designed. The Dutch charter expired in January, 1623, and on the 21st of that month the great governor-general, as the last act of his first term of office, drew up his political testament for the benefit of his countrymen in the form of instructions left with Peter de Carpentier, governor-general, and the Council of the Indies, and dated Batavia,

Page 159

21–31, January, 1623.

 

He realized that the sea-power of Holland in the Archipelago must rest on a territorial basis with a territorial revenue, the absence of which had drawn forth from Cosme Annes, nearly a hundred years earlier (1549), the Portuguese lament: “We sit still, perishing without lands out of which to support ourselves or find shelter.” Albuquerque discerned the same need a century before. But Coen deliberately worked out what Albuquerque had perceived, and, unlike Albuquerque, he was backed by a nation which loyally supported its great servants in the East.

He cherished no illusions as to how such a territorial sea-empire was to be acquired and maintained. It was easy to bring the scattered islands under subjection. The problem was to people them with workers. The idea of settling Dutchmen and Dutchwomen in sufficient numbers, although it had its attractions for Coen as for the other colonizing spirits of that age, he saw to be impracticable. He anticipated the conclusion which some of the European nations are only now reaching after long and cruel experience, that agricultural emigrants from the temperate zone perish in the tropics. The lands of the equator can be tilled only by equatorial races. The heathen whom the Papal Bulls had given to the Portuguese for an inheritance, to be converted with a rod of iron or dashed to pieces like a potter’s vessel, were to Coen merely a cheap labour-force. The “ingathering of a multitude of people from all parts to people our country withall” was

Page 160

his first object, and of far more consequence, he declared, than the buying of cloths and goods.

This object he proposed to accomplish by three distinct methods: the enslavement of conquered islands, the purchase of slaves from the African and Asiatic continents, and the seizure of slaves on their coasts. The first method needs but the single comment, that it went much further than the subjection of the native races enforced by the Portuguese. As regards the second, orders for the buying of slaves had been given in 1614; Coen resolved to carry them out on a large scale. “Divers fleets” were now to be sent to the Coromandel coast, to Madagascar, and to the African seaboard, to purchase as many slaves, especially young people, as could be got. This buying of slaves was to go forward before any other work, to the extent of “many thousands, yea, to an infinite number.”

The third method, by seizure, was to be conducted by a squadron on the Chinese coast. The shore-dwellers, especially the women and children, were to be carried away for the peopling of Batavia, Amboyna, and Banda. “Herein will be a great service done for the Company, and by this means will be found all the charge of the war.” The Chinese slaves might be redeemed for sixty reals (£13 10s.) apiece. “But by no means you must not suffer any women to return to China, or any other part out of the Company’s jurisdiction, but with them to people the same.” As the Dutch supremacy firmly established itself, a fourth system

Page 161

of recruitment was added, by treaty provisions for a tribute in full-grown slaves.

A typical scene in India

The Dutch industrial system in the East, thus founded on the most rigorous forms of slavery, was eventually softened through successive stages of forced labour. It produced for a time enormous profits. A tropical soil was made to yield as it had never yielded before, and its fruits were monopolized by Holland.

Page 162

As respects European rivals, the restrictions which the Anglo-Dutch still imposed on Coen, in January, 1623, were removed by the tragedy of Amboyna in the next month, and by the withdrawal of the English factories from the Spice Archipelago. As regards native competition, the islanders were compelled to root up their clove and nutmeg trees, where they seemed to threaten the profits of the Dutch. The produce of the most fertile regions in the world, cultivated on the severest system of human toil, was secured to the Dutch and to the Dutch alone.

While Coen founded the colonial empire of Holland on the sure basis of the soil, he strengthened it by all the devices of a skilful administration – by a lucrative coasting trade with the African and Asiatic continents, by a great sea commerce with Europe, and by a well-planned system of tolls and local taxation. The rich island empire which he thus projected, he secured by fortresses, built and maintained by the cheap labour of prisoners and slaves. Coen stands out from among all men of European race in the Asia of his day – a statesman of the clearest vision, and an administrator of the firmest hand, half-way between the Portuguese Albuquerque in the sixteenth century and the French Dupleix or the English Warren Hastings, in the eighteenth. But he could not rise above the morals of his time, and his strong personality during a double tenure of office impressed the stamp of a cruel age on the colonial system of his country. His crime, or his misfortune, was that he stereotyped in Dutch India the disregard

Page 163

for human suffering which brutalized Europe during the Thirty Years’ War.

Holland was the first European country to send a steady supply of really able men to the East, and she supported them by force of arms. James I would not and Charles I could not fight. The English East India Company was still a body of private adventurers for whose benefit Parliament felt by no means eager to go to war. In spite of the long list of lords and gentlemen who swelled the subscription book of the Company, in spite of the outburst of wrath and indignation which the news of Amboyna aroused in London, England had not yet learned to look upon her Indian trade as a national concern. Holland had, and she was willing to make sacrifices and to screen crimes, in order to maintain her position in Asia.

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Footnotes

7. The chief contemporary pamphlets on the Amboyna tragedy are six in number.

(i) A True Relation of the Unjust, Cruel, and Barbarous Proceedings against the English at Amboyna. This narrative was “taken out of the depositions of six several English factors “who survived the trial, as delivered on oath before Sir Henry Marten, Judge of. the Admiralty, supplemented by the testimony of Welden, the English chief agent in Banda at the time of the tragedy. The Privy Council in September, 1624, gave their opinion that the relation was justified by the statements of the six witnesses. Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1622–1624, par. 620.

(ii) A True Declaration of the Newes that came out of the East Indies, with the Pinace called the ‘‘Hare.” A Dutch pamphlet which appeared anonymously, and was thought by some to be the work of Boreel. The Directors of the Dutch Company denied the authorship, and, on complaint of the English ambassador, the States-General issued a proclamation declaring it to be “a scandalous and senseless libel,” and offering a reward of 400 guilders for the discovery of either the author or the printer.

(iii) An Answer to the Dutch Relation touching the pretended Conspiracy of the English at Amboyna in the Indies, being a reply to No. ii. (the libellous Dutch Declaration) drawn up by the English Company and issued under its authority. These three pamphlets were published together by the Company in 1624 with a preface. A third reprint is dated 1632, and there were several subsequent editions.

(iv) A Remonstrance of the Directors of the Netherlands East India Company presented to the Lords States-General … in defence of the said Company touching the bloody Proceedings against the English Merchants executed at Amboyna.

(v) The Acts of the Council of Amboyna. The official Court Record of the Trial and the confessions of the accused, as presented by the Dutch to the East India Company.

(vi) A Reply to the Defence of the Proceedings of the Dutch against the English at Amboyna. An answer to, and criticism of, Nos. iv. and v. These last three pamphlets were published by authority in London in 1632.

8. Captain Gabriel Towerson; Samuel Colson, factor at Hitto; Emanuel Thomson, assistant at Amboyna; Timothy Johnson, assistant at Amboyna; John Wetheral, factor at Cambello; John Clark, assistant at Hitto; William Griggs, factor at Larica; John Fardo, steward of the House; Abel Price (the drunken barber-surgeon); Robert Brown, tailor.

9. An English writer, who is not a lawyer and who has spent most of his life in the practical duties of Indian administration, should speak with diffidence as to the forms of Dutch procedure in the early seventeenth century. I have, therefore, taken the precaution to consult a Dutch jurist, Dr. Bisschop, who combines accurate historical research with a judicial training. He states, and quotes Dutch legal authorities for his opinion, that in extraordinary proceedings, in which the accused were examined without witnesses first being heard, the confessions of the accused were necessary for conviction, and that torture could be legitimately resorted to in order to obtain such confessions. The Amboyna trial came practically under this category, and the evidence from first to last was obtained by torture. But the Dutch law recognized the danger of a miscarriage of justice arising out of confessions thus wrung forth, and it provided safeguards accordingly. These safeguards were explicit in form and essential to the validity of the proceedings. They were disregarded in the Amboyna trial, although the prosecuting fiscal, in the words of the Dutch Governor-General and Council, “calls himself a lawyer, and was taken into the Company’s service as such

 

In 1625,

in addition to Central Java, Mataram was in control of central and eastern parts of the island’s northern coast, called the Pasisir. Now Agung wanted to take on Banten and Batavia.

1626


SYEKH YUSUF TAJUL KHALWATI
Lahir : Gowa, Sulawesi Selatan, 3 Juli 1626
Wafat : Cape Town, Afrika Selatan 23 Mei 1699

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

MESKIPUN Syekh Yusuf lahir di Gowa, Sulawesi Selatan, namun dirinya banyak menghabiskan waktu untuk berjuang di Banten bersama Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Perkenalan Syekh Yusuf dengan Sultan Banten terjadi lebih kurang pada tahun 1644 sewaktu akan menunaikan Ibadah Haji. Sebelum ke Makkah, Syekh Yusuf mampir ke Banten dan tinggal selama 5 tahun di kediaman Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Ketika itu, Banten sedang bermusuhan dengan Belanda.

Sekembalinya dari Makkah pada tahun 1664, Syekh Yusuf mampir kembali ke Banten dan membantu perjuangan Sultan Banten melawan VOC. Bahkan ia kemudian dijadikan menantu dan penasihat kesultanan. Ketika Belanda dan Sultan Haji berhasil menguasai Kesultanan Banten, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ditangkap dan dipenjara di Batavia. Sedangkan Syekh Yusuf bersama pengikutnya dibuang ke Sri Lanka pada tahun 1684.

Di Sri Lanka, Syekh Yusuf tetap berusaha berjuang dengan cara mengirimkan surat-surat kepada penguasa-penguasa di Nusantara untuk menentang Belanda. Di samping itu juga menyebarkan agama Islam. Perbuatan Syekh Yusuf tersebut membuat Belanda berang dan kembali membuang Syekh Yusuf ke Afrika Selatan.

Selama lima tahun di Afrika Selatan, Syekh Yusuf menyebarkan agama Islam. Oleh karena itu, penduduk di Cape Town hingga kini menganggap Syekh Yusuf sebagai orang pertama yang menyiarkan agama Islam di Afrika Selatan.

 

 

 

1628

Agung launched a first offensive on Batavia in 1628. Having suffered heavy losses, he had to retreat. he launched a second offensive in 1629. The Dutch fleet destroyed his supplies and his ships in the harbours of Cirebon

Cirebon

 

Cirebon is a port city on the north coast of the Indonesian island of Java. It is located in the province of West Java near the provincial border with Central Java, approximately 297 km east of Jakarta, at .The seat of a former Sultanate, the city’s West and Central Java border location have…

and Tegal

Tegal

Tegal is the largest city in the Tegal Regency, Indonesia. It is located on the north coast of Central Java about from Cirebon. Slawi, about to the south, is its suburb….

. Mataram troops, starving and decimated by illness, had to retreat again.

However, Agung pursued his conquering ambitions to the east. He attacked Blitar

Blitar

Blitar is a city and also the capital of the regency of the same name on East Java, Indonesia, about 73 kilometers from Malang and 167 kilometers from Surabaya. The area lies within longitude 111° 40′ – 112° 09′ East and its latitude is 8° 06′ South…

, Panarukan and the Blambangan principality in Java’s eastern salient, a vassal of the Bali

Bali

Bali is an Indonesian island located in the westernmost end of the Lesser Sunda Islands, lying between Java to the west and Lombok to the east. It is one of the country’s 33 provinces with the provincial capital at Denpasar towards the south of the island….

nese kingdom of Gelgel

Gelgel

Gelgel may refer to:*Gelgel, Chad, a city in Chad*Gelgel, Indonesia, a village on the island of Bali, and a former kingdom…

. Agung died in 1646. His son succeeded him under the title of Susuhunan

Sunan (Indonesian title)

Sunan is the shorter version of “Susuhunan”, both used as an honourific in Java Indonesia.According to Hamka in his book Dari Perbendaharaan Lama the word derived from a Javanese word for position of hands in reverential salutation, done with hands pressed together, palms touching and fingers……

outside the city walls

1631


SULTAN HASANUDDIN
Lahir : Makassar, 12 Januari 1631
Wafat : Makassar, 12 Juni 1670

 

 

 

 

 

 

On September 4, 1635,

the Sultanate of Banjar make the first trade contract with the VOC and VOC will help conquer Paser Banjar. Since 1636, New York trying to be the center of the mandala to the other kingdoms in West Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan and East Kalimantan. Banjar saga noted the delivery of tribute to the Sultan of Sambas Banjarmasin, Sukadana, Paser, Kutai, Berau, Karasikan (Buranun / Sulu), Great Lease (Sawakung), Bunyut and countries in Batang Lawai. Sukadana (formerly named Tanjungpura) is the host for the kingdom Tayan, Meliau, Sanggau and Mempawah.

 

 

As early as 1628,

Batavia came under Javanese attack. Sultan Agung (1613-46), third and greatest ruler of the Mataram kingdom, was then aggressively expanding his domain and had receltly concluded a successful five-year siege of Surabaya. He now controlled all of central and eastern Java, and next, he intended to take western Java by pushing the Dutch into the sea and then conquering Banten.

He nearly Succeed. A large Javanese expeditionary force momentarily breached Batavia’s defences, but was then driven back outside the walls in a last-ditch effort led by Governor-General Coen. The Javanese were not prepared for such resistance and withdrew for lack of provisions. A year later in 1629, Sultan Agung sent an even larger force, estimated at 10,000 men, provisioned with huge stockpiles of rice for what threatened to be a protracted siege. Coen, however, learned of the location of the rice stockpiles and captured of destroyed them before the Javanese even arrived. Poorly led, starving and sick, the Javanese troops died by the thousands outside the walls of Batavia. Never again did Mataram pose at threat to the city.

Relations between the Dutch and the Javanese improved during the despotic reign of Amangkurat I (1646-77), one reason being that they had common enemies-the pesisir trading kingdoms of the north Java coast.

It was ironic, then, that the Dutch conquest of Makassar later resulted, albeit in directly, in the demise of their “ally”.


In 1641

there was a revolt of the Chinese population, of whom 12,000 were massacred by order of the governor, Adriaan Valckenaer. In 1811 it was captured by the English, but was restored to the Dutch after the peace.

 

Batavia.

Development of local Chinese society and culture was based upon three main pillars: clan associations, ethnic media, and Chinese language schools.[2][3] These flourished during the period of Chinese nationalism in the final years of China’s Qing Dynasty and through the Second Sino-Japanese War; however, differences in the object of nationalist sentiments brought about a split in the population, with one group supporting political reforms in mainland China while others sought improved status in local politics. Under the government of the New Order (1967–1998) the pillars of ethnic Chinese identity were dismantled in favor of assimilation policies as a solution to the “Chinese Problem”. Patterns of assimilation and ethnic interaction can be found in Indonesia’s literature, architecture, and cuisine.

The Chinese Indonesian population of Java accounts for nearly half of the group’s national population. Although they are generally more urbanized than Indonesia’s indigenous population,[4] significant rural and agricultural communities also exist throughout the provinces. Declining fertility rates have resulted in an upward shift in the population pyramid as the median age increases. Additionally emigration has contributed to a shrinking population, with communities emerging in more industrialized nations in the second half of the 20th century. Some participated in repatriation programs to the People’s Republic of China, while others emigrated to Western countries to escape anti-Chinese sentiment. Among the overseas residents, their identities are noticeably more Indonesian than Chinese.[5]

 

 

 

Identity

 

 

Identity card of The Hong Eng, c. 1943, indicating her Chinese ethnicity during the occupation of the Dutch East Indies by Japan

Sociologist Mely G. Tan asserts that scholars studying ethnic Chinese emigrants often refer to the group as a “monolithic entity”: the overseas Chinese.[6] Such treatment also persisted in Indonesia with a majority of the population referring to them as orang Cina, orang Tionghoa (both meaning “Chinese people”, 中華), or hoakiau (華僑).[Note 1] Current ethnographic literature describe them as Chinese Indonesians. They were previously described as the Indonesian Chinese, but there has been a shift in terminology as the old description emphasizes the group’s Chinese origins, while the more recent one its Indonesian integration.[7] Aimee Dawis, citing prominent scholar Leo Suryadinata, believes the shift is “necessary to debunk the stereotype that they are an exclusive group” and also “promotes a sense of nationalism” among them.[8]

Ethnic Chinese in the 1930 Dutch East Indies census

were categorized as foreign orientals, and registered separately from the indigenous population.[9] Citizenship was conferred upon the ethnic Chinese through a 1946 citizenship act after Indonesia became independent, and it was further reaffirmed in 1949 and 1958. However, they often encountered obstacles regarding the legality of their citizenship. Chinese Indonesians were required to produce an Indonesian Citizenship Certificate (Surat Bukti Kewarganegaraan Republik Indonesia, SBKRI) when conducting business with government officials.[10] Without the SBKRI they were not able to make passports and identity cards (Kartu Tanda Penduduk, KTP); register birth, death, and marriage certificates; or register a business license.[11] The requirement for its use was abolished in 1996 through a presidential instruction which was reaffirmed in 1999, but media sources reported that local authorities were still demanding the SBKRI from Chinese Indonesians after the instructions went into effect.[12]

Other terms used for identifying sectors of the community include peranakan and totok. The former, used to describe those born locally, is derived from the root Indonesian word anak (“child”) and thus means “child of the land”. The latter is derived from Javanese, meaning “new” or “pure”, and is used to describe the foreign born and new immigrants.[13] There is also a significant number of Chinese Indonesians living in the People’s Republic of China and Hong Kong who are considered part of the population of “returned overseas Chinese” (華僑).[14] In order to identify the varying sectors of Chinese Indonesian society, Tan contends they must be differentiated according to nationality into those who are citizens of the host country and those who are resident aliens, then further broken down according to their cultu

Colonial attitudes (1600–1900)

 

Chinese workers await the preparation of their contracts by immigration officials at Medan’s labor inspectorate, c. 1920–1940.

By the time the Dutch arrived in the early 17th century, major Chinese settlements were already in existence along the northern coast of Java. Most were traders and merchants, but they also practiced agriculture in some inland areas. The Dutch contracted many of them as skilled artisans in the construction of Batavia on the northwestern coast of Java.[18] The new harbor was selected as the new headquarters of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, VOC) in 1609 by Jan Pieterszoon Coen. It soon grew into a major hub for trade with China and India. Batavia became home to the largest Chinese community in the archipelago and remains so today, though the city has been renamed as Jakarta.[23] Coen and other early Governors-Generals promoted the entry of Chinese immigrants to new settlements “for the benefit of those places and for the purpose of gathering spices like cloves, nutmeg, and mace”.[24] The port’s Chinese population of 300–400 in 1619 had grown to at least 10,000 by 1740.[25]

Most of those who settled in the archipelago had already severed their ties with the mainland and welcomed favorable treatment and protection under the Dutch.[26] Some became “revenue farmers”, middlemen within the corporate structure of the VOC, tasked with collecting export–import duties, managing land sales, and managing the harvest of natural resources.[27] Following the 1740 Batavia massacre and ensuing war the Dutch attempted to place a quota on the number of Chinese who could enter the Indies. Amoy was designated as the only immigration port to the archipelago, and ships were limited to a specified number of crew and passengers depending on size. This quota was adjusted at times to meet demand for overseas workers, such as in July 1802 when sugar mills near Batavia were in need of workers.[28]

When the VOC was nationalized on 31 December 1799, the freedoms the Chinese experienced under the corporation were taken away by the Dutch government. Among them was the Chinese monopoly on the salt trade which had been granted by the VOC administration.[29] An 1816 regulation introduced a requirement for the indigenous population and Chinese traveling within the territory to obtain a travel permit. Those who did not carry a permit risked being arrested by security officers. The Governor-General also introduced a resolution in 1825 which forbade “foreign Asians in Java such as Malays, Buginese and Chinese” from living within the same neighborhood as the native population.[30] Following the costly Java War (1825–1830) the Dutch introduced a new agrarian and cultivation system that required farmers to “yield up a portion of their fields and cultivate crops suitable for the European market”. Compulsory cultivation restored the economy of the colony, but ended the system of revenue farms established under the VOC.[31]

 

 

The first Dutch Chinese Schools were established in 1892 following a split in curriculum from the native population.

The Chinese were perceived as temporary residents and encountered difficulties in obtaining land rights. Europeans were prioritized in the choice of plantation areas, while colonial officials believed the remaining plots must be protected and preserved for the indigenous population. Short-term and renewable leases were later introduced as a temporary measure, but many Chinese remained on these lands upon expiration of their contracts and became squatters.[32] In the second half of the 19th century the colonial government began experimenting with the idea of an “Ethical Policy” to protect the indigenous population, casting the Chinese as the “foremost enemy of the state”. Under the new policy the administration increased restrictions on Chinese economic activities, which they believed exploited the native population.[33]

Chinese settlement in the archipelago was not limited to Java. In western Borneo the Chinese established their first major mining settlement in 1760 and ousted Dutch settlers and the local Malay princes, including establishing their own republic. By 1819 they came into conflict with the new Dutch government and were seen as “incompatible” with its objectives, yet indispensable for the development of the region.[34] The Bangka–Belitung Islands also became examples of major settlements in rural areas. Although only 28 Chinese were recorded on the islands in 1851, by 1915 the population had risen to nearly 40,000 and robust fishing and tobacco industries had developed. Coolies brought into the region after the end of the 19th century were mostly hired from the Straits Settlements due to recruiting obstacles that existed in China.[35]

[edit] Divided nationalism (1900–1949)

 

 

Chinese language school owned by the Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan in Sungailiat, Bangka

The Chinese revolutionary figure Sun Yat-sen visited southeast Asia in 1900[36] and later that year the socio-religious organization Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan (中華會館), also known as the Chinese Association, was founded. Their goal was to urge ethnic Chinese in the Indies to support the revolutionary movement in China. In its effort to build Chinese-speaking schools the association argued that the teaching of English and Chinese languages should be prioritized over Dutch, in order to provide themselves with the means of taking “a two or three-day voyage (Java–Singapore) into a wider world where they can move freely” and overcome restrictions of their activities.[37] Several years later the Dutch authorities abandoned its segregation policies, abolished travel permits for the ethnic Chinese, and allowed them to freely move throughout the colony. The 1911 Xinhai Revolution and the 1912 founding of the Republic of China coincided with a growing Chinese-nationalist movement within the Indies.[36]

Until 1908 there was no recognizable nationalist movement among the indigenous population; however, Dutch authorities feared that nationalist sentiments would spread with the growth of ethnically mixed associations, known as kongsi. In 1911 some Javanese members of the Kong Sing association in Surakarta broke away and clashed with the ethnic Chinese. This incident led to the creation of Sarekat Islam, the first organized popular nationalist movement in the Indies. Indigenous groups saw the Chinese nationalist sentiment as “haughty” which led to antagonism between the two sides.[38] The anti-Chinese sentiment spread throughout Java in 1918 and led to mass violence being carried out by members of Sarekat Islam on the ethnic Chinese in Kudus.[39] Following this incident the left-wing Chinese nationalist daily Sin Po called on both sides to work together to improve living conditions because it considered most ethnic Chinese, like most of the indigenous population, to be poor.[40]

 

 

Early draft of the Indonesia Raya, later adopted as a national anthem, in a 1928 weekly edition of the Sin Po newspaper.[41]

Sin Po first went into print in 1910 and began gaining momentum as the leading advocate of Chinese political nationalism in 1917. The ethnic Chinese who followed its stream of thought refused any involvement with local institutions and would only participate in politics relating to mainland China.[42] A second stream was later formed by wealthy ethnic Chinese who were Dutch-educated. This Dutch-oriented group wished for increased participation in local politics, Dutch education for the ethnic Chinese, and the furthering of ethnic Chinese economic standing within the colonial economy. Championed by the Volksraad‘s sole ethnic Chinese representative Kan Hok Hoei, this movement gained momentum and reached its peak with the Chung Hwa Congress of 1927 and the 1928 formation of the Chung Hwa Hui party, which elected Kan as its president. The editor-in-chief of the Madjallah Panorama news magazine criticized Sin Po for misguiding the ethnic Chinese by pressuring them into a Chinese-nationalist stance.[43]

In 1932 pro-Indonesian counterparts founded the Partai Tionghoa Indonesia to support absorption of the ethnic Chinese into the Javanese population and support the call for self-government of Indonesia. Members of this group were primarily peranakan.[44] This division resurfaced at the end of the period of Japanese occupation (1942–1945).[45] Under the occupation ethnic Chinese communities were attacked by Japanese forces, in part because of a suspicion that they contained sympathizers of the Kuomintang as a consequence of the Second Sino-Japanese War. When the Dutch returned, following the end of World War II, the chaos caused by advancing forces and retreating revolutionaries also saw radical Muslim groups attack ethnic Chinese communities.[39]

Although revolutionary leaders were sympathetic toward the ethnic Chinese, they were unable to stop the sporadic violence. Those who were affected fled from the rural areas to Dutch controlled cities, a move many Indonesians saw as proof of pro-Dutch sentiments.[46] There was evidence, however, that Chinese Indonesians were represented and participated in independence efforts. Four members of the Committee for the Investigation of the Preparation for Indonesian Independence (Badan Penyelidik Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, BPUPKI) and one member on the Preparatory Committee for Indonesian Independence (Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, PPKI) had names that were clearly Chinese

1649

Finally, in 1649,

the Dutch began a series of yearly sweeps of the entire area, the infamous hongi (war-fleet) expeditions de islands other than Ambon and Seram, where the Dutch were firmly established. So successful were these expeditions, that half of the islanders starved for lack of trade, and the remaining half were reduced to abject poverty.

Still, the smuggling of cloves and clove trees continued. Traders obtained these other goods at the new Islamic port of Makassar, in southern Sulawesi.

The Dutch repeatedly blockaded Makassar and imposed treaties theoretically barring the Makassarese from trading with other nations, but were unable for many years to enforce them.

 

 

 

(On the site of Jayakarta, the new town of Batavia had many of the features
of Amsterdaam)

 

The Dutch in Java

By such nefarious means the Dutch had achieved effective control of the eastern archipelago and its lucrative spice trade by the end of the 17th Century. In the western half of the archipelago, however, they became increasingly embroiled in fruitless intrigues and wars, particularly on Java. This came about largely because the Dutch presence at Batavia disturbed a delicate balance of power on Java.

 

1649

Kerajaan Sukapura

 

Kerajaan/ Kadipaten SukapuraMerupakan kerajaan/ kadipaten lama di Jawa Barat. Lokasinya adalah sebagai berikut:

 

 

 

Sumber: Digital Atlas of Indonesian History by Robert Cribb.Raja-raja dan bupati swapraja yang pernah memerintah Sukapura adalah:
• Wiradedaha I (1641-?)
• Wiradedaha II (?-1674)
• Anggadipa Wiradedaha III (1674-1726)

 

1650

however, soon declined and by 1650 Sukadana had recovered to dominate the entire west coast.

 

1651


SULTAN AGENG TIRTAYASA

Lahir : Banten, 1631
Wafat : Jakarta, 1692

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

NAMA kecilnya adalah Abdul Fatah.

Pada tahun 1651 Ia diangkat menjadi Sultan Banten pada usia 20 tahun dan mendapat gelar Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa memerintahkan rakyat Banten untuk menolak bekerjasama dengan VOC (Belanda) dan melakukan serangan-serangan gerilya terhadap kedudukan Belanda.

Ia juga berhasil membongkar blockade laut Belanda dan melakukan kerjasama dagang dengan bangsa-bangsa Eropa lain seperti Denmark dan Inggris.

Banyak kapal dan pekebunan teh VOC yang berhasil dirampas dan dirusak oleh pejuang-pejuang Banten. Hal ini sangat merugikan VOC.

Belanda akhirnya memakai strategi adu domba untuk menundukkan Banten, yakni dengan menghasut Sultan Haji anak tertua Sultan Ageng.

Sultan Haji termakan hasutan Belanda dan mengira ayahnya akan menyerahkan kekuasaan kepada Pangeran Purbaya, adik Sultan Haji, sehingga terjadi perselisihan bahkan sampai terjadi peperangan antara ayah dan anak. Kerjasama Belanda dan Sultan Haji akhirnya dapat mengalahkan Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa.

 

 

1655

 

 

TERLAHIR dengan nama asli I Mallambosi, dia diangkat menjadi Sultan Ke-6 Kerajaan Gowa dalam usia 24 tahun (tahun 1655).

Dia juga diberi nama Arab Muhammad Bakir dan bergelar Sultan Hasanuddin. Sementara itu, Belanda memberinya gelar de Haav van de Osten alias Ayam Jantan dari Timur karena kegigihan dan keberaniannya.


1660

 

Peperangan antara VOC dan Sultan Hasanuddin dimulai pada tahun 1660.

Saat itu, Belanda dibantu oleh Kerajaan Bone yang merupakan kerajaan taklukan dari Kerajaan Gowa.

Pada peperangan tersebut, Panglima Bone, Tobala, akhirnya tewas, tetapi Aru Palaka berhasil meloloskan diri. Perang tersebut berakhir dengan perdamaian.

Akan tetapi, perjanjian damai tersebut tidak berlangsung lama karena Sultan Hasanuddin yang merasa dirugikan kemudian menyerang dan merompak dua kapal Belanda, yaitu de Walvis dan Leeuwin. Belanda pun marah. Lalu mengirimkan armada perang yang besar di bawah pimpinan Cornelis Speelman. Aru Palaka, penguasa Bone, juga ikut memimpin pasukannya menyerang Gowa.

 

 

 

 

 


The Makassar wars of 1666-69,

and their aftermath, created a diaspora of Makassarese and Buginese refugees. Many of them fled to eastern Java, where they united under the leadership of a Madurese prince, Trunajaya. Aided and abetted by none other than the Mataram crown prince, Trunajaya succesfully stormed through Central Java and pludered the Mataram capital in 1676-7. Amangkurat I died fleeing the enemy forces.

Once in control of Java, Trunajaya renounced his alliance with the young Mataram prince and declared himself king. Having no one else to turn to, the crown prince pleaded for Dutch support, promising to reimburse all military expenses and to award the Dutch valuable trade concessions. The bait was swallowed, and a costly campaign was promptly mounted to capture Trunajaya. This ended, in 1680, with the restoration of the crown prince, now styling himself Amangkurat II, to the throne.

 

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

 

1667

Hasanuddin yang semakin terdesak akhirnya sepakat untuk membuat perjanjian yang disebut Perjanjian Bongaya pada tanggal 18 November 1667.

Pada tanggal 12 April 1668,

Hasanuddin kembali melakukan serangan terhadap Belanda. Namun, karena saat itu Belanda sudah mempunyai kedudukan yang kuat, pada tanggal 26 Juni 1668, Benteng Sombo Opu sebagai pertahanan terakhir Sultan Hasanuddin berhasil dikuasai Belanda.

 

Finally, in 1669,

following three years of bitter and bloody fighting, the Makassarese surrendered to superior Dutch and Buginese forces.

The Dutch now placed their Bugis ally, Arung Palakka, in charge of Makassar. The bloodletting did not stop here, however, for Arung Palakka embarked on a reign of terror to extend his control over all of southern Sulawesi

 

1670

Hingga wafatnya pada tanggal 12 Juni 1670, Sultan Hasanuddin tetap tidak mau bekerjasama dengan Belanda.

 

 

Cornelis Speelman

Cornelis Speelman (2 March 1628 – 11 January 1684) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1681 to 1684.

 

 

Cornelis Speelman, represented around 1800.

Cornelis Janzoon Speelman was the son of a Rotterdam merchant. He was born on 2 March 1628. In his 16th year, he left aboard the Hillegersberg for the India. He was employed as an Assistant (assistent) in the service of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). In 1645 he arrived in Batavia, Dutch East Indies. He became Bookkeeper (boekhouder) in 1648 and Underbuyer (onderkoopman) in 1649. He became Secretary (secretaris) to the Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van Indië). He travelled with the ambassador Joan Cunaeus to Persia that year, and wrote an account of the voyage. They were received by the Shah Abbas II with great festivity. Even before his voyage came to an end, in 1652,he was promoted to Buyer (koopman). On his return to Batavia, he took up a post in the office of the Bookkeeper-General (boekhouder-generaal), ‘for whom he deputised for a long time, and whom he succeeded in 1657. Meanwhile, he had married the fifteen year-old Petronella Maria Wonderaer, daughter to the Receiver-General (ontvanger-generaal). In 1659 he was placed in charge of the Company’s clerical and administrative staff (kapitein over de compagnie pennisten) in Batavia. In 1661, he became schepen van Batavia, ( a sort of alderman post connected with local government there).

On 12 June 1663, Cornelis Speelman was appointed Governor and Director of Dutch Coromandel, but was suspended by the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII), being accused of having illegally engaged in private trading. He had bought a diamond for his wife and later re-sold it because she had not liked it. Despite his strenuous protests, the court in Batavia wanted to make an example of him and he was sentenced to a 15 months suspension and a fine of 3,000 guilders. In 1666, he was named admiral and superintendent of an expedition to Makasar. On 18 November 1667, he concluded the so-called Bongaais Treaty. (Treaty of Bonggaya[1]) In the same year, he was named Commissioner (commissaris) of Amboina, Banda and Ternate. Consequently, he became Counsellor-extraordinary (raad extra-ordinaris) to the Dutch Council of the Indies. He travelled once again, in 1669, as admiral of another expedition to Makassar where he completely subjugated the kingdom, receiving a gold chain and medallion in recognition of this the following year.

He became a full Counsellor of the Indies on 23 March 1671. The following year he was admiral of a fleet sent against the French. In December 1676, he led an expedition to Central Java, where the ruler of Mataram was in difficulties and he needed to support the alliance with that prince. On Java’s East Coast, he went to war against the so-called Toerana Djaja. It took some time before peace was re-established. He was called back to Batavia at the end of 1677 and on 18 January 1678 named First Counsellor and Director-General of the Indies (Eerste Raad en Directeur-Generaal van Indië). Also in that year he was appointed President of the College van Schepenen (to do with local government) in Batavia. On 29 October 1680 he was named Governor-General, a post he took up on 25 November 1681, succeeding Rijckloff van Goens.

During the term of office of Cornelis Speelman as Governor-General, the Sultan of Ternate was conquered. He ceded all his lands of his kingdom to the Company. Speelman also subdued the city of Bantam. Cornelis Speelman died on 11 January 1684 in the Castle at Batavia. His funeral was accompanied with great noise and splendour, for which no pains or monies were spared. He was buried in the Kruiskerk to the noise of 229 cannon shots. He was followed as Governor-General by Johannes Camphuy

 

 

1683

 

Pada tahun 1683, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Pada tahun 1683, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa berhasil ditangkap dan dibuang ke Batavia hingga wafat di penjara pada tahun 1692. Sedangkan Pangeran Purbaya menyingkir ke daerah Priangan.

 

1685

It was on the 12 th july 1685  that ralph ord, the repsentative of the honourable East india company, managed to establish a settlemen at bencoolen, concluding an agreement with the local rulers fort the supply of papper to the company, in return for an undertaking to protect them from the dutch.

Bencoolen was considered to be in a strategic position to control the trade route through the sunda strait. In fact its strategic infortance was never realised as most Europeen  shipping chose to use the starait of malacca, the more direct route from india to china. Bencoolen was to remain the head quarters for the company’s Operations in sumatra. A number of small trading post, or factories as the were called  from the title of factor, (the official responsible for the settlement), were established on the west coast of sumatra from Tapanuli, natal and moko moko in the north, to manna and krui in the south, near the modern border with lampung.

 

 

 

 

Gouvenor general VOC

 

Governor Jacob Christiaan Pielat 1733‑tfull.jpg

 

View of Batavia, 1730
View of the city of Batavia, seen from out to sea with many ships in the foreground, including four East Indiamen.

After the Dutch arrived in the East Indies in 1596, the VOC (Dutch East India Company) established its headquarters in the city of Jayakarta, on the island of Java.

Later renamed Batavia, the city (now Jakarta) soon became the capital of the East Indies and the principal harbour for Dutch ships sailing to and from Europe.

The Governor-General and Council in Batavia controlled all VOC trade in Asia, and the city reflected the company’s monopolistic approach. Private trade at most of the ports was prohibited, except in Batavia.

 

View of the city and castle of Batavia in two parts 1650–1700

The VOC was not the first to use the monopoly approach. But it was the VOC and its appetite for new markets that eventually put Australia on the map.

Soon after the company established its base in the city, Batavia became the launching place for the first of many Dutch voyages of discovery beyond the Spice Islands.

In 1605, VOC headquarters in Amsterdam issued an order to Frederick de Houtman, Governor in Batavia: ‘There must be more charting, mapping and exploring of the lands further east of the Spice Islands and a renewed search for a passage through to the Pacific Ocean’.

The twin objectives of the expeditions to the unknown south were trade and territory: commanders of the voyages were instructed to find new commercial prospects and acquire new land. They were the orders that effectively signalled the beginning of the Dutch discovery of Australia.

 

Desepascaert vertoont de wegh, soo int heen als in het weerom seylen, die gehouden is bij het jacht het Duijfien in het besoecken van de landen beoosten Banda, tot aen Nova Guinea.
Map of the islands in the Banda Sea and the New Guinea region showing the tracks of the Duyfken in 1606.
engraving; 61.5 x 56.0 cm
Reproduction:
Monumenta cartographica, Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1925
National Library of Australia

Captained by Willem Janszoon, the voyage of the Duyfken in 1606 was the first of several planned voyages to the north of Australia. A secret map, Dese pascaert vertoont, shows the route of the Duyfken and the first European landfall on the Australian continent, at 11°45’S. Most VOC voyages, commercial or explorative, were secret. But maps of their voyages soon revealed to the world the extent of their discoveries. Janszoon’s discoveries were thought to be an extension of New Guinea as the Duyfken had missed Torres Strait.

No second voyage of discovery to the south lands was organised until 1623, though the Dutch did consider it. In 1620, prompted after a series of accidental landfalls on Australia’s west coast, the Seventeen urged closer investigation of the extent of Janszoon’s discoveries.

In 1622, Dutch exploration of the unknown South Land suddenly became urgent. In that year, the English ship the Trial (or Tryall) became the first European ship to come to grief on the Australian coast. The Trial was wrecked off the Montebello Islands, in north-west Australia. Captain John Brookes and 45 of his crew sailed in two boats to Batavia to mount a rescue, but 93 people left behind died.The safety of the VOC ships was paramount. On 29 September, VOC officials in Batavia instructed the captains of the de Haringh and Hasewint to combine the search for new trading opportunities with the pressing need to chart unknown, and possibly dangerous, stretches of coastline.

The main object for which you are dispatched on this occasion is, that for 45° or 50°S, or from the farthest point to which the land shall be found to extend southwards within these latitudes, up to the northernmost extremity of the South Land you will have to discover and survey all capes, forelands, bights, lands, islands, rocks, sandbanks, depths, shallows, roads, winds, currents and all that appertains to the same, so as to be able to map out and duly mark everything in its true latitude, longitude, bearings and conformation. You will moreover go ashore in various places and diligently examine the coast in order to ascertain whether or not it is inhabited, the nature of the land and the people, their towns and inhabited villages, the divisions of their kingdoms, their religion and polity, their wars, their rivers, the shape of their vessels, their fisheries, commodities and manufactures, but especially to inform yourselves what minerals, such as gold, silver, tin, iron, lead, and copper, what precious stones, pearls, vegetables, animals and fruits, these lands yield and produce.

 

Carten dese landen Zin ontdeckt bij de compangie ontdeckers behaluen het norder deelt van noua guina ende het West Eynde van Java dit Warck aldus
[Bonaparte Tasman map]
‘Map these lands were discovered by the Company’s explorers except for the northern part of New Guinea and the west end of Java.’
manuscript map, hand-coloured; 73.0 x 95.0 cm
State Library of New South Wales

While this project came to nothing, the following year the voyage of discovery of the ships Pera and Arnhem added significantly to Dutch knowledge of the Gulf of Carpentaria, and the discoveries of Jan Carstensz began to appear on regional and world maps.

Twenty years later, the VOC was still probing, and Dutch discoveries reached their climax with Abel Tasman‘s two voyages in 1642–43 and 1644.

In August 1642, Anthonie van Diemen, Governor-General of the East Indies from 1636 to 1645, instructed Abel Tasman to ‘sail to the partly known as well as the undiscovered South and East lands, to discover them and find some important lands, or at the very least some practicable passages to well known rich places, to be used eventually to enhance and enlarge the general welfare of the company’.

New Holland, as the Dutch and for a time the rest of the world would come to know Australia, offered little through trade in the way of spices or precious stones or produce. With only a few exceptions, the Dutch navigators had experienced some of the most desolate and inhospitable of Australia’s coasts. They were confounded by their contact with Indigenous Australians.

After the loss of several ships and with little to show for its effort, the VOC began losing interest in the South Land with each expedition. The last significant voyage commissioned by the company was that of Willem de Vlamingh in 1696.

Some VOC expeditions that left Batavia to explore the South Land

 

Johannes Camphuys

 

 

Portrait of Johannes Campuys

Johannes Camphuys (registered as Kamphuis, Centraal Bureau voor Genealogie) (Haarlem, July 18 1634 – Batavia (Jakarta), July 18 1695) was the Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1684 to 1691.[1]

[edit] Japan

At this point in Japanese history, the sole VOC outpost (or “factory”) was situated on Dejima island in the harbor of Nagasaki on the southern island of Kyushu. Camphuys was three times sent to Japan as Opperhoofd or chief negotiant and officer of the VOC trading post.[2]

  • 22 October 1671–12 November 1672[2]
  • 29 October1673–19 October 1674[2]
  • 7 November 1675–27 October 1676[2]

[edit] Legacy

The life of Camphuys is commemorated in the name of a street in the Lombok neighbourhood of Utrecht; and he is also remembered in the name of a street in the Bezuidenhoutquarter of The Hague.

 

Willem van Outhoorn

 

 

Willem van Outhoorn (4 May 1635 – 27 November 1720) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1691 to 1704. He was born and died in the Dutch East Indies.

[edit] Biography

Willem van Outhoorn (or Oudthoorn) was born on 4 May 1635 at Larike on Ambon Island in Indonesia. His father was a Dutch East India Company (VOC) Buyer (koopman) there. He was sent to the Netherlands to study Law at the University of Leiden. On 28 November 1657 he graduated in Law.

[edit] Government career

In 1659 van Outhoorn returned to the Indies, employed as Underbuyer (onderkoopman). He was to remain in the East for the rest of his life. Even a journey to nearby Bantam was a journey too far for him. In 1662 he became a member of the Council of Justice (Raad van Justitie) in Batavia. In 1672 he became Receiver-General (ontvanger-generaal), and in 1673 he became Vice-President of the Council of Justice. In 1678 he was charged with a mission to Bantam and he became an extraordinary member of the Dutch Council of the Indies. He was named a full Counsellor, being confirmed in that post in 1681. He became President of the Council of Justice in 1682 and in 1689 President of the College van Heemraden (dealing with estate boundaries, roads, etc.). That same year he was appointed First Counsellor and Director-General of the Dutch East Indies.

On 17 December 1690 van Outhoorn was appointed Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, taking over from Johannes Camphuys on 24 September 1691. After ten years, the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) granted his wish to be honourably relieved of his duties, but it was 15 August 1704 before he could hand over all his official functions to his successor, Joan van Hoorn.

He requested that he be allowed to remain on his estate just outside Batavia. Such requests were generally not allowed, for fear that retired governors would interfere with the work of their successors. However, because he was in ill-health and was over 70, he was allowed to stay. He died at age 85 on 27 November 1720.

His term of office was not marked by many important developments or events. At the end of his term, Amangkurat II Sultan of Mataram died. As the VOC did not recognise his son as successor, a long war broke out just before Van Outshoorn left office. In 1693 the French overran Pondicherry. During his time, efforts were made to establish coffee growing in Java. The first harvest failed because of flooding, but the next harvest had more success.

Van Outhoorn was not a very strong ruler. Corruption and nepotism, in which he was also involved, became more blatant during his time. His son-in-law Joan van Hoorn, married to his daughter Susanna, followed him as Governor-General

 

1611

 

The wreck Of Batavia Ship

Mutiny on the Batavia

This is the article  of the shipwreck of the Batavia, and the ensuing mutiny and massacre.

Well, despite all the carnage the surviving crew and passengers of the Batavia were lucky in one sense, they were eventually rescued. In 1711 another Dutch ship, the Zuytdorp, also wrecked upon the same remote coast. Actually many Dutch ships had disappeared before along this coast, which was bad news for the Zuytdorp, because when she didn’t make it to Indonesia, no search was made. Presumably becasue of the expense of previous fruitless searches. This was unfortunate for the Zuytdorp,  because some survivors made it ashore. Starting in the 1920s when westerners started penetrating this remote area of coast, many artifacts from a shipwreck were found, some clearly having been carried to cliff tops with unmistakable evidence of habitation found as well. And while the survivors may indeed have tried to signal passing ships, even if they were seen most likely ships simply regarded them as fires set by aborigines.

 

Both the wreck and the land sites were excavated in a  series of digs over many decades, and many artifacts discovered. Coins dated 1711 very early pegged the site as the Zuytdorp, it was carrying a cargo of said coins, and in fact when the site was first visited by divers, they reported  a “carpet” of silver coins.

The excavation took decades because the location is so treacherous that only a  few days a year is it safe to dive. And even on land the airstrip is extremely windy and dangerous. It was done though, and many artifacts were recovered. The big question, what happened to the survivors, was never answered. Did any of them join with the aborigines? Could there be aborigines with 17th and 18th century Dutch DNA in them? Remember, two of the Batavia mutineers were also marooned on this coast, and no doubt other unknown survivors made it ashore in the centuries that Dutch ships hugged this coast. Alas, a 2002 DNA study concluded, not likely.

As for the wreck of the Batavia, it was discovered in the sixties, and in pretty good shape all things considered. It was excavated in the early seventies, one of the first great underwater shipwreck excavations. It inspired laws to protect such sites, and many further recovery efforts. Much of the stern of the ship was recovered intact, as well as a stone archway intended for a Dutch fort in Indonesia. Both can be seen above, as they are on display in the Fremantle Maritime Museum, in Fremantle Australia. Human remains were recovered as well, and I read that some of them are on display too.

And on the islands where the actual fighting and battles took place, there have been excavations. The remains of the fort and the well built by Wiebbe Hayes and his men are still to be seen, and are in fact the oldest European built structures in Australia. Yes, the “barren” island Wiebbe Hayes and company had been left on actually had an aquifer, and a shallow well provided fresh water. And they had discovered that they could wade at low tide to another nearby island, East Wallabi Island. And on said island,  some sort of small island wallaby lived. They were delicious.

That was one of many details I left out of a fascinating but complicated story. Complicated in and of itself, and complicated by the fact that I had trouble finding good images or even maps of the area. I did find some pictures of Wiebbe Hayes Fort here. Unfortunately the images show two stone structures, with no explanation as to which is what. Still, the fact that the earliest structures built by Europeans in Australia are still intact shows nicely just how remote the Abrolhos Islands, or more properly, the Houtman Abrolhos, really are.

. The wreck of the Batavia happened over 400 years ago, yet multiple threads from this event are still unravelling.

It probably goes without saying that Jeronimus Cornelisz was a psychopath/sociopath.

The link above says he was a devil worshipper, which may or may not be true, it’s suspected but not proved that he had links with Johannes van der Beeck, a Dutch artist who was executed for atheistic and Satanistic beliefs. I suspect without Jeronimus Cornelisz the mutiny would never have happened or been a much more bloodless thing. A case can be made that many if not most of the murderous mutineers only became murderers because they got trapped on a deserted island with a psychopath. Imagine Gilligan’s Isle if Gilligan had been a psychopath. Yikes. This is why I never get in an elevator with strangers.

1623

 

 

A bond issued by the Dutch East India Company, dating from 7 November 1623, for the amount of 2,400 florins

 

 

 

 

Pera and Arnhem, 1623

 

Sir Robert Dudley (1574–1649)
Carta particolare della costa Australe scoperta dall’Olandesi … d’ Asia Carta
Part of the coast of New Holland.
engraving; 47.5 x 37.3 cm
Firenze: Nella stamperia di Francesco Onofri, 1647
Northern Territory Library

Captain Jan Carstenszoon in the Pera and Captain Willem van Coolsteerd in the Arnhem explored the south coast of New Guinea and the western side of Cape York Peninsula. Carstenszoon went on to chart the Gulf of Carpentaria, naming it for Pieter de Carpentier, the Governor-General in Batavia. Meantime, van Coolsteerd charted the northern part of Arnhem Land.

1627

 

 

 

After these initial West African slaves  were brought to the Cape the Dutch East India Company fell into line with agreements with the Dutch West Indian Company to focus its slaving operations on the African territories on Indian Ocean coast and East Indies.

In addition to the dedicated Cape based slaver ships, other slaver ships of many nationalities anchored in the Cape with ‘cargoes` destined for Europe and the Americas.

 

Some from amongst this ‘cargo` ware sent to Indonesia(Dutch Indie)

 

 

 

 

 

1638

In 1638

in Yogyakarta tragedy occurred a massacre of the Dutch and Japanese so that the Dutch sent punitive expeditions and making threats against the Sultanate of Banjarmasin, the Kingdom and the Kingdom Sukadana Kotawaringin.

Heemskerck and Zeehaen, 1642

Abel Tasman, commanding the Heemskerck and Zeehaen, became the first European to sight Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania), Statenlandt (New Zealand) and the islands of Tonga and Fiji. Tasman charted much of Tasmania, but missed Bass Strait and the east coast of the continent, proceeding east to New Zealand.

Zeemeeuw, Limmen and Bracq, 1644

Commanding a second expedition of three ships, the Zeemeeuw, Limmen and Bracq, Tasman charted much of Australia’s north and north-west coasts, from Cape York in the east to Point Cloates in the west.

1645

 

 

1646

When  Sultan Agung  died in 1646 his tomb at the holy hilltop of Imogiri was already built according to his own specifications: the mythical Nyai Loro Kidul, Queen of the Southern Ocean, had told Sultan Agung the very hour of his coming demise, it was said.

 

Great King: Sultan Agung

Sultan Agung had created the most magnificent Muslim kingdom that Java had ever known, a state to rival even the much-vaunted Majapahit, but once he was interred at Imogiri the rot set rapidly in.

His heir, Amangkurat I, did his best with offerings to keep the Queen of the Southern Ocean on side to keep the kingdom ticking over, but he was a brutal man, who according to the Javanese accounts was a ‘king who had sunk to the level of the beasts’.

 

 

1651

.

 

Indonesia ,Indies, It became a Crown Colony in 1651 with the E.I.C. responsible for administration. The Cocos-Keeling Islands were found in 1609 during one of the early voyages when Captain Keeling was blown south, off course, and was making his way back to the Indies.

 

1658

Dutch travel literature: the account of Wouter Schouten’s adventurous travels in the East Indies in a rare French edition, published in 1708 by Pierre Mortier. The ship surgeon Schouten travelled widely in the East Indies between 1658 and 1665, visiting Colombo (Ceylon), the Malabar coast, Bengal, Arakan, Batavia, Formosa (= Taiwan), Sumatra, the Moluccas and Amboina.

Being an observant traveller, his narrative contains much detailed information on life in the East, including an eye-witness report of the Dutch Siege of Makassar, Ceylon.

 

1660

 

the Indian Ocean Slave Trade

As stated in other posts, the first slaves to be brought to the Cape Colony were from West Africa, but that soon changed to a position where slaves almost exclusively came from the Indian Ocean slave trade.

From the 1660s until 1742, a majority, over 57% of slaves, came from India and the Indonesian Archipelago. Thereafter the figures decreased.

After 1767 a combination of official reluctance to bring slaves from the east and, a decrease in the fortunes of Dutch shipping, finally resulted in the import of eastern slaves dwindling to a trickle. During the overall 180 year period of slavery around 51% of new slaves in the Cape came from Africa, Madagascar and the Mascarenes, 26% from India and 22% from the Indonesian Archipelago.

This post deals with the complex roots of the Indian and Indonesian components which dominated the early years of slavery at the Cape and has often been simplistically referred to as the Malay slaves.

 

The heyday of the Dutch dominance in the Indian Ocean Slave Trade is poorly understood in South Africa, in terms of where slaves actually originally came from. The confusion arises out of the ‘shorthand` accounts of ships bringing slaves from slaving ‘stations` or ‘centres` rather than where slaves originally actually were taken. Modern day Indonesia and Malaysia and its attributes are also overlaid on the situation pertaining in the 17th and 18th centuries. In South Africa we have also allowed the local construct of a ‘Cape Malay` Muslim identity cloud our understanding of the roots of eastern slavery.

According to Markus Vink, The World`s Oldest Trade: Dutch Slavery and Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century, Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (Fall 2003): the Dutch Indian Ocean slave system drew captive labour from three interlocking and overlapping circuits of sub-regions: the westernmost, African circuit of East Africa, Madagascar, and the Mascarene Islands (Mauritius and Réunion); the middle, South Asian circuit of the Indian subcontinent (Malabar, Coromandel, and the Bengal/Arakan coast); and the easternmost, Southeast Asian circuit of Malaysia, Indonesia, New Guinea (Irian Jaya), and the southern Philippines.

Vink goes on to establish that ‘in general, the Dutch slave trade took people from segmented microstates and stateless societies in the East outside the House of Islam to the company`s Asian headquarters, the Chinese colonial city of Batavia (Jakarta), and its regional centre in the western districts of the Indian Ocean, coastal Ceylon (Sri Lanka),` From here slaves were dispersed to strategic footholds in Malacca and Makassar and in eastern Indonesian islands of Maluku, Ambon, and Banda. The Cape Colony was also one of these strategic footholds of Dutch interest.

Markus Vink establishes that the first circuit or sub-region of the Dutch Slave Trade, the Indian subcontinent (Arakan/Bengal, Malabar, and Coromandel), remained the most important source of slave labour until the mid 1660s. Vink says that during the first thirty years of Batavia`s existence, Indian and Arakanese slaves provided the main labour force of the company`s Asian headquarters. The point is further made that until the Dutch seizure of the Portuguese settlements on the Malabar coast (165863), large numbers of slaves were also captured and sent from India`s west coast to Batavia, Ceylon, and elsewhere. After 1663, however, the stream of forced labour from Cochin dried up to a trickle of about 50100 and 80120 slaves per year to Batavia and Ceylon, respectively.

 

Amongst the Cape Colony slaves, Bengal, coast of Coromandel, Saloor (Ceylon), Cochin, Palicatte, Devanampatnam and other places of origin listed in slave inventories feature strongly in the last three decades of the 1600s. Vink makes the point that in contrast with other areas of the Indian subcontinent, Coromandel remained the centre of a spasmodic slave trade throughout the seventeenth century. In various short-lived booms accompanying natural and human-induced calamities, the Dutch exported thousands of slaves from the east coast of India. South African history does little to acknowledge these Indian roots of slaves in the Cape. Generally it projects that Indians first came to South Africa as indentured labourers and merchants in the late 1800s. That this migration occurred is absolutely true as the large KwaZulu-Natal Indian population has its roots therein. But it is not the only truth.

In the Cape Colony the much earlier forced Indian migration has left very little of a distinct Indian character amongst the population. The dubbing over of Indian roots with the ‘Cape Malay` construct whereby all eastern slaves got lumped together as a constructed ethnic identity, resulted in wiping out historical facts. This had more to do with dividing slave descendants who had the same roots, into Christian and Muslim entities as though distinct ethnic differences existed. The irony was that many who had been enslaved and sold to the Dutch were often the ‘heathen` victims of conquering Muslim religious armies in South-Indian wars. In the Cape many of these ‘hindu` or ‘heathen` slaves converted to Islam, while others converted to Christianity. When war and religious conquest was not the reason for enslavement, then famine facilitated enslavement. Markus Vink makes the point elsewhere that between 1620 and 1830, Hindu Bali, internally divided among various rival states after the collapse of the kingdom of Gelgel, exported at least 100,000 members of its own population and neighboring Lombok, Sumbawa, Sumba, and elsewhere as slaves.

 

Markus Vink in his study provides the following information: ‘A third short-lived boom in slaving took place between 1659 and 1661 due to the devastation of Tanjavur resulting from a series of successive Bijapuri raids, creating the usual famine-slave cycle. At Nagapatnam, Pulicat, and elsewhere, the company purchased 8,00010,000 slaves, the bulk of whom were sent to Ceylon while a small portion were shipped to Batavia and Malacca. A fourth boom (167377) was initiated by a long drought in
Madurai and southern Coromandel starting in 1673, exacerbated by the prolonged Madurai-Maratha struggle over Tanjavur and resulting oppressive fiscal practices.

Between 1673 and 1677,

the VOC exported 1,839 slaves from the Madurai coast alone. A fifth boom occurred in 1688, caused by a combination of poor harvests and the Mughal advance into the Karnatak. Reportedly thousands of people from Tanjavur, mostly girls and little boys, were sold into slavery and exported by Asian traders from Nagapattinam to Aceh, Johor, and other slave markets’.

Of the tiny pinch of spice that Malay has added to the bubbling semantic stew of the English language, one word above all has a particularly pungent tang.

Four more loaded letters (or five, depending how you choose to spell it) are hard to think of; between its two syllables it carries all the dark and incomprehensible threat of the foreign, and all the weight of half-a-millennium of dehumanising, denigrating European ideas about ‘the natives’.  The word is ‘amok’.

 

Negative Epithets: ‘The Malay Character’

The Malay Character

In the 19th century and beyond much was made by foreigners in the tropics about a curious concept called ‘the Malay character’.

Depending on the ignorance levels of the white man in question (and it generally was a white man, pontificating with gin and tonic in hand as the punkahs swished on the ceiling of the Club and the warm rain lashed down over the rubber plantations), the ‘Malay race’ could refer merely to the Malay-speakers of the Peninsula and southern Sumatra, or it could be expanded in great conquering sweeps of generalisation to encompass all of maritime Southeast Asia,

taking in everyone from the Bugis of southwest Sulawesi, to the Balinese, Javanese and Madurese; from the Dayak spearmen of the Borneo forests to the white-robed Achenese totting their prayer beads on Mecca’s Veranda in northern Sumatra.  Sometimes, sweeping aside the final feeble palisades of language, culture and geography with a rattle of the gin glass, it was cast further still to blanket even the Philippines, Thailand and the Buddhist lands of Indochina.

But what mattered, wherever you drew their territorial limits, was that these ‘Malays’ were amongst the most indolent people on the planet.  They were very feeble, and they were shockingly lazy.  They would not work; they did nothing; they behaved in fact (though nobody mentioned this) very much like late-18th century Dutchmen during the dying days of VOC Batavia.  That, at least, was the theory.

Coupled to this alleged lethargy were various other adjectives of differing degrees of negativity.

The mythical Malay was often described as proud and even gentlemanly; they were soft – whether you viewed that as good or bad – and refined.  But they were also, like virtually every ‘native’ everywhere, ‘deceitful’ and ‘treacherous’.  And worse yet, there was a literally fatal flaw in all this slow-moving indolence: the most notable aspect of the Malay character, our gin-swiller would have had it as the sweat dribbled down his rosy cheeks, was their capacity to go on an unprovoked, motiveless rampage at a moment’s notice, to slash and stab with darkened eyes.

‘These acts of indiscriminate murder are called mucks,’ it was explained, ‘because the perpetrators of them, during their frenzy, continually cry out amok, amok, which signifies kill, kill’:

When the cry ‘amok! amok!’ is raised, people fly to the right and left for shelter, and after the blinded madman’s kris has once ‘drunk blood,’ his fury becomes ungovernable, his sole desire is to kill; he strikes here and there, he stabs fugitives in the back, his kris drips blood, he rushes on yet more wildly, blood and murder in his course; there are shrieks and groans, his bloodshot eyes start from their sockets, his frenzy gives him unnatural strength, then all of a sudden he drops, shot through the heart, or from sudden exhaustion, clutching his bloody kris.

This idea of Malays spontaneously combusting in the street without warning seemed almost designed to encourage contemptuous unease amongst Europeans.  In colonial Southeast Asia the very word amok was enough to set an Englishman trembling in his boots.

National Method of Suicide

 

Exotic: Southeast Asia through European eyes

Amok does not, in fact, ‘signify kill, kill’.  It is the root of a proper Malay verb which could best be translated as quite simply ‘to run amok’.

Accounts and explanations of the practice abound.  It was, one Englishman declared, ‘the Malay national method of committing suicide’, for they were never known to kill themselves in more conventional fashion.  Special – and especially brutal – methods of dealing with it were put in place.

In VOC Batavia, ‘In order, if possible to take them [the amok-runners] alive, the officers of justice are provided with a pole ten or twelve feet in length, at the end of which is a kind of fork, made of two pieces of wood, three feet long, stuck on the inside with sharp iron spikes; this is held before the wretched object of pursuit, who runs into it, and is thus taken.’

If the madman somehow survived being impaled in this way, he was ‘immediately broken alive upon the wheel’.  If an officer managed to catch an amok-runner alive his reward was ‘very considerable’; if he killed them in the attempt, however, he got nothing more than a pat on the back.

In the face of such evidence, and such accounts, it seems hard to dispute that amok existed.  The idea must have left the more imaginative Englishmen in the Indies in a state of permanent paranoid panic;

the sight of a gaggle of listless locals reclining at the roadside would have been full of ominous threat.  ‘What if one of them goes, right now?’ they must have wondered, hurrying nervously onwards under the hot tropical sun. But peer a little closer, and cracks begin to appear in the idea of amok.

For a start, there was a certain disagreement over just who out of all the ‘Malays’ was most likely to leap up shrieking, kris in hand.  William Marsden, one of the greatest British orientalists of the early colonial era, a man based in Sumatra, declared that ‘It is not to be controverted that these desperate acts of indiscriminate murder, called by us mucks, and by the natives mongamo [mengamuk, the full verb], do actually take place, and frequently too, in some parts of the east (in Java in particular)’.  But Raffles disagreed, stating that ‘It is a mistake,

however, to attribute these acts of desperation to the Javans… That such have occurred on Java, even during the British administration is true, but not among the Javans: they have happened exclusively in the large towns… and have been confined almost entirely to the class of slaves’.  Anywhere but here, it seems (though Raffles’ assertion on this point is rather contradicted by an account of a Javanese retainer of the toppled Sultan ‘running amok’ in Yogyakarta the night after the British sacked and looted the kraton).

And then there was the question of the process itself.  Though amok was always presented as an utterly unpredictable moment of madness, many of the accounts mentioned preparatory imbibing of opium or arak, which instantly turns terrifyingly spontaneity into something else entirely, something much less exotic.  If amok represented some unidentifiable breaking point in ‘the Malay character’, then how could people plan to do it in advance, and how on earth could people plan to do it en masse?  Yet all too often accounts speak of ‘bodies of Malays’ having ‘resolved to run amok’ together.

Very often these ‘bodies’ were simply soldiers opposing a party of European invaders – fighting with suicidal bravery and determination.

 

Berserk: The chilly Norse version of ‘amok’

Finally, there’s the idea that amok is unique to that much maligned Malay character.  There is considerable evidence that the word itself, and perhaps the idea of a mass military amok too, comes not from Southeast Asia, but from southern India.

In its four pages dedicated to the subject, Hobson Jobson, the great dictionary-encyclopaedia of the British Empire in Asia comes up with more examples of the practice from non-Malays than Malays: everyone was running amok from Sikh soldiers to Turks on the Black Sea, from the son of an Indian raja to a Spanish sailor in Liverpool…

Old Rope

Drunks, madmen and opium addicts have gone on the rampage on streets the world over since time immemorial, and they still do today (all too often with an automatic assault rifle in hand, it seems).  The idea of suicidally brave soldiers repeats in the Japanese kamikaze, and amok has both an absolute equivalent and a perfect synonym in berserk, drawn not from treacherous Asian natives, but from bearskin-clad Norsemen who fought in a furious trance.

 

The Indian Rope Trick: complete with eyewitnesses

In the 19th century Southeast Asia could be a violent place – and it still can be today.

Local cultures certainly did encompass the idea of possibly dangerous trances (the performers of the darker dance-dramas in Bali and Java,

for example, are supposed to go into a trance), the concept of ‘being entered by a demon’, and the notion of supernatural invulnerability in battle (easily confused, perhaps, with the near-superhuman strength of someone going berserk).  What was more, the very real local notions of decorum and good conduct meant that the universal point at which tempers are lost was rarely preceded in the Indies by the kind of demonstrative preliminary bluster familiar in uncouth English bar rooms.   But for all its exotic potency, take a magnifying glass to the idea of amok, and the dark eyes and spontaneous rampages all too often resolve themselves as little more than a drunken rage,

a cold-headed assassination attempt or a conventional riot, born of the frustrations of indigenous oppression or the heavy yoke of European colonialism.

Amok, in part at least, is perhaps not unlike the infamous myth of the Indian Rope Trick: repeat an exotic story often enough, especially if it is full of magic or barbarism, and eyewitnesses will begin to rise miraculously from the basket, like a lot of old rope…

 

 

1677

By the time Sultan Amangkurat I  died in 1677 Mataram was a mess.  He had fallen out with his own heir; Gunung Merapi had erupted violently; there had been famines and earthquakes, and a rampaging rebel prince from Madura had sacked the Mataram court.

The Dutch VOC too had been drawn into Mataram matters for the first time as mercenaries and powerbrokers, and they played that role ever more often as the succession continued over the coming decades.  It was not necessarily something they wanted to do – the Javanese often invited them in.

1678

The second Amangkurat moved the Mataram capital to Kartasura, halfway between Merapi and Mount Lawu, but despite this new and auspicious location the troubles continued.  There were more rebellions, more courtly intrigues, more ham-fisted VOC meddling, and more disputed successions.

However, the court was still in possession of powerful pusaka, the energy-laden heirloom regalia that fuelled legitimacy (in 1678 they had added the golden crown of the Majapahit kings to their collection), and as far as anyone knew the successive rulers were still regularly consorting with the Queen of the Southern Ocean.

That all brought a certain mystic authority to the throne of Mataram that was not to be taken lightly, no matter how much of a state the temporal realm was in.

 

In September 1687,

665 slaves were exported by the English from Fort St. George, Madras. The Dutch decision to participate was belated for the boom ended as abruptly as it had started as a result of the abundant rice harvest in early 1689. Finally, in 169496, when warfare once more ravaged South India, a total of 3,859 slaves were imported from Coromandel by private individuals into Ceylon.`

Vink goes on to elaborate that ‘after 1660 relatively more slaves came from the second circuit or sub-region, Southeast Asia. Warfare and endemic raiding expeditions provided a steady supply of slaves from the region`s stateless societies and microstates, especially after the collapse of the powerful sultanate of Makassar (Goa) in Southwest Sulawesi (1667/1669). The slave trade network in the archipelago revolved around the dual axis of Makassar and Bali. Makassar was the main transit port for slaves from Borneo (Kalimantan), Sulawesi, Buton (Butung), and the northeastern islands, as well as the eastern Tenggara islands (Lombok, Sumbawa, Bima, Manggarai, and Solor). The kingdoms of Bali were not only independent slave exporters, but also re-exported slaves from eastern Indonesia as far as New Guinea (Irian Jaya). Of almost 10,000 Indonesian slaves brought to Batavia by Asian vessels between 1653 and 1682, 41.66% (4,086) came from South Sulawesi, 23.98% (2,352) from Bali, 12.07% (1,184) from Buton, 6.92% (679) from the Tenggara islands, and 6.79% (646) from Maluku (Ambon and Banda).`

This post shows just the surface of the complexity of roots that exist behind those who were labelled Cape Malays in the Cape Colony, a term that has been accepted by some and rejected by others. Both Christian Coloured people and Muslim Coloured people have these roots that were dubbed ‘Cape Malay`, but which have a very strong Indian Hindu background as well as roots amongst islanders practicing animist beliefs and even Catholic converts of the Portuguese. Conversion to Islam largely took place in Cape Town when Muslim rebellious nobles, political and religious leaders captured in the East were exiled to the Cape. They had a profound and positive influence on the enslaved and offered social coherence and comfort in dire circumstances. The ‘Cape Malay` construct is here to stay but we should ensure that the historical distortions are cleared up so that all Coloured people may celebrate the hidden layers of cultures that are part of who we were and are. The Indian and multifaceted Indonesian Archipelago roots can be celebrated by us all and should not be allowed to be ghettoised .

1653

Why they signed on for the VOC 1)

Reading the Journael of the Ongeluckige Voyagie van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer (the unhappy voyage of the jaght the Sperwer) makes one wonder what made people throw themselves in an adventure like this. One may consider the shipwrecking of the Sperwer and the involuntary stay of the surviving crew as a company accident, but who enlisted as a sailor on a VOC ship, should have known that one exposed himself at a considerable risk.

Though the Heeren XVII did everything in their power to make these risks as small as possible. And not totally without success. The health conditions of the crew for instance became little by little better. Around the middle of the seventeenth century contagious diseases like cholera, didn’t occur more on board of the ships than in contemporary Amsterdam.

From the records which have been kept, we know that he, who survived the first journey, made statistically a good chance to keep up for years. According to present standards these ships would have been hardly called seaworthy. Nevertheless it appeared from the ‘daghregisters‘ (daily records) in which the departures and arrivals of the ships were written down, that from the so-called return ships on route to the Indies in two centuries only two percent perished. From the ships on their way home only four percent didn’t return. So it is well possible that the perspective of being separated for a long time from family and acquaintances was a bigger drawback for signing on then the fear of possible dangers. But maybe was the desire for adventure sometimes bigger than the family ties. According to Arthur van Schendel the scent of pepper and nutmeg, which floated around the warehouses of the VOC, turned into many a young man’s head, and they let themselves seduce by the exiting stories which old seamen told, while sitting on their “lie benches”. This might have played a role. But the most important reason to take service with the VOC, will have been poverty.

A research done by the Department of Agricultural History of the former Agricultural Academy of Wageningen, shows that in the period, which is called in the History books of the Netherlands: the Golden Age, many civilians suffered from hunger. And for these people a VOC-contract meant a living. In the 17th century the social lower classes in Holland were better fed then in the rest of Europe, but hunger amongst them was not a rare occurrence.

In 1653,

the year in which the unhappy voyage of the Sperwer took place, many failed grain harvests in the East-Sea countries and war violence on the North-Sea (first English War) led in many cities of the Republic to severe shortage of food. J.A. Faber, Death and Famine in Pre-Industrial Netherlands (1980).

It appeared that when life circumstances of the lower class improved little by little, less and less Hollanders seemed to be willing to sign in as a sailor at the VOC. In the beginning of the 18th century only the officers on most VOC-ships were still Hollanders. The rest of the crew members were Scottish, Scandinavian or other immigrant workers. And already in the 17th century conjunctural fluctuations caused problems with getting people to sign on. Sometimes the shipbuilding industry of the VOC competed with the shipping industry. When many ships had to be built, there was much employment and this created a lack of sailors.

Then some coercion had to be practiced. Everywhere recruiters were active. With fine words and empty promises they appeased the doubters and irresolutes. A contract was signed easily. Illiterate, and those were the most, could suffice with putting a cross. How much would be known to them of the contents of the contract? Who signed once, stayed usually loyal to the VOC. Who was strong and didn’t drown, because the sea demanded its toll as well, completed his tour of duty and signed on for the next period. Because it was not easy to find a job ashore, and who had been at sea for a long time could not thrive well as a landlubber.

Few happy ones made a career, and became eventually a skipper. Ex-captains of the VOC sometimes had beautiful dwellings build in their place of birth. They had made it, but the rest just remained a motley crew.

How a jaght was designed.

In the course of the 16th century the appearance of the newly build ships changed somewhat. It became fashionable to build a new-built ship as a Spiegelschip (a ship with a straight stern, a transom). The types themselves didn’t change though, and it was quite possible to see two ships that were of the same type, but nonetheless were different, since only the newer ship would have a transom

By the end of the 16th century smaller, fast, but usually completely rigged, transomships, whatever their type, are indicated by the merchant navy with the word “jaght” (yacht, which is derived from the Dutch word: jacht, it means hunt, hunter, but also speed and in the latter meaning it was used for the ship).

 

Well-known jaghts are the Duyfken, which partook in a voyage to the Indies under the command of Cornelis Houtman in 1595, the Halve Maen, which Hudson sailed to North America in 1609, and the Sperwer, its voyage being described before, ending in a shipwreck on the coast of Quelpaert in 1653. Since the Sperwer was launched in Amsterdam in 1648, which was the year of the Munster peace treaty, when it shipwrecked, it was only five years old.

By its build the Sperwer should be considered a “Vlieboot” (also called a vliet, a boat that could be sailed through the “Vlie“, i.e.. to open sea). The size of such seaworthy jaghts was between the 15 and 80 last (A last is a: A measure of volume for ships; and b: A measure of cargo/deadweight capacity; a last is 2000 kg), at a maximum length of 135 voet (A voet is a measure of length; a Rijnlandse voet is about 30 cm) and a width of 25 voet. The water replacement was around the 540 tons.

The rigging consisted of three masts; a square rigged jibmast (or mast with a foresail), a big mast, a mizzen with a gallant, a topsail and a Latin sail. Jaghts were designed for the transportation of artillery.

Jaght” was not an absolute type indication but a relative one. A jaght was built more for speed, where other ships of the same type would be built more for transport. A jaght would therefore have had smaller hold, and less guns. It would still have been armed, though: The jaght the Sperwer had 30 pieces on board, which actually made it for a jaght rather heavily armed.

That “jaght” is not the name of a fixed type is demonstrated by the fact that sometimes the smallest type of warship was called “jaght” as well, though it was more commonly indicated as “pinnace“. Usually, however, the name was limited to the types directly below the warships in size.

Apparently sometimes even the transom was not considered a requirement. At least, this is apparently the only way to explain the occasional mix-ups with the transom-less Flutes [a a narrow type of ship also called a flyship], such as the following one:

 

 

Journael van ‘t geene de overgebleven officierin ende Matroosen van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer ‘t zedert den 16en Augustus A° 1653: dat ‘tselve Jacht aan ‘t quelpaerts eijland (staande onder den Coninck van Coree) hebben verlooren, tot den 14en September A° 1666 dat met haar 8en onvlught, ende tot Nangasackij in Japan aangecomen Zijn, Int selve Rijk van Coree is wedervaeren, mitsgaders den ommeganck van die natie ende gelegentheijt van ‘t land

 

Journal of what happened to the remaining officer(s) and sailors of the jaght the Sperwer, since August 1653. They lost the same ship off the island of Quelpaert (reigned by the King of Coree). Until September 14, 1666, when eight of them have fled and arrived at Nagasaki in Japan. What had happened to them in the same kingdom of Coree, the manners of the country and the circumstances of the country

Then follows, in a third handwriting, the actual Journael. Whether this is the handwriting of Hendrick Hamel or of a clerk, who copied the Journael in Batavia, cannot be retrieved anymore. Hamel starts his Journael as follows:

 

 

Naer dat wij bij d’Ed=e. Hr. gouverneur en d’E. H=ren raden van India naer Taijoan waren gedestineert, soo sijn op den 18en Junij 1553 met bovengenoemde Iacht vande rheede van Batavia ‘tzeijl gegaen, op hebbende d’E. Hr. Cornelis Caesar om’t gouvernement van Taijoan, Formosa , met den aencleven van dien te becleden, tot vervangh van d’E

After that we by the honorable Mr. governor-general and the honorable Mr. Councils of the Indies were destined for Tayoan, so did we go under sail on June 18, 1553 on the above mentioned jaght, from the roadstead of Batavia. On board were also honorable Mr. Cornelis Caesar, to take over the government of Tayoan, to hold this office, to replace the honorable.

B. The text editions of the Journael

/ Van de ongeluckighe Voyagie / van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer/ van Batavia ghedestineert na Tayowan/ in ‘t / Jaer 1653. en van daer op Japan; hoe ‘t selve Jacht door storm op het / Quelpaerts Eylandt is gestrant/ ende van 64. personen/ maer 36. / behouden aen het voornoemde Eylant by de Wilden zijn gelant: / Hoe de selve Maets door de Wilden daer van daen naer het / Coninckrijck Coeree zijn vervoert/ by haer genaemt Tyos/cen-koeck; Alwaer sy 13 Jaren en 28 dagen in slaver-/nye onder de Wilden hebben gezworven/ zijnde in die / tijt tot op 16, NA aldaer gestorven/ waer van 8 Per-/sonen in ‘t Jaer 1666, met een kleyn Vaertuych / zijn ontkomen/ latende daer noch 8. Maets /sitten/ende zijn in ‘t Jaer 1668. in het / Vaderlandt gearriveert. / Alles beschreven door de Boeckhouder van ‘t voornoemde / Jacht de Sperwer/ genaemt / HENDRICK HAMEL van Gorcum. / [Schip in woodcut] / Tot Amsterdam/ gedruckt by JACOB VAN VELSEN / in de Kalverstraet/ / aen de Ossesluys/Anno 1668.

8 sheets, sign. A2-A5, 4o alternating Gothic en Roman letter types. On the reverse side of the title on top the Namen van de acht Maets die van ‘t Eylandt Coeree af gekomen zijn. (names of the eight mates coming from the island Coeree) and the “Namen van de acht Maets die daer noch zijn.  (Names of the eight mates who are still there)

JOURNAEL, / Van de ongeluckighe Voyagie / van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer/ van Batavia ghedestineert NA Tayowan/ in ‘t / Jaer 1653. En van daer op Japan; hoe ‘t selve Jacht door storm op het / Quelpaerts Eylandt is gestrant/ ende van 64. personen/ maer 36. / behouden aen het voornoemde Eylant by deWilden zijn gelant: / Hoe de selve Maets door de Wilden daer van daen naer het / Coninckrijck Coeree zijn vervoert/ by haer genaemt Tyo-/cen-koeck; Alwaer zy 13 Jaren en 28 dagen in slaver-/nye onder de Wilden hebben gezworven/ zijnde in die / tijt tot op 16. NA aldaer gestorven / waer van 8 Per-/sonen in ‘t Jaer 1666. met een kleyn Vaertuych / zijn ontkomen/ latende daer noch 8. Maets / sitten/en de zijn in ‘t Jaer 1668 in het / Vaderlandt gearriveert. / Alles beschreven door de Boeckhouder van ‘t voornoemde / Jacht de Sperwer/ genaemt / HENDRICK HAMEL van Gorcum./[Schip in houtsn.] / Tot Amsterdam/ Gedruckt by JACOB VAN [VELSEN / in de Kalverstraet/] / aende Ossesluys/An[no 1668.]

8 sheets, sign. A2-A5, 4o alternating Gothic en Roman letter types. On the reverse side of the title on top the “Namen van de acht Maets die van ‘t Eylandt Coeree AF gekomen zijn.” (Names of the eight mates coming from the island Coeree) and the “Namen van de acht Maets die daer noch zijn.” (Names of the eight mates who are still there)

JOURNAEL, / Van de Ongeluckige Voyagie van ‘t Jacht de Sperwer/ van / Batavia gedestineert NA Tayowan/ in ‘t Jaar 1653

. En van daar op Japan; hoe ‘t selve / Jacht door storm op ‘t Quelpaarts Eylant is ghestrant/ ende van 64. personen / maar 36. / behouden aan ‘t voornoemde Eylant by de Wilden zijn gelant: Hoe de selve Maats door / de Wilden daar van daan naar ‘t Coninckrijck Coeree sijn vervoert/ by haar ghenaamt / Tyocen-koeck; Alwaar zy 13. Jaar en 28. daghen/ in slavernije onder de Wilden hebben / gesworven/ zijnde in die tijt tot op 16, NA aldaar gestorven/ waer van 8. Persoonen in / ‘t Jaar 1666. Met een kleen Vaartuych zijn ontkomen/ latende daar noch acht / Maats sitten/ ende zijn in ‘t Jaar 1668. In ‘t Vaderlandt gearriveert. / Als mede een pertinente Beschrijvinge der Landen/ Provin-/tien/ Steden ende Forten/ leggende in ‘t Coninghrijck Coeree: Hare Rechten/ Justitien / Ordonnantien/ ende Koninglijcke Regeeringe: Alles beschreven door de Boeck-/houder van ‘t voornoemde Jacht de Sperwer/ Ghenaamt / HENDRICK HAMEL van Gorcum. / Verciert met verscheyde figueren. / [houtsnede: de schipbreuk van de Sperwer] / Tot Rotterdam, / Gedruckt by JOHANNES STICHTER / Boeck-drucker: Op de Hoeck / van de Voghele-sangh/ inde Druckery/1668. 
16 sheets, 20 + 12 pages, sign. A – D, 4o Gothic letter type. On the reverse side the name lists (titles and spellings peculiarities as in the last edition-van Velsen ). The journal fills page. 3-20. In the text 7 rather rude woodcuts, which are used on this webiste as well: presenting the capture (page. 5) penal exercise (page. 8), crossing in four Korean ships (page. 9), in front of the King (page. 11), forced labor (page. 13), flight in a ship (page. 18), arrival at the Dutch fleet in Japan (page. 20). After the  Journael a new title: Beschryvinge / Van ‘t Koninghrijck / Coeree, / Met alle hare Rechten, Ordon-/nantien, ende Maximen, soo inde Politie, als / inde Melitie, als vooren verhaelt, / [Ornament woodcut] / Anno M.DC.LXVII J.


‘t Oprechte JOURNAEL, / Van de ongeluckige Reyse van ‘t Jacht de / Sperwer, / Varende van Batavia NA Tyoman NA Fer-/ mosa/ in ‘t Jaer 1653. En van daer NA Japan/ daer / Schipper op was REYNIER EGBERTSZ . van Amsterdam. / Beschrijvende hoe het Jacht door storm en onweer op Quelpaerts Ey-/lant vergaen is/ op
hebbende 64. Man/ daer van 36. aen Lant zijn geraeckt/ en gevan-/gen genomen van den Gouverneur van ‘t Eylant/ die haer als Slaven NA den Coninck / van Coree dede voeren/ alwaer sy 13. Jaren en 28. dagen hebben in Slaverny moeten blij-/ven/ waren in die tijdt tot op 16. nae gestorven: Daer van acht persoonen in ‘t Jaer 1666. / Met een kleyn Vaertuygh zijn ‘t ontkomen/ achterlatende noch acht van haer Maets: / En hoe sy in ‘t Vaderlandt zijn aen gekomen Anno 1668. In de Maent July. / [Schip in houtsnede] / t’ Amsterdam, Gedruckt / By GILLIS JOOSTEN SAAGMAN, in de Nieuwe-straet/ / Ordinaris Drucker van de Zee-Journalen en Landt-Reysen.

20 sheets, 40 numbered pages, sign. A – E, 4o Gothic typeface, 2 columns. On the reverse side of the front is a big woodcutde Faam,” printed by van Sichem, which has been printed in several older Journael editions of Saagman as well. The name on the globe has been replaced with the word d’Atlas. Under the picture is a rhyme of six lines:
Ghy die begeerigh zijt yets Nieuws en vreemts te lesen,
(You, who are desirous to read something new and strange)
Kond’ hier op u gemack, en in u Huys wel wesen,
(Can here, at ease and being well in your house)
En sien wat perijckelen dees Maets zijn over g’komen,
(And see what perils these mates had occurred)
Haer Schip dat blijft door storm, gevangen zijns’ genomen,
(Their ship that stayed, by storm, taken prison)
In een woest Heydens landt; in ‘t kort men u beschrijft
(In a wild heathen country; in short being described to you)
Den handel van het volck, d’Negotie die men drijft.
(The conduct of the people and the trade one does)
Hier nae een Beter.
(Hereafter a better one.)

On Page 3 starts “de Korte Beschrijvinghe van de Reyse.” In some lines the departure from Texel (10 Jan.1653) and the arrival  in Batavia (2nd of June) is told, and after that, like in the manuscript and in other editions, the departure from Batavia and the rest of the journey. In the edition are only slight differences with the manuscript and the other editions. The description of Korea is here, like in the manuscript, in the middle of the Journal. In the margins are dates and short summaries placed and on page 30-31 in the enumeration of the animals, a short description is added, with two big pictures of elephants found in Asia and the crocodiles or caimans of which “in this country” many can be found. A marginal comment indicates that this is a “note to fill these two pages” (Nota tot vervullinghe van dese twee pagiens). The Journal doesn’t end, as with the other printers, with the arrival in Japan, but gives, like the manuscript, in some lines note of the stay there, the interrogation before the departure (without the text itself) of the trip to Batavia, as addition the presentation of the Journal to “Den Generael” and the arrival in Amsterdam on July 20, 1668. Both the name lists follow. In the text 6 prints and 5 engravings and a woodcut from the storage of Saagman: On page 4: a ship wreckage, used before in the journey of the Bontekoe; on page 7: a crowd of armed people a carriage with two horses, and two camels on their way to a reinforcement; on page 13: prisoners in front of an oriental monarch; on page 22Straffe der Hoereerders” (punishment of the whore-hoppers from the 2nd journey of Van Neck; in the filler on page 30 a woodcut of a big elephant, already used by Saagman in his edition of Van Linschoten’s Itinerario, and on page 31 a big engraving, depicting a landscape with crocodiles and casuarisses. Copies are the Royal Library in the Hague and in the Koch in Rotterdam.

JOURNAEL / Van de ongeluckige Reyse ‘t Jacht de / Sperwer, / Varende van Batavia NA Tyowan en Fer-/mosa/ in ‘t Jaer 1653. En van daer NA Japan/ daer /Schipper op was REYNIER EGBERTSZ. van Amsterdam. / Beschrijvende hoe het Jacht door storm en onweer ver:/gaen is/ veele Menschen verdroncken en gevangen sijn: Mitsgaders / wat haer in 16. Jaren tijdt wedervaren is/ en eyndelijck hoe / noch eenighe van haer in ‘t Vaderlandt zijn aen geko-/ men Anno 1668. In de Maendt July. / [woodcut with 2 ships] / t’ Amsterdam, Gedruckt / By GILLIS JOOSTEN SAAGMAN, in de Nieuwe-straet/,/ Ordinaris Drucker van de Zee-Journalen en LandtReysen.

20 sheets, 40 numbered pages, sign. A-E, 4o Gothic typeface, 2 columns. On the reverse side the Faam with the poem as in “‘t Oprechte Journael.” Also the text is similar except some spelling differences, literally the same. On page 7 is another engraving: a fort on the waterside and the filler on page 30/31 is changed. The big crocodile print is replaced by a smaller print of a “krackedil”, the marginal notes which indicated the filler as such, disappeared, and from the elephants is said that they are “hier”(here). Both descriptions have been made bigger to fill the space. A copy is in the collection Mensing in Amsterdam.

JOURNAEL, / Van de ongeluckige Reyse van ‘t Jacht de / Sperwer, / Varende van Batavia NA Tyowan en Fer-/mosa/ in ‘t Jaer 1653. En van daer NA Japan/ daer / Schipper op was REYNIER EGBERTSZ. Van Amsterdam. / Beschrijvende hoe ‘t Jacht door storm en onweer op Quelpaerts Eylant / vergaen is/ op hebbende 64 man/ daer van 36 aen landt zijn geraeckt/ en gevangen ghe:/nomen van den Gouverneur van ‘t Eylandt/ die haer als Slaven NA den Koningh van / Coree dede voeren/ alwaer sy 13 Jaren en 28 daghen hebben in slaverny moeten blijven; / waren in die tijdt tot op 16 NA gestorven: daer van 8 persoonen in ‘t 1666. met een kleyn / Vaertuygh ‘t ontkomen zijn/ achterlatende noch 8 van haer Maets: En hoe sy in ‘t/ Vaderlandt zijn aen-gekomen/ Anno 1668. In de Maent Julij. / [Ship with woodcut.] / t’ Amsterdam, / By GILLIS JOOSTEN ZAAGMAN, in de Nieuwe-straet / Ordinaris Drucker van de Zee-Journalen en Landt- Reysen

20 sheets, 40 numbered pages, sign. AE 4o Gothic letter type 2 columns. On the reverse side the Faam with the poem as in the other two editions Zaagman. Also the text is page by page similar. On page 7 the fort on the waterside; on page 22 the print is disappeared; on page 23, where the worship of the idols is mentioned, a big engraved portrayal is added, borrowed from Van Linschoten en Houtman (see Werken Linsch.-vereniging, VII, page 124); the whole page filling with both the prints (elephant and crocodiles) on page 30/31 has been removed; in it’s place on page 30/32 (4 columns) a “beschrijvinghe van des Konings Gastmael” (description of the kings host-meal) from the”Javaense Reyse gedaen van Batavia over Samarangh NA de Konincklijcke Hoofd-plaets Mataram, in den jare 1656“(Javanese journey done from Batavia via Samarang to the capital Mataram, in the year 1656) printed in Dordrecht in 1666, is added. The host meal “van den Sousouhounan, Grootmachtighste Koninck van ‘t Eyland Java” (of the Susuhan, great mighty king of the isle of Java) is without any clue, transferred to Korea. This copy was in Hoetinks time still in the Prussian State Library (Kgl. Bibliothek) in Berlin.

4. MINUTOLI (1670), ‘Relation du noufrage d’un vaiseau hollandois sur la Coste de l”Isle de Quelparts. Avec la Description de Royaume de Corée’.
Traduit de Flamande, par Monsieur Minutoli. A Paris, chez Thomas Jolly, au Palis, dans la Salle des Merciers, au coin de la Gallerie des prissonniers,   la Palme & aux Armes d’Hollande.

5. MICHAEL UND JOH. FRIEDRICH ENDTERS (1672), ‘Journal, oder Tagregister. Darinnen Alles Dasjenige was sich mit einem Holländischen Schiff das von Batavien aus nach Tayowan, und von dannen ferner nach Japan, reisfertig durch Sturm im 1653 Jahre gestranded, und mit dem Volk darauf so das Knigreich Corea gebracht worden nach begeben ordentlich beschrieben und erzehlt wird: von Heinrich Hamel von Gorkum, damaligem Buchhalter auf denjenigen Schiff SPERBER genannt’, aus dem Niederladischen verteutschet.
Mit. Rom. Kays. Majest. Freyheit. Nurnberg. In Verlegung Michael un Joh. Endters, im Jahre M.DC.LXXII

The daily record of Batavia tell us that December 11, 1667, ‘

Hendrick Hamel, gewesen boeckhouder (*) van het jagt de Sperwer, nevens nog seven 7 personen van gemelte jagt, den 28e November jongsteden met de FLUYT de Spreeuw is aengecomen‘. (Hendrick Hamel, former bookkeeper of the jaght the Sperwer , beside 7 other person of the mentioned jaght, did arrive on last November 28 with the FLUTE the Spreeuw). But in the Hollantsche Mercurius, XIX, 1668, page 113, it is written that ” ‘t JACHT de Spreeuw 20 Julij 1668 in Tessel wel gearriveert” (the jaght de Spreeuw had well arrived).

The flute itself was derived from the “Vlieboot“, but it was shaped longer, which may account for its name. The first flute was built in 1595 by Pieter Jansz. Liorne. Though Flutes did not have transoms, they were nevertheless built in two styles. Flutes sailing to England or sailing South had an ordinarily shaped deck. However, since Danish taxes were calculated in relation to the size of the deck, flutes sailing North or East were built with a relatively small deck and a bulky trunk, to lower the costs of visiting Norway or passing through the Sont.

It has been established, however, that at least the Sperwer was indeed a jaght. Like any ship in the service of the VOC, jaghts were primarily meant for the transport of merchandise. Furthermore, since they were fast ships, they were used to transport persons and messages, and occasionally ammunition.

The bigger part of the trunk was taken by holds for the cargo. This left little room for the crew, who were accommodated rather tightly. Most of the crew was quartered on the tween deck, an area where one could hardly stand up straight. Here the mates slept and used their meals. There were no beds, inner walls or closets; their personal possessions were kept in chests. In the bow were some primitive toilets, however, in heavy weather when the bow plunged into the waves these sanitary provisions could not be used.

 

The officers were accommodated slightly more comfortably. They slept in cabins near the stern of the ship. However, most officers had to share a cabin, sleeping in bunks or hammocks, and sharing a common room next to the
galley. The
bookkeeper had his own office with a writing desk, where writing was done standing up, and a closet for the ship papers and the money chest, of which chest both bookkeeper and skipper had a key.

The most beautiful cabin on the ship was the cabin for the skipper. This was located on deck at the rear of the ship. It had windows to the front as well as windows that looked out through the transom, to let in as much light as possible. The aft windows also gave the captain the only clear view aft on the whole ship, except for guard in the crow’s nest, and it must have been through those aft windows that skipper Reijnier Egberse of the jaght the Sperwer saw, by coincidence, on August 1, 1653, the island the jaght had drifted precariously close to.

Food and drinks aboard were plainly bad, at least for the common sailors. They ate porridge or grit and prunes cooked in butter in the morning, yellow peas or beans with salted meat, stock fish or bacon covered with a butter sauce or just bread in the afternoon for lunch. Often dinner was was just a concoction of the leftovers. Additionally they received per week half a pound of butter and five pounds of bread or ship’s biscuits. They ate in groups of seven from one bowl or plate. Daily they received a mutsje [=1.5 deciliter] of wine or jenever, and a liter of beer. After about five weeks the beer would go bad and they had to drink water which on it’s turn turned undrinkable very soon as well because of the tropical heat. Sometimes they stirred the water with a hot iron rod to try to kill the vermin, but in order not to eat the worms, bugs or insects, they had to drink the water with their teeth closed.

The officers on the other hand, received daily fresh meat and vegetables. There was life-stock aboard and aft there was a small vegetable garden with herbs and other greens. They ate with pewter tableware in the cabin of the skipper.

The Lords XVII were strict in their orders about the hygiene aboard. The holds had to be aired on a regular base. It had to be fumigated with gunpowder and juniper berries and afterwards sprinkled with vinegar. The bunk linens had to be aired regularly on deck and between decks had to be cleaned with the fire-hose. The rotten keel water under in the ship, the bad hygiene and the fact that people sometimes took a crap anywhere (although heavily fined), was a breeding ground for diseases. Not to forget the fact that people didn’t wash themselves.

The one-sided food and the hygiene were a cause for many diseases. There was a lack of vitamins and scurvy and beriberi were common. The gums rotted and the legs got swollen, often the patient just died, since the barber was most of the times not a good doctor. When the Cape of Good Hope was opened as a refreshing station and also when ships took pots with fresh herbs along, scurvy was not the most important cause of dead and desease anymore, but other diseases like dysentery, spotted fever and typhoid fever were still rampant. Malaria was common in Asia as well.

Irregularities were severely punished. Blasphemy, inebriety and spilling food overboard, were fined, fighting, using dice or making them and gambling in general were usually punished with solitary confinement, flogging and when someone had been fighting, his hand was pinned to the mast with his own knife and he had to figure out how to free himself. Keelhauling was the punishement for insulting an officer. Mutiny and sodomy were considered fit for capital punishment. The culprits were just thrown overboard or hung from the yard. Murder was just punished if there happened to be a witness. There was a system with which there were three kinds of councils responsible for the discipline. The council of naval officers the so-called broad council and the militairy council for the soldiers aboard. Above all this stood the skipper or captain who had a final word in the verdict and could overrule the councils.

In the light of this information one should also read the Journael of Hamel. One should not only look at what he wrote, but also what he didn’t write.

Outside the territorial waters of the Republic, the skipper represented both the Company and the country of which his ship hoisted the flag. That’s why his cabin had a representative function and was furnished distinguishably. The skipper sometimes received highly placed guests over here. Important functionaries of the VOC, who sailed as passengers, used, with their family, this cabin as a day room. That’s why it was relatively spacey. On most of the jaghts there were two big cabinets, in which glassware, crockery and cutlery was stored. In the other the sea charts were stored. These were in brass cases. There was also a list, on which all the charts were mentioned, which was signed by the skipper. Because the skipper paid deposit for the charts, which was refunded when he handed back the undamaged charts after the journey.

 

Example of a hand-drawn chart like they were used in the 17th century on board of the VOC-ships.

Initially all these charts were made in Amsterdam. Later there was a map manufactory in Batavia. The charts were drawn by hand. They had only the coastlines with all the bays, coves and shoals. Again some time later the professional cartographers also published charts.. Of course these were printed.

They were beautifully decorated with mythological characters, like the sea god Neptune, depictions of existing or legendary animals and of ships. On board there were a limited number of navigational instruments, amongst which a compass, the cross staff, the back staff, and the mariners astrolabe. They formed the set of instruments that 17th century Dutch mariners used to measure altitude of objects and calculate latitude. The longitude could be determined with a clock, based on the determined latitude. The first marine clock however, did not appear until 1735, invented by John Harrison and it was 40 years later that Harrison developed a clock that won the prize from the English Board of Longitude. Marine chronometers were exceedingly rare aboard ships until well into the 19th century. Oceanic sailors used dead reckoning and empirical measures to determine longitude. Dead reckoning was a deductive way of reckoning; estimating location and speed using a variety of different methods including wind, waves, bird sightings, and current. Dutch ships of the 17th century did not carry sextants, which were not invented until about 1760. Even then, it was not practical until mechanical dividing machines were developed about 1775. The octant was more commonly used, with the sextant coming into greater use in the 19th century.

The octant came into being in the early 18th century (1730s) 1).

In the 10th century, Abd al-Rahmân b. Umar al-Sufî(d. 986-7) wrote 386 chapters, describing 1000 uses for the astrolabe, including finding latitude. Chaucer wrote the first English technical manual (1391?) on the astrolabe with similar procedures for solar sightings. Altitude readings could be taken with any available instrument and then applied to an astrolabe to use it as an analog calculator rather than a sighting instrument.

The cross-staff in use was a simple device that worked reasonably well for measuring the angle of the sun above the horizon at noon. It was fitted with one movable vane (transversally) that, with the end of the staff placed at the eye of the observer, was positioned so that it appeared to touch both the horizon and the sun. The angle was then read from a scale on the staff.

The mariner’s astrolabe in common use by the Dutch seamen at the time was a wheel-shaped, cast-brass instrument of perhaps 17 to 20 centimeter in diameter with a thumb ring at the top. The ring mount was designed to allow the instrument to hang vertically plumb and to provide for precise rotational control by the user. The disk was divided into four quadrants, two or more of which had scales divided into 90 degrees each. The astrolabe had a rotating sighting arm (alhidada), mounted through the center. Though the astrolabe offered a reliable and accurate method of measuring altitude, the mariner’s ability to read the degree scales along the rim was a limiting factor on the precision of the observation. Since each degree division for a 17 cm diameter instrument was only about one centimeter, the mariner could read the angle only to the nearest half degree. As with the quadrant, the mariner’s ability to make an astrolabe sighting at sea could be completely frustrated by movement of the ship.

A barometer was neither on board, this instrument was only invented in 1643 by the Italian Toricelli.

It didn’t belong to the standard equipment of the VOC-ships in the 17th century. A thermometer was missing as well. Celsius made his scale division only in the year 1742. Because these instruments were missing, a hurricane announced itself often, for crew and skipper alike, totally unexpected

A trip to the Indies of a return convoy

jaghts like the Sperwer made their journey from Holland or Zeeland to the East-Indies only once in their existence.

They stayed there subsequently to maintain the connection between the several factories.

The connection with the mother country was done by the so-called return-ships. These were much bigger than the jaghts, sometimes twice as big. During a trip to and from the East-Indies, they sailed always in convoy. Such a convoy was called a return-fleet.
Most return-fleets had Amsterdam as their home port. The ships from Amsterdam sailed out of the
IJ via the Zuiderzee to the roadstead of Texel. There they waited for the ships from Hoorn and Enkhuizen. Then the convoy sailed southward till the mouth of the Meuse. Here the ships from Rotterdam and Delft/Delftshaven joined the convoy. From there they sailed further until the mouth of the Scheldt, where they waited for the ships from Middelburg. Only after all the ships had joined, the journey started.
One of the skippers, most of the time somebody from Amsterdam, was in command of the convoy. He was called the commander and his ship the flagship.

 

 

 

A critical phase was passing the Iberian peninsula. To limit the chance of meeting a Spanish or Portuguese convoy, a western course was followed via the Cape-Verdian Islands and the Azores Islands. Off these islands, on the African coast there was a Hollands factory called Goree (see part of the map from 1806, nowadays Dakar. Click on it to see the whole map) . The convoy anchored here; fresh water, vegetables and fruits were taken in and messages exchanged. But nobody was allowed to leave the ship. Most of the times the convoy sailed on in 24 hours.

Usually the next place where the convoy anchored was the factory Elmina on the Ivory Coast (Jan Boonstra has been in Elmina and says it’s on the Goldcoast, nowadays Ghana). Thus some other factories were frequented and finally the convoy arrived after several months in Cape Town, where it stayed for at least one month. Everybody embarked and before they sailed on, the ships were cleaned thoroughly. There were almost always sick persons who had to stay behind. Sometimes there were so many sick persons that one of the ships had to stay behind as well.

Now the most dangerous part of the journey began: the crossing from Cape of Good Hope to the Island of Java, right across the Indian Ocean. It started already right east of Cape Town, in the area where the treacherous Cape storms raged (The Portuguese called the cape for a while Cape of Storms, but then the sailors didn’t want to go there anymore, so John II renamed it to Cape of Good Hope). When the convoy came into a hurricane, the skippers not rarely stayed on their post for days in a row.

While the mates worked in shifts and were regularly relieved, the skippers didn’t get out of their clothes. A myth had to be kept up. (Think of the myth of the flying Dutchman) If a skipper would hand over his task to his coxswain, the mates might conclude that he was just as well or maybe even better than the skipper. When the convoy had passed the area of the Cape storms, soon the island of Mauritius came into sight.

This island was conquered in 1598 by the Hollanders.

It was called Mauritius after the then Stadtholder Maurits of Nassau. The trip was interrupted for the last time over here. As much fresh water as possible was taken in and furthermore some fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. Damage caused by the storm was repaired over here. After that the journey continued. For several weeks after that, the persons on board didn’t see anything else than sky and water. Especially a lot of water. Sometimes towering waves. Like tiny nutshells the ships of the convoy floated on the immeasurable ocean. In the middle of the day it was often unbearably hot, the pitch ran out the splits.

To protect themselves against the burning sun, pieces of sails were stretched horizontally over the deck. The mates walked half-naked, but the skipper stood completely dressed on the castle. He even kept on his hat. The decorum demanded that.

At the end of the journey, there was often lack of certain foods. Cockroaches seemed to have eaten the beans and peas, worms were crawling in the flour and the drinking water started to smell. Though there was a regular hunt at rats, their numbers remained constant. The mates were also troubled by lice and fleas. On top of that they started to become bored, they longed to the end of the journey.

Everybody became overjoyed when the watch at the end of the journey of two months after Mauritius shouted: “Land a shore.”The commander and the other skipper skimmed the horizon with their binoculars. Had they sailed the right course? Or did the convoy go too much to the south and were they in front of the unknown Southland” terra australis?” The coast became clearer and clearer, the charts of street Sunda were taken out of their cases. On these was also a silhouette of the southwestern point of Java and of the south coast of Sumatra, as well as the small islands in-between. Finally the tension was broken. The convoy was in the entrance of Strait Sunda. Cheering went in the air. The mates received a drink. Carefully they sailed on. The first land birds were flying over the ship. On the horizon a dot appeared which became bigger and bigger. It appeared to be a VOC- jaght, which was on the outlook.

Some salute shots were exchanged, after which the jaght turned around and sailed to Batavia as fast as possible to report the arrival of the convoy.

The northwestern point of Java was rounded. They sailed that close to the coast that palm-trees could be seen with the bare eye. Some local ships appeared, fisherman boats and perahus. They passed Bantam. More ships could be seen. And there it was; the roadstead of Batavia. Again salute-shots were exchanged between the convoy and the batteries ashore. Some hours later the ships anchored. Relieved the bookkeeper of the flagship closed his Journael with the following words:

 

Heden den 18en Maij, zijn Godtloff, behouden te Batavia gearriveerd, na weijnigh tegenspoet, de Tijger, de Witte Leeuw, de Constantia en de Hollantsche Tuyn uyt Amsterdam, ‘t Wapen van Hoorn en de Westfrysia uyt Hoorn, de Lelie en de Vryheijt uyt Enkhuizen, De Hollandia uyt Rotterdam, De Spreeuw uyt Delft en het Wapen van Middelburg uyt Zeeland..

 

 

Today, May 18, safely arrived at Batavia , praise to the Lord, after little adversity, The Tijger , the Witte Leeuw , the Constantia and the Hollantsche Tuyn from Amsterdam, ‘t Wapen van Hoorn and the Westfrysia from Hoorn, the Lelie and the Vryheijt from Enkhuizen, the Hollandia from Rotterdam, the Spreeuw from Delft and the Wapen van Middelburg from Zeeland.

1) I want to thank William T. (Chip) Reynolds Captain of the Half Moon for some excellent remarks on this page especially about the instruments on board and some of the terminology. Also thanks to Peter Hans van den Muijzenberg who has sent email with corrections and additions. (Back to top)

Click on the image to learn more details about ship rigging and there you can also download the above uncompressed image (4,2Mb)

If you want to have an idea how the size of the sailors related to the size of the ship, follow this link (it also gives a good idea how small a boat like the Sperwer really was

Vink, 1657

The Vink sailed to Batavia with orders to search for survivors of the VOC ship Vergulde Draeck, which had hit a reef and sunk off the coast of Western Australia, about 100 kilometres north of present-day Perth, on 28 April 1656. After 75 survivors managed to struggle ashore, a crew of seven sailed to Batavia to raise the alarm. The Vink‘s rescue mission was unsuccessful.

1656

.

Batavia 1656

Waeckende Boei and Emeloort, 1658

Joining the search for the Vergulde Draeck were the Waeckende Boei and Emeloort, commanded by Samuel Volkerson and Aucke Pietersz Jonck. They also failed to find any wreckage

1663

 

A soldier of Amboina

 

The Macasser soldiers blow the poisons

 

The habit of Malayan and his Wife of Batavia

 

The Church of the cross of Batavia

 

The Fort of Ryswick

 

Hospital of  Batavia

 

Fish Market of Batavia

 

slaughter House Of Batavia

 

tHE tYGER’S CRAFT OF bATAVIA

 

1650

 

 

 

  • FrancoisValentijn (1666-1727): Batavia in ‘t Verschiet. Amsterdam 1726. Ca. 27 x 54cm. (private collection)
  • Arnoldus Montanus: Batavia (detail). From: Gedenkwaerdige Gesantschappen der Oost-Indische Maetschappy in’t Vereenigde Nederland, aen de Kaisaren van Japan […] Getrokken uit de Geschriften en Reiseaentekeninge der zelver Gesanten, door Arnoldus Montanus, t’ Amsterdam, By Jacob Meurs […] 1669. (private collection)
  •  
  • G. Leti: Waere affbeeldinge wegens het casteel ende stadt Batavia. Amsterdam 1681. Ca. 40 x 51 cm. (private collection)
    After Clement de Jonghe’s map on a smaller scale. Coastline comes to lie farer from the castle.
  • F. Halma: Batavia. Amsterdam 1705. 19 x 27 cm. Copied after Johannes Vingbooms.
  • Reinier & Josua Ottens: Afbeldinge van het casteel en de stadt Batavia […]. Amsterdam 1740. Ca. 40 x 49 cm, copied after Clement de Jonghe’s map of 1650.
  •  
  • Reinier Ottens (1698-1750), Josua Ottens (1704-1765)
  • Academie. Die innere Anssicht des Castells in Batavia. Augsburg 1750. Ca. 29 x 40 cm, handcoloured.

 

  • G. B. Probst: Vue de L’Hotel de Batavie. Augsburg 1750. Ca. 27 x 40 cm. (private collection)
    Optical print.The headquarter (Raadhuis) of the VOC in the center is nowadays used as the Jakarta Museum.
  •  

1670

 

Batavia, circa 1670

1681

 

het ommuurde oude Batavia (Benedenstad) in 1681 met het kasteel, inderdaad ligt het Noorden links

 

Vliegende Swaan, 1678

Captain Jan van der Wall mapped the north-west coast of New Holland in the Vliegende Swaan, from present-day Dampier to the Exmouth Gulf.

1682

 

Batavia in 1682

 

 

 

 

 

1683

Batavia 1683

 

GAMALAMA TERNATE 1683

 

1683 mOLUCCAN

 

 

 

 

 

 

The enterprise was not successful and the Company withdrew in 1683 or 84 returning in 1687 to establish a factory at Bencoolen on the S.W. coast of Sumatra; this later became a successful settlement.

 

St. Helena was a useful re-supply base on the long journey from Europe to the Indies

 

1690

The Roebuck

 

Voyage to New Holland

Too late to take his preferred route via Cape Horn, Dampier departed England on January 14th 1699 for the Cape of Good Hope. Trouble had surfaced even before they left at Deptford, however, centring on acrimony between Dampier and his first Lieutenant George Fisher RN. One of his biographers Clennell Wilkinson indicates that from the moment of departure they were apparently;

‘behaving equally as boors without a spark of dignity or self-respect… alternately drinking together, backbiting one another to their confidants, and breaking into personal abuse and even fisticuffs in presence of the crew’

An inevitable state of indiscipline ensued, and en route Fisher was caned by Dampier, clapped in irons and confined to his quarters. The crew were divided on the matter and, concerned at the possibility of mutiny, Dampier had Fisher sent ashore and imprisoned at Bahia in Brazil.

Having regained control of the ship, Dampier then rounded the Cape of Good Hope, first making his landfall on the Australian continent at the place he subsequently named Sharks Bay on the mid-west coast.

Dampier, Australia’s First Natural Historian

There he collected many plants, shells and other specimens, and in full and detailed descriptions of the plant and animal life encountered, he was the first Englishman to do so. In also describing the landscape and soils and in describing the land and marine animals, some in scientific terms that are still in use today, Dampier deservedly earned himself the title Alex George has afforded him—‘Australian’s first natural historian.’ Dampier is not known to have been an artist, however, and the charming drawings in his A Voyage to New Holland are attributed to an unknown member of his crew, a man Dampier himself describes in the preface to his work as a ‘Person skill’d in Drawing’.

 

 

Of some importance to this narrative is Dampier’s comment that at;

‘Sharks Bay’ [now Shark Bay], the shore ‘was lined thick with many sorts of very strange and beautiful Shells…I brought away a great many of them…’. He also comments that further north, in what is now known as the Dampier Archipelago, ‘… I gather’d a few strange Shells, chiefly a sort not large, and thick-set all about with Rays or Spikes growing in Rows’.

 

After calling in to Timor, Dampier sailed around the northern part of New Guinea, naming it Nova Britannia (New Britain). Dampier Strait was subsequently named after him. Concerned at the state of his ship, at the end of March 1700, Dampier abandoned his plan to sail south to explore the eastern Australian coast, leaving these explorations to Lt James Cook RN well over half a century later. His reasons for doing so are evident in the following quote and here also appears the seed of his coming misfortune;

‘In the Afternoon I sent my Boat ashore to the Island, to see what convenience there was to haul our Vessel ashore in order to be mended…but we could not land. .I design’d to have stay’d among these Islands till I had got my pinnace refitted; but having no more than one Man who had skill to work upon her, I saw she would be a long Time in repairing; (which was one great Reason why I could not prosecute my discoveries further:)…’

Intending to touch again at New Holland (the west coast) in 20° latitude, he found himself too far west and then headed off in search of the elusive ‘Tryal Rocks’ scene of the loss of the English East India Company ship Tryal in 1622, the first known European ship lost on the Australian coast. Being sick and unable to continue, Dampier then elected to head for the nearest port Batavia, on west Java.

 

This vibrant entrepot was the headquarters of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the centre of a vast trading network with links to China, Japan, India and Europe generally. A vast array of goods, including ceramics passed through this centre. Again this is of particular significance to this narrative.

Arriving at the end of June, Dampier then set about the repair of his vessel and again the cause of his change of plans and the reasons for the imminent demise of his ailing vessel at the hands of what appears to be an inept ship’s carpenter emerge.

‘… I supplied the Carpenter with such Stores as were necessary for refitting the Ship; which prov’d more leaky after he had caulk’d Her then she was before: So that I was obliged to carreen her, for which purpose I hired Vessels to take our guns, Ballast, Provision and Stores.’

 

A French view of New Holland c.1750. Note ‘Dampier Passage’, showing how close Dampier got to his goal: the exploration of the east coast.

The Loss of the Roebuck

On 17th October 1700, they left Batavia, arriving back at the Cape of Good Hope (another VOC centre) at the end of December, and departed thence on 11th January. On 2nd February, they anchored at St Helena till the 13th and then proceeded to Ascension Island, which they sighted on 21st February 1701.

 

Dampier’s account of the ensuing events reads thus:

An account of the loss of His Majesty’s Ship Roebuck February 21st 1700/1.

At three aclock in the afternoon being in Sight of the Island Ascension, and not having Light enough to carry us into the Bay where design’d to anchor, …we stood to the Eastward, At half an hour after 8 in the night we sprung a Leake on the larboard bow about four Strakes from the Keele, which oblig’d us to keep our Chain pump constantly going, at twelve at night having a moderate gale, we bore away for the Island and be daylight were close in with it, at nine aclock in the morning anchored in the N.W. bay in ten fathom and half water, sandy ground about half a mile from the shoare, the S. point of the bay bore S.S.W. dist. one mile and a half and the northernmost point, N.E.1/2 N.dist. two mile……

 

John Alcott’s impression of HM Ship Roebuck at Shark Bay

Being come to anchor I ordered the Gunner to clear his Powder roome, that we might there search for the Leake, and endeavour to stop it within board if possible, for we could not heele the Ship so low, neither was there any convenient place to haul her ashoare….

I ordered the Carpenter’s Mate…with the Boatswain and some others to goe downe and search for the Leake, the Carpenter’s Mate and the Boatswain told me that they could not come at it unless they cut the Ceiling, which I bid them doe, which done they found the Leake against one of the foothook timbers, it was very large, and the water gushed in with great violence… after the cutt the timber… the leake so increased…

I ordered a bulkhead to be cutt open to give passage to the water, and withall ordered to cleare away abaft the bulkhead, that we might beale…But about 11 aclock at night the Boatswain came to me, told me… that the Plank was quite rotten, and that it was now impossible to save the Ship…I therefore hoysted out the boate, and next morning, being the 23rd, we weigh’d anchor and warped in nearer the shoare, but to little purpose till in the afternoon we had a Sea breeze by which we gott in within a Cable’s length of the Shoare, then made a Raft to carry men’s chests and bedding ashoare., and before Eight at night most of them were gott ashoare, She struck not before nine aclock at night, and so continued, I ordered some sailes to be cut from the yards to make us some tents, etc, and the next morning being the 24th myself and Officers went ashoare…

(Additional information and details of events significant to the loss of the ship appeared in Dampier’s published account entitled A Voyage to New Holland that appeared a few years later, in 1703:)

…In the Afternoon, with the help of a Sea-breeze, I ran into 7 Fathom, and anchored; Then carried a small Anchor ashore, and warp’d in till I came into 3 Fathom and a half. Where having fastnd her, I made a Raft….

On the 26th following, we, to our great Comfort, found a Spring of fresh water, about 8 Miles from our Tents, beyond a very high Mountain, which we must pass over: So that now we were, by God’s Providence, in a Condition of subsisting some Time; having Plenty of very good Turtle by our Tents….The next Day I went up to see the Watering-place…where we found a very fine Spring on the South-East-side of the high mountain, about half a Mile from its top:…About 2 Mile South-East from the Spring, we found 3 or 4 shrubby Trees, upon which was cut an Anchor and Cable, and the year 1642….

[on 3 April] …appear’d 4 Sail, which came to anchor in this Bay. They were his Majesty’s Ships, the Anglesey, Hastings and Lizard; and the Cantebury East-India Ship. I went on board the Anglesey with about 35 of my Men; and the rest were dispos’d of into the other Men of War.

We sail’d from Ascension, the 8th…

From: William Dampier’s unpublished account of the loss of the “Roebuck.” (Public Record Office, Admiralty 1/5262) Dated 29 September, 1701

1688

Kaempfer, Engelbert, 1651-1716

The History of Japan, giving an account of the ancient and present state and government of that empire; … Together with a description of the Kingdom of Siam(London, 1727) [Facsimile edition, Kyoto, Koseikaku, 1929]

Kaempfer was the physician to the Dutch Embassy at the Japanese Emperor’s court. He travelled to the East in 1688, and spent 1688 and 1689 visiting India, Ceylon, and the East Indies.

In 1690

Kaempfer left Batavia as physician in the Embassy being sent by the Dutch East India Company to Japan. They sailed via Siam, thus enabling Kaempfer to give a description of that country. He stayed for two years in Japan, leaving in November 1692. He had been assiduous in observing and travelling as much as possible while in Japan, and his book is partly history, and partly an account of his own travels in “the last Eastern country”.

Kaempfer describes the post-houses, inns and food establishments a traveller would encounter in Japan. Even “take-aways” were available.

There are innumerable Inns, Cook-shops, Sacki, or Ale-houses, Pastry-cook’s and Confectioner’s shops, all along the road, even in the midst of woods and forests, and at the tops of mountains, where a weary foot-traveller, and the meaner sort of people, find at all times, for a few farthings, something warm to eat, or hot Tea-water, or Sacki, or somewhat else of this kind, wherewithal to refresh themselves. ‘Tis true, these cook-shops are but poor sorry houses, if compar’d to larger Inns, being inhabited only by poor people, who have enough to do to get a livelihood by this trade: and yet even in these, there is always something or other to amuse passengers, and to draw them in; sometimes a garden and orchard behind the house, which is seen from the street looking thro’ the passage, and which by its beautiful flowers, or the agreeable sight of a stream of clear water, falling down from a neighbouring natural or artificial hill, or by some other curious ornaments of this kind, tempts People to come in and to repose themselves in the shadow; at other times a large flower-pot stands in the window, fill’d with flowering branches of trees, (for the flowers of plants, tho’ never so beautiful, are too common to deserve a place in such a pot,) dispos’d in a very curious and singular manner; sometimes a handsom, well-looking house-maid, or a couple of young girls well dress’d, stand under the door, and with great civility invite people to come in, and to buy something. The eatables, such as cakes, or whatever it be, are kept before the fire, in an open room, sticking to skewers of bambous, to the end that passengers, as they go along, may take them, and pursue their journey without stopping. The landladies, cooks and maids, as soon as they see any body coming at a distance blow up the fire, to make it look as if the victuals had just been got ready. Some busy themselves with making tea, others prepare the soop in a cup, others fill cups with Sacki, or other liquors to present them to passengers, all the while talking and chattering, and commending their merchandize with a voice loud enough to be heard by their next neighbours of the same profession (p. 426-127)

The illustration shows acupuncture needles, and a woman who has just undergone the procedure. Perhaps because he was a physician, Kaempfer devotes several pages to this treatment, particularly as a cure for Senki, a certain type of colic, “an endemial distemper of this populous empire

1693

 

 


“A Malabar shewing tricks with Serpents,” from Johannes Nieuhof, “Voyages and travels, into Brasil, and the East Indies: containing an exact description of the Dutch Brasil, and divers parts of the East-Indies; their provinces, cities, living creatures, and products; the manners, customs, habits, and religion of the inhabitants: with a most particular account of all the remarkable passages that happened during the author’s stay of nine years in Brasil; especially, in relation to the revolt of the Portuguese, and the intestine war carried on there from 1640 to 1649. As also, a most ample description of the most famous city of Batavia, in the East-Indies,” 1693; in an edition from 1703

1695

 

These coins of Sumatra were struck by the E.I.C.’s Bombay mint.
Top left: – silver 3 fanams (1693). Top right: – silver 2 fanams (1695).
Under left: – silver 1 fanam (1693). Under right: – copper 1 cash (1695).


The obverses use the “balemark” of the original London E.I.C. with an orb having a cross over. The letters inside the orb are said to stand for “G(overnor and) C(ompany of the Merchants of London trading to the) E(ast Indies)”. Often a “C” is used for a “G”.

Dr Iwan Also found this  EIC coin in  Bronze

 

These are the reverses of the previous Sumatra coins. The “Malay Arabic” is translated as “English Company”. The monetary system is 24 fanams = 1 Spanish dollar and 20 cash = 1 fanam. Value of a dollar fluctuated in some parts if the East Indies.

 

Geelvink, Nijptangh and Wieseltje, 1696

Commanded by Willem de Vlamingh, three ships were sent to look for the wreck of the VOC ship Ridderschap van Holland and explore New Holland. No trace of the ship was found but the expedition explored Rottnest Island, the mainland around the Swan River and landed on Dirk Hartog Island. Before heading for Batavia, de Vlamingh retrieved Hartog’s pewter plate and left one of his own in its place.

Dutch East India Company period – 17th to late 18th century

 

A map of Batavia showing step by step transformation from Jayakarta into Batavia.

The first type of colonial architecture grew from the early Dutch settlements in the 17th century, when settlements were generally within walled defences to protect them from attack by other European trade rivals and native revolt. Following the siege of Jayakarta (previously known as Sunda Kelapa) and its demolition by the Dutch in 1619, it was decided to build the headquarters of the Dutch East India Company on the site. Simon Stevin was commissioned to design a plan for the future settlement based on his concept of the ‘ideal city’. His response was a rectangular, walled town, bisected by the river Ciliwung which was to be channeled into a straight canal (later known as also known as Grote Rivier or Kali Besar or “Big River” in this area). This new city is called Batavia (now Jakarta). In accordance to Stevin’s model, the fortress of Batavia was the most prominent building in the city, symbolizing the center of power, while townhall, markets, and other public buildings were distributed. This layout of Jakarta can still be clearly recognized today in Jakarta Old Town through the layout of the streets and canals, although most of the original 17th structures had been destroyed or replaced with newer early 20th century structures.[2]

The architecture style of this period were the tropical counterparts of 17th century Dutch architecture. Typical features include the typically Dutch high sash windows with split shutters,[2] gable roofs,[2] and white-coral painted wall (as opposed to exposed brick architecture in the Netherlands). This earlier period of Jakarta had many of the buildings solidly built with relatively enclosed structures, a structure that is not very friendly to tropical climate as compared to the architecture of the next period in Jakarta.[2] Best example of these buildings were located along the Tygersgracht (now Jalan Muka Timur), all had been demolished.[2] Best surviving example is Toko Merah.

Several Portuguese colonial architecture also exist, usually outside the walled city of Batavia. Tugu Church and Sion Church, with its plain facade and domed windows, are some surviving examples.

In 1808, Daendels officially moved the city center to south because of the deteriorating condition of the inner town as well as the malaria outbreak. As a result, many buildings and structures from this period were left to deteriorated. Because of financial issues, many buildings were demolished in 19th century and the debris were used to construct newer structure in the south (such as the Palace of Governor-General Daendels (now the Financial Department of Indonesia) from the debris of Batavia Castle, and Batavia Theater (now Gedung Kesenian Jakarta) from the debris of the Spinhuis.

Later, these empty lots in Jakarta Old Town were filled with newer 20th century structures. Surviving 17th–18th structures were later converted as Jakarta’s cultural heritage, e.g. Toko Merah, Gereja Sion and Jakarta History Museum.

Other dominant architecture style from these period were the Chinese merchant houses, many were built during the 18th century.

 

 

REFERENCES

BONTEKOE, W YZN., Journael, ofte Gedenkwaerdige Beschrijvinge van de Oost-Indische Reyse van Willem Ysbrantsz Bontekoe van Hoorn (1646). Reprinted as Prisma -pocket, Utrecht/Antwerpen 1971.
BOXER, C.R.,
Jan Compagnie in Japan, 1600-1817 (1936).
BOXER, C.R.,
The Dutch Seaborne Empire (1965).
COOLHAAS, W. PH.,
Generale Missiven van gouwerneur-generaal en raden aan de heren XVII der Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (1975).
DAVIDS, K. et al.,
De Nederlands Geschiedenis als afwijking van het algemeen menselijk patroon (1988).
DEKKER, R.,
Holland in beroering. Oproeren in de 17e en 18e eeuw (1981).
FABER, J.A.,
Death and Famine in Pre-Industrial Netherlands , Low Countries Yearbook 13 (1980), pp 51-63.
HART, H.,
Vasco da Gama und der Seeweg nach Indien (1964).
HONOLKA, K.,
Magellan (1965).
ISRAEL, J.L.,
The Dutch Republic and the Hispanic World (1982).
LINSCHOTEN
, J.H. VAN , Itinerario, voyage ofte schipvaert van J.H. van Linschoten naar Oost ofte Portugaels Indin, reprinted as Vol. II of the series of the Linschoten-Association (1910).
LINSCHOTEN, J.H. VAN ,
Reisgheschrift van de Navigatin der Portugaloyers in Orinten , reprinted as Vol. XLIII of the series of the Linschoten-Association (1939).
MANUSCRIPT Hamel, national archives (rijks archief Den Haag) archive number 1265
pages 1155 ~ 1179
MOLLEMA, J.,
De eerste Schipvaart der Hollanders naar Oost-Indi (1935).
NOORDEGRAAF, L.,
Hollands welvaren? Levensstandaard in Holland 1450-1650 (1985).
PATER, J. DE,
Jan Peterszoon Coen en het Indi van zijn tijd (1952).
PRESTAGE, E. ,
The Portuguese Pioneers (1943).
REINSMA, R.,
Jan Compagnie (1974).
SCHAMA, S.,
The Embarrassment of Riches (1987).
STAPELS, F.W. ,
Geschiedenis van Nederlands Indi (1939).
TAKASHI HATODA,
A History of Korea (1969).)
WITSEN , N. , Noord en Oost Tartarije, ofte bondig ontwerp van eenige dier Landen en Volken in de Noorder- en Oostelijkste Gedeelten van Asia en Europa, 2nd edition (1705).

WOUDE, A.M. VAN DER, The AAG-bijdragen and the study of rural history’ , in: The Journal of European Economic History, 4 (1975).

Many of these structures show eclectic mix of Dutch and Chinese influences.[2]

 

Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, 17th  century

.

1636

After Iskandar’s death in 1636,

Acehnese influence began to contract, partly because Johor had found a new ally in the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC). The two joined forces in 1641 to drive the Portuguese from Melaka, and the Dutch then brokered a peace between Johor and Aceh which allowed Johor to recover its influence in Pahang.

In southern Sumatra, the arrival of Portuguese and later other European traders stimulated a massive expansion in the production of pepper. The most southerly pepper-producing region of Lampung was conquered by the western Java state of Banten in the second half of the 16th century and Banten’s influence also stretched up the west coast as far as Bengkulu. Further north on the east coast, pepper became the basis for a revival of the Palembang and Jambi regions, which had been the heart of Srivijaya. This prosperity, however, attracted the attention of the expansionist Javanese state of Mataram, which laid a general claim to Palembang in 1625 and sent a fleet in 1641–42 to force both Palembang and Jambi to become vassals of Java.

The Alienation (1601 – 1700)

(1601 – 1700)

1601 – Portuguese sent a fleet from Goa, India, to drive the Dutch from the Indies. The English set up fort at Banda. Aceh sends two ambassadors to Europe to observe and report on the situation to the Sultan. December 25-27: Five Dutch ships defeat the Portuguese fleet of 30 ships in battle in Banten harbour.

1602 – March 20: Dutch companies combine to form Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC); led by Heeren XVII representing different regions of the Netherlands; States-General gives VOC power to raise armies, build forts, negotiate treaties and wage war in Asia. VOC begins sending large, well-armed ships to the Indies (38 in the first three years). VOC establishes post at Gresik. Sir James Lancaster leads an (English) East India Company expedition, reaches Aceh, and builds a trading post at Banten.

1603 – Official VOC trading post founded at Banten.

1604 – English East India Company expedition under Sir Henry Middleton visits Ternate, Tidore, Ambon, and Banda.

1605 – Portuguese at Ambon surrender to ships under VOC and sends expeditions to Banda, Irian Jaya, northern Australia.

1606 – Spanish take Ternate and Tidore. VOC makes unsuccessful attack on Portuguese Melaka. VOC begins trading at Banjarmasin.

1607 – May: Sultan of Ternate appeals to the VOC for help against the Spanish. Aceh under Iskandar Muda and his successor, Iskandar Thani, was a center of Islamic scholarship and debate.

1609 – Portuguese fortress on Bacan falls to VOC.

1610 – Post of Governor-General is created for VOC in Asia, advised by Raad van Indie (Council of the Indies).

1611 – English begin setting up many posts in the Indies, including at Makassar, Jepara, Aceh and Jambi. Dutch set up post at Jayakerta.

1613 – April 18: Dutch take Solor from Portuguese. Portuguese Dominicans move headquarters to Larantuka, Flores. Iskandar Muda of Aceh defeats Johore, burns down the city, carries away the Sultan of Johore and VOC representatives. Mataram forces burn down Gresik; Krapyak asks VOC in Maluku for help against Surabaya. VOC sets up post at Jepara and first post on Timor.

1614 – Aceh wins naval battle against Portuguese at Bintan, continues on to attack Melaka. Johore throws out Aceh forces, creates alliance Palembang, Jambi, and other Sultanates against Aceh. VOC sends ambassador to Agung.

 

An attack in progress

1615 – VOC closes post at Gowa, hostilities drag on for years.

First Dutch Reformed church in the east founded at Ambon. English build warehouse at Jayakerta. Dutch abandon Solor after just two years.

During 1615-1616, the Schouten expedition became the first to sail around Cape Horn at the the southern tip of South America, then made the first visit by Europeans to many south Pacific islands. By the time they arrived in Batavia (Jakarta), Coen had them jailed for violating the V.O.C.’s monopoly, and confiscated their ships. Years later, in 1722, the Dutch explorer Roggeveen would run into the same trouble after discovering Easter Island.

1616 – VOC military expedition against Banda.

1618 – Jan Pieterzoon Coen becomes Governor-General of VOC. English merchants attack Chinese ships in Banten in a dispute over the price of pepper. Coen begins secretly fortifying the VOC warehouses at Jayakerta to the east. December Sultan of Banten encourages English to drive Dutch out of Jayakerta. Coen leaves for Maluku to muster ships and soldiers. Agung bans the sale of rice to the VOC. Agung’s governor of Jepara attacks the VOC post there; Dutch burn down much of Jepara in retaliation. Dutch reoccupy Solor.

Chinese traders

1619 – January: English force Dutch surrender at Jayakerta, but Banten forces take over from the English in a surprise move. The English and the Pangeran of Jayakerta retreat. March 12: Dutch rename post at Jayakerta to Batavia (today’s Jakarta). May: Coen passes through Jepara, and burns down the city again, including the English trading post. May 28: Coen arrives at Jayakerta, and burns down the original town of Jayakerta, leaving only the Dutch post of Batavia remaining to become VOC headquarters. August: VOC begins building city at Batavia.

1620 – VOC under Coen almost exterminates population of Banda to prevent “smuggling”. Survivors settle on small islands near Seram.

One of Coen’s goals was to make the VOC strong enough on its own so that it did not have to depend on the goodwill of neighboring rulers. He intended to do this by changing the VOC from a trade empire to an empire that ruled actual territories, then settling those territories with colonists from the Netherlands. Military strength was important, both for maintaining a position of power among the local kings and sultans, and for keeping the Spanish, Portuguese and English away.

1621 – British found trading post at Ambon.

1622 – Agung and VOC make overtures to each other.

1623 – VOC agents in Ambon arrest, torture and execute English agents on charges of conspiracy. Aceh sacks Johore. Carstenz expedition for VOC explores southern coast of Irian Jaya. Coen returns to the Netherlands. Carpentier is new Governor-General of the VOC. VOC takes nominal claim to Aru Islands.

1625 – The first “hongi” raids took place in Maluku. These were attacks, usually by local allies of the VOC, against anyone who was growing cloves without authorization of the VOC.

 

1627 – Coen returns from the Netherlands to serve as Governor-General of the V.O.C. again. December 25: Soldiers from Banten infiltrate the fortress of Batavia, kill some guards, and escape, but do little damage.

1628 – Agung sends army against VOC in Batavia; dams Ciliwung River in attempt to deny fresh water to the VOC. He fails to oust the Dutch, who prevent his army from receiving supplies by sea. Commanders of the Mataram army are executed for failure. Last of the English leave Banda.

1629 – Agung attacks Batavia again. He is defeated, although Coen dies during the siege. Banten, fearing Agung now more than the VOC, pleads for peace with the VOC. Iskandar Muda sends navy of Aceh against Portuguese Melaka, but the Aceh navy is destroyed. September 20: Coen passes away. Introduction of sugar cultivation in Banten.

1630 – Dutch abandon Solor, which is retaken by the Portuguese.

1633 – Agung raids east Java; the Hindu kingdom of Balambangan asks for VOC help and is refused. Balambangan then asks the King of Gelgel in Bali for help. War between VOC and Banten.

1634 – Dutch arrest Kakiali, leader of Hitu in Maluku, on charges of smuggling.

This was the “mercantilist” age of trade empires. There were many powers that wanted to create trade empires: the Dutch through the VOC, the English, Banten, and Gowa were among them. There was no such thing as “free trade” under these empires. The VOC especially wanted total control of trade, and any selling to anyone outside the VOC was considered “smuggling”.

 

Batak warrior

1635 – VOC signs treaty with Kutai on Kalimantan.

1636 – Agung, realizing that he cannot defeat Dutch, makes overtures towards VOC. Van Diemen becomes Governor-General of VOC. Portuguese abandon posts on Solor after six years. VOC bans all private correspondence (until 1701).

1637 – VOC attacks Ternate. VOC releases Kakiali, who pledges friendship to VOC but makes anti-Dutch alliance between Hitu, Ternate, and Gowa. Local Muslims overcome Portuguese fortress at Ende on Flores. Agung gives permission for Portuguese and Catholic refugees from Batavia to settle around Jepara. Around this time the VOC started pushing the Portuguese out of many of their posts in Nusa Tenggara.

1639 – Chief minister Matoaya of Gowa is succeeded by his son Pattingalloang. Unlike his father, Pattingalloang did not maintain good relations with the Bugis. The bad feeling would eventually lead some Bugis to side with the VOC against Gowa and Makassar.

1640 – Portugal regains independent crown from Spain. Portuguese abandon trading post at Jepara.

1641 – Taj ul-Alam becomes Sultana of Aceh, starts period of female rulers; Johore and Aceh settle differences. January 14: VOC takes Melaka from Portuguese, with help from the Sultan of Johore. The Sultan opens ports in Riau to all traders. Kakiali and Hitu attack VOC on Ambon.

The VOC takeover of Melaka was the real end of Portuguese importance in the region. But after losing Melaka, some Portuguese started trading with Gowa on Sulawesi. With the English and Portuguese almost gone, and Batavia and Ambon relatively secure from neighboring rulers, this was the most profitable time for the VOC.

 

1642 – VOC gets monopoly on trade with Palembang by treaty. Tasman explores coasts of Irian Jaya for VOC on voyage back from New Zealand. “Statutes of Batavia”, based on Roman law, are introduced as a legal code for VOC territories.

1645 – Mandarsyah becomes Sultan of Ternate with VOC help. VOC established outpost at Perak.

1646 – Sultan Agung dies, and is succeeded by Susuhunan Amangkurat I. Relations between Amangkurat I and the VOC are good in the beginning. VOC finally takes Hitu. Dutch arrive again on Solor, abandoned by the Portuguese ten years earlier. September 24: Cooperation treaty between VOC and Mataram, involving promises of mutual assistance against enemies and extradition of runaway debtors, among other things. Ships of Mataram may trade at any VOC port except Ambon, Ternate or Banda, but must apply for a pass at Batavia if they are sailing for Melaka or points beyond. Portuguese begin building a settlement at the present site of Kupang on western Timor. VOC builds a trading post in the Tanimbar Islands.

1650 – VOC intervenes in uprising against Sultan Mandarsyah of Ternate, sparking civil war.

1651 – VOC reopens post at Jepara; Amangkurat I begins interfering in coastal trade. VOC takes Kupang on western Timor; Portuguese move to Lifau, in what is now East Timor. VOC outpost at Perak is destroyed.

1652 – VOC takes Sultan Mandarsyah of Ternate to Batavia, makes him sign agreement not to grow cloves, starts military moves against opposing faction in Ternate. Amangkurat I bans the export of rice or timber. Tensions grow between the VOC and Gowa.

1656 – VOC deports population of Hoamoal near Ternate to Ambon.

1657 – VOC forces population of Buru to relocate to Kaleji Bay.

1658 – VOC sets up post at Manado. War between VOC and Palembang.

1659 – VOC forces burn down Palembang, and reestablish the VOC post. Amangkurat I has several family members murdered, including the mother of the future Amangkurat II. July 10 Treaty between VOC and Banten: prisoners and runaway slaves are to be exchanged; VOC receives a presence at Banten free from rent or taxes; boundary between Banten and VOC territory is set. VOC builds fort in the Aru Islands, but soon abandons it.

 

1660 – VOC attacks Gowa, destroys Portuguese ships in harbor, and forces peace treaty on Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa. Amangkurat I closes ports again; VOC leaves Jepara.

1662 – Portuguese headquarters in the east is moved from Larantuka, Flores to Lifau (today Oecussi or Pantemakassar) in what is now East Timor. VOC signs treaty with chiefs on Roti.

1663 – Spanish abandon post at Tidore. VOC allows Arung Palakka and followers to settle at Batavia. Banten begins direct trade with Manila. July 6, Treaty of Painan: coastal areas of Minangkabau, including Padang, become a protectorate of the VOC, which guarantees them security against raids from Aceh.

1666 – VOC sends out a fleet under Admiral Cornelis Speelman, with Bugis soldiers under Arung Palakka and Ambonese soldiers under “Captain Jonker”, to settle issues in Gowa and Maluku.

1667 – VOC expedition under Speelman lands at Butung, and clears the island of Gowa forces. Speelman expedition forces the Sultan of Tidore (now free of Spanish presence) to submit to the VOC. A peace treaty is signed between Ternate and Tidore, now both under VOC control. Future Amangkurat II begins seeking VOC help against his father. The English give up claims to Banda in exchange for Manhattan Island in America.

Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa is remembered for fighting bravely against the VOC, but he eventually had to sign a treaty giving up almost all his territories to the Dutch.

 

Indonesian war boat

1668 – Speelman expedition finally defeats Gowa. November 18, Treaty of Bungaya: Gowa submits to VOC control, and Sultan Hasanuddin has no influence outside the general area of the city of Makassar. VOC extends claims to Sumbawa and Flores after the defeat of Gowa. VOC builds a fort at Menggala in Lampung.

1669 – Sultan Hasanuddin of Gowa passes away; continuing troubles against the VOC in Gowa finally end. VOC traders at Banjarmasin are massacred.

1670 – VOC establishes outposts at Bengkalis (across the straits from Melaka) and Perak, both for controlling the trade in tin.

1672 – Louis XIV of France invaded the Netherlands with 100,000 soldiers. The Dutch had to open the dikes and flood the fields to prevent Amsterdam from falling to the French. However, since travel and communication were so slow in the 1600s and 1700s, these events had little effect on the activities of the VOC, which had the power to govern itself in any case.

1675 – Rebels appeal to Islamic sentiments among the common people against both the court of Mataram and the VOC.

1676 – Amangkurat I sends his son, Pangeran Puger, to the VOC to ask for help. VOC sends Admiral Speelman to fight the rebels against Mataram in North Java and Madura. Speelman quiets the rebellion along the coast between Cirebon and Jepara.

1677 – February 25, VOC makes a treaty with Amangkurat I: VOC will help Mataram, VOC territory around Batavia will be extended eastward, VOC may establish a factory anywhere they like without any restrictions on exports or imports, Mataram will restrict Malays, Arabs and other outsiders from settling in Mataram, and Mataram will repay the VOC for the cost of putting down the rebellion. Speelman receives the right to make treaties on behalf of Amangkurat I. May: VOC pushes Trunojoyo out of Surabaya. Trunojoyo leaves behind over a 100 cannons. July: Amangkurat I dies. Amangkurat II seeks VOC help against the rebels. VOC occupies Sangir islands.

1678 – January 15 Amangkurat II gives the VOC a monopoly on the sugar trade in Jepara. Amangkurat II, without money to pay his debts to the VOC, promises to give up Semarang, his claims to the Priangan, and fees from coastal ports until debts are paid. VOC and Amangkurat II march on Kediri and destroy Trunojoyo’s headquarters after a fifty-day siege. Arung Palakka and his supporters fight for the VOC as mercenaries, and conspire to win away Makassarese mercenaries fighting for Trunojoyo. December 9: Nine Makassarese chiefs who had been fighting for Trunojoyo as mercenaries surrender to the VOC, and are allowed to return to Sulawesi.

1679 – VOC and Arung Palakka drive the remaining Makassarese out of East Java. VOC makes an alliance with Minahasans at Manado. December 25: Trunojoyo gives himself up to the combined VOC and Mataram forces, under the promise that his life will be spared. He is executed anyway. (In one story, he is promised the post of minister and executed by Amangkurat II himself, with a royal keris.)

 

 

A couple in discussion

1680 – VOC forces attack rebel areas in Mataram. Banten declares war on VOC. Sultan Ageng is replaced in coup by his son, Sultan Haji, who seeks help from the VOC. VOC forces invade Madura, supposedly on behalf of Mataram. Cakraningrat II, uncle of Trunojoyo, takes power in West Madura. VOC retains control of East Madura.

1681 – January 6 VOC signs agreement with the princes of Cirebon for mutual assistance in case of emergencies, and agreeing on severe punishment if any of the three heads rebelled against the VOC. Cirebon will not build any fortifications without VOC approval, the VOC has a monopoly on pepper in Cirebon, and the princes may control the export of sugar and rice from Cirebon. Pangeran Puger builds a new force and retakes the center of Mataram, but not Kartasura. VOC forces push him back and defeat him. VOC intervenes in Roti, puts allies in power.

1682 – Sultan Ageng’s supporters, including much of the population, retake Banten against his son. VOC reacts by taking Banten with superior firepower. VOC expels English and other European traders from Banten, and begins to control Cirebon, the Priangan, and Lampung. Syekh Waliyullah, Islamic scholar and enemy of the Dutch, is exiled to the VOC post in Ceylon.

1684 – April 17: VOC renews its 1659 treaty with Banten; in addition, Banten gives up its claims to Cirebon, and grants the VOC a monopoly in the pepper trade in Lampung. April 28: VOC cancels the debts owed by the Sultan of Banten, but only on the condition that the previous treaties between the VOC and Banten are obeyed. Surapati, (also called Untung), a former slave and outlaw, now employed as a VOC soldier, attacks a VOC column and escapes. He travels across the countryside of Java gathering followers. Surapati instructs his followers to kill two officials in Banyumas who were rebelling against the authority of Mataram. He receives the gratitude of Amangkurat II, and is given refuge by anti-VOC members of the court of Mataram at Kartasura.

1685 – Post is founded at Bengkulu by English traders who had been forced to leave Banten. VOC forces treaty on Sultan of Riau.

1686 – February 15 VOC receives a complete monopoly on pepper in Banten. VOC sends an embassy to the Mataram court at Kartasura, demanding the return of Surapati. Amangkurat II stages a fake attack on Surapati’s residence, then has his soldiers turn to cut down VOC representatives and soldiers, with the help of Pangeran Puger. The remaining VOC presence at court leaves for Jepara. Amangkurat II sends an ambassador to the VOC at Jepara claiming that he took no part in attacking the Dutch. Amangkurat II sends secret letters to Johore, Minangkabau, English East India Co, even Siam trying to find help against VOC.

1688 – Local leader on Bangka (claimed by Palembang) asks for VOC protection.

1689 – Plot against VOC in Batavia fails; rebels flee to Kartasura.

1690 – VOC abandons outpost at Perak. Tea is introduced on Java.

1694 – VOC begins contacts with Bataks around Lake Toba, Sumatra.

1696 – Sultan Muhammad Syah of Indrapura abdicates and VOC gains influence in the absence of a ruler there.

 

1699 – VOC introduces coffee cultivation to Java. VOC increases influence around Kutai on Kalimantan.

Notes:

In the 1500s, the Netherlands were an important business center for Europe, where products from Russia, Scandinavia, Africa, Asia and America were bought and sold. The Netherlands during that time was ruled by Spain. By 1581, the Netherlands had rebelled against the King of Spain and had begun to govern themselves. But since Spain now had control of the Portuguese colonies, the Spanish could prevent Dutch businessmen from easy access to spices from the Indies. This was one reason that Dutch ships began to make their own voyages direct to the Indies in the 1590s. Many Dutch sailors had worked on Spanish and Portuguese ships. When De Houtman’s Dutch expedition set sail, there were experienced crewmen available to guide them to the Indies.

The Dutch introduced the fifth of Indonesia’s recognized religions: Protestant Christianity. Beside the missionary work on Java, there were soon many “orang Kristen” around Manado on Sulawesi, in Ambon, and around Kupang on Timor and nearby Roti. The VOC, being mostly a business, had very little interest in spreading religion. However, it banned the practice of Catholicism wherever it could.

By this time, the VOC was probably the largest business enterprise anywhere in the world, with tens of thousands of employees. The territories controlled by the VOC were not only in Indonesia: in the mid-1600s, they also included Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and the Cape area in what is now South Africa. The VOC also had “factories”, warehouses and offices in Thailand, Japan, Iran, Yemen, and Canton in China.

By the end of the 1660s, Banten was trading directly with China, Japan, Thailand, India and Arabia, using its own ships to compete with English, French, Danish and VOC traders. Sultan Ageng of Banten was a strong opponent of the VOC monopoly who insisted on promoting trade with other European, Arab and Asian traders as he pleased.

 

Ternate

by Francois Valentijn, 1726:

in this print is showed also the map of the Spanish town Nuestra Seńora del Rosario (Gammalamma).

The Spaniards, that after the conquest of Ternate, in 1606,

were at least nominally masters of the spice islands, did not succed to contrast the successive return of Dutch that formed an alliance with the rebellious Ternatens. The Spanish occupation was mainly a military occupation, because of the hostility of theTernatens and the Dutch, than after the Spanish conquest of Ternate, returned more battle-trained.

 

 

,

 

 

 

The contest between Aceh and Johor revived during the first half of the 17th century, when Acehnese power grew once again under Sultan Iskandar Muda. Aceh dominated the western coast of Sumatra and challenged Johor on the peninsula and in the strait

 

Balinese kingdoms, ca 1700

 

Balinese kingdoms, ca 1800

To the east of Bali lies the long chain of islands known as the Lesser Sundas or Nusatenggara (Southeastern Islands). For the most part, these islands were involved only peripherally in the trade and civilization of the western archipelago until the colonial area. Although the Nagarakertagama (Desawarnyana) lists Timor and Sumba as tributaries of 14th -century Majapahit, Javanese culture has left at the most only scattered traces in the region. No significant local inscriptions have been found to attest to the existence of early kingdoms and Chinese records are vague. The region’s economic relations with the outside world seem to have been based on the export of sandalwood, especially from Timor, a trade which may have begun in the 7th century.

Islands of Nusatenggara

From about the 16th century, the western islands of Lombok and Sumbawa came under the increasing domination of outside forces. Balinese settlers from the kingdom of Karangasem displaced the indigenous Sasaks from western Lombok and by the end of the 17th century held a loose hegemony over the east of the island, while raiders and settlers from Makasar drew Sumbawa increasingly into their orbit. The island was effectively subject to Makasar from 1618, and Manggarai, at the western end of Flores, soon followed. The rest of Flores, however, and the whole of Sumba remained divided into a large number of small states until the colonial era.

Polities in Lombok and Sumbawa, 16th century

Polities in Sumba, 17th to 18th centuries

Polities in the Solor and Alor archipelagos, 17th to 18th centuries

Polities in Flores, 17th to 18th centuries

Lombok and Sumbawa, ca 1800

Balinese rule on Lombok was turbulent. By the middle of the 18th century, they had subdued the Sasak aristocracy in the east of the island. A few decades later, however, disunity led them to split into four separate kingdoms, while the Sasak domains in the east regained much of their independence. Even in times of Balinese control, the east of the island was often restive.

Evidence from the earliest European visitors to the Nusatenggara region suggests that the normal state of affairs was one of division into a large number of small polities, which were linked into larger confederacies or empires whose significance was sometimes political and economic but more often symbolic. Timor produced sandalwood, which was valued for trade to China, and management of this trade necessarily meant a relationship between port towns such as Sorbian, Insana and Dili, and the polities of the interior. In the centre and east of the island, the ruler of Wehale (Belu), sometimes based in the port of Dili, sometimes based in the interior, claimed a hegemony over some forty-six liurai or ‘kings’ along the coast and the interior. In the west the confederacy of Sonba’i (Sonnebait), sometimes based in Sorbian, claimed a similar hegemony over sixteen liurai. The port of Kupang seems to have been independent of both of these power centres.

Timor and nearby islands 1500-1800

The Portuguese began trading and missionary activities in the Timor region soon after they had captured Melaka, and they established settlements at Lifau and Kupang in about 1520 and a fort on Solor in 1566 to protect both their trading interests and their converts. The fort soon became the nucleus for a community of mixed race ‘Black Portuguese’ or Topasses. When Dutch vessels captured Solor in 1613, many of the Topasses fled to Larantuka, where they established an independent community, which later extended its influence to the northern coast of west Timor. In 1642, a Portuguese expedition devastated the confederacy of Wehale and intimidated the Sonba’i states into submission, but Portuguese power remained slight and until the end of the century it was represented mainly by the Topasses.

In 1653, the Dutch shifted their local headquarters from Solor to Kupang in Timor. They were defeated by the Topasses in a campaign in Amarasi in 1653, but signed treaties with five small states near Kupang in 1654 and 1655 which confirmed their foothold on the island. Battles with the Topasses continued on and off for the next century, and the strength of Topass resistance was the main reason why Portuguese influence persisted in the Timor region whereas the Dutch were able to remove it from everywhere else in the archipelago. Only with the defeat of Topass forces in the battle of Penfui in 1749 were the Dutch able to extend their influence into the interior of western Timor.

Although the Topasses from time to time nominally acknowledged the sovereignty of Portugal, they were entirely independent of Portuguese control, and from 1719 to 1731 joined an alliance of liurai in the east to fight the Portuguese. The defeat of this alliance and the rise of Dutch power in the west with the victory at Penfui led the official representatives of Portugal to shift their headquarters from Lifau to Dili in 1769.

The VOC was now free to extend closer influence over the west of the island, and in 1756 it signed a contract with fifteen liurai, taking them as vassals. In the following years, the VOC extended a loose hegemony over the middle of the island, with the exception of the Topass enclaves, but a clear demarcation of territory with the Portuguese was not made until the 19th century.

Borneo (Kalimantan)

Unlike Java and Sumatra, Borneo has not experienced volcanic activity in historical times and its soils are correspondingly poor. As a result, although some of the earliest known polities in the Indonesian archipelago were located on the Borneo coasts, the island was never able to support the substantial populations which underpinned empires such as Srivijaya and Majapahit. The interior of Borneo was consistently important as a source of minerals and forest products, but the kingdoms which emerged on the coast never became powerful enough to extend their control over more than a small part of the island, and there is no record of a Borneo state exercising influence further afield than Borneo’s offshore islands. Besides, very few early inscriptions have been recovered from Borneo, so that the record of early state formation there has to be based mainly on external records. Chinese records from the 10th to 15th centuries speak of a significant state called ‘Poni’ on the northern coast of the island which was tributary to China as a trading partner. The name suggests a connection with the later state of Brunei, but Poni’s location remains uncertain. Archaeological research suggests that ‘Poni’ may have centred originally at Santubong, near the mouth of the Sarawak River, before moving at some stage to Brunei Bay.

The most extensive early account comes from the 14th century Javanese Nagarakertagama (Desawarnyana), which records over twenty states in Borneo as tributary to Majapahit. Just how significantly this claim, like that of China, was felt by the Borneo states themselves is open to debate. Archaeological evidence indicates the existence of a state called Negaradipa in what is now the hinterland of Banjarmasin.

Borneo in the 15th and 16th centuries

Little is known of Borneo in the 15th century, but the most significant states were apparently Sukadana and Banjarmasin in the south (both of them tributaries to Demak and later Mataram), Berau in the east, and Brunei in the north. Sukadana is said to have been established by Brawijaya, a ruler of Majapahit, and to have converted to Islam in about 1550. Throughout these years, the interior of the island was the domain of indigenous Dayak tribes.

Shortly after the fall of Melaka to the Portuguese in 1511, however, Brunei seems to have converted to Islam, perhaps as the consequence of an influx of Muslim refugees (though Brunei’s own dynastic records suggest that conversion took place a century earlier). During the 16th century, the sultans of Brunei created an empire which stretched along the entire northern coast of Borneo and into what is now the southern Philippines, though their control was probably tenuous at that distance. The port of Brunei itself became a major entrepot on the spice route between the Moluccas and China and was described in glittering terms by members of the Spanish expedition of Ferdinand Magellan in 1521.

With its mountainous, densely forested interior, Borneo could not easily be dominated by a single power, and each of its four coasts has generally had its own distinctive history.

In the south, the sultanate of Banjarmasin grew strong on the pepper trade. Large areas in the hills behind Banjarmasin were cleared for pepper cultivation and from the middle of the 17th century the region threw off its tradition of vassaldom to Java to become a significant regional power. Banjarmasin’s heartland was the basin of the Barito River, especially the fertile uplands of Amuntai, but at the height of its power, it claimed suzerainty over all the coastal states from Kota Waringin to Bulungan, and even claimed some influence in Sintang in the Kapuas basin. In the west, the main power at the beginning of the 17th century was Sukadana, a major exporter of diamonds and forest products, though its influence was being challenged by Sambas to the north, which was a vassal of Johor. The state of Landak came under Sukadana’s control in about 1600, but frequently sought its independence.

In 1622, forces from Mataram conquered Sukadana. Mataram, however, soon declined and by 1650 Sukadana had recovered to dominate the entire west coast. In 1699, rebels from Landak joined forces with the Javanese state of Banten to conquer Sukadana. Banten’s domination of Sukadana was brief. With the help of Bugis mercenaries based in Banjarmasin, the sultan managed to recover his throne and Sukadana once more became the major trading power of the west coast. Towards the end of the century, however, Sukadana’s power was increasingly challenged by the new state of Pontianak, founded by an Arab adventurer in 1772. In 1778, Banten ceded its defunct rights over Sukadana to the VOC, which joined Pontianak in 1786 in an attack which utterly destroyed the city. The royal family of Sukadana continued to rule the minor state of Matan (Kayung), but Sukadana was abandoned and Pontianak became the main centre of trade on the west coast. In the final years of the century, the rulers of Pontianak claimed Sanggau, Landak, Matan and Tayan as vassals, but they never ruled those areas directly. North of Pontianak, the states of Sambas and Mempawah were transformed from about 1760 by the arrival of Chinese miners to work the gold fields of the region. The miners came at first at the invitation of the local rulers, but their commercial organizations, or kongsi, soon developed into small republics virtually independent of the rulers. States of a different kind also emerged in this era in the interior of western Kalimantan, along the Kapuas River and its tributaries. For the most part, the elites of these states were Malays, often with trading interests, who established varying degrees of hegemony over the indigenous Dayaks. The largest of these states, Sintang, was moderately significant, but the states further upstream were small, sometimes claiming only a few hundred subjects.

Borneo, ca 1750

Brunei, meanwhile, was also in decline before the rising sultanate of Sulu, based in the archipelago between Borneo and Mindanao. In return for backing the successful claimant in a succession dispute in Brunei, Sulu received suzerainty over much of Borneo north of Brunei itself. Sulu’s influence also increased on the east coast of Borneo.

The principal state of the east coast was Kutai, a Malay kingdom in the Mahakam river basin which converted to Islam in the 16th century. From the late 17th century, however, many Buginese settled on the east coast, founding the state of Pasir and for a time dominating the Tidung, Bulungan and Berau regions, though these northern areas were to come under the Sulu sultanate.

States of western Borneo, ca 1800

Sulawesi and Maluku (The Moluccas)

Like Nusatenggara, the island of Sulawesi offers only a sparse historical and archaeological record before the 17th century. By the 14th century, states had begun to form in the southwestern peninsula (generally called South Sulawesi), but because there appears to have been little Indic cultural influence in this process, there are no significant inscriptions from this era. In 1300, the main states were Luwu’ (by tradition the oldest state in the region) and Soppeng, both of them consisting of powerful centres dominating a number of surrounding lesser states, including Sidenreng and Lamuru. Soppeng’s power seems to have been based especially on the export of rice, while Luwu’ exported iron from the interior. In the late 15th century, Soppeng appears to have declined in power, while Wajo’ emerged as junior member of an alliance with Luwu’. The dominance of Luwu’, however, was checked by the rise of Bone in the early 16th century, while a new power arose in the south in the form of Gowa. Little is known about the other peninsulas of Sulawesi in this period.

Southern Sulawesi, ca 1500

Minor states of northern Sulawesi, 16th century

From about 1530, the formerly small south Sulawesi state of Gowa began to grow in power, and its port, Makasar, became increasingly important as a centre of trade in the western archipelago. Gowa used military force to bring much of South Sulawesi under its domination, though the more distant and powerful states such as Wajo’ had the standing of slightly subordinate allies, rather than true vassals; only the Bugis state of Bone on the east coast successfully resisted Gowa’s campaigns. The port of Makasar became still more important in the early 17th century. Its ruler converted to Islam in 1605, making the port more attractive to Muslim traders, and it also became a centre for traders, both European and indigenous, excluded from Maluku by the monopoly practices of the VOC. Conversion to Islam led Gowa into a new bout of conquests in the region, including Wajo’ in 1610 and finally Bone in 1611. Further campaigns in the following decades took Gowa’s influence to Sumbawa, the east coast of Borneo and even the Kai and Aru Islands, though – except in Sumbawa and Butung – Makasar never exercised significant authority and in many areas, such as the northern parts of Sulawesi, the Makasar claim was a fiction supported only by the absence of significant local powers to question it.

Makasar and the subordinate states of south Sulawesi, ca 1600

As the centre for trade which the Dutch regarded as smuggling, Makasar soon became the target for intermittent Dutch hostility, and Makasar responded by assisting the Company’s enemies in Maluku. In 1666, the Dutch decided to make an end once and for all to Makasar’s resistance. They made an alliance with Arung Palakka, a Bugis prince from Bone, who had been exiled by Makasar to Butung in 1660 after an abortive uprising. The combined force defeated Makasar in 1667, and forced the sultan to sign the Treaty of Bungaya in which Makasar relinquished all its vassals, both in south Sulawesi and abroad, and allowed the Dutch to build a fort in the heart of its main port. The treaty was decisive in ending Makasar’s power, but it took a further round of fighting until 1669 before Makasar was fully defeated. Arung Palakka became ruler of Bone and the dominant political force in the region, but his authoritarian rule and destructive military campaigns against rebellious vassals led to a massive exodus of Buginese and Makasar warriors seeking safer homes elsewhere in the archipelago. The northern arm of Sulawesi had come under Spanish influence from the nearby Philippines in the 16th century, but was incorporated in the Dutch sphere of influence after the Treaty of Bungaya.

Makasar empire before 1667

Pre-colonial records are even sparser for eastern Indonesia than they are for Sulawesi, and only the sketchiest outline can be given of the region’s history before the 17th century.

The islands of Maluku had supplied cloves to other parts of the world since at least 1700 B.C., according to archaeological evidence from the Middle East, and they were also the only source of nutmeg. The small islands with their narrow coastal plains, however, could only sustain a relatively small population, and there appear to have been no large polities in the region before the 15th century, when the tiny clove-producing islands of Ternate and Tidore began to emerge as major political centres. Except in Sula, Buru, Ambon and Seram, where Ternatean aristocrats ruled directly, both empires operated as a network of alliances and vassalages, rather than as tightly ruled polities, and there was considerable ebb and flow in the degree of authority that each exercised. Ternate reached the peak of its power in the late 16th century under the warlike Sultan Baabullah.

Traditional kingdoms of Maluku, early 15th century, and the spheres of influence of Ternate and Tidore, early 16th century

As the main reason for European interest in the Indies, the Spice Islands were amongst the first to experience direct European military intervention. Ternate and Tidore were unable to prevent first the Portuguese and Spanish and later the Dutch and English from establishing fortified trading posts in the region, though Ternate had a number of military victories over the Europeans in the course of the sporadic hostilities of the 16th and early 17th centuries.

By the middle of the 17th century, however, Ternate’s need for free trade in spices was fundamentally in conflict with the Dutch aims for monopoly. In 1652, the Dutch extracted a treaty from Ternate giving the Company a monopoly of clove production, and broke the power of local Ternatean lords in a series of bloody campaigns during the next few years. The Company then centred clove production on Ambon and sent out periodic expeditions to destroy clove trees in other regions.

The great island of New Guinea was also a major centre of population, but its people were concentrated in the interior and except on the fringes close to Maluku there is no record at all of political forms before the 17th century.

Imagining the Archipelago

Although trade routes had tied the Indonesian archipelago to China, India and the Middle East since very early times, the region remained relatively unknown to outsiders until five or six centuries ago. Long distances and the hazards of travel, together with the fact that Indonesians themselves carried most of the products of their islands to the outside world, meant that scholars in the major centres of civilization generally relied on sparse and often second hand accounts of Southeast Asia.

In the West, the Egyptian geographer Claudius Ptolemy (c. 85–165 AD) prepared a major geographical work, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, containing a compilation of information on the region gathered from traders and seafarers. Ptolemy described a Golden Chersonese, or peninsula, far to the east which is normally identified with the Malay Peninsula and he records the existence of many islands in the vicinity. Ptolemy’s geography formed the basis of most Western conceptions of the Far East until the 16th century, and also influenced some of the Arab geographers. The maps of Idrisi (d. 1165) show a good deal more detail than those based on Ptolemy’s account, but they clearly reflect an attempt to reconcile imprecise and contradictory information originating from several centuries and a wide variety of sources.

 

KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 18(BERSAMBUNG)

KOLEKSI SEJARAH INDONESIA

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States of western Borneo, ca 1800

Sulawesi and Maluku (The Moluccas)

Like Nusatenggara, the island of Sulawesi offers only a sparse historical and archaeological record before the 17th century. By the 14th century, states had begun to form in the southwestern peninsula (generally called South Sulawesi), but because there appears to have been little Indic cultural influence in this process, there are no significant inscriptions from this era. In 1300, the main states were Luwu’ (by tradition the oldest state in the region) and Soppeng, both of them consisting of powerful centres dominating a number of surrounding lesser states, including Sidenreng and Lamuru. Soppeng’s power seems to have been based especially on the export of rice, while Luwu’ exported iron from the interior. In the late 15th century, Soppeng appears to have declined in power, while Wajo’ emerged as junior member of an alliance with Luwu’. The dominance of Luwu’, however, was checked by the rise of Bone in the early 16th century, while a new power arose in the south in the form of Gowa. Little is known about the other peninsulas of Sulawesi in this period.

1700

In 1700

Sukadana (Matan)

suffered defeat in the war with the Hedgehog (vazal Bantam). Hedgehogs assisted Bantam and VOCs, so the porcupine and Sukadana Banten claims (mostly West Kalimantan) as its territory

Joan van Hoorn

 

 

Zijn portret door Cornelis de Bruijn.

Joan van Hoorn (1653–1711) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1704 until 1709.

Joan (or Johan) van Hoorn was born on 16 November 1653, son to the wealthy Amsterdam gunpowder manufacturer, Pieter Janszn van Hoorn and his wife Sara Bessels, a grandchild of Gerard Reynst. As the gunpowder trade was no longer doing so well, his influential friends got him named as Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extraordinair) to the Dutch Council of the Indies. The whole family left for the Indies in 1663, including Joan.

In 1665, when he was still only 12 years old, Joan van Hoorn was already Under-assistant (onder-assistant) in the Dutch East India Company (VOC). From July 1666 until January 1668, he accompanied his father on a mission to China, where he was received by the Kangxi Emperor. Thereafter, Van Hoorn made rapid progress in his career. He became Assistant (assistent) in 1671, Underbuyer (onderkoopman) in 1673, Buyer (koopman) and First Clerk to the general secretarial function in 1676. He was made Secretary to the High Government (Hoge Regering) of the Indies in 1678. On 11 August 1682 he became Counsellor-extraordinary to the Council of the Indies. In that same year he was sent on a visit to Bantam. He was also named President of the Weeskamer (overseeing the estates of orphans, etc.). In 1684, he became President of the College van Heemraden (looking after land boundaries, roads, etc.). A further visit to Bantam took place in 1685, following which he was named full Counsellor (Raad ordinair) of the Indies.

In 1691 Van Hoorn married Anna Struis. They had a daughter, Petronella Wilhelmina. She later married Jan Trip, the Mayor’s son. A later marriage saw Petronella married to the extremely wealthy Lubbert Adolf Torck, Lord of Roozendael.

Van Hoorn became Director-General in 1691. In this post, he completely reorganised the Company’s administration. Following the death of his wife, he remarried, in 1692, this time to Susanna, the daughter of the then Governor-General Willem van Outhoorn. He himself was named, on 20 September 1701, as Governor-General in succession to his father-in-law. However, he declined to accept the post until three other high officials (Mattheus de Haan, Hendrick Zwaardecroon and de Roo), nominated by him, were admitted to the High Government of the Indies. He did this as he had no faith in the existing Council. The Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) acceded to this demand and on 15 August 1704, Joan van Hoorn accepted the post of Governor General.

The early years of Joan van Hoorn’s term of office were marked by the war then raging – the First Javanese War of Succession (1704 – 1708) . At first the Company wanted to stay out of the conflict, but eventually they had to take sides. In 1705, Joan van Hoorn concluded an agreement with Mataram, which ceded West Java to the Company. Joan van Hoorn experimented with coffee plantation. Prices were determined by the merchants at Mocha so to do something about this, the Company tried growing coffee in other regions. Subsequently, there was great expansion of coffee growing, especially in the Priangan uplands near Batavia.

1705

Tuanku Panglima Gandar Wahid lahir dikerajaan deli.

On 16 November 1706,

 following the death of Susanna, Van Hoorn re-married, this time to Joanna Maria van Riebeeck, oldest daughter of the then Director-General Abraham van Riebeeck. She was also the widow of Gerard de Heere, who had been Counsellor of the Indies and Governor of Ceylon. A son was born on 2 February 1708, but he died shortly afterwards.

On 2 March 1708,

Joan van Hoorn’s request to leave post was granted. On 30 October 1709, he handed over the post to his father-in-law Abraham van Riebeeck. Despite his further request to remain in the Indies, he was recalled to the Netherlands, as Commander of the returning fleet. He bought a very pleasant house on the Herengracht in Amsterdam. The Heren XVII presented him with a gold chain and medallion. He died six months following his return on 21 February 1711. He was buried in the evening, as was then the fashion.

 

 

 

 

 

Christoffel van Swoll

Christoffel van Swoll (1663 – 12 November 1718) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 17 November 1713 until his death.

He was born in 1663 in Amsterdam. On 19 December 1683, he left for Batavia on board the Juffrouw Anna as an assistant in the service of the Dutch East India Company. He arrived in Batavia on 19 June 1664 and began working in the General Secretariat. He was regularly promoted. In 1686 he was promoted to Accountant, in 1690 to First Clerk to the General Secretariat, and in 1691 to Buyer. In 1696, he was appointed as Secretary to the High Government (de Hoge Regering). In 1700 he became Raad extra-ordinair (Counsellor extraordinary) and President of the College van Weesmeesteren (an orpanage). In 1701 he was named Raad ordinair van Indië (Full Counsellor of the Indies). On 3 May 1703 he became President of the College van Schepenen (Aldermen) at Batavia. Following the death of Governor-General Abraham van Riebeeck, the Council (Raad) chose van Swoll, by a slim majority, as Governor-General (on 17 November 1713). This proposal was sent to the 17 Lords of the Indies (de Heren XVII) on 18 May 1714 who confirmed his appointment in 1715, despite his difficulty character. His honesty was the deciding factor in those times of corruption and maladministration.

As Governor-General, he put a lot of energy into dealing with the private, or unofficial, trade. In this he was not really successful. In general, there was nothing particularly remarkable about his time in office. He was no great promoter of development, such as extending coffee farming. He was also against extending the territory of the Company, because he thought it would then become ungovernable.He suddenly dropped the price the Chinese got for tea by a third. The result was that the trade in tea (and porcelain) collapsed for years.

Four years after his provisional appointment as Governor-General, he died in Batavia on 12 November 1718. He was buried in the Church of the Holy Cross (Kruiskerk). His successor was named as Hendrick Zwaardecroon.

 

 

Hendrick Zwaardecroon

Hendrick or Henricus Zwaardecroon (26 January 1667, Rotterdam – 12 August 1728, Batavia, Dutch East Indies) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1718 until 1725.

[edit] Early career

Zwaardecroon left for the East Indies as a midshipman aboard the Purmer in December 1684 and arrived in Batavia in October 1685. During the trip he had several times been employed as secretary to Commissioner-General Van Rheede, which enabled him to make quick progress in his career with the Dutch East India Company (VOC). In 1686 he became Bookkeeper (boekhouder) and subsequently Underbuyer (onderkoopman). In 1694, he was promoted to Buyer (koopman) and in 1694 to Senior Buyer (opperkoopman). In the same year he was appointed Commander (commandeur) in Jafnapatham in Ceylon. He was Commissioner (commissaris) on the Malabar Coast and acting Governor of Ceylon in 1697. He became, in 1703, Secretary to the High Government of the Indies (Hoge Regering) in Batavia, and in 1704, through the influence of the Governor-General, Joan van Hoorn, an extraordinary member of the Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van de Indië). Through that membership, and later because the Governor-General Christoffel van Swoll had been trying to get him removed from the Council, preferably by promotion elsewhere, it took until 1715 before the Seventeen Lords (Heren XVII) named him as full member (gewoon lid).

[edit] Governor-general of the Dutch East Indies

The day after the death of Christoffel van Swoll, on 12 November 1718, Zwaardecroon was named Governor-General. Only on 10 September 1720, was he confirmed in this post. His dismissal, by his own desire, came on 16 October 1724, though he handed the actual office to Mattheus de Haan only on 8 July 1725.

During his term of office, Zwaardecroon had to deal with a lot of unrest in Batavia, including arson in the dockyards and an attack on the gunpowder stores. The wealthy Pieter Eberveld, had inherited some land from his father. The government laid claim to a part of this estate. Eberveld planned an attack on the Dutchmen but some of his slaves warned the government and the attack was thwarted. He confessed on the rack and was condemned to death, along with other plotters. His house was destroyed and a wall erected around where it had stood.[1] His head was stuck on a lance and attached to the wall. A stone with an inscription was erected, indicating that never again would anything be built on that spot. [2] It was only removed during the Japanese occupation (World War II).

Zwaardecrood had always had a great interest in developing new products. He encouraged coffee-planting in Priangan in Java so that coffee production grew quickly. From 1723, the whole of the harvest had to be delivered to the Company. Then Zwaardecroon introduced silk production into Java as well as the production of vegetable dyes. Silk production was not so successful. In 1772 he re-established the Chinese tea trade, which had been disrupted.

In 1719, Pakubuwono I of Kartasura in East Java died and was succeeded by his son, Amangkurat IV. Two of his brothers did not recognise his succession and rose in revolt, attacking Kartasura. This was repulsed by the Dutch occupying troops, but Zwaardecroon felt himself compelled to send more troops to East Java. The revolt was put down by 1723, but it took until 1752 until real peace was restored in the area. (Second Javanese War of Succession 1719 – 1723 [3]). Zwaardecroon took action against private traders, and thus got better relations with local Company top shareholders (Bewindhouders). In 1726, he had 26 Company servants brought to Batavia on charges of corruption.

Zwaardecroon died on 12 August 1738 in his estate at Kaduang near Batavia. He said he felt more at home with ordinary townsfolk, and so at his request he was not buried with his predecessors as Governor-General, but in the graveyard of the Portuguese Church Outside the Walls at Batavia (Portuguese Buitenkerk) in Batavia, where his grave can still be visited

 

Mattheus de Haan

Mattheus de Haan (1663 – 1729) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1725 to 1729. (His portrait can be seen at [1]).

He was born in Dordrecht in 1663. On 26 October 1671 he left for the Indies, where his father had been appoined as Underbuyer (onderkoopman) in the Dutch East India Company (VOC). He then quickly went through posts in the lower levels of that organisation in Dutch Suratte. There, in 1676, he was made Provisional Assistant (provisioneel assistent), and in 1681 he became assistent. He became Bookkeeper (boekhouder) in 1683, and, in 1685, onderkoopman (Underbuyer/Undermerchant). Ten years later, in 1695, he was promoted to Buyer/Merchant (koopman). The next year he had to move to Batavia, to take up the post of Second Senior Buyer (tweede opperkoopman) in the Company’s headquarters there. Two years later, in 1698, he was promoted to First Senior Buyer (eerste opperkoopman). He became Secretary (secretaris) to the High Government of the Indies in 1700 and, in 1702, Vice-President of the Council of Justice. He was made a Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extraordinair) of the Dutch Council of the Indies in 1704. He was then appointed President of the College van Schepenen in 1705. Five years later, he was made full Counsellor of the Indies and in 1722 he became Director-General. On 16 October 1724 he was nominated Governor-General, taking over from Henrick Zwaardecroon on 8 July 1725.

Characteristic of his time in office was his opposition Zwaardecroon’s encouragement of silk cultivation. Coffee production in the de Preanger region (the Priangan fr:Priangan uplands to the south of Batavia) went enormously well and de Haan felt that this would lead to a decline in coffee prices in Europe, so he lowered the prices paid to the coffee farmers. Their response was to chop down some of the coffee plantations. This was not what was intended, and De Haan forbade it. Meanwhile, there was further heavy damage to the production of coffee. Coffee from Java went mainly to Europe. They never managed to get into the Asian market. Coffee from Mocha took off there, as did the Arabic coffee of the English. No action was taken against this. The English also began to play a more important role in the cotton and tea trade.

Following a very unremarkable term in office (De Haan had all his life been more interested in repose than in action), the Governor-General died, after lying ill for three days, on 1 June 1729. He was buried in Batavia and was followed as Governor-General by Diederik Durven.

1728

Tuanku Panglima Penderap Sultan Deli II wafat, dan dimakamkan dipulau berayan.Pada waktu memilih penerus kerajan Deli, timbul perselisihan antara keempat putera sultan Deli II Panglima Penderap, Tuanku Jalaludin sebagai putra pertama tidak dapat menjadi penerus karena ada cacat dimatanya, Tuanku Pasutan sangat berambisi menjadi sultan deli, terjadilah perselisihan diantara mereka, Tuanku Umar Johan bersama ibunya Tuanku Puan sampali  diusir  keSerdang ,sedangkan Tuanku Gandar Wahid sebagai  Raja deli V’

Pasutan tahun 1728 memindahkan  pusat kerjaan dari Padang datar  sebutan kota meedan saat itu ke Kampung Alai sebutan dari Lahuan deli saat itu.Untuk memperkuat dirinya dia mengangkat gelar datuk kepada 4 suku  yang dikenal dengan nama Datuk empat suku yaitu : Datuk XII kota(daerah hamparan Perak dan sekitarnya), Datuk Sebarnyaman( daerah sunggal dan sekitarnya), Datuk Senembah (Daerah Patumbak,Tanjung Morawa dan sekitarnya0, Datuk suka Piring (daerah Kampung Baru dan medan sekitarnya)

Pada Masa  Tuanku Pasutan ini  Kerajaan siak XSri inderaPura berperang dengan kerajaan Aceh untuk merebut  Kerajaan Deli.

Diederik Durven

 

 

Diederik Durven

Diederik Durven (born Delft, 1676, died 26 February 1740) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1 June 1729 until 28 May 1732

Durven studied Law at Leiden University where he graduated in 19 July 1702. He became an advocate in Delft in 1704. In 1705, he was nominated as a member of the Council of Justice at Batavia in the Indies. He left for Batavia on the “Grimmestein” on the 4 January 1706. In 1706, he arrived in Batavia. After his appointment in 1720 to the Council of the Indies, he was sent, in 1722 and 1723, to supervise the gold- and silver-mines in Parang province. Subsequently, he became(in 1723) chairman of the College van Heemraden (i.e. drainage board, comparable to a polder board in the Dutch Republic), which was responsible for the management of land outside the city, including supervision of boundaries. He later become President of the Council of Justice – the supreme court of Dutch Asia. In 1729, Mattheus de Haan died. Diederik Durven succeeded him as provisional Governor-General. This did not last long, as the Directors of the East India Company were very impatient of the speed of change there. Following alleged financial misbehaviour, though more probably as a scapegoat, he was dismissed on 9 October 1731. Diederik Durven died in the Netherlands on 26 February 1740. He was succeeded by Dirck van Cloon.

 

Dirck van Cloon

 

 

Dirck van Cloon as Governor General of the Indies

Dirck van Cloon (1684 – 10 March 1735) was Eurasian Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He died of malaria at the age of 46.

He was born in Batavia sometime in 1684. For his education and training he was sent to the Netherlands. He graduated in Law at Leiden University on 1 April 1707.

He returned he to Batavia on the clipper ‘Donkervliet’ and spent some time in Dutch Coromandel. He was among other things a district overseer in Sadraspatnam. He got into a fight with the governor of Coromandel, Adriaan de Visser, who accused Van Cloon of delivering bad quality goods. The government in Batavia sent Van Cloon back to the Netherlands, but he persuaded the Directors of the Dutch East India Company that de Visser was not to be trusted. Van Cloon was reinstated and he left for the Indies on 4 November 1719 on board the ‘van de Huis te Assenburg’ as Supercargo. In 1720, he became district chief at Negapatnam. In 1723, he became Governor of Dutch Coromandel. In 1724, he returned to Batavia to advise the Governor-General and in 1730, he became “Raad-ordinair” (chief advisor) of the Indies.

On the 9th of October 1731 the Directors of the Dutch East India Company named Dirck van Cloon Governor-General of the Indies, to which he succeed on 28 May 1732, following the disgrace of Diederik Durven. By 20 December 1733 van Cloon was asking to resign because of sickness. He died in post, however, and it was not until after he had died that his successor took over. Van Cloon was involved in a stand-off with the nascent Swedish East India Company, but he resolved it amicably. Less happy was an insurrection of unemployed Chinese sugar plantation workers. This was caused by the collapse of the sugar market, due to over-production and government mishandling.

 

Abraham Patras

 

 

Governor General Abraham Patras

Abraham Patras (22 May 1671 – 3 May 1737) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 11 March 1735 until 3 May 1737. He was born in Grenoble of a refugee French Huguenot family. In 1685, his family fled to the Netherlands.

[edit] Early career

Patras first took a job in the offices of an Amsterdam merchant named Nathaniël Gauthier (a fellow Huguenot), but he left for the Indies aboard the Hobree on 4 January 1690, where he is described as a soldier in the employ of the Enkhuizen branch of the Dutch East India Company. In 1691, he sought a change of career and got a temporary post as an agent in Batavia. In 1695 he became assistant/secretary to the Chinese estates-management administration in Ambon Island. In 1698 he was put in charge of children and matrimonial matters. He married in 1699 to a daughter of an official of the Judicial Council in Ambon. His wife died on the 16 December 1700. His only daughter also died young.

[edit] Rising through the ranks

Patras was nominated to the Council of Justice in 1700, and in 1703, he went to work as under-secretary (onderkoopman) for the Governor of the Moluccas Islands. In 1707, he became the Head (opperhoofd) of the trading post at Jambi, where his headquarters were attacked. Although severely wounded in the back, he survived. He was merchant, then Chief Factor in Palembang in 1711. In 1717, he was promoted to Chief Merchant (opperkoopman) and Office holder (gezaghebber) of the west coast of Sumatra. It was 1720 that saw him promoted to Inspector General of Accounts for the Dutch East Indies (visitateur-generaal van Nederlands-Indië). In 1721, he was sent as an envoy to Jambi. In 1722, he was appointed deputee-overseer of goods coming in and out of the castle at Batavia. In 1724, he got the very lucrative post of Head of the Dutch Bengal trading post. In 1731, he was appointed as extraordinary (i.e. co-opted) member of the Council of the Indies.

[edit] Governor-General

On the 10 March 1735 on the death of Governor-General Dirck van Cloon, Patras very surprisingly was nominated Governor-General. He had never been a full member of the Council of the Indies, so this was a first, and was caused by him slipping through as a compromise candidate following a stalemate in the voting. He was not keen to take on the post in these circumstances, but agreed to do so until a better candidate could be found. On 11 March 1735 he was nominated interim Governor-General, a decision which was approved by the Directors of the East India Company.

During his short period of office, no significant decisions were made. Although he was a competent leader and had built up a great deal of practical knowledge of the territories, his age (at 64) probably ensured that he was not a very powerful Governor-General.

He died two years after his appointment during the night of 3 May 1737. He was buried in Batavia on 6 May 1737. He was a pious and good-hearted man who had lived a very modest life. The governor-generalship was taken over by Adriaan Valckenier.\\

 

 

 

Adriaan Valckenier

 

 

Adriaan Valckenier

Adriaan Valckenier (6 June 1695, Amsterdam – 20 June 1751, Batavia, Dutch East Indies), was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 3 May 1737 until 6 November 1741 and involved in the Chinese Massacre of 1740. Valckenier died in a prison in Batavia.

[edit] Biography

Valckenier’s father, an alderman and secretary in Amsterdam, was an official of the Dutch East India Company based in Amsterdam. He was the son to Gillis Valckenier, one of the great regents of Amsterdam during the later Dutch Golden Age. On 22 October 1714, Adriaan left on board the ‘Linschoten’ to be assistant buyer (onderkoopman) in the Dutch East Indies, where he arrived on 21 June 1715 at Batavia.

In 1726, he became merchant and chief buyer (opperkoopman); in 1727 he was “Accountant General” (boekhouder-generaal) of the Dutch Indies; in 1730, he was first appointed to the Council of the Indies (Raad extra-oridinair), and, in 1733, as a full “Councillor”. In 1736, he was made “First Councillor” and “Director-General”, but was beaten to the post of Governor General by Abraham Patras. On the latter’s death, he was named Governor General by the Council of the Indies on 3 May 1737.

[edit] The Chinese Massacre of 1740

Main article: 1740 Batavia massacre

It was during the rule of Adriaan Valckenier that the notorious slaughter of Chinese took place in Batavia (the so-called Chinese Massacre). A previous Governor General (Henricus Zwaardecroon) had encouraged many Chinese to come to Batavia. Something between 20% and 50% of the population were Chinese. They worked in the construction of the houses and fortifications of Batavia and on the sugar plantations outside the city. Many Chinese merchants also took a leading, if (from the Dutch point of view) illegal, role in the trade with China. From 1725 the sugar trade began to collapse (partly because of competition from Brazil).[citation needed] Unemployment in the countryside grew, and along with that, unrest. This spread to Batavia as unemployed Chinese left the countryside to seek work or food relief there. The authorities were alarmed at this and began issuing residence permits, and requiring those with permits to live in specific areas. Unrest grew to a full scale insurrection in the countryside in September 1740, when the Dutch had suggested transporting unemployed Chinese to other Dutch colonies in Ceylon and South Africa. A rumour spread that they would all be thrown overboard en route, and riots in the countryside exploded

The Dutch authorities were afraid that the Chinese within Batavia were collaborating with the insurrection and, over the 9 and 10 October, brutal searches were made of Chinese areas, in which many thousands were killed, often after having been arrested. This “massacre” lasted three days, followed by many more days of looting and arson, with no obvious attempt on the government’s part to stop the violence. One estimate is that between 5,000 and 10,000 Chinese (men, women and children) were killed in total

 

Johannes Thedens

 

 

Johannes Thedens (1680, Friedrichstadt – 19 March 1748, Batavia) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 6 November 1741 until 28 May 1743.

Thedens, born in a largely Dutch settlement in Schleswig-Holstein, sailed on 17 December 1697 as a soldier aboard the ‘’’Unie’’’ to the Dutch East Indies. In 1702 he was appointed to the post of ‘’’Assistant’’’ in the Dutch East India Company and in 1719, to ‘’’Buyer’’’ (‘’’koopman’’’). He then progressed (between 1723 and 1725) up through the ranks to ‘’’Chief Buyer’’’ (‘’’opperkoopman’’’) then ‘’’Head of Post’’’ (opperhoofd) at Deshima in Japan.[1]

In 1731, he was co-opted to the Council of the Indies and in 1736, he was made a full member (‘’’Raad-ordinair of Indie’’’). In 1740 he was appointed by the Directors as a ‘’’First Councillor and Director General’’’ of the Indies. On 6 November 1741, following the dismissal of Adriaan Valckenier, (whom he had arrested and placed in prison in the castle at Batavia), he became ‘’’interim’’’ Governor General . He continued in office up to 28 May 1743, and was able to overcome the Chinese insurrection and put the sugar trade on a better footing. He was succeeded by Gustaaf Willem baron van Imhoff.

Jacob Mossel

 

 

Jacob Mossel

Jacob Mossel (28 November 1704 – 15 May 1761) went from being a common sailor to become Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1750 to 1761.

He was of noble birth, born in Enkhuizen. When he was 15 he left as an able-bodied seaman aboard a Fluyt (a type of Dutch sailing cargo vessel) called de Haringthuyn, bound for the Indies. As his family had a coat of arms, he was able to obtain a privileged position, through Dirk van Cloon, and was sent to the Dutch Coromandel (1721). On the 30th of March 1730, he married Adriana Appels, the fourteen-year old stepdaughter of Adriaan van Pla, Governor of Dutch Coromandel. Jacob Mossel worked himself up finally to Governor and Director of Dutch Coromandel. In 1740 he got the title of Counsellor-extraordinary of the Indies and in 1742 he became a member of the Dutch Council of the Indies (Raad van Indië) in Batavia/Jakarta. In 1745, he became the first Director of the Amfioensociëteit, which tried to regulate its monopoly of the trade in opium. In 1747, he was named as the Director-General (the second highest post in the Dutch East Indies). When in 1750, Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff died, Mossel succeeded him as Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. He remained in post until his own death in 1761.

Jacob Mossel ruled the Indies during a period in which things got steadily worse for the Dutch East India Company. He made may economies and he ended the war in Bantam Province,recognising that his predecessor had handled things badly. The Dutch were threatened by the expansion of the British East India Company. In the battle for Bengal, Mossel lost to the British. Mossel was a supporter of the policy to allow private entrepreneurs to trade for themselves in the territory of the Indies. This concerned small scale trading in which the Company could make no profit. Following that, Batavia/Jakarta underwent a period of growth, which, because of his successors tax regulations, came to nothing. The Company was plagued by corruption and self-interest among its office holders. Jacob Mossel was also involved in this. His great fortune could not in any case have been put together from his official salary. The initiatives he took against corruption were not very effective. To curb exaggerated displays of wealth, in 1754 he brought in a so-called “Regulation against pomp and splendour”, which tried to lay down exactly what wealth an officer could display. These details went from the number of buttonholes they could have to the size of their houses. Of course, the regulations did not apply to himself, and there was great feasting at his daughter’s wedding. After his death at Batavia/Jakarta, from a wasting disease, he was given a magnificent funeral

1761

Tuanku Pasutan gandar Wahit mangkat, dimakamkan didaerah labuhan.Dia digantikan oleh putranya Tuanku Panglima Kanduhid sebagai Sultan Deli V.Kanduhid menikah dengan putri Datuk XII Hamparan Perak dan ditahun yang sama lahirlah Tuanku Amaluddin.

Dibawah pemerintahannya Datuk Empat suku  semakin kokoh sebagai Wakil Rakyat karena peranannya semakin nyata sebagai pengaman rakyat.

Raja deli V ini memindahkan pusat pemerintahan dari hulu ke hilir Labuhan deli ,pemindahan pusat pemerintahan yang berulang kali ini tujuannya untuk mengkokohkan kawasan tersebut.Dalam pemerintahan sultan deli V ini mengokohkan perdagangan hasil bumi dengan daerah lain.

Petrus Albertus van der Parra

Petrus Albertus van der Parra (29 September 1714 – 28 December 1775) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 15 May 1761 to 28 December 1775. (See portrait at [1])

[edit] Biography

Petrus Albertus van der Parra was born in Colombo, the son of a Secretary to the government of Ceylon. His great-grandfather had come to India and the family had lived there ever since. In 1728, he began his career at fourteen years old. As everyone had to start as a soldier, he began as a “soldaat van de penne”, then became an “assistent” in 1731, and “boekhouder” (bookkeeper) in 1732. He had to move house in 1736 to take up a new job as “onderkoopman” (underbuyer/undermerchant), and at the same time “collectionist” (collector) and “boekhouder” to the General Secretary at Batavia/Jakarta. He became “koopman” (buyer/merchant) and “geheimschrijver” (secrets secretary) in 1739. He became Second Secretary to the High Government (Hoge Regering), becoming First Secretary in 1747. He became Counsellor-extraordinary of the Indies later that year (November) and in 1751 became a regular Counsellor. In 1752 he became President of the College van Heemraden (in charge of estate boundaries, roads, etc.). He was later a member of the “Schepenbank” (the local government and court in Batavia), a Regent (a board member) of the hospital and in 1755 he became First Counsellor and Director-General (Eerste Raad en Directeur-Generaal)

On 15 May 1761, following the death of Jacob Mossel he became Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies. Confirmation of his appointment by the Heren XVII (the Seventeen Lords, who controlled the Dutch East India Company) came in 1762. He held a lavish inauguration on his birthday on 29 September. Subsequently, his birthday was a national holiday in the Indies. During his time as Governor-General, he overthrew the Prince of Kandy, in Ceylon, though with difficulty, and he conquered the sultanate of Siak in Sumatra. Contracts were entered into with various regional leaders in Bima, Soembawa, Dompo, Tambora, Sangar and Papekat. Apart from that, the rule of Van der Parra can be called weak. He favoured his friends and gave out well-paid posts if he could get anything in return for them. It was said he was a typical colonial ruler, idle, grumpy but generous to those who fawned upon him and recognised his greatness. It was a golden time for the preachers in Batavia, who got gifts, translations of the New Testament and scholarships from Van der Parra. They worshipped and eulogised him. Although the Heren XVII knew about his behaviour, as five Counsellors had written to them about his pretentions to kingly behaviour, they did nothing about it.

In 1770, Captain James Cook had to ask for his help to proceed on his journeys on HMS Endeavour (See s:Captain Cook’s Journal, First Voyage/Chapter 9). At the end of the 19th Century, a steamship, trading to the Indies, was named after him. ([2])

After over fourteen years in power, he died on 28 September 1775 in Weltevreden, the imposing palace built for him outside Batavia/Jakarta. (See images at [3] and [4]). He apparently left a great deal of his fortune to the widows of Colombo and a smaller part to the poor of Batavia ([5]) He was followed as Governor by Jeremias van Riemsdijk

 

Jeremias van Riemsdijk

Jeremias van Riemsdijk (18 October 1712 – 3 October 1777) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, from 28 December 1775 to 3 October 1777.

Jeremias van Riemsdijk was born on 18 October 1712 in Utrecht, the son to Scipio van Riemsdijk, the minister of Bunnik near Houten, and Johanna Bogaert. He entered into service with the Dutch East India Company as a sergeant left for the Indies, aboard the van de Proostwijk, on 25 February 1735. Very shortly after his arrival in Batavia/Jakarta on 14 September 1735, he entered the civil (as opposed to military) service. Jeremias was the nephew of the future Governor-General Adriaan Valckenier (1737-1741), who at the time was still a member of the Council of the Indies. H could therefore expect to make rapid progress in his career. In 1736 he became onderkoopman (underbuyer/undermerchant), in 1738 koopman (buyer/merchant), in 1740 tweede opperkoopman (second upperbuyer/uppermerchant) and in 1742 eerste opperkoopman (first upperbuyer/uppermerchant) in the castle headquarters at Batavia/Jakarta. In 1743 he became the chief (kapitein) of the company of clerical/writing staff (pennisten) and in October Jeremias van Riemsdijk was named Counsellor-extraordinary (Raad extra-ordinaier) to the Council of the Indies. In 1759 he was appointed President of the College van Weesmeesters (dealing with the affairs of orphans, minors, etc.). On 15 October 1760 he was named ordinary Counsellor (Raad ordinair) and on 17 August 1764 Director-General.

On 28 December 1775, following the death of Petrus Albertus van der Parra, Van Riemsdijk was chosen as Governor-General. He had had at the time five marriages, to leading Eurasian ladies. He had learned a lot from the eleven years he had worked with his predecessor, whose great appetite for money he had acquired. During his term in office, there was a shortage of ships and ship personnel. This problem was solved with help from the homeland. However, shortly after his governorship had begun, Jeremias van Riemsdijk died in Batavia/Jakarta. He was followed as Governor-General by Reynier de Klerck

 

Reynier de Klerck

Reynier de Klerck (or Reinier de Klerck) (1710 – 1780) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 9 October 1778 until 1 September 1780.

De Klerk’s date of birth is not known but he was baptised on 19 November 1710 in Middelburg. He worked as midshipman aboard the Kamer van Zeeland, a warship, whose duty was to protect the routes of homeward bound cargo ships. He made two trips to India as a sailor in the service of the Dutch East India Company. In December 1730, he left permanently for India aboard the t Vliegend Hert.

Between 1735 and 1737 he was the pilot aboard a small ship which traded to and fro between Batavia and Padang. In 1737 he became an accountant (boekhouder) with the Dutch East India Company, and so began for him a life on land. In 1738, he was onderkoopman and resident (underbuyer/undermerchant and resident) in Lampung. In 1741 he was a secretary with the army on Java. In 1742 he became Chief in Surabaya and in 1744 koopmand en eerste administrateur (buyer/merchant and first administrator) in Semarang. In 1747, he was named opperkoopmand en tweede bestuurder (upperbuyer/uppermerchant and second in charge) of Java’s Northeast Coast. In 1748 he became Governor and Director of Banda. He moved to Batavia/Jakarta in 1754 when he was made president of the College van Boedelmeesteren der Chinesche en andere onchristelijke sterfhuizen (which looked after Chinese and other non-Christian burial facilities) for Batavia. In October 1754, Reynier de Klerck was installed as Counsellor-extraordinary of the Indies, and in 1762 was appointed as Counsellor in the Dutch Council of the Indies. In 1775 he became acting Director-General, being named actual Director-General in 1776.

On 4 October 1777, the day after the death of Governor-General Jeremias van Riemsdijk, he was unanimously chosen as Governor-General. He took up the official functions of the post one year later, 9 October 1778. Reynier de Klerck was a hardworking governor. He was a powerful reformer, who however could not realise all his ideas. He was very committed to bringing Dutch culture to the Indies. Thus he wanted to replace Portugueseand Malay with Dutch in the education system. His endeavours failed however because the local population did not want this. During his term of office, few important happenings occurred. A conflict in the Celebes was brought to an end by occupying Gowa, while the Sultan of Bantam Landak and Batjan gave way to the Dutch East India Company. To preserve the spice monopoly, the Princes of Tidore and Batjan were deposed and sent into exile to Batavia. They were replaced by puppets of the Company.

The term of office of van Reynier de Klerck did not last long, for he died on 1 September 1780 in Molenvliet near Batavia. He was followed as governor by Willem Arnold Alting.

Reynier de Klerck’s house in old Batavia can still be seen, as the National Archives Museum on Jalan Gajah Mada, Jakarta.

1780

Kesultanan Siak menaklukan Kerajaan deli.

Willem Arnold Alting

 

 

Portret van Willem Alting uit (Tischbein, 1788)

Willem Arnold Alting (1724 – 1800) was Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies from 1780 until 1797.

Alting was born in Groningen on 11 November 1724. He studied in his hometown and graduated in law.

He left on 18 October 1750 for the Indies on board the de Middelburg as an onderkoopman (underbuyer/undermerchant) for the Dutch East India Company (VOC). He spent the rest of his life in the Indies. In 1754 he became koopman (buyer/merchant) and in 1759 First Secretary to the government. In 1763 he became Counsellor-extraordinary (Buitengewoon Raad) and in 1772 full Counsellor (Raad ordinaris). In 1777 he became First Counsellor (Eerste Raad) was named Director-General.

From March 1780 he was acting Governor-General, because of the sickness of his predecessor, Reynier de Klerck. Following the death of de Klerck, on 1 September 1780 he was chosen by the Dutch Council of the Indies as provisional Governor-General. He carried on this function for seventeen years.

De Klerck had wanted to bring the use of Dutch into the educational system, but Alting revoked this in 1786, so that Malay and Portuguese were once again used. Alting’s term of office was marked by a steep decline of the Dutch East India Company and its power in the Indies. Three months after he took up post, the Netherlands went to war with Britain (1780 – 1784) and a great part of the territory of the Dutch East India Company was occupied by the British. The government in Batavia/Jakarta did not, on the whole, offer much resistance. By the Peace of Paris (1784), Britain obtained the right to unhindered trade in the East Indies. The Dutch had to cede Negapatam in India to the British. The image of the Dutch in the eyes of the local rulers was thoroughly shattered.

From the Netherlands, three Commissioners-General were sent to work with Alting to reorganise. On the way there, one of them died and Alting managed to get his son-in-law Johannes Siberg to take his place. The Alting/Siberg duo dominated the Commission and, from the reports of one of the other Commissioners, it seems they worked very hard in their own interests. The Commission cost a lot of money but brought no improvement. In 1795, it became known in Batavia/Jakarta that their homeland (in the meantime having become the Batavian Republic) was once again at war with Britain.

On 17 February 1797, Willem Arnold Alting resigned as Governor-General and Commissioner-General and handed the post over to Pieter Gerardus van Overstraten. Alting remained as an ordinary citizen, without official position, living on his estate at Kampong Melajoe near Batavia/Jakarta. He died there on 7 June 1800

 

 

18th century Dutch mansion at Kali Besar Barat

1619

 

Castle batavia

1622

 

Amasterdam Gate

 

1627

 

Batavia city hall

 

Calangan VOC Restaurant tan sa yen,

later became Carpewnter Restaurant

 

Jacatra  fort

 

 

 

 

1632

Bastion Enkhuizen(demolished)

 

Bastion hollandia 1632

 

1635

 

House for single women

 

 

 

 

1640

 

 

Old Hollandse Church

Java, 1595-1625

Mataram’s overseas empire

Mataram at the height of its power, early 17th century

Mataram’s period of dominance was brief. Sultan Agung’s brutality in eliminating potential opposition was exceeded by that of his successor, Amangkurat I, who soon alienated a large part of the Javanese elite. Full-scale rebellion broke out in 1675, led by a disaffected prince of Madura named Trunojoyo, who was in league both with Makasar refugees from southern Sulawesi and with the crown prince, Amangkurat’s son. The rebellion began in the coastal regions which had felt the brunt of Mataram’s hostility to trade, but quickly found support in the interior after Trunojoyo defeated the Mataram forces at Gogodog in 1676 and, abandoning the crown prince, declared himself king.

Mataram would certainly have fallen but for the fact that the VOC, fearing the rise of a new, assertive dynasty on Java, gave military support to Mataram in exchange for territorial and trading concessions. In 1678, after Amangkurat I had died and the crown prince had been installed as Amangkurat II, Dutch troops marched into eastern Java to begin a three-year campaign alongside Mataram forces which destroyed the rebel armies. The intervention established the VOC as the single most powerful military force in Java, gave it hegemony over a large hinterland south and east of Batavia, as well as control of the enclave of Semarang, and reduced the power and territory of Banten.

 

 

1646

 

 

Chinese hospital and home for oldage(demolized)

1650

 

Chinezse temple Jin De Yuan

1652

 

VOC Warehouse,now Museum Bahari

 

Fish market,now pasar ikan

(unidentified building at Jakarta)

1655

 

 

Engle brug(jembatan gantung)

 

1658

 

fort nordwijk

 

 

1680

 

The portugeus City Church ,burned in 1880

1695

 

 

Sion Church

 

Latest image

Oldest image

     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     
     

Gereja Tugu

   
     
     
     
     
     

i

   

Museum Sejarah Jakarta

   

Nieuwe Hollandse Kerk, “New Church of Holland” (destroyed by earthquake in 1808, Wayang Museum is now on its site)

   

Nieuwe Poort, “New Gate” (demolished)

   

Old Gelderland defence works (demolished after 1667)[4]

   

Oude Hollandse Kerk, “Old Holland Church” (demolished in 1732, bottom part still viewable)[nb 3]

   

Oude Utrechtse Poort, “Old Utrecht Gate” (demolished)

   

Pasar Ikan, “Fish Market”

   

Raja Kuring Restaurant

   

Sinees Sieken Huys, Chinese hospital and home for the aged (demolished)

   

Spinhuis, “spinning-house for single women” (demolished)

   

The Latin and Greek School (demolished)[2]

   

Toko Merah, “Red Shop”

   

Vihara Dharma Bhakti

   

Vismarkt, “Fish Market” (earlier structure) (demolished)

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Indonesia Historic Collections

1700-1800

 

created by

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Privated Limited Edition E-book In CD-ROM

copyright@2012

 

 

Batavia in 1682

The Ommelanden fell under the authority of a ‘delegate for native affairs’, responsible to the Governor-General in Batavia, but for the most part they were left to their own devices under a system of private estates (particuliere landerijen), whose landlords had quasi-feudal rights over their tenants. The granting of private estates continued into the early 18th century, by which time they encompassed virtually the whole of the northern coastal plain of West Java. The region was fertile and productive, sugar, rice and cotton being the main crops, but it was also unruly: small-scale landlords and entrepreneurs squeezed their tenants for what they could, and the tenants in turn simmered constantly on the threshold of revolt or brigandage.

18th Century

1702.

Under these circumstances he was induced to resign the government in 1702, and died about a month after his abdication.

Perkasa-alum, a priest, found means by his intrigues to acquire the sovereignty, and one of his first acts was to attempt imposing certain duties on the merchandise imported by English traders, who had been indulged with an exemption from all port charges excepting the established complimentary presents upon their arrival and receiving the chap or licence. This had been stipulated in the treaty made by Sir James Lancaster, and renewed by Mr. Grey when chief of the Company’s factory. The innovation excited an alarm and determined opposition on the part of the masters of ships then at the place, and they proceeded (under the conduct of Captain Alexander Hamilton, who published an account of his voyage in 1727) to the very unwarrantable step of commencing hostilities by firing upon the villages situated near the mouth of the river, and cutting off from the city all supplies of provisions by sea. The inhabitants, feeling severely the effects of these violent measures, grew clamorous against the government, which was soon obliged to restore to these insolent traders the privileges for which they contended.

1704.

Advantage was taken of the public discontents to raise an insurrection in favour of the nephew of the late queen, or, according to the Annals, the son of Beder al-alum (who was probably her brother), in the event of which Perkasa-alum was deposed about the commencement of the year 1704, and after an interregnum or anarchy of three months continuance, the young prince obtained possession of the throne, by the name of Jemal al-alum. From this period the native writers furnish very ample details of the transactions of the Achinese government, as well as of the general state of the country, whose prosperous circumstances during the early part of this king’s reign are strongly contrasted with the misery and insignificance to which it was reduced by subsequent events. The causes and progress of this political decline cannot be more satisfactorily set forth than in a faithful translation of the Malayan narrative which was drawn up, or extracted from a larger work, for my use, and is distinct from the Annals already mentioned:

When raja Jemal al-alum reigned in Achin the country was exceedingly populous, the nobles had large possessions, the merchants were numerous and opulent, the judgments of the king were just, and no man could experience the severity of punishment but through his own fault. In those days the king could not trade on his own account, the nobles having combined to prevent it; but the accustomed duties of the port were considered as his revenue, and ten per cent was levied for this purpose upon all merchandise coming into the country. The city was then of great extent, the houses were of brick and stone. The most considerable merchant was a man named Daniel, a Hollander; but many of different nations were also settled there, some from Surat, some from Kutch, others from China. When ships arrived in the port, if the merchants could not take off all the cargoes the king advanced the funds for purchasing what remained, and divided the goods among them, taking no profit to himself. After the departure of the vessel the king was paid in gold the amount of his principal, without interest.

His daily amusements were in the grounds allotted for the royal sports. He was attended by a hundred young men, who were obliged to be constantly near his person day and night, and who were clothed in a sumptuous manner at a monthly expense of a hundred dollars for each man. The government of the different parts of the country was divided, under his authority, amongst the nobles. When a district appeared to be disturbed he took measures for quelling the insurrection; those who resisted his orders he caused to be apprehended; when the roads were bad he gave directions for their repair. Such was his conduct in the government. His subjects all feared him, and none dared to condemn his actions. At that time the country was in peace.

When he had been a few years on the throne a country lying to the eastward, named Batu Bara, attempted to throw off its subjection to Achin. The chiefs were ordered to repair to court to answer for their conduct, but they refused to obey. These proceedings raised the king’s indignation. He assembled the nobles and required of them that each should furnish a vessel of war, to be employed on an expedition against that place, and within two months, thirty large galleys, without counting vessels of a smaller size, were built and equipped for sea. When the fleet arrived off Batu Bara (by which must be understood the Malayan district at the mouth of the river, and not the Batta territory through which it takes its course), a letter was sent on shore addressed to the refractory chiefs, summoning them to give proof of their allegiance by appearing in the king’s presence, or threatening the alternative of an immediate attack. After much division in their councils it was at length agreed to feign submission, and a deputation was sent off to the royal fleet, carrying presents of fruit and provisions of all kinds. One of the chiefs carried, as his complimentary offering, some fresh coconuts, of the delicate species called kalapa-gading, into which a drug had been secretly introduced. The king observing these directed that one should be cut open for him, and having drunk of the juice, became affected with a giddiness in his head. (This symptom shows the poison to have been the upas, but too much diluted in the liquor of the nut to produce death). Being inclined to repose, the strangers were ordered to return on shore, and, finding his indisposition augment, he gave directions for being conveyed back to Achin, whither his ship sailed next day. The remainder of the fleet continued off the coast during five or six days longer, and then returned likewise without effecting the reduction of the place, which the chiefs had lost no time in fortifying.

About two years after this transaction the king, under pretence of amusement, made an excursion to the country lying near the source of the river Achin, then under the jurisdiction of a panglima or governor named Muda Seti; for it must be understood that this part of the kingdom is divided into three districts, known by the appellations of the Twenty-two, Twenty-six, and Twenty-five Mukims (see above), which were governed respectively by Muda Seti, Imam Muda, and Perbawang­Shah (or Purba-wangsa). These three chiefs had the entire control of the country, and when their views were united they had the power of deposing and setting up kings. Such was the nature of the government. The king’s expedition was undertaken with the design of making himself master of the person of Muda Seti, who had given him umbrage, and on this occasion his followers of all ranks were so numerous that wherever they halted for the night the fruits of the earth were all devoured, as well as great multitudes of cattle. Muda Seti however, being aware of the designs against him, had withdrawn himself from the place of his usual residence and was not to be found when the king arrived there; but a report being brought that he had collected five or six hundred followers and was preparing to make resistance, orders were immediately given for burning his house. This being effected, the king returned immediately to Achin, leaving the forces that had accompanied him at a place called Pakan Badar, distant about half a day’s journey from the capital, where they were directed to entrench themselves. From this post they were driven by the country chief, who advanced rapidly upon them with several thousand men, and forced them to fall back to Padang Siring, where the king was collecting an army, and where a battle was fought soon after, that terminated in the defeat of the royal party with great slaughter. Those who escaped took refuge in the castle along with the king.

1699

In 1699, rebels from Landak joined forces with the Javanese state of Banten to conquer Sukadana. Banten’s domination of Sukadana was brief. With the help of Bugis mercenaries based in Banjarmasin, the sultan managed to recover his throne and Sukadana once more became the major trading power of the west coast.

 

 

 

 

 

1700

Batavia Map 1700

Jakarta , pianta del 1700. Occorre ricodare che la città fu progettata e costruita dagli olandesi sul modello di Delf

 

 

1701

Three years of confusion in the VOC ensue over the post of Governor-General. Sultan of Banjar tries to eject the British post by force, but fails.

 

1702

Amangkurat II sends a secret representative to the VOC, hoping for help in the face of court intrigues. Antonio Coelho Guerreiro arrives as the first official governor of Portuguese Timor. The Portuguese on Timor were limited to outposts along the northern coast only.

 

1703

Amangkurat II dies. Amangkurat III faces opposition from Pangeran Puger.

 

Teuku Umar

1703:

Sultan Aji Muhammad Sultan Alam became Paser I through the year 1726, the first ruler of Paser take a higher degree of Sultan.

.
 1704

Amangkurat III demands that the VOC return Puger to his custody. VOC refuses, but VOC army takes Demak and other coastal areas on behalf of Pangeran Puger.

1704

Mataram truncated: Amangkurat II and his rivals, 1681-1704

Although Dutch troops had preserved the Mataram dynasty, the kingdom was now a shadow of its former power. Territorial concessions to the Dutch in the west, creeping political influence by the Madurese along the coast, and a full-scale rebellion by Surapati in the east left it sadly truncated. Moreover, when Amangkurat II died in 1703, the Dutch backed his brother, Pangeran Puger, to succeed to the throne over Amangkurat’s son, Amangkurat III. In 1706, in what came to be called the First Javanese War of Succession, VOC forces with numerous indigenous allies marched on Kartasura and installed Puger as Pakubuwana I. Amangkurat III fled to join the former slave, Surapati, whose followers controlled much of Java’s eastern peninsula. Bitter fighting continued in which Surapati was killed and Amangkurat III captured by ruse and sent into exile. In exchange for VOC support, Pakubuwana ceded eastern Madura to the Dutch and gave them the right to build fortifications anywhere in Java.

The six decades which followed were a time of constant turmoil for Java. The descendants of Surapati maintained his kingdom south of the Brantas; further east, they fought with Balinese princes and with remnants of the kingdom of Balambangan for control of the eastern peninsula. The coastal regions from Surabaya to Juana remained under the influence of the powerful Cakraningrat family in western Madura, while the question of whether the VOC was Mataram’s greatest enemy or its best potential ally underpinned incessant factional conflict within the Mataram court

1705

VOC sends reinforcements to Semarang. Surapati offers to make a conditional surrender to the VOC, but the VOC rejects his offer. VOC bribes the commander of the troops at Kartasura, allowing them to take Salatiga and other approaches without significant resistance. VOC recognizes Pangeran Puger as Susuhunan Pakubuwono I.

1705:

Hussin Kamaluddin became Sultan of Brunei (period I) until the year 1730.

De Vossenbosch, Waaier and Nova Hollandia, 1705

Under the command of Commander Maarten van Delft, the de Vossenbosch, Waaier and Nova Hollandia explored the Gulf of Carpentaria and north coast of New Holland.

October 5:

Pakubuwono I makes a deal with the VOC: Mataram debts to VOC are wiped out; East Madura goes to VOC control; Semarang is officially a VOC city after years of occupation; Cirebon is officially a VOC protectorate; VOC gets extensive trade rights; Javanese sailors must stick to their home waters; Mataram must deliver rice on demand to the VOC at a price set by the VOC. In addition, the two sides agree that no other European nation will be allowed to build factories or fortifications anywhere on Java. October 11: Pakubuwono I signs an agreement to pay the costs of the VOC garrison at Kartasura.

1706

VOC and Mataram armies take Kediri, and defeat Amangkurat III and Surapati.

1706:

Britain allowed to set up factories in Banjar

1707

VOC and Pakubuwono I of Mataram battle the forces of Amangkurat III at Madiun, and take Pasuruan.

On June 27, 1707,

the British merchant settlements in Banjarmasin was suddenly attacked by the natives, most British people were killed, and the survivors fled to the ship. EIC company property lost in this place, estimated at $ 50,000. [29] The British were expelled from English-Banjar Banjar War II in 1707, so that Chinese people can be free again to enter into transactions with the merchants pepper Banjar and Biaju. The number of Chinese people who gathered in the area of ​​the Sultanate of Banjar increasingly composed of junk merchants and traders settled.

1708:

Omar Akamuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until the year 1732

1708

VOC forces land at Surabaya to continue fighting against Amangkurat III. July 17 Amangkurat III surrenders himself at Surabaya, after receiving a false VOC promise of lands and freedom in exchange for surrender. August 24 Amangkurat III, his family and attendants are sent by ship from Surabaya to Batavia. At Batavia, he is told that the VOC representative at Surabaya had no authority to offer him terms of surrender. He is taken as a prisoner of war and sent to exile in Ceylon.

1708

 

Batavia  1708. Chinese Qing Ceramic  Export for the Dutch

1710

VOC opens tin mines on Bangka. Around this time, many Bugis, who had been wandering as mercenaries or refugees due to the wars involving Makassar and Bone, began to settle on and around the Malay peninsula

1712

Pakubuwono I sends repeated requests to the VOC in Batavia for help against continuing unrest in Balambangan and Madura.

1712

THE SECOND GARRISON:
CHRONICLES OF FORT MALBOROUGH

In 1712, Joseph Collets wrote mail to the council proposed to build a new garrison in Carrang (probably refers to Ujung Karang). It is about three kilometers far from Fort York.

1714This fort was established in 1714-1719 by Joseph Collet (1712-16). The progress was continued by his successors: Thiophilus Shyllinge (1716-17), Richard Farmer (1717-18), and Thomas Cooke (1718-19).


Gravestone of Cap. James Cuney (moved from British Cemetery in Jitra)

1714

British begin building Fort Marlborough at Bengkulu. Sultan of Tidore cedes claim on Irian Jaya to VOC. After this time (especially after the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, which ended 13 years of war between the European powers and their colonies) the Dutch and the VOC began to lose prominence, and Britain became the dominant colonial and naval power in the world.

1714

The fortification was under contruction for four year and was compled in its firts form in 1718

Due to the lack of  a qualifed engineer the fort gradually fell into a state of decay  and when joseph collet was appointend deputy Fovendor in 1712 he requested permission to abandon yort fort and to contruct a new fort on the ‘carang’, small hill about two mill from york and overlooking the bay. colet was eventually given permission to commace work on this new fotification in 1714. It was to be large enough to provide living accommodation for the factor and writers of the company and their servanst well as the militiary garrison. Joseph colled name his fort ‘marlboroug’  in honour of john Churhill, the firs Duke of marlborough, who wasbeing hailed as a national hero after winning a number of strategic battles in Erouppe against the friench  and their allies.

———————————————————————————————–
Pland of the original fort 1714-1718
North

 

Al old print of FortMarlborough looking north towerd Gunung Bungkuk (Sugar loaf Mountain) Showing the lookout tower which was demolished towar the end of 1700s.

 

1717

VOC accuses the Adipati of Surabaya of collaborating with the rebels in eastern Java. The son of the Adipati of Surabaya, Jaya Puspita, leads a renewed rebellion against Mataram in the areas around Surabaya, Kediri, Probolinggo, Balambangan, and Madura, with help from Bali. The VOC organizes further reinforcements to counter the threat.

 

Bali warriors

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1717

Hamengkubuwana I (1717-1792)

Spoiler for sedikit tentang beliau


Nama aslinya adalah Raden Mas Sujana yang setelah dewasa bergelar Pangeran Mangkubumi.

 

Ia merupakan putra Amangkurat IV raja Kasunanan Kartasura yang lahir dari selir bernama Mas Ayu Tejawati pada tanggal 6 Agustus 1717.

1718

VOC takes Surabaya and Madiun from the rebels. Some rebellions continue in east Java. Cakraningrat III of Madura is killed by VOC soldiers while travelling to talks; Cakraningrat IV takes power.

1718

 

Balinese_slave_in_Batavia_in_1718_

from_Cornelis_de_Bruin_Voyages_de_Corneille_le_Brun_1718.

 

1719

Amangkurat IV takes rule in Mataram. Court rebellion breaks out almost immediately; rebel princes flee eastward. A combined VOC and Mataram force drives the rebels back from Kediri to Malang.

Java, 1719

A Second War of Succession followed from 1719 to 1723, after the death of Pakubuwana I. His son, Amangkurat IV, again held his throne against rebel forces thanks only to VOC intervention. During the reign of Amangkurat IV’s son, Pakubuwana II, a further round of fighting broke out, eventually merging into the Third Javanese War of Succession. Although conflict had been endemic in the intervening years,

1721

Rumors of a conspiracy against the VOC spread in Batavia. Peter Erberfelt and several others are tried and executed.

1722

VOC receives a monopoly on tin from Bangka and Belitung from the Sultan of Palembang.

1723

Rebel princes and Surapati’s descendants in East Java are subdued by VOC forces. VOC begins compulsory coffee production in Priangan.

1723.

Under these disastrous circumstances he called upon the chiefs who adhered to him to advise what was best to be done, surrounded as they were by the country people, on whom he invoked the curse of God; when one of them, named Panglima Maharaja, gave it as his opinion that the only effectual measure by which the country could be saved from ruin would be the king’s withdrawing himself from the capital so long as the enemy should continue in its vicinity, appointing a regent from among the nobles to govern the country in his absence; and when subordination should be restored he might then return and take again possession of his throne. To this proposition he signified his assent on the condition that Panglima Maharaja should assure him by an oath that no treachery was intended; which oath was accordingly taken, and the king, having nominated as his substitute Maharaja Lela, one of the least considerable of the ulubalangs, retired with his wives and children to the country of the Four mukims, situated about three hours journey to the westward of the city. (The Annals say he fled to Pidir in November 1723.) Great ravages were committed by the insurgents, but they did not attack the palace, and after some days of popular confusion the chiefs of the Three districts, who (says the writer) must not be confounded with the officers about the person of the king, held a consultation amongst themselves, and, exercising an authority of which there had been frequent examples, set up Panglima Maharaja in the room of the abdicated king (by the title, say the Annals, of Juhar al-alum, in December 1723). About seven days after his elevation he was seized with a convulsive disorder in his neck and died. A nephew of Jemal al-alum, named Undei Tebang, was then placed upon the throne, but notwithstanding his having bribed the chiefs of the Three districts with thirty katties of gold, they permitted him to enjoy his dignity only a few days, and then deposed him. (The same authority states that he was set up by the chiefs of the Four mukims, and removed through the influence of Muda Seti.)

1724. 1735.

The person whom they next combined to raise to the throne was Maharaja Lela (before mentioned as the king’s substitute). It was his good fortune to govern the country in tranquillity for the space of nearly twelve years, during which period the city of Achin recovered its population. (According to the Annals he began to reign in February 1724, by the title of Ala ed-din Ahmed shah Juhan, and died in June 1735.) It happened that the same day on which the event of his death took place Jemal al-alum again made his appearance, and advanced to a mosque near the city. His friends advised him to lose no time in possessing himself of the castle, but for trifling reasons that mark the weakness of his character he resolved to defer the measure till the succeeding day; and the opportunity, as might be expected, was lost. The deceased king left five sons, the eldest of whom, named Po-chat-au (or Po-wak, according to another manuscript) exhorted his brothers to unite with him in the determination of resisting a person whose pretensions were entirely inconsistent with their security. They accordingly sent to demand assistance of Perbawang-shah, chief of the district of the Twenty-five mukims, which lies the nearest to that quarter. He arrived before morning, embraced the five princes, confirmed them in their resolution, and authorised the eldest to assume the government (which he did, say the Annals, by the title of Ala ed-din Juhan-shah in September 1735.) But to this measure the concurrence of the other chiefs was wanting. At daybreak the guns of the castle began to play upon the mosque, and, some of the shot penetrating its walls, the pusillanimous Jemal al-alum, being alarmed at the danger, judged it advisable to retreat from thence and to set up his standard in another quarter, called kampong Jawa, his people at the same time retaining possession of the mosque. A regular warfare now ensued between the two parties and continued for no less than ten years (the great chiefs taking different sides), when at length some kind of compromise was effected that left Po-chat-au (Juhan­shah) in the possession of the throne, which he afterwards enjoyed peaceably for eight years, and no further mention is made of Jemal al-alum. About this period the chiefs took umbrage at his interfering in matters of trade, contrary to what they asserted to be the established custom of the realm, and assembled their forces in order to intimidate him. (The history of Achin presents a continual struggle between the monarch and the aristocracy of the country, which generally made the royal monopoly of trade the ground of crimination and pretext for their rebellions).

1723

Further north, Acehnese power recovered somewhat, but the more significant power was the sultan of Siak Sri Indrapura, a state founded in 1723, which had extended its hegemony northwards as far as Tamiang by 1780.

1724:

Government of the Kingdom of Matan / Sukadana by Sultan Ma’aziddin (1724-1762)

1726

KING OF SUKARNAPURA
• Wiradedaha IV (1726-1745)
• Satjapati (1745-1747)
• Wiradedaha V (1747-1765)
• Jayamenggala (1765-1807)
• Demang Anggadipa (1807-1813)
• Suryalaga (1813-1814)
• Wiradedaha VI (1814-1828)
• Wiratanubaja I (1828-1835)
• Wiratanubaja II (1835-1854)
• Adipati Wiradedaha VII (1854-1874)
• Wirahadiningrat (1874-1906)
• Aria Prawiradiningrat (1906-1908)
• Wiratanudiningrat (1908-1925)
Beberapa peristiwa penting di Sukapura
Abad 17. Priangan Tengah dibagi menjadi empat kadipaten. Salah satunya adalah Sukapura di bawah pimpinan Ki Wirawangsa Umbul Sukakerta bergelar Tumenggung Wiradedaha. Beliau adalah leluhur para adipati/ bupati Sukapura.
1811/ 1813 Raden Demang Anggadipa (1807-1811/1813) dicopot dari kedudukannya oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda karena menolak penanaman paksa nila sebagai pengganti beras. Beliau keberatan dengan kebijakan Belanda itu karena akan mengakibatkan rakyat kelaparan. Akibat pembangkangan itu, Kadipaten Sukapura sementara waktu dihapuskan dan diserahkan pemerintahannya pada Limbangan di bawah Raden Tumenggung Wangsareja (1805-1811).
Akhir abad ke-19. Belanda menata ulang pemerintahan Priangan dan membaginya menjadi 9 afdeeling (Jerman: Abteilung). Salah satunya adalah Sukapura di bawah Raden Tumenggung Wiratanubaya IV.
Wirahadiningrat (1874-1906) memperoleh penghargaan bintang Oranye Nassau dari Belanda.SOURCE:Cribb, Robert. Digital Atlas of Indonesian History.
Hardjasaputra, Sobana A. Bupati di Priangan: Kedudukan dan Peranannya pada abad ke-17-19 dalam Seri Sundalana, Pusat Studi Sunda, Bandung, 2004.
Sutherland, Heather. Notes on Java’s Regent Family, Cornel University, 1973
Taniputera, Ivan. Kerajaan-kerajaan Nusantara Pascakeruntuhan Majapahit: Hikayat dan Sejarahnya, Arruzzwacana, Jogjakarta (sedang dalam proses penerbitan).

 

 

Banjar kINGDOM

 

 

 

 

 

 

SOURCE : An alphabetical enumeration of the former princely states of Indonesia, from the earliest time to the modern period, with simplified genealogies and order of succession by Hans Haegerdal.

1726:

As the daughter of King Paser, La Madukelleng (National Hero) served King Paser until the year 1736.

1728

Court intrigues in Kartasura result in Pangeran Mangkunegara being sent into exile by Dutch.

.
.

 

 

1730

 

1730

 

 

Residence of Governor General von Imhoff(rumah merah)

 

1730

West Java: colonial political divisions, 1730-1808

In Cirebon, the Dutch preserved an unusual arrangement in which the heads of two related families, Kanoman and Kesupuhan, both carried the hereditary rank and powers of sultan. The upland regions to the south were incorporated into the Priangan System, but the sultans retained extensive powers in the lowlands, where they farmed their estates out to Chinese entrepreneurs, with miserable consequences for the peasants. Cirebon was the scene of repeated famine and uprising in the late 18th century

1730:

Mohammad Alauddin became the Sultan of Brunei until the year 1745.
 1731:

Amir Wira Bulungan I became ruler until the year 1777. Amiril Pengiran Dipati II served Tidung ruler until 1765.
 1732:

Abubakar I to the Sultan of Sambas Kamaluddin until the year 1762. The Sultanate’s capital was moved from the Kutai Kutai Lama to Pemarangan.

 

1733:

A warlord’s men attacked the La Madukelleng Banjarmasin but failed.
 1733: Puana Dekke Bugis leaders borrowed land to Sultan Banjar Tahlilullah to establish settlements in Pagatan with a population that became known as the Bugis Pagatan. [31]
 1734:

Sultan Banjar Tamjidillah I to XII until the year 1759.
 1735: Sultan Aji Muhammad Idris Kukar XIV became King until the year 1778. He is the King of Kutai first took the title of Sultan.
 1736: Sultan Alam Sepuh I became Sultan Paser II until the year 1766.

 

1736

 

New hollandse Church

1737
“Here
Lyeth Interrd the
Body of
Cap. James Cuney
Who departed this
Life
February 7th 1737
A.Aetatis 36”Explanation:
“A.Aetatis 36”, it stands for “anno aetatis suae 36”,
that means “”in the year of his age 36 years


Gravestone of Henry Stirling (moved from British Cemetery in Jitra)

 

1731

– Gov.-Gen. Durven and several other high officials are ordered to return to the Netherlands by the Heeren XVII for financial misdeeds. Malaria epidemic sweeps Batavia in 1732.

1733

– Pakubuwono II agrees to heavier debt service payments to VOC. He has his minister Danureja sent into exile in Ceylon.

Gouvenor general VOC

 

Governor Jacob Christiaan Pielat 1733‑tfull.jpg

1734

– Pakubuwono II transfers his claim to Balambangan to VOC.

1735

– Official VOC archives in Batavia are founded.

.

1735

Shipwreck ‘Viegent Hart’ Silver Coin

 

 

Shipwreck coin ‘Viegent Hart’ shipwrecked 1735, Dutch East Indies on voyage to Batavia, Java

1738

VOC tells Pakubuwono II to exile Pangeran Purbaya.

1739

Arung Singkang attacks Bone and Makassar, but VOC drives him back.

1739

 

Luar batang mosque

 

1739

Arung Singkang attacks Bone and Makassar, but VOC drives him back.

 

1740

Pada tahun 1740 terjadi pemberontakan orang-orang Cina di Batavia yang menyebar sampai ke seluruh Jawa. Pada mulanya, Pakubuwana II (kakak Mangkubumi) mendukung pemberontakan tersebut.

Namun, ketika menyaksikan pihak VOC unggul, Pakubuwana II pun berubah pikiran.

 

1740

VOC begins a campaign to have “superfluous Chinese” deported to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) or South Africa.

 

Kapitan Pattimura

1740:

Panembahan Mempawah Manambung Opu Daeng brought mine workers from mainland China.

 

1740

marked the beginning of an era of cataclysmic violence. The era began with a wholesale massacre of Chinese in Batavia – probably about 10,000 perished – by Dutch citizens resentful of their prosperity and stirred by VOC fears of a Chinese rebellion. Chinese bands fleeing the destruction moved along the north Java coast destroying VOC posts one by one and massacring their inhabitants. Pakubuwana II joined the rebels in attacking Semarang, while the VOC formed an alliance with the Cakraningrats. As the tide turned towards the VOC, Pakubuwana sued for peace, but found himself at once facing a rebellion amongst Javanese and in mid-1742 he was driven out of his capital. VOC troops on the coast, however, and Madurese troops inland were successful in stemming the rebellion and in late 1743, Pakubuwana was formally restored to his throne in exchange for further territorial concessions to the VOC, the guarantee of a perpetual tribute in rice, and the acceptance of a VOC garrison in the Kartasura court. Although the Cakraningrats had been instrumental in the VOC victory, their fate was still less favourable. They were given none of the concessions they wanted on the eastern Java mainland

1740

 

Within Batavia’s walls, wealthy Dutch built tall houses and pestilential canals. Commercial opportunities attracted Indonesian and especially Chinese immigrants, the increasing numbers creating burdens on the city. Tensions grew as the colonial government tried to restrict Chinese migration through deportations. On 9 October 1740, 5,000 Chinese were massacred

1740

Batavia massacre

The 1740 Batavia massacre was a pogrom against ethnic Chinese living in the port city of Batavia, the Dutch East Indies. The incident lasted for two weeks in October.Up to 80,000 ethnic Chinese lived in Batavia in the early 18th century…. and the following year, Chinese inhabitants were moved to Glodok

Glodok

Glodok is a part of the Jakarta Old Town, Indonesia. The area is also known as Pecinan or Chinatown since the Dutch colonial era, and is considered the biggest in Indonesia, as a majority of the traders in Glodok are of Chinese descent

 

Octob. 1740. –

Afbelding van dat gBATAVIA. TABLEAU DE LA PARTIE BATAVIA, où s’est fait proprement le terrible massacre des Chinois, le 9edeelte van Batavia, alwaar eigentlyk de schrikkelyke slagting der Chinezen geschied is, den 9 Octob. 1740. (Amsterdam, 1755).Engraving by J. van Schley. Ca. 19 x 28 cm. From: A.F. Prevost. Historische beschrijving der reizen. – Striking bird’s eye view of Batavia depicting the massacre of the Chinese by the Dutch in Batavia, October 9, 1749.Feith 74; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 159,1. [Boeknr.: 14562 ]

Read more info

 

The Queen of the East: 18th century Batavia

In the decades after its founding, Batavia grew rapidly as a colonial capital and an international entrepôt.

In 1624 it had had a total population of just 8000, but by 1670 the city was home to around 130,000 people, 27,000 of them living inside the walls.  No more than 2000 of these Batavians were Europeans; the rest were a mix of Asian immigrants, chancers and slaves.

There were Arabs and Indians, hundreds of mardijkers – the term by which the Dutch knew emancipated slaves and ‘black Portuguese’ – and thousands of Chinese.Then as now it was the ethnic Chinese who toiled in the economic engine rooms of the great Southeast Asian cities.

 

Their communities, often intermarried with local women, had been established in Indonesia for centuries; they were the businessmen, the shopkeepers and the investors, and without them a city would stagnate.

Batavia’s founder, Jan Pieterszoon Coen, had recognised this right at the start – he encouraged the Chinese to come to his new capital and allowed them to trade freely at a time when not even Dutchmen were permitted to set up a private business.

Before long they accounted for almost a quarter of Batavia’s entire population – and the most productive quarter at that.

The Jews of Asia

The Dutch had very quickly developed some deeply negative opinions of the indigenous Indonesians, and attached to their ‘national character’ a string of unflattering epithets, foremost of which was ‘lazy’ and its various synonyms.

Javanese natives, for reasons of security and contempt, had been banned from living within the city walls of Batavia from the moment they were built.

But the Chinese elicited more complex reactions from those around them.  Europeans found much to praise in the apparent Chinese sense of industry; even when they did nothing more than grow vegetables or hawk goods on the streets they seemed to do so with an energetic business plan in mind.

But whenever a particular ethnic group can be identified with wealth, the opprobrium won’t be far behind, and European commentators dished out lashings of contempt along with their backhanded compliments to the industrious Chinese.

A rear-admiral in the Dutch fleet who passed through Batavia in the 18th century drew the most telling of parallels:

Like the Jews in Europe, they are very cunning in trade, both in the largest dealings and in the most trifling pedlary.

They are so desirous of money, that a Chinese will run three times from one end of the city to the other, if he have but the prospect of gaining one penny.  In doing any business with them, the greatest care must be taken to avoid being cheated.

And then, having established the Chinese as a race of usurers – and condemning their religion of smoky temples and brassy statues as ‘the most abominable idolatry’ – he wound things up with a most spectacular piece of slander:

The Chinese are of a very lustful temper.  They are accused of the most detestable violations of the laws of nature; and it is even said, that they keep swine in their houses, for purposes the most shameful and repugnant.

With views like this being bandied about it was little wonder that jealousy of the Chinese could – and still can – tip over into outright violence from time to time.

Barbarity and Rapine

In 1740 the arrival of some bands of wandering Chinese freebooters on the outskirts of Batavia sent panic-prompting rumours rattling around both the Chinese and European communities of the city.

The Dutch believed that the Chinese were plotting to rebel and annihilate them; the Chinese took whispers of deportation to mean that they were all to be shipped over the horizon and then summarily tipped into the sea.

 

On the rampage: the 1740 massacre

The entire resident Chinese population was curfewed and several dozen of their number clapped in irons, but with the atmosphere approaching hysteria on both sides, it was inevitable that the prophesies of doom should become self-fulfilling.

When word seeped through the walls that there had been some kind of altercation with the freebooters, and that Dutchmen may have been killed, the entire non-Chinese population of Batavia – very much including the Europeans – went on the rampage.  A Dutch resident of the city named Ary Huysers recorded what happened:

An instantaneous cry of murder and horror resounded through the town, and the most dismal scene of barbarity and rapine presented itself on all sides.

All the Chinese, without distinction, men, women, and children, were put to the sword.  Neither pregnant women nor suckling infants were spared by the relentless assassins.

The prisoners in chains, about a hundred in number, were at the same time slaughtered like sheep.  European citizens, to whom some of the wealthy Chinese had fled for safety, violating every principle of humanity and morality, delivered them up to their sanguinary pursuers, and embezzled the property confided to them.  In short, all the Chinese, guilty and innocent, were exterminated.

That last was not hyperbole: Huysers really did mean all of them.  There had been around 10,000 Chinese residents in Batavia intra-muros before the massacre.

One result of the slaughter was that the few surviving Chinese from outside the walls, together with their vagabonding countrymen whose arrival had precipitated the carnage, ricocheted off around Java prompting rebellion and uproar wherever they went, and dragging the VOC forces into yet more military entanglement with the decaying royal court of Mataram.

The other result was that Batavia received an economic and social blow that it could ill afford – for by the middle of the 18th century the city, the Company, and the empire it ran, were unmistakably in the pits…

 

 

 

 

1742
Pada tahun 1742 istana Kartasura diserbu kaum pemberontak . Pakubuwana II terpaksa membangun istana baru di Surakarta, sedangkan pemberontakan tersebut akhirnya dapat ditumpas oleh VOC dan Cakraningrat IV dari Madura.

1743

Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff

 

 

Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff

Gustaaf Willem, Baron van Imhoff (August 8, 1705 Leer–November 1, 1750) was the governor of Ceylon and then the Dutch East Indies for the Dutch East India Company (VOC-Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie).

[edit] Early years

Van Imhoff was born into an East Frisian aristocratic family. His father, Wilhelm Heinrich Freiherr von Imhoff, came from the town of Leer in northwestern Germany, a few kilometers from the Dutch border.

 

 

In 1725,

Van Imhoff entered into the service of the Dutch East India Company in Batavia (modern-day Jakarta), then colonial capital of the Dutch East Indies. Van Imhoff was promoted several times within the company before being appointed colonial governor in Ceylon (Modern-day Sri Lanka) on July 23, 1736.

Ceylon

Van Imhoff’s tenure as governor of Ceylon put an end to the chaos that had pervaded the previous administration. He established constructive relations with the king of Kandy, Vira Narendra Sinha.

King Narendra was married to a Tamil princess of Madurai (Tamil Nadu, India), and their child, Sri Vijaya Rajasinha who succeeded him after Narendra’s death on May 24, 1739, was seen to be more Tamil than Sinhalese (the majority ethnic group in Ceylon). Imhoff was concerned about this succession because closer contact between the Tamils of Ceylon, under Sri Vijaya Rajasinha, and the Tamils of south India might endanger the Dutch East India Company’s commercial monopoly. In his letters, Van Imhoff expressed his surprise that the Sinhalese people had accepted such a king, considering their haughty attitude towards the Tamils of India. However, Van Imhoff saw an interesting opportunity in this turn of events. He proposed to the Lords Seventeen (Heeren XVII, the directors of the VOC) that the kingdom of Ceylon be divided in two, but they rejected the proposition: a war would be too costly.

Despite the profitable production of spices, the colony was always in a state of deficit because its profits were allotted to the VOC in general, not to the colony itself. This practice prevented the Governors from becoming too extravagant in their habits, as was the case in other colonies.

 

 

 

[edit] Batavia

On March 12, 1740,

Willem Mauritiz Bruininck replaced Van Imhoff as governor of Ceylon and Imhoff returned to Batavia, which he found in a precarious situation. Governor-General Adriaan Valckenier believed that the Chinese population in the area surrounding Batavia had grown too large. He attempted to relocate the population to Ceylon and the Cape Colony (South Africa), but a rumor alleging that the Dutch were planning to throw Chinese people overboard in the middle of the ocean started an insurrection against the VOC. Vackenier responded by massacring approximately 5000 Chinese. Imhoff contested this brutal policy, which led to his arrest and deportation to the Netherlands. Upon his arrival, the Lords Seventeen named him governor-general of the Dutch East Indies and sent him back to Batavia.

En route to Batavia, Imhoff visited the Dutch colony in Cape Town, in the Cape Colony, where he discovered that the citizens were penetrating farther and farther into the interior and were losing contact with the VOC. Imhoff proposed to improve education and the work of the Protestant Church in the colony.

In May 1743,

Imhoff began his tenure in Batavia which was in the midst of a war. The Javanese princes took advantage of the chaotic situation following Valckenier’s actions to begin a war against the VOC. Imhoff succeeded in reestablishing the peace and began several reforms. He founded a Latin school, the first post offices in the Dutch East Indies, a hospital and a newspaper. He also founded the city of Buitenzorg and suppressed the opium trade. In 1746, Imhoff embarked on a tour of Java to inspect the company’s holdings and decided on several institutional reforms.

Imhoff’s tenure was also marked by catastrophe. A ship, the Hofwegen, was struck by lightning and exploded in the port of Batavia along with six tons of silver, totalling around 600,000 Dutch florins.

Ultimately, Imhoff’s progressive policies made him many enemies. Imhoff’s want of diplomacy and his lack of respect for local customs caused the colony to become embroiled in the third war of Javanese succession. Put in an untenable position by his enemies, Imhoff wanted to resign from his post, but the VOC would not allow it. Imhoff was forced to remain in office until his death in 1750, having come to believe that most of his work had been done in vain.

During his stay in Batavia, Imhoff stayed in a high-class residence today known as Toko Merah.[1

 

1744

“Here
lies interred
the body
of
Henry Stirling
Late Council at Fort Marlborough on this coast
He was ninth son of
James Stirling of Key Esq.
And the honourable
Mr. Maron Stewart
of the Kingdom of Scotland and Departed
this life on first day
of April 1744
Aged 25 years

1746

Sisa-sisa pemberontak yang dipimpin oleh Raden Mas Said (keponakan Pakubuwana II dan Mangkubumi) berhasil merebut tanah Sukowati. Pakubuwana II mengumumkan sayembara berhadiah tanah seluas 3.000 cacah untuk siapa saja yang berhasil merebut kembali Sukowati.

Mangkubumi dengan berhasil mengusir Mas Said pada tahun 1746, namun ia dihalang-halangi Patih Pringgalaya yang menghasut raja supaya membatalkan perjanjian sayembara.

Datang pula Baron van Imhoff gubernur jenderal VOC yang makin memperkeruh suasana.

Ia mendesak Pakubuwana II supaya menyewakan daerah pesisir kepada VOC seharga 20.000 real untuk melunasi hutang keraton terhadap Belanda. Hal ini ditentang Mangkubumi. Akibatnya, terjadilah pertengkaran di mana Baron van Imhoff menghina Mangkubumi di depan umum.

Mangkubumi yang sakit hati meninggalkan Surakarta pada bulan Mei 1746 dan menggabungkan diri dengan Mas Said sebagai pemberontak.Sebagai ikatan gabungan Mangkubumi mengawinkan Mas Said dengan puterinya yaitu Rara Inten atau Gusti Ratu Bendoro.

Perang antara Mangkubumi melawan Pakubuwana II yang didukung VOC disebut para sejarawan sebagai Perang Suksesi Jawa III.

1747

Pada tahun 1747 diperkirakan kekuatan Mangkubumi mencapai 13.000 orang prajurit.

Pertempuran demi pertempuran dimenangkan oleh Mangkubumi, misalnya pertempuran di Demak dan Grobogan.

 

1749

Pada akhir tahun 1749, Pakubuwana II sakit parah dan merasa kematiannya sudah dekat. Ia pun menyerahkan kedaulatan negara secara penuh kepada VOC sebagai pelindung Surakarta tanggal 11 Desember.

Sementara itu Mangkubumi telah mengangkat diri sebagai raja bergelar Pakubuwana III tanggal 12 Desember di markasnya, sedangkan VOC mengangkat putra Pakubuwana II sebagai Pakubuwana III tanggal 15.

Dengan demikian terdapat dua orang Pakubuwana III. Yang satu disebut Susuhunan Surakarta, sedangkan Mangkubumi disebut Susuhunan Kebanaran, karena bermarkas di desa Kebanaran di daerah Mataram.

 

 

Borneo, ca 1750

Brunei, meanwhile, was also in decline before the rising sultanate of Sulu, based in the archipelago between Borneo and Mindanao. In return for backing the successful claimant in a succession dispute in Brunei, Sulu received suzerainty over much of Borneo north of Brunei itself. Sulu’s influence also increased on the east coast of Borneo.

The principal state of the east coast was Kutai, a Malay kingdom in the Mahakam river basin which converted to Islam in the 16th century. From the late 17th century, however, many Buginese settled on the east coast, founding the state of Pasir and for a time dominating the Tidung, Bulungan and Berau regions, though these northern areas were to come under the Sulu sultanate.

1751


Perang kembali berlanjut. Pertempuran besar terjadi di tepi Sungai Bogowonto tahun 1751 di mana Mangkubumi menghancurkan pasukan VOC yang dipimpin Kapten de Clerck. Orang Jawa menyebutnya Kapten Klerek.

 

1752

Pada tahun 1752 Mangkubumi dengan Raden Mas Said terjadi perselisihan.Perselisihan ini berfokus pada keunggulan supremasi Tunggal atas Mataram yang tidak terbagi.Dalam jajak pendapat dan pemungutan suara dukungan kepada Raden Mas Said oleh kalangan elite Jawa dan tokoh tokoh Mataram mencapai suara yang bulat mengalahkan dukungan dan pilihan kepada Mangkubumi.

 

Dalam dukungan elite Jawa menemui fakta kalah dengan Raden Mas Said maka Mangkubumi menggunakan kekuatan bersenjata untuk mengalahkan Raden Mas Said tetapi Mangkubumi menemui kegagalan.Raden Mas Said kuat dalam dukungan-pilihan oleh elite Jawa dan juga kuat dalam kekuatan bersenjata.Mangkubumi bahkan menerima kekalahan yang sangat telak dari menantunya yaitu Raden Mas Said.Akibat kekalahan yang telak Mangkubumi kemudian menemui VOC menawarkan untuk bergabung dan bertiga dengan Paku Buwono III sepakat menghadapi Raden Mas Said.

 

Nyi Ageng Serang

(1752-1828)

 

Spoiler for keturunan Sunan Kalijaga dan Neneknya Ki Hajar Dewantara


Nyi Ageng Serang bernama asli Raden Ajeng Kustiyah Wulaningsih Retno Edi (Serang, Purwodadi, Jawa Tengah, 1752 – Yogyakarta, 1828) adalah seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia.

Ia adalah anak Pangeran Natapraja yang menguasai wilayah terpencil dari kerajaan Mataram tepatnya di Serang yang sekarang wilayah perbatasan Grobogan-Sragen.

Setelah ayahnya wafat Nyi Ageng Serang menggantikan kedudukan ayahnya.

Nyi Ageng Serang adalah salah satu keturunan Sunan Kalijaga,

ia juga mempunyai keturunan seorang Pahlawan nasional yaitu Soewardi Soerjaningrat atau Ki Hajar Dewantara.

Ia dimakamkan di Kalibawang, Kulon Progo. Ia pahlawan nasional yang hampir terlupakan,mungkin karena namanya tak sepopuler R.A. Kartini atau Cut Nyak Dhien tapi beliau sangat berjasa bagi negeri ini.Warga Kulon Progo mengabadikan monumen beliau di tengah kota Wates berupa patung beliau sedang menaiki kuda dengan gagah berani membawa tombak

 

1754

Tawaran Mangkubumi untuk bergabung mengalahkan Raden Mas Said akhirnya diterima VOC tahun 1754.

 

Pihak VOC diwakili Nicolaas Hartingh, yang menjabat gubernur wilayah pesisir utara Jawa.

Sebagai perantara adalah Syaikh Ibrahim, seorang Turki.

Perudingan-perundingan dengan Mangkubumi mencapai kesepakatan, Mangkubumi bertemu Hartingh secara langsung pada bulan September 1754.

Perundingan dengan Hartingh mencapai kesepakatan.

Mangkubumi mendapatkan setengah wilayah kerajaan Pakubuwana III, sedangkan ia merelakan daerah pesisir disewa VOC seharga 20.000 real dengan kesepakatan 20.000 real dibagi dua;10.000 real untuk dirinya Mangkubumi dan 10.000 real untuk Pakubuwono III.

 

 

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1730

Uang Real Batu, Kesultanan Sumenep (1730 M)

 

 

Symbol Keraton Sumenep

Kerajaan Sumenep di Madura mengedarkan mata uang yang berasal dari uang-uang asing yang kemudian diberi cap bertulisan Arab berbunyi “SUMANAP” sebagai tanda pengesahan.

Uang kerajaan Sumenep yang berasal dari uang Spanyol disebut juga “Real Batu” karena bentuknya yang tidak beraturan.

Pada masanya Kerajaan ini sebenarnya bernama Kadipaten Sumenep (atau sering dikenal sebagai Kadipaten Madura), adalah sebuah monarki yang pernah menguasai seluruh Pulau Madura dan sebagian daerah tapal kuda. Pusat pemerintahannya berada di Kota Sumenep sekarang.

Pada tahun 1269, dimasa pemerintahan Arya Wiraraja wilayah ini berada dibawah pengawasan langsung Kerajaan Singhasari dan Kerajaan Majapahit. Pada tahun 1559, dimasa pemerintahan Kanjeng Tumenggung Ario Kanduruwan, wilayah yang terletak di Madura Timur ini berada pada kekuasaan penuh Kesultanan Demak dan baru pada pemerintahan Pangeran Lor II yang berkuasa pada tahun 1574, wilayah Kadipaten Sumenep berada dibawah pengawasan langsung Kasultanan Mataram.

Pada tahun 1705, akibat perjanjian Pangeran Puger dengan VOC, wilayah ini berada dalam kekuasaan penuh Pemerintahan Kolonial. Selama Sumenep jatuh kedalam wilayah pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda, wilayah ini tidak pernah diperintah secara langsung, para penguasa Sumenep diberi kebebasan dalam memerintah wilayahnya namun tetap dalam ikatan-ikatan kontrak yang telah ditetapkan oleh Kolonial Kala itu.

Selanjutnya pada tahun 1883, Pemerintah Hindia Belanda mulai menghapus sistem sebelumnya (keswaprajaan), Kerajaan-kerajaan di Madura termasuk di Sumenep dikelola langsung oleh Nederland Indische Regening dengan diangkatnya seorang Bupati. Semenjak itulah, sistem pemerintahan Ke-adipatian di Sumenep berakhir. (wikipedia/ berbagai sumber)

 

 

 

 

Keraton Sumenep

dulunya adalah tempat kediaman resmi para Adipati/Raja-Raja selain sebagai tempat untuk menjalankan roda pemerintahan.

Kerajaan Sumenep sendiri bisa dibilang sifatnya sebagai kerajaan kecil (setingkat Kadipaten) kala itu, sebab sebelum wilayah Sumenep dikusai VOC wilayah Sumenep sendiri masih harus membayar upeti kepada kerajaan-kerajaan besar(Singhasari, Majapahit, dan Kasultanan Mataram).

Keraton Sumenep sejatinya banyak jumlahnya, selain sebagai kediaman resmi adipati/raja yang berkuasa saat itu, karaton juga difungsikan sebagai tempat untuk mengatur segala urusan pemerintahan kerajaan.

Saat ini Bangunan Karaton yang masih tersisa dan utuh adalah bangunan Karaton yang dibangun oleh Gusti Raden Ayu Tirtonegoro R. Rasmana dan Kanjeng Tumenggung Ario Tirtonegoro (Bindara Saod) beserta keturunannya yakni Panembahan Somala Asirudin Pakunataningrat dan Sri Sultan Abdurrahman Pakunataningrat I (Raden Ario Notonegoro).

Sedangkan untuk bangunan karaton-karaton milik Adipati/Raja yang lainnya, seperti Karaton Pangeran Siding Puri di Parsanga, Karaton Tumenggung Kanduruan, Karaton Pangeran Lor dan Pangeran Wetan di Karangduak hanya tinggal sisa puing bangunannya saja yakni hanya berupa pintu gerbang dan umpak pondasi bangunan Keraton.

Istilah penyebutan Karaton apabila dikaitkan dengan sistem pemerintahan di Jawa saat itu, merasa kurang tepat karena karaton Sumenep memeliki strata tingkatan yang lebih kecil dari bangunan keraton yang ada di Jogjakarta dan Surakarta.

 Karaton Sumenep sebenarnya adalah bangunan kediaman keadipatian yang pola penataan bangunannya lebih sederhana dari pada keraton-keraton besar seperti Jogjakarta dan Surakarta. Namun perlu dimaklumi bahwa penggunaan penyebutan istilah karaton sudah berlangsung sejak dulu kala oleh masyarakat Madura, karena kondisi geografis Sumenep yang berada di daerah mancanegara (wilayah pesisir wetan) yang jauh dari Kerajaan Mataram. Begitu juga penyebutan Penguasa Kadipaten yang lebih familiar dikalangan masyarakatnya dengan sebutan “Rato/Raja

Pendiri[sunting | sunting sumber]

Karaton Pajagalan atau lebih dikenal Karaton Songennep dibangun di atas tanah pribadi milik Panembahan Somala penguasa Sumenep XXXI. Dibangun Pada tahun 1781 dengan arsitek pembangunan Karaton oleh Lauw Piango salah seorang warga keturunan Tionghoa yang mengungsi akibat Huru Hara Tionghoa 1740 M di Semarang.

 

Karaton Panembahan Somala dibangun di sebelah timur karaton milik Gusti R. Ayu Rasmana Tirtonegoro dan Kanjeng Tumenggung Ario Tirtonegoro (Bindara Saod) yang tak lain adalah orang tua beliau. Bangunan Kompleks Karaton sendiri terdiri dari banyak massa, tidak dibangun secara bersamaan namun di bangun dan diperluas secara bertahap oleh para keturunannya.

Kompleks Bangunan Karaton[sunting | sunting sumber]

 

 

Lambang Kadipaten Sumenep Pada tahun 1811 – tahun 1965

Keraton Sumenep berdiri di atas tanah milik pribadi Pangeran Natakusuma I (Panembahan Somala) (sebelah timur keraton lama milik Ratu R. Ayu Rasmana Tirtanegara). Kompleks bangunan Karaton Sumenep lebih sederhana dari kompleks Karaton kerajaan Mataram, bangunannya hanya meliputi Gedong Negeri, Pengadilan Karaton, Paseban, dan beberapa bangunan Pribadi Keluarga Karaton.

Di depan keraton, ke arah selatan berdiri Pendapa Agung dan di depannya berdiri Gedong Negeri (sekarang Kantor Disbudparpora) yang didirikan oleh Pemerintahan Belanda. Konon, Pembangunan Gedong Negeri sendiri dimaksudkan untuk menyaingi kewibawaan keraton Sumenep dan juga untuk mengawasi segala gerak-gerik pemerintahan yang dijalankan oleh keluarga Keraton. Selain itu Gedong Negeri ini juga difungsikan sebagai kantor bendahara dan pembekalan Karaton yang dikelola oleh Patih yang dibantu oleh Wedana Keraton.

Disebelah timur Gedong Negeri tersebut berdiri pintu masuk keraton Sumenep yaitu Labang Mesem. Pintu gerbang ini sangat monumental, pada bangian atasnya terdapat sebuah loteng, digunakan untuk memantau segala aktifitas yang berlangsung dalam lingkungan keraton. Konon jalan masuk ke kompleks keraton ini ada lima pintu yang dulunya disebut ponconiti. Saat ini tinggal dua buah yang masih ada, kesemuanya berada pada bagian depan tapak menghadap ke selatan. Pintu yang sebelah barat merupakan jalan masuk yang amat sederhana. Di bagian pojok disebelah timur bagian selatan Labhang Mesem berdiri Taman Sare (tempat pemandian putera-puteri Adipati) dimana sekelilingnya dikelilingi tembok tembok yang cukup tinggi dan tertutup.

Sedangkan di halaman belakang keraton sebelah timur berdiri dapur, sebelah barat berdiri sisir (tempat tidur para pembantu keraton, emban, dayang-dayang Puteri Adipati), di sebelah barat terdapat sumur. Di depan sumur agak ke arah barat berdiri Keraton Ratu R. Ayu Rasmana Tirtanegara, dan di depannya berdiri pendapa. Namun pada jaman pemerintahan Sultan Abdurahman Pakunataningrat pendapa tersebut dipindahkan ke Asta Tenggi dan disana didirikan Kantor Koneng. Pembangunan Kantor Koneng (kantor kerajaan/adipati) semula mendapat tentangan keras oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda karena hal tersebut bertentangan dengan peraturan pemerintah saat itu. Namun, untuk menghindari tuduhan tersebut maka Sultan beninisiatif untuk mengubah seluruh cat bangunan tembok berwarna kuning selaras dengan namanya yaitu “kantor koneng” (bahasa belanda :konenglijk=kantor raja/adipati). Pada Masa Pemerintahan Sultan Abdurrahman, kantor Koneng difungsikan sebagai tempat rapat-rapat rahasia para pejabat-pejabat tinggi Karaton. Di sebelah selatan Kantor Koneng, di pojok sebelah barat pintu masuk berdiri pendapa (paseban).

Pada mulanya antara keraton dengan pendopo letaknya terpisah. Namun, pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Abdurrahman Pakunataningrat, kedua bangunan tersebut dijadikan satu deret. Dahulu, Paseban (pendopo ageng) difungsikan sebagai tempat sidang yang dipimpin langsung oleh sang Adipati dan dihadiri oleh seluruh pejabat tinggi karaton yang waktunya dilaksanakan pada hari-hari tertentu. Paseban sendiri diurus oleh mantri besar dan dibantu oleh kebayan.

Di sebelah selatan Taman Sare berdiri Pendapa atau Paseban dan sekarang dijadikan toko souvenir. Di sebelah selatan keraton terbentang jalan menuju Masjid Jamik Sumenep (ke arah barat), sedangkan ke arah timur menuju jalan Kalianget. Di sebelah timur keraton adalah perkampungan,dan di arah timur jalan adalah Kampong Patemon. Artinya tempat pertemuan aliran air taman keraton dan aliran-aliran air taman milik rakyat dan Taman Lake’ (tempat pemandian prajurit keraton). Dari jalan Dr. Sutomo ke arah timur terdapat jalan menurun, sebelum tikungan jalan berdiri pintu gerbang keluar atau Labang Galidigan. Di sebelah barat pintu keluar terdapat jalan menurun, bekas undakan tujuh.

Di sebelah selatan jalan undakan terdapat Sagaran atau laut kecil merupakan tempat bertamasya putera-puteri Adipati. Sekarang Sagaran tersebut ditempati perumahan rakyat dan lapangan tennis. Di sebelah barat lapangan tennis, berdiri kamarrata merupakan tempat kereta kencana, dan dibelakangnya berdiri kandang kuda lengkap dengan dua taman.

Komplek keraton Sumenep justru tidak menghadap ke barat tetapi ke selatan. Hal ini berhubungan dengan legenda laut selatan ( selat Madura ) tempat bersemayamnya Raden Segoro dan analog dengan legenda di Mataram tentang Nyai Roro Kidul yang konon istri dari Sultan Agung yang bersemayam/bertahta di Segoro Kidul ( Lautan Indonesia ). Dari legenda tersebut menimbulkan dogma turun temurun bahwa rumah tinggal yang baik harus menghadap ke selatan. Ditinjau dari tapak ( site planning ) terlihat bahwa kompleks bangunan keraton pada prinsipnya menganut keseimbangan simetri dengan menggunakan as/sumbu yang cukup kuat. Hal ini merupakan usaha perencanaannya untuk memberikan kesan agung dan berwibawa dari kompleks ini.

 

 

Mandiyoso, salah satu ruang didalam kompleks Karaton Sumenep yang menghubungkan Karaton Dhalem dan Pendopo Agung

Struktur Penataan Kota[sunting | sunting sumber]

Konsep dasar perencanaan tata kota Sumenep ditentukan berdasarkan ajaran Islam : hablum minallah wa hablum minannas artinya berhubungan dengan Allah dan berhubungan dengan manusia. Maksudnya alun-alun sebagai pusatnya. Bila menghadap lurus ke barat dimaksudkan kita berhubungan dengan Tuhan ( kiblat di Masjidil haram ) dan kita temukan Masjid jamik. Sebaliknya bila kita menghadap ke timur dimaksudkan berhubungan dengan manusia dan kita dapatkan keraton Sumenep. Hal ini juga dapat dikaitkan dengan ajaran agama Hindu yang mengatakan bahwa timur, arah tempat matahari terbit adalah lambang kehidupan, jadi tempat manusia di alam dunia. Sebaliknya barat tempat matahari terbenam adalah lambang kematian, lambang akherat, dan lambang ketuhanan.

Prasasti Karaton Sumenep[sunting | sunting sumber]

Prasasti keraton Sumenep berisi wasiat Panembahan Somala tentang kompleks bangunan Karaton dan sekitarnya. Prasasti tersebut ditulis pada tahun 1200 H atau tahun ba’ Bulan Muharram dengan huruf arab dan sekarang masih tersimpat di Museum Karaton Sumenep.

Tahun Hijriah Nabi SAW. 1200 (tahun ba’) dibulan Muharram, inilah bangunan-bangunan (tempat tinggal) serta tanah-tanah wakaf Pangeran Natakusuma Adipati Sumenep. Semoga Allah SWT memberi ampun baginya dan kedua orang tuanya. Inilah bangunan serta tanah yang tidak dapat dirusak dan tidak dapat diwaris sebabb bangunan (termasuk tanah tersebut) adalah wakaf yang diperuntukkan untuk kebutuhan orang fair dan orang miskin. Saya memberi perintah kepada sekalian keturunan, atau kalau tidak ada sanggup, kepada lainnya guna memperbaiki mengawasi dan memlihara bangunan-bangunan dan tanah tersebut, bagi keturunan lainnya yang telah memlihara dan mengawasi wakaf itu semoga Allah SWT, mengaruniai keselamatan dunia maupun akherat.

Warisan Budaya[sunting | sunting sumber]

Selain memiliki kemegahan bangunan, Karaton Sumenep juga memiliki suatu warisan budaya yang tak ternilai. antara lain :

         Tari Gambuh,

 

 

Tari Gambu Keraton Sumenep

Pada awalnya tari Gambu lebih dikenal dengan Tari keris, dalam catatan Serat Pararaton tari Gambu disebut dengan Tari Silat Sudukan Dhuwung, yang diciptakan oleh Arya Wiraraja dan diajarkan pada para pengikut Raden Wijaya kala mengungsi di keraton Sumenep. Tarian tersebut pernah ditampilkan di keraton Daha oleh para pengikut Raden Wijaya pada perayaan Wuku Galungan yang dilaksanakan oleh Raja Jayakatong dalam suatu acara pasasraman di Manguntur Keraton Daha yang selalu dilaksanakan setiap akhir tahun pada Wuku Galungan. Para pengikut Raden Wijaya antara lain Lembusora, Ranggalawe dan Nambi diadu dengan para Senopati Daha yakni Kebo Mundarang, Mahesa Rubuh dan Pangelet, dan kemenangan berada pada pengikut Rade Wijaya.

Tari Keris ciptaan Arya Wiraraja ini lama sekali tidak diatraksikan. Pada masa kerajaan Mataram Islam di Jawa yakni pada pemerintahan Raden Mas Rangsang Panembahan AGUNG Prabu Pandita Cakrakusuma Senapati ing Alaga Khalifatullah (Sultan Mataram 1613-1645), seorang Raja yang sangat peduli dengan seni dan budaya. Maka kala itu Sumenep diperintah oleh seorang Adipati kerabat Sultan Agung yang bernama Pangeran Anggadipa tarian tersebut dihidupkan kembali sekiotar tahun 1630, diberi nama “Kambuh” dalam bahasa Jawa berarti “terulang kembali” dan sampai detik ini terus diberi nama Kambuh dan lama kelamaan berubah istilah menjadi tari Gambu (dalam logat Sumenep).

       Tari Moang Sangkal,

Mowang berarti membuang, Sangkal berarti sukerta, dan sukerta artinya gelap (sesuatu yg menjadi santapan sebangsa setan, dedemit, jin rayangan, iblis, menurut ajaran Hindu). Sedangkan sangkal adalah mengadopsi dari bahasa Jawi Kuno yang maksudnya Sengkala (sengkolo). Jadi sangkal yang dimaksudkan pada umumnya di Songennep adalah : bila ada orang tua mempunyai anak gadis lalu dilamar oleh laki-laki, tidak boleh ditolak karena membuat si gadis tersebut akan “sangkal” (tidak laku selamanya).Pada awalnya tari Mowang Sangkal agak keras geraknya yang diiringi dengan gamelan dengan gending ”sampak” lalu mengalir pada gending ”oramba’-orambe’” yang mengisyaratkan para putri keraton menuju ke ”taman sare”. Dan kemudian gerakannya tambah halus, gerakan yg lebih halus inilah mengisyaratkan para putri sedang berjalan di Mandiyoso (korridor keraton keraton menuju Pendopo Agung Keraton). Pada umumnya kostum yang dipakai adalah warna ciri khas Songennep, merah dan kuning, karena perpaduan warna tersebut mengandung filosofi ”kapodhang nyocco’ sare” yang maksudnya ”Rato prapa’na bunga” (raja sedang bahagia). sedangkan paduan warna kostum merah dan hijau atau kuning dan hijau folosofinya ”kapodang nyocco’ daun” maksudnya ”Rato prapa’na bendhu” (Raja sedang marah).

       Odeng rek-kerek, salah satu kostum penutup kepala seorang laki-laki yang diciptakan oleh Sultan Abdurrahman Pakunataningrat yang tak lain dimaksudkan untuk merendahkan martabat pemerintahan Kolonial Belanda ketika menjajah Sumenep kala itu, “rek-kerek” dalam bahasa Madura mempunyai arti anak anjing (patek).

Referensi

       Zulkarnaen, Iskandar. 2003. Sejarah Sumenep. Sumenep: Dinas Pariwisata dan kebudayaan kabupaten Sumenep.

       Adurrahchman, Drs.1971.Sejarah Madura Selajang Pandang. Sumenep

sumber wiki

Buitenzorg Palace (1744)

Buitenzorg/Bogor – Indonesia

The original palace was built in 1744 as a country retreat for the Dutch Governors. This building was substantially damaged by an earthquake in 1834, triggered by the volcanic eruption of Mount Salak. The palace was rebuilt into its present form in 1856 – this time with only one story instead of the original three, as a precaution against further earthquakes. Till 1942, Buitenzorg Palace served as the official residence of the Dutch Governors-General. After the Indonesian independence, the palace was used by President Sukarno, but then largely neglected by Suharto when he came to office. The grounds of the estate contain several buildings – the largest of which is the main palace and its two wings.

The Palace is surrounded by the largest and most famous botanical gardens of South-East Asia. An area of 284,000 square metres (28.4 hectares). The garden was built by Governor-General Gustaaf Willem, Baron van Imhoff. The extensive grounds of the presidential palace were later converted into a botanical garden by the German-born Dutch botanist, Professor Casper George Carl Reinwardt. The gardens officially opened in 1817 as ‘s Lands Plantentuin (‘National Botanical Garden’) and were used to research and develop plants and seeds from other parts of the Indonesian archipelago for cultivation during the 19th century. This is a tradition that continues today and contributes to the garden’s reputation as a major center for botanical research.Today the garden contains more than 15,000 species of trees and plants located among streams and lotus ponds. There are 400 types of exceptional palms to be found along the extensive lawns and avenues, helping the gardens create a refuge for more than 50 different varieties of birds and for groups of bats roosting high in the trees.

 

 

….

in 1897

is de loop van de Tjiliwoeng nog min of meer ongewijzigd

Om er voor te zorgen dat Weltevreden een aantrekkelijk gebied zou worden voor de nog in de Benedenstad wonende Europeanen, liet Daendels de later beroemde Societeit De Harmonie bouwen, nummer 29 op onze kaart.
Inderdaad wat moeilijk te vinden :

In het noorden van de kaart, bij de Kleine Boom, loopt de rivier de Tjiliwoeng. Daar waar de Tjiliwoeng naar het Oosten afbuigt, begint een kanaal met Tramway ernaast, het kanaal werd Molenvliet genoemd.
Trambaan en Molenvliet buigen op een gegeven moment naar het Oosten en daar op die hoek lag Societeit De Harmonie. Een klein stukje naar het Noorden aan de Westkant van Molenvliet, links van het woord (wijk) Noordwijk ligt ons nummer 10, Hotel Des Indes. Ten Zuiden van Noordwijk, aan de andere kant van het Molenvliet, lag de wijk Rijswijk met het beroemde Koningsplein en het Waterlooplein, over deze twee pleinen en Societeit De Harmonie zal Aad het ooit ook nog eens gaan hebben…

We ontvingen, samengevat, deze vragen, allemaal verband houdend met de naam Rijswijk, een chique wijk in Batavia, vooral in de 19e eeuw:

  1. 1.      De wijk Rijswijk was oorspronkelijk een gebiedsdeel van het landgoed Rijswijk en is vernoemd naar het fort Rijswijk.
  2. 2.     Wanneer en waarom kreeg dit gebied bij Batavia de naam Rijswijk, heeft het iets te maken met Rijswijk bij Den Haag?
  3. 3.     Was de stichting van de wijk Rijswijk voor of na de afbraak van Fort Rijswijk.
  4. 4.     Hoe dicht was de bewoning toen Daendels er de Harmonie liet bouwen?
  5. 5.     Is bekend hoeveel oppervlak het grondgebied, c.q. de bebouwde wijk Rijswijk besloeg en hoeveel mensen er woonden, in verhouding tot de rest van de bovenstad?
  6. 6.     Wat is het verschil tussen Paleis Rijswijk en Paleis Koningsplein, die met elkaar verbonden waren ??
  7. 7.      Waren beide paleizen, Paleis Rijswijk en Paleis Koningsplein vroeger de residentie van de Gouverneur-Generaal en waarom werden ze zo genoemd: Paleis Rijswijk en Paleis Koningsplein?

We kunnen hierover het volgende vertellen, het is inderdaad een beetje ingewikkeld en soms heel verwarrend……:

 

Fort Rijswijk ten zuiden van Batavia

Ten zuiden van Batavia, een maand na de bouw van het Fort Jacatra, werd in augustus 1656 het vierhoekige redoute

Fort Rijswijk

gebouwd. Fort Rijswijk werd aan de oostzijde van de rivier de Krokot gebouwd te midden van de

Rijs

velden, waarbij Rijs een Oud-Hollands woord is voor Rijs

t

Fort Rijswijk werd in 1697 weer ontruimd en in 1729 afgebroken.

Ten oosten van Fort Rijswijk en Fort

Noord

wijk

(gebouwd een jaar na Fort Rijswijk en pas afgebroken in 1809)

verrezen half 18e eeuw de eerste grote, we zouden nu zeggen, Herenhuizen in Weltevreden, een zeer toepasselijke naam !!

Ongeveer op de oude lokatie van Fort Rijswijk zou Daendels Sociëteit de Harmonie laten bouwen, daarbij werden stenen gebruikt van de oude stadswallen van de Benedenstad van Batavia.

Weltevreden lag op een behoorlijke afstand van de steeds onhygiënisch wordende Benedenstad en ook het Gouvernement besloot in Weltevreden een buitenverblijf te bouwen. De eerste die dit deed, was Gouverneur-Generaal Jacob Mossel. Ook zijn opvolgers trokken zich geregeld terug in dit fraaie buitenverblijf.

Gouverneur-Generaal Petrus Albertus van der Parra zou het geheel uiteindelijk zodanig verbouwen dat het paste bij de status van een Gouverneur-Generaal van Nederlands-Indië….

(al werd het toen nog Oost-Indië genoemd)

 

1744

 

1750

Weltevreden

Het buitenverblijf van Gouverneur-Generaal Mossel en zijn opvolgers

1741 – Escaping Chinese from Batavia attack Semarang and Rembang; the VOC leaves Demak. Pakubuwono II changes sides, sends a force to attack VOC at Semarang, and destroys the VOC garrison at Kartasura. Cakraningrat IV of Madura declares allegiance with the VOC, and rejects his ties with Mataram and Pakubuwono II.

 

Forces of Mataram and rebellious Chinese attack many north coast cities of the VOC. Siege of Semarang is unsuccessful. Rival Governor-Generals of the VOC struggle in Batavia: Valckenier arrests Van Imhoff and sends him back to Europe. The Heeren XVII in the Netherlands names Van Imhoff as Governor-General. Valckenier is himself eventually arrested and jailed.

 

1742 – Negotiations begin between the VOC and Pakubuwono II of Mataram as the VOC and Cakraningrat IV of Madura spread their power. An agreement is reached between the VOC and Pakubuwono II. A popular rebellion under Sunan Kuning, a grandson of Amangkurat III, against the VOC and Mataram takes hold in the countryside. Cakraningrat IV retakes Kartasura from the rebels. The VOC is suspicious, and orders Pakubuwono II to be put back on throne. VOC troops defeat the last of the Chinese forces; a general amnesty is declared.

 

1743 – November 11 Pakubuwono II gives VOC Surabaya, Rembang, Jepara and claims to easternmost Java and West Madura. VOC receives a say in court appointments. Mixed-Portuguese locals attack VOC post at Kupang on Timor; VOC solidifies control of western part of Timor. VOC takes Bawean island.

 

1745 –

Cakraningrat IV wages war with the VOC, attacks Surabaya, and retakes much of Madura and East Java. He is defeated by VOC forces and escapes to Banjarmasin, but the Sultan of Banjar captures him and sends him to Batavia. The VOC exiles him to South Africa. Gov-Gen Van Imhoff founds Buitenzorg (today’s Bogor). Malaria epidemic in Batavia.

 

Sentot Alibasyah (Prawiradirja)

in 1745

they went to war against the VOC. The fighting ravaged Madura and much of the north coast, but by the end of the year the Madurese were defeated and West Madura’s status as a VOC vassal was confirmed.

Pakubuwana II’s concessions to the Dutch in 1743 included the right for the VOC to take a narrow strip of land along the entire north coast, as well as along rivers feeding into the Java Sea. The VOC did not take up this option but instead in 1746 pressed the king to lease to the VOC the entire north coastal region. Despite opposition from within the court, the king acquiesced, prompting a further rebellion, led by the capable Pangeran Mangkubumi.

territory of Mataram and the fact that some territories were still held jointly. There was almost constant conflict over land between the three authorities until a more detailed settlement was reached in 1774.

the Dutch in Yogyakarta City of Fort Tatas built in 1709. [30]
 1710: Prince Aji ing chances, Anum Bannerman Martapura Kukar XIII became King until the year 1735

1745:

Hussin Kamaluddin became Sultan of Brunei until the year 1762 for the second time.
 1746:

Ship Dragon and pepper in Banjarmasin Onflow load. [32] [33]
 1747: Dutch Company founded the fort on the island of Tatas (Banjarmasin Central) is the first European settlement in Borneo until 1810 and then abandoned by Marshall Daendels accordance with the agreement with the Sultan of Banjar. [17]
 1747 – VOC decrees that native law (“adat”) will be in force in areas under its control outside of Batavia. VOC establishes a presence at Banjarmasin.

 

1748 –

VOC sends Sultan of Banten into exile, makes his wife Ratu Sarifa regent but take direct control.

 

1749 –

December 11 Pakubuwono II, in very ill health, signs a treaty giving full sovereignty in all Mataram to the VOC. (The treaty is widely ignored.) VOC declares Pakubuwono III as heir to throne of Mataram. Mangkubumi claims the title for himself, and rules from Yogya.

 

By 1749,

the king’s new court at Surakarta

was under threat from the rebels and in desperation he signed over his entire domain to the VOC.

Upon Pakubuwana’s death a few days later,

the VOC installed his son as Pakubuwana III, but Mangkubumi also declared himself king, likewise with the name Pakubuwana.

 

1750 –

Rebellion in Banten against Ratu Sarifa and the VOC.

 

 

1750 – 1761

Gouverneur-Generaal Jacob Mossel

 

DEI Gouvenor’s Old  Batavia palace

 

 

 

Aan het eind van de 18e eeuw was het buitenverblijf van de Gouverneur-Generaal in Weltevreden weer verouderd.

Gouverneur-Generaal Van Imhoff was de eerste die al mocht gaan bouwen in een gebied wat Van Imhoff noemde

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1752

Nama Bogor dapat ditemui pada sebuah dokumen tertanggal 7 April 1752.

Dalam dokumen tersebut tercantum nama Ngabei Raksacandra sebagai “hoofd van de negorij Bogor” (kepala kampung Bogor).

 

Dalam tahun tersebut ibukota Kabupaten Bogor masih berkedudukan di Tanah Baru. Dua tahun kemudian, Bupati Demang Wirnata mengajukan permohonan kepada Gubernur Jacob Mossel agar diizinkan mendirikan rumah tempat tinggal di Sukahati di dekat “Buitenzorg”. Kelak karena di depan rumah Bupati Bogor tersebut terdapat sebuah kolam besar (empang), maka nama “Sukahati” diganti menjadi “Empang”.

Pada tahun 1752 tersebut, di Kota Bogor belum ada orang asing, kecuali Belanda. Kebun Raya sendiri baru didirikan tahun 1817 sehingga teori “arca sapi” tidak dapat diterima sebagai asal-usul nama Bogor. Letak Kampung Bogor yang awal itu di dalam Kebun Raya ada pada lokasi tanaman kaktus. Pasar yang didirikan pada lokasi kampung tersebut oleh penduduk disebut Pasar Bogor (papan nama “Pasar Baru Bogor” sebenarnya agak mengganggu rangkaian historis ini)

 

 

Buitenzorg

, een naam die we in de geschiedenis van Nederlands-Indië nog vaker tegen zullen komen…..

 

 

 

 

1740

 

GG Van Imhoff was de man betrokken bij de beruchte moord
op de Chinese bevolking in en rondom Batavia in 1740:

 

1718

Sumatra, second half of 18th century

The assassination of Sultan Mahmud of Johor led to the disintegration of what remained of Johor’s empire. The Thai state of Ayutthaya invaded Trengganu, most of the east Sumatra coast as well as the Minangkabau settlements west of Melaka threw off Johor’s domination, and in 1718 Johor’s former vassal Siak attacked and occupied its territory. The sultan fled to Trengganu, which enjoyed a brief heyday as the centre of Malay power on the peninsula, though its power never extended beyond the east coast. Johor, meanwhile, came under the control of Bugis adventurers from Sulawesi, who also established the new state of Selangor between Melaka and Perak.

1735

 

 

 

Silver and coins to be used in the East India Trade:

Spanish Eight Reals coins ‘Pieces of Eight’.

To the left a ‘Pillar Dollar’ type and to the right a ‘Cob’ type, and a bar of silver from the VOC, indented to be made into coins

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Two sides of a duit, a coin minted in 1735 by the VOC.

 

 

 

1740

The first domino that would eventually precipitate the sheering off of half the kingdom, however, fell in Batavia in 1740, when the inhabitants went on the rampage and slaughtered the entire Chinese population of the VOC capital.

The rebel Chinese band whose arrival had prompted the slaughter, bolstered by the handful of angry survivors, rattled off along the Pasisir, their black pigtails swinging, their sharp knives flashing in the scorching sunlight.

For much of the coming year it looked as though they would overwhelm the Dutch in the VOC outposts all along the coast.  New rebellions blossomed spontaneously in their wake, and they began to bear down on the Mataram capital, drawing in local malcontents along the way.

The ruler of the day was the aging Susuhunan Pakubuwono II (the title of ‘sultan’ had been dropped several generations earlier).

He was one of the more useless scions of the Mataram dynasty, and the Queen of the Southern Ocean was evidently not advising him well, for he now decided to throw his lot in with the rebels.  There had been slowly simmering hostility to the Dutch for decades in Mataram despite the fact that the foreigners had become a near-essential part of the scene.

By the 1740s the VOC was bankrupt and its armies were exhausted from an endless round of mercenary work in Central Java, and for a while it really did look as though the Chinese-led rebellion might be the end of their adventure.

 

Pakubuwono II enthusiastically ordered the annihilation of the little Dutch garrison in the Mataram capital.  When its occupants were captured they were offered the unenviable choice of either conversion to Islam by immediate circumcision, or death by beheading.  Most went for the lesser chop.

The coercive claiming of a few dozen new Muslims was probably Pakubuwono II’s greatest victory however, for the Dutch soon unleashed their secret weapon – another unruly Madurese prince who had stuck with the VOC, and who was soon rampaging with impunity through the outer reaches of Mataram.

Pakubuwono now realised that he had made a horrible mistake: he begged forgiveness of the Dutch.

The Europeans were still not in a position to turn down such an opportunity; they accepted the apology, and as a consequence the rebellion – which by now was more Javanese than Chinese – turned abruptly against the king.  He ended up a wretched vagabond, and his vacant court was sacked twice in five months – first by the rebels, and then by the Madurese warlord.

Eventually the uprising fizzled out; the warlord went back to Madura, and though clearly a broken man, Pakubuwono II regained his throne – having granted control of Mataram’s Pasisir ports to the VOC by way of payment for their assistance.  But, it seems, the very idea of Mataram had been mortally wounded by the whole sorry business.  The Queen of the Southern Ocean had had enough.

 

 

1740

A Fickle Nation

In the middle years of the 18th century a frustrated Dutch administrator declared that the Javanese nation ‘is in itself fickle, and by the multitude of princess very inclined to rebellion; for it cannot in truth be said that since the Company’s first move Java has even for ten years been peaceful and quiet, or cleared of rebels.’  It was not an entirely unreasonable assessment.

The bruised, battered and reconstituted court over which Pakubuwono II ruled in the wake of the Chinese rebellion had lost much of its authority.  A Javanese king would never have real legitimacy – and never achieve real success – without the advice and approval of his courtiers.

In fact, it was often said that the most perfect Javanese king was one who acted as nothing more than a passive receptacle for the sacred energy of the realm, a figurehead who handed the practical matters to his patih – his prime minister – and his circle of advisors.  It was hardly democracy, but it did
rely on a kind of assent.  And in the 1740s Pakubuwono II had clearly lost it

1745

Bugis power drove Siak from the peninsula and the Riau archipelago, re-establishing ‘Johor’ with its capital on Bintan. Siak meanwhile extended its power northward along the Sumatra coast as far as Tamiang. Although Siak was still nominally a vassal of Johor until 1745, when the sultan ceded it to the VOC, in practice it was independent of all outside powers.

The greatest power on the island, however, was Palembang, which grew wealthy from the tin mines on the island of Bangka. Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin (r. 1724–57) kept tight control of the tin trade and delivered reliably to the VOC. Because Bangka and Belitung had been seriously depopulated by the slave-raiding of the previous century, however, the sultan encouraged Chinese miners to settle and work the deposits. By the middle of the century they dominated production

 

 

It was a great war in Java (1740-55),

however, which dealt the death blow to delicate Dutch finances. And once again, through a complex chain of events, it was the Dutch themselves who inadvertently precipitated the conflict. The details of the struggles are too convoluted to follow here, but it began in 1740 with the massacre of the Chinese residents of Batavia, and ended 15 years later, only after many bloody battles broken alliances and kaleidoscopic shifts of fortune had exhausted (or killed) almost everyone on the island. Indeed Java was never the same again, for by the 1755 Treaty of Giyanty, Mataram had been cleft in two, with rival rulers occupying neighboring capitals in Yogyakarta and Surakarta. Nor did the VOC ever recover from this drain on its resources, even though it emerged at this time as the pre-eminent power on Java.

 

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1746

In the rainy February of 1746, trying to start afresh, he had abandoned the old, oft-sacked capital at Kartasura and had the whole court shunted seven miles east to the village of Solo where a grand kraton with a reversed name was built.

The sacred banyan trees that pinned the Alun-Alun, the Royal Square, were uprooted and transplanted to this new town of Surakarta.

The move apparently was an auspicious one, for this new kraton city would survive into the modern era, but it did little for the fortunes of the man who had organised it.

There were still rebel princes rattling around the borderlands, the most notable of whom was a nephew of the king called Mas Said.  He was, it was said, a very small man, but like Colonel Rollo Gillespie he more than made up for it.

A colonial official reported that ‘fire and vivacity radiate from his eyes’.  He hated the Dutch, despised the decayed corruption of the court, and clothed himself in all the righteousness he could find in both Islamic and Javanese lore.  The Queen of the Southern Ocean, Mas Said claimed, had begun consorting with him…

The hapless Pakubuwono II made an offer to the men of his court: if any man could drive the little rebel out of his stronghold on the northern fringes of Mataram, then he would grant him a little kingdom within the kingdom: the direct rule – and the direct income – of 3000 households.

From the king’s legion of half-brothers a man stepped forward.  His name was Mangkubumi, and he was destined for great things.

Mangkubumi was indeed able to drive Mas Said from his stronghold; Pakubuwono II, however, was not able to keep his promise.  This alone would have been enough to send many other courtiers off into rebellion at once, but though the Dutch later spoke of his ‘well-known hot-tempered constitution’, Mangkubumi was apparently a patient man.  He deferred; he bided his time – but not for much longer.

In 1746 the first Dutch Governor-General to visit Mataram arrived in Surakarta.  He was there to hammer out more beneficial terms for the lease of the Pasisir, and he did not follow courtly etiquette.  He was abrupt in his manner.

He demanded that the Javanese cede these coastal territories entirely in return for the fairly paltry sum of 20,000 Spanish dollars a year.

A stronger king would have said no, but Pakubuwono II was no strongman; he said yes.  Mangkubumi, still smarting from the broken promise, was furious.

For one thing, he felt, the Dutch had set the rent far too low.  But more importantly, the king had violated that Javanese ideal of courtly assent: he had made a unilateral decision.

In the account of the final break between the half-brothers recorded in the courtly chronicles, the exchange is full of soft, restrained, refined rage.

As they stand amongst the columns of the royal pendopo the air in the scented space between the two half-brothers seems almost to crackle; anger makes the words quieter rather than louder, to the point where Mangkubumi’s final, devastating declaration is scarcely audible at all:

His Highness [Pakubuwono II]said softly,
‘Know, Mangkubumi,
That Grandfather General has arrived,
Asking for the lease of the Pasisir.
I, younger brother, have already agreed
To the company’s request,
Because I was intimidated by the discussion.’
The honoured Pangeran [Mangkubumi] spoke softly,
‘My lord, but this is not fitting.’

But this is not fitting…

With those devastatingly understated words Mangkubumi launched a civil war that would last for a decade, and that would not end until Mataram was split down the middle.

A Kingdom Halved

Mangkubumi went into rebellion at once, and joined forces with none other than the little zealot Mas Said.  They thundered through the green heartlands of Java, and within a year had gathered a righteous army of 13,000 men.  All the rebels, all the malcontents and rabble-rousers who had been spawned by the generations of unrest now had a man they could flock to with conviction.  Seeking long forgotten wellsprings Mangkubumi had gone back to the source and set himself up close to the site of Sultan Agung’s original capital on the line between Merapi and the sea – they called this new rebel capital Yogyakarta.  The Queen of the Southern Ocean, whose temper had long been tested by her unruly protégés, seems to have been impressed.

 

Rebel Kingdom: Early Yogyakarta

Back in Surakarta, meanwhile, the hapless Pakubuwono II was almost certainly clinically depressed.

Though he had somehow held on to his throne and founded a fine new capital, his entire reign could only really be judged a disaster.  It is unsurprising therefore that he seems to have decided that it was time to die.

He no longer cared about the kingdom, and when the Dutch Governor of the Pasisir arrived to visit him on his deathbed he made him an offer that his half-brother would most certainly have considered unfitting, that left even the Dutch taken aback: he offered to hand over Mataram to the Governor.

The VOC could have his kingdom if only it would earn him a final moment of peace.The flabbergasted colonial officials hurriedly battered out a treaty to that effect – though they realised that with 13,000 men and a pair of rebel princes just 40 miles down the road it was hardly worth the fine parchment on which it was so lavishly inscribed.

They also realised that with his mind now at ease the old king might relax a little and take his time over dying.  There was no sense in waiting; they needed to get the pliant Crown Prince onto the throne as quickly as possible while the treaty still held.

There was a little initial difficulty over this, for it transpired that the old man had recently attempted to stab his heir with a kris and had banned him from the inner sanctum of the Surakarta Kraton.  It was perhaps forgivable: between interminable rebellion and impending death, he had been under a lot of stress.

The issue was eventually resolved, and on 15 December 1749 Susuhunan Pakubuwono III, the last king of united Mataram, was placed on the Surakarta throne with Dutch patrons in attendance.

The old king died peacefully five days later.  There was only one small problem in all this: at about the same time – quite possibly on the very same day – a wildcat coronation had taken place a day’s ride to the southwest.  Mangkubumi, in a makeshift tented court, had also been declared Susuhunan Pakubuwono Senopati Ingalaga Ngabdurahman Sajidin Panatagama, King of all Mataram.  The civil war was going to get much worse before it ever got better.

As a new decade rumbled on, so did the fighting.  For the best part of a century the Dutch VOC had been entangled in the affairs of Mataram, and though they had always looked to earn cash or the territory for their involvement, their fundamental goal had remained the same – to stabilise the kingdom, to steady the throne when it tottered, and to make sure that the man upon it was someone they could work with.  But by the 1750s they were exhausted – financially, physically, and imaginatively.  This rebellion was worse than any of the others, worse even than the Chinese upheavals of the previous decade.

They could keep Pakubuwono III (who seemed to be every bit as lonely and miserable as his deceased father) safe in his Surakarta Kraton, but even the thought of taking on the ascendant rebels was beyond their capabilities.

Their own empire was dying; they could hardly save someone else’s, so when word leached out of the heartlands that Mangkubumi had split with his half-sized sidekick Mas Said, they snatched at the opportunity with all the joyless enthusiasm of a man who will take anything he can get.

 

1750:

Bugis Sultan Banjar land to borrow to establish settlements in Tanjung Aru (the border area with Paser Land of Spices).

 

After another six years of war, the VOC and Mangkubumi finally reached an agreement,

Older posts

The low country of Central Java, cradle of the Mataram realm, and of the great temple-building Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms before it, opened under a fine, bluish haze to the west.

Here and there trails of wood-smoke rose into the still, damp air, and away to the south, beyond a few low ridges, the land faded towards the angry Southern Ocean.

 

In the distance to the west Gunung Merapi loomed, dark and unassailable against a pearly sky.

It was the height of the wet season in 1755.

The two Javanese royals, sitting a few feet apart at a heavyset table carried into place for the meeting, could hardly look at each other.  They could hardly speak.

A temporary pavilion had been built here at the little village of Jatisari, on the outer ramparts of Mount Lawu, above the court city of Surakarta.

At a respectful distance grooms were minding fine Bima horses with richly inlaid bridles.

Courtiers in full regalia were watching from the side-lines, and a gamelan orchestra was in full flow beneath an awning.  Every effort had been made to make the setting softly suitable, to make the meeting as easy as possible.

But the royals – uncle and nephew, with the older man in the role of young pretender – were overcome with emotion.  This was not the conclusion either had wanted; in fact no one at Jatisari on 15 February 1755 really imagined that it was a conclusion, at least not one that would still be holding good centuries later.

It was left to the host, a Dutchman, to ease things along.  Nicolaas Hartingh, Governor of the VOC’s north coast territories, and point of contact with the Mataram court, spoke in flowing Javanese.

This, he declared, was a special moment; after decades of turmoil there was finally peace in Java.

When he had finished he took the hands of the two men – Susuhunan Pakubuwono III, and his uncle, officially recognised just a few days earlier at a spot higher up the mountain as the first sultan of what was to become Yogyakarta.

Hartingh raised the pair of limp, clammy palms above the table, and called for three glasses of beer.

Finally, falteringly, the Susuhunan and the new Sultan regained their words, and nudged gently onwards by the Dutchman they swore to fight each other no more, and to join forces against a certain rebel prince, somewhere at large in the swathe of green territory below them.  All three men raised their glasses and drank.

As a token of friendship the Susuhunan offered his uncle a sacred kris, an heirloom dagger loaded with energy and power – the very kind of relic that the Sultan of a new court needed.  The kris had a black handle and a slender blade marked with strange whorls.  It had belonged, it was said, to one of the nine semi-mythical holy men who had brought Islam to Java several centuries earlier.

And with that the meeting was over.  There was a moment of embarrassed confusion – such an encounter had never before taken place; there was no protocol over who should leave first.  But at a whispered suggestion the royals turned to European fashion for an exit: they each drank another glass of beer, and then, in the words of Hartingh, they ‘clasped their hands and said farewell by repeatedly putting their hands on one another’s shoulders, thus as it were giving the kiss of unity and brotherly love, which met with the admiration of everyone, for such is something uncommon between such potentates and has never been seen in Java; indeed, the dignitaries on either side stood up staring in amazement and prophesied to them that something good would come of his event.’

The Susuhunan rode away towards Surakarta with Hartingh by his side.  The new Sultan rode back up the slopes to his temporary camp.  Though their courts were barely a day’s journey apart, the two rival royals would never meet face to face again.  After almost 200 turbulent years the mighty realm of Mataram had been cleaved in two.

By the time the Hartingh presided over the signing of the Treaty of Giyanti, the mighty kingdom of Mataram had fallen far from glory.

1754

The VOC’s man on the scene was now Nicolaas Hartingh.  He spoke Javanese; he was well-versed in the lore, the law and the lie of the land, and he opened a creeping correspondence with the rebel king.

Mangkubumi himself was looking for a way out.  Over the hot months of 1754 he and Hartingh – their messages borne by a mysterious Turk who had materialised in Central Java – edged towards a possible solution: they would split the kingdom.

 

 

1755

On 13 February 1755 at Giyanti, a misty, murky spot perched high on the slopes of Mount Lawu, Mangkubumi met with Hartingh to sign a contract.

It gave the rebel half the Mataram realm, and half of the 20,000 dollar rent for the Pasisir too.

Mangkubumi’s party did not yet have the full accoutrements of a court; they were lacking pusaka and life in the field meant the full formalities could not be respected.

But still, they had a certain grandeur, an aura, a charisma.  With the contract signed Hartingh led Mangkubumi to a makeshift throne, and as he climbed up onto it he became the officially recognised Sultan Hamengkubuwono I.

Those amongst the watching Javanese who were well steeped in the ancient texts and the rhythms of the wayang kulit noticed something at once: sitting there on the slopes of Mount Lawu with all Java beneath him,

Mangkubumi, a Muslim prince who had just taken the Islamic title of Sultan, looked for all the world like the Wishnu, the Hindu god who, in the Javanese telling of the tale, is the saviour of mankind in troubled times.

Two day later the whole party rode down the lower slopes to that spot at Jatisari where a gamelan was playing and Pakubuwono III was waiting with tears in his eyes.  From now on what had once been Mataram would have both a Susuhunan and a Sultan.

 

 

The Return of the King

Ask any modern Indonesian high school student who has managed to stay awake during history class about the Treaty of Giyanti, and they will tell you without blinking that it was a classic case of imperialist divide and rule, the horrible Hollanders at their very worst.

Those with a more fertile imagination and a firm grip on Indonesia’s favourite literary clichés will tell you that Nicolaas Hartingh, with his slick language skills and his glib turns of phrase, was the dalang, the puppet-master, in whose hands the Javanese royals had been rendered into the perforated leather shadows of the wayang kulit, held up against the screen of history with a volcano for a back-light.  It’s a nice idea, especially for a nationalist, but it’s not really true.

The idea of splitting the kingdom was as much Javanese as Dutch, and not without precedent.  Other rumpled realms had been divided between warring sons (the mighty11th century ruler Airlangga actually pre-emptively split his realm between his children, for example).

It was always a last resort, but it was never meant to be final.  It would allow breathing space, perhaps for a generation or more, but eventually some all-conquering king would reassert himself.  That was how it had always been, and there is nothing to suggest that, as they rode away from Jatisari in the cool mists of February 1755, either the Javanese kings or the accompanying Dutchman ever supposed that this time things would prove different.

And in any case, even if Nicolaas Hartingh had been planning to create a permanently hobbled native realm in 1755, even if he had been planning to replace one all-powerful state with two petty principalities, the policy would have been a notable failure.  For decades, for whole generations, Mataram had been hopelessly unstable; by the end it had become a joke.  But the partition had an unexpected consequence: after flickering, fading, guttering and all but vanishing, the light, the lustre, the sacred sparkle, was back on in Central Java, and the great courtly realm of Yogyakarta had come into being…

 

 

the 1755 Treaty of Giyanti,

which partitioned Mataram between the two royal contenders. Mangkubumi took the title of Sultan and the regnal name Hamengkubuwana, and established his capital in the town of Yogyakarta, while Pakubuwana III remained as Susuhunan in the older city of Surakarta. Both rulers confirmed the VOC’s lease over the north coast and its ownership of the eastern peninsula.

 

1755

Akhirnya pada tanggal 13 Februari 1755 dilakukan penandatanganan naskah Perjanjian Giyanti yang mengakui Mangkubumi sebagai Sultan Hamengkubuwana I.

Wilayah kerajaan yang dipimpin Pakubuwana III dibelah menjadi dua. Hamengkubuwana I mendapat setengah bagian.

Perjanjian Giyanti ini juga merupakan perjanjian persekutuan baru antara pemberontak kelompok Mangkubumi bergabung dengan Pakubuwono III dan VOC menjadi persekutuan untuk melenyapkan pemberontak kelompok Raden Mas Said.

Bergabungnya Mangkubumi dengan VOC dan Paku Buwono III adalah permulaan menuju kesepakatan pembagian Mataram menjadi Surakarta dan Yogyakarta.

 

Dari persekutuan ini dapat dipertanyakan; Mengapa Mangkubumi bersedia membagi Kerajaan Mataram sedangkan persellisihan dengan menantunya Raden Mas Said berpangkal pada supremasi kedaulatan Mataram yang tunggal dan tidak terbagi?

 

Dari pihak VOC langsung dapat dibaca bahwa dengan pembagian Mataram menjadikan VOC keberadaannya di wilayah Mataram tetap dapat dipertahankan. VOC mendapat keuntungan dengan pembagian Mataram.

Sejak Perjanjian Giyanti wilayah kerajaan Mataram dibagi menjadi dua. Pakubuwana III tetap menjadi raja di Surakarta, Mangkubumi dengan gelar Sultan Hamengkubuwana I menjadi raja di Yogyakarta.Mangkubumi sekarang sudah memiliki kekuasaan dan menjadi Raja maka tinggal kerajaan tempat untuk memerintah belum dimilikinya.Untuk mendirikan Keraton/Istana Mangkubumi kepada VOC mengajukan uang persekot sewa pantai utara Jawa tetapi VOC saat itu belum memiliki yang diminta oleh Mangkubumi.

Pada bulan April 1755

Hamengkubuwana I memutuskan untuk membuka Hutan Pabringan sebagai ibu kota Kerajaan yang menjadi bagian kekuasaannya .

Sebelumnya, di hutan tersebut pernah terdapat pesanggrahan bernama Ngayogya sebagai tempat peristirahatan saat mengantar jenazah dari Surakarta menuju Imogiri. Oleh karena itu, ibu kota baru dari Kerajaan yang menjadi bagiannya tersebut pun diberi nama Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat, atau disingkat Yogyakarta.

 

1755.

Panglima Muda Seti, being considered as the head of the league, came down with twenty thousand followers, and, upon the king’s refusing to admit into the castle his complimentary present (considering it only as the prelude to humiliating negotiation), another war commenced that lasted for two years, and was at length terminated by Muda Seti’s withdrawing from the contest and returning to his province. About five years after this event Juhan shah died, and his son, Pochat-bangta, succeeded him, but not (says this writer, who here concludes his abstract) with the general concurrence of the chiefs, and the country long continued in a disturbed state.

1756

Sejak tanggal 7 Oktober 1756 Hamengkubuwana I pindah dari Kebanaran menuju Yogyakarta.

 

Seiring berjalannya waktu nama Yogyakarta sebagai ibu kota kerajaannya menjadi lebih populer.

Kerajaan yang dipimpin oleh Hamengkubuwana I kemudian lebih terkenal dengan nama Kesultanan Yogyakarta.

 

 

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Year 1756

VOC trying to get Lawai, Sintang and Sanggau from Banjarmasin. Initial area in Kalimantan, which claimed to belong to VOCs are areas along the coast from Sukadana until Mempawah given by the Sultanate of Banten on March 26, 1778. VOC had established a factory in Sukadana and Mempawah but 14 years later abandoned due to non-productive (Sir Stamford Rafless, The History of Java). Pontianak Sultanate supported establishment of the VOC in the estuary of the river Hedgehogs Hedgehogs originally protested because it is a territory but eventually loosens the pressure of the VOC. On August 13,

1756:

On October 20, 1756 Sultan Banjar Tamjidullah I made a pact with the VOC containing pepper trade ban by the Chinese, English and French will help further VOC reconquer the breakaway region such as: Berau, Kutai, Paser, Sanggau, Sintang and Lawai. Tatas fort was built on the island of Tatas, New York.
1756

Rijder and Buis, 1756

The Rijder, commanded by Captain Jean Gonzal, and the Buis, skippered by Captain Lavienne Lodewijk van Asschens, explored the Gulf of Carpentaria.

 

1759:

Sultan Muhammad Aliuddin Aminullah be Banjar XIII until the year 1761.
 1761: His Majesty Sultan Nata Nature is the Banjar XIV until the year 1801, previously as regent Crown Prince who was a child.

 

 

 

1660

PERNJANJIAN BONGAYA 1660-1667 PEMBUKTIAN SEJARAH DUNIA YANG HILANG

Muhammad Yusuf Tonggi

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1660

SEPERTI APA MEREKA MENGENAL SEJARAH SULTAN HASANUDDIN DAN LATENRI TATTA DAN BENARKAH SEPERTI YANG SEKARANG SEJARAHNYA SULTAN HASANUDDIN

Saya begitu yakin bahwa Potret Sultan Hasanuddin yang ada sekerang merupakan bukan Wajah Sultan Hasanuddin Pelaku Perjanian Bongaya tahun 1660-1667.

Namun untuk Wajah Latenri Tatta Daeng Serang Arung Palakka sudah benar krena memang mirip dengan Lukisan Aslinya, Potrer dibawa ini dapat menjadi kajian.

 

BILA MEREKA TAHU TENTANG PERJANJIAN BONGAYA TAHUN 1660-1667 APAKAH MEREKA TAHU SIAPA NAMA SAH BANDAR POTERE’ YANG TERLIBAT DALAM PERJANJINA BONGAYA

Dalam Sejarah Perjanjian Bongaya yang kita tahu selama ini, kita mengenal salah satu nama pada Riwayat Sulawesi yang kita sebut sebagai Kolonel Poleman yang menjmput Lantenri Tatta Daeng Serang pada tahun 1641, namun kita tidak peranh tahu kalau Kolonel Poleman adalah Sang Bandar Potete’.

Dalam Riwayat Arung Mampu, Sah Bandar Potere’ bernama Laparuisi’ yang namanya kemudian menjadi asal usul nama Tanjung Periuk di Jakarta

Source . Muhammad Yusuf Tonggi (2013)

 

 

 

1714

 

A montage of extremely rare E.I.C. coins struck in 1714 for use in St. Helena is made from black and white illustrations. The heart –shaped bale mark began use when the New or English East India Company was formed in 1698. The London E.I.C. bought a large number of the former’s shares and the two amalgamated in 1708/9 as “The United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies.” This is shortened to the letters V.E.I.C. on the balemark, for United East India Company.

 

1760.

The death of Juhan shah is stated in the Annals to have taken place in August 1760, and the accession of the son, who took the name of Ala-eddin Muhammed shah, not until November of the same year. Other authorities place these events in 1761.

1760

In the final years of the century, the rulers of Pontianak claimed Sanggau, Landak, Matan and Tayan as vassals, but they never ruled those areas directly. North of Pontianak, the states of Sambas and Mempawah were transformed from about 1760 by the arrival of Chinese miners to work the gold fields of the region.

The miners came at first at the invitation of the local rulers, but their commercial organizations, or kongsi, soon developed into small republics virtually independent of the rulers. States of a different kind also emerged in this era in the interior of western Kalimantan, along the Kapuas River and its tributaries. For the most part, the elites of these states were Malays, often with trading interests, who established varying degrees of hegemony over the indigenous Dayaks.

The largest of these states, Sintang, was moderately significant, but the states further upstream were small, sometimes claiming only a few hundred subjects.

1761

 

The great palace of weltevreden(demobilized 1820)

Now RSPAD(Indonesian National Army Hospital)


 1762:

Omar Akamuddin I to the Sultan of Sambas until 1793.

In Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin I to the Sultan of Brunei until 1795.

 

 


 1765:

King Amiril Pengiran Maharajadinda Tidung served until 1782.

1763.

Before he had completed the third year of his reign an insurrection of his subjects obliged him to save himself by flight on board a ship in the road. This happened in 1763 or 1764. The throne was seized by the maharaja (first officer of state) named Sinara, who assumed the title of Beder-eddin Juhan shah, and about the end of 1765 was put to death by the adherents of the fugitive monarch, Muhammed shah, who thereupon returned to the throne.*

(*Footnote. Captain Forrest acquaints us that he visited the court of Mahomed Selim (the latter name is not given to this prince by any other writer) in the year 1764, at which time he appeared to be about forty years of age. It is difficult to reconcile this date with the recorded events of this unfortunate reign, and I have doubts whether it was not the usurper whom the Captain saw.)

He was exposed however to further revolutions. About six years after his restoration the palace was attacked in the night by a desperate band of two hundred men, headed by a man called Raja Udah, and he was once more obliged to make a precipitate retreat. This usurper took the title of sultan Suliman shah, but after a short reign of three months was driven out in his turn and forced to fly for refuge to one of the islands in the eastern sea. The nature of his pretensions, if he had any, have not been stated, but he never gave any further trouble. From this period Muhammed maintained possession of his capital, although it was generally in a state of confusion.

 

1765

 

 

Mohr Obsevatory  (demobilized)

 

 


 1766: Ibrahim Sultan Alam Shah became Sultan of Sand III until 1786.
 October 23, 1771: City of Pontianak was founded by Abdurrahman Sharif Alkadrie who in 1778 sanctioned the Dutch VOC-I as Sultan of Pontianak in power until 1808. Establishment of a new kingdom at the mouth of the river was originally protested by Hedgehogs Hedgehog Kingdom.
 1772: Sayyid Idrus Alaydrus, son of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin I of the Sultanate of Palembang was appointed VOC-Dutch became the first camp Pertuan kingdom, ruled until 1795.
 1773: British occupy Balambangan. [34]
 1775: La Pangewa, was sworn in as lieutenant of the Bugis Pagatan Kapitan title by Sultan of Pulo Sea Tahmidullah II, after pounding the Prince Amir (King Kusan I) are out of the way up to Kuala Biaju.
 1777: Republic of Hakka Lanfang a country in West Kalimantan, founded by Mr. Fang Low until finally destroyed by the VOC, the Dutch in 1884.
 1778: According to the deed dated March 26, 1778 Hedgehog and Sukadana submitted to the Dutch Company by the Sultan of Banten. This is the territory that originally belonged to the VOC.
 1778: Sultan Aji Muhammad Aliyeddin be Kukar XIV until the year 1780.
 1780: Sultan Aji Muhammad Muslihuddin be Kukar XV until the year 1816.
 1780: Sultanate Banjarmasin population approaching 9000 people. [35]
 1782: Amiril Pengiran Maharajalila III became King Tidung until 1817.
 28 September 1782: Pemindahkan Kutai Sultanate’s capital of Pemarangan to the Edge of Pandan.
 1785: Prince Amir assisted Whitewater Tarawe Tabaneo attacked by troops Paser 3000 the Bugis-powered boats 60 to demand the throne of the Sultanate of Banjar of Tahmidullah II. [36]
 1786: Queen of the Great became the Sultan of Sand II until 1788.
 May 14, 1787: Prince Amir Dutch Company were arrested, then exiled to Sri Lanka.
 August 13, 1787: Tahmidullah II Sultan of the Sultanate Banjar cede sovereignty to the VOC became the protectorate of the deed of submission in front of the Resident Walbeck, after the VOC, the Dutch managed to get rid of Prince Amir, his rival in the struggle for the throne. Most of Borneo submitted become property of the company VOCs.
 1788: Sultan Anom Dipati Alamsyah became Sultan of Sand III until 1799. Sultan is married to the Queen is the Queen of Diamonds I Tjangtoeng and Batoe Litjin.
 1789: Sultan of Pontianak with Dutch support attacks against Panembahan Mempawah with the objective of winning the region Panembahan Mempawah. Lan Fong partnership then also sent troops to help force the Sultan of Pontianak. Panembahan Mempawah Panembahan Mempawah defeated then King resigned himself to the Authorship and later settled there.
 1790: Abubakar Tajuddin I became Sultan of Sambas until 1814.
 1795: Mohammed Tajuddin became Sultan of Brunei IX until 1807. Ordered Khatib Haji Abdul Latif writes Genealogy of the Kings of Brunei and ordered him to make a home waqf for Brunei pilgrims in Mecca.
 1795: Kingdom of Panembahan Simpang Matan built on the remnants of the Kingdom Sukadana [37]
 1797: Sovereignty of the Sea Island area Paser and VOC handed back to the Sultan of Banjar, Tahmidullah II.
 1799: Sultan Sulaiman Alam II became Sultan of Sand IV until 1811.
Age of British Colonialism

1746 – Pangeran Mangkubumi, disgusted with capitulations to the VOC (and being the target of court intrigues to take away his lands), announces full-scale rebellion. He is joined by Pangeran Mas Said. August 26: First VOC Post Office opened in Jakarta. VOC reestablishes presence in Perak. VOC receives Siak (across the straits from Melaka) from the Sultan of Johore. Bank van Leening founded by VOC to support trade.

 

1767


SULTAN MAHMUD BADARUDDIN II
Lahir : Palembang, 1767
Wafat : Ternate, 26 November 1852

Spoiler for Biografi Singkat

SEMENJAK ditunjuk menjadi Sultan Kerajaan Palembang menggantikan ayahnya Sultan Muhammad Baha’uddin, Mahmud Badaruddin melakukan perlawanan terhadap Inggris dan Belanda.

 

1772

Towards the end of the century, however, Sukadana’s power was increasingly challenged by the new state of Pontianak, founded by an Arab adventurer in 1772.

 

1772.

“In the year 1772,” says Captain Forrest, “Mr. Giles Holloway, resident of Tappanooly, was sent to Achin by the Bencoolen government, with a letter and present, to ask leave from the king to make a settlement there. I carried him from his residency. Not being very well on my arrival, I did not accompany Mr. Holloway (a very sensible and discreet gentleman, and who spoke the Malay tongue very fluently) on shore at his first audience; and finding his commission likely to prove abortive I did not go to the palace at all. There was great anarchy and confusion at this time; and the malcontents came often, as I was informed, near the king’s palace at night.”

 

1775.

The Captain further remarks that when again there in 1775 he could not obtain an audience.

 

 

1778

In 1778, Banten ceded its defunct rights over Sukadana to the VOC,

1786

Banten joined Pontianak in 1786 in an attack which utterly destroyed the city.

The royal family of Sukadana continued to rule the minor state of Matan (Kayung), but Sukadana was abandoned and Pontianak became the main centre of trade on the west coast.

1787,

the Sultanate of Banjar a protectorate, VOCs and vazal vazal Banjarmasin submitted to VOCs include East Kalimantan, Central Kalimantan, part of South Kalimantan, West Kalimantan and the interior, which reaffirmed the 1826 agreement. Then formed the Dutch East Indies Residency Residency Sambas and Pontianak with the appointment of kings as a regent of the Netherlands Indies colonial administration. Later merged into the Residency Residency Sambas and Pontianak Kalimantan hinterland into Residency West Borneo. Dutch East Indies in 1860 abolished the Sultanate of Banjar, then the last territory to be part of the Residency Afdeeling South and East Borneo.

1753

Sumatra and the Malay peninsula, first half of 18th century

During the second half of the 18th century, VOC power became increasingly decisive in the international politics of the Melaka Strait region. In 1753, the Company gained sovereignty over Banten, giving it a legal claim to Lampung. It was also engaged in a protracted struggle with the Bugis on the peninsula and in the Riau archipelago during which the Bugis occupied Kedah and the Dutch briefly took Selangor and sacked Bintan yet again. Johor, which still had little presence in the Malay Peninsula, came under Dutch influence and was under effective Dutch rule until 1795.

 

The west coast of Sumatra, meanwhile, became the scene of sporadic competition between the colonial powers. The vague understanding which gave the north to the VOC and the south to the British broke down when the British established forts at Poncang Kecil and Natal on the Tapanuli coast in 1752, though these posts never grew into a significant colonial presence. In the south, Bencoolen was briefly occupied by French forces in 1760.

In 1759

the fortifications were improved by the addition of a dry dich which can still be seen. The earth  from the ditch was dug out to a depth of six feet and width of twelve feet. The eaeth from this ditch was placed between the original outer wall of the fort and a new wall which had been contructed thus making the fort virtually impregnable from gun fire.This work gave the fort the resemblance that is seen today, with the enlarged gun platforms and ramparts.Shortly after this improvement, a french napal squadron, under the command of comte Charles-henri ‘Estaing’, arrived Bencoolen.Owing toa lack of ammunition and supplies but to surrender to the French Commander.The town  and fort were handed over the intruders withour conflict. The french used the fort as aprison for the East India company garrison, but affer some decimation of his force by a variety of fevers, the french commander abandoned Bencoolen and handed the town and fort back to the Ease town and fort back to the Ease India company representative althoug they too had been severely reduced in number owing to sickness and fevers.

In 1760  the Ease  india company settlement on the west coast of the sumatra were declared a presidency with Bencoolen becoming a presidential town, The garrison had, unfortunately, capitulated to the french before the new of the raise in  status was received. Following the departure of the french maritime force the senior appointtmen was up-granded to that of Governor and the firs to be  appointed was roger carter.

second half of 18th century

Java

The second major geo-political zone to develop in western Indonesia was in Java. In the interior of the island, a combination of rich volcanic soil and abundant rain made the Kedu plain the richest agricultural region of maritime Southeast Asia. Somewhat isolated from the north coast by mountains, the region was less vulnerable than most to sea-borne attack, and its rulers were able to keep the merchant world of the trading cities at bay, with the result that royal authority became more deeply established than elsewhere.

The early history of Kedu is as shadowy as that of the rest of the archipelago. The region may at first have been under the domination of Ho-ling, but in about 732 a king called Sanjaya, a follower of the Hindu god Siva, established a kingdom there which we generally call Mataram. Sanjaya was probably not an absolute ruler in any sense; he is probably best thought of as a local warlord who managed by a combination of careful alliance and calculated warfare with other warlords to establish himself as the most important power-holder in the plain. Within a few decades, moreover, and for reasons still not at all clear, his lineage was eclipsed by other rulers who were followers of Mahayana Buddhism and who acknowledged the suzerainty of the Sailendra dynasty. The Sailendras apparently sponsored the construction of the Borobudur, a massive Buddhist stupa, on the Kedu plain, as well as a number of other major monuments. This era of temple construction, which is paralleled nowhere else in maritime Southeast Asia, is a powerful measure of the ability of rulers in Central Java to mobilize the labour of their people on a massive scale.

The coastal polity of Ho-ling evidently survived the rise to power of Mataram on the other side of the mountains, for its ruler sent an embassy to China as late as 820, announcing that it had resumed the old name Jawa (‘Shepo’), but there are signs that it sent this embassy from eastern Java, having been displaced there by Mataram.

The disappearance of Ho-ling soon after 820 coincides with the overthrow of the Sailendras by a Hindu descendant of Sanjaya named Pikatan who restored Sivaitic Hinduism as the dominant religion. Pikatan or his successors were responsible for the construction of the Hindu temple complex of Prambanan and the century or so which followed is generally recognized as a time of cultural florescence, in which Java absorbed and re-worked new elements of Indian culture to create a distinctive indigenous variant of Indian civilization.

In the middle of the 10th century, for reasons which are still not clear, the centre of Javanese power moved from the Kedu plain to the valley of the Brantas River in eastern Java. There, with easier access to the sea, Javanese rulers may have become more closely involved in trade. They were also more vulnerable, and in 1016 were badly defeated in battle, probably during an attack from Srivijaya.

Java in turmoil, 1676-1681: the Trunajaya rebellion

.

1792

VOC civil administration in Indonesia, 1792

VOC civil administration in central and east Java, 1792

VOC civil administration in Ambon, 1792

.

1751 – VOC forces des

Private estates close to Batavia, about 1750

The city of Batavia, on the other hand, gradually developed into a significant urban settlement. Built at first in Dutch style, with tall buildings facing on to a grid of narrow canals, the city soon spread beyond its old walls. In the newer southern suburbs of the city, called Weltevreden, Dutch architecture was modified to take more account of the needs of life in the tropics.

As far as possible, the VOC preferred not to take a direct hand in the day-to-day administration of the territories they dominated. Rather, they sought to work with established indigenous elites, believing that these elites possessed a political legitimacy as rulers which the Dutch would never have and that Dutch domination thus could be maintained without unduly offending indigenous sensibilities. On Java, they turned for the most part to the bupati who had been regional lords under Mataram and whom they referred to as regenten (regents).

The Dutch maintained the bupati as symbols of traditional authority and each bupati had responsibility for law and order in his district. In most regions, however, the bupati were also deeply involved in Dutch economic programmes. The most important of these programmes was the Priangan System (Preanger-Stelsel), applied in the so-called Priangan Regencies (Preanger Regentschappen). The people of the region farmed coffee estates for the bupati, who received 10% of the produce for their role. The producers were obliged to deliver the remainder of the crop to the Company, which paid them at half the market rate, in exchange for exempting them from land tax and further feudal services to the bupati. In practice, however, the bupati retained wide powers to tax their subjects on top of the official provisions. This lucrative arrangement remained in force from the early 18th century until 1870.

In the early days of the Company’s settlement at Batavia, Banten (which the Dutch called Bantam) had been a major regional power. Because it possessed only a small agricultural hinterland, it was much more vulnerable than Mataram and its military power was decisively broken in 1677. Thereafter, although the Dutch repeatedly nibbled at the boundary with Banten in order to increase the territory around Batavia, and although they forced the sultan to recognize their suzerainty in 1752, the sultanate was left intact. Only in 1808 did the Dutch annex the coastal regions, a prelude to the incorporation of the rest of the territory in 1813.

troy the Banten rebellion; guerilla attacks continue against VOC plantations around Batavia. VOC extends control over Lampung.

 

1754

– Mangkubumi considers negotiating with VOC, worries about possible disloyalty from Mas Said.

 

1755

– February 13 Treaty of Gijanti: Sultan Hamengkubuwono gets VOC recognition of title and lands. Treaty requires Sultan Hamengkubuwono to ally himself with the VOC against Mas Said. Mas Said, now without allies, attacks VOC forces.

 

Java after the Treaty of Giyanti, 1755

The Javanese territories continued to be divided into mancanegara and negara agung, as in the time of Sultan Agung, but areas such as Banyumas and Pacitan were now included in the negara agung. These boundaries remained intact until the end of the century.

By the second half of the 18th century, the VOC controlled more than half of Java. Only Banten and a severely truncated Mataram remained outside their control, and in fact the rulers of both territories had formally acknowledged Dutch suzerainty, Mataram in 1749 and Banten in 1752.

Because Dutch dominion had grown gradually under widely differing political and economic conditions, the character of Dutch rule varied from region to region. The oldest region of Dutch rule – Batavia and its surrounding territories, known as the Ommelanden – had been purged of its indigenous inhabitants soon after the first Dutch settlement and was inhabited in the 18th century by the descendants of immigrants, some free-born, some slaves, drawn from many parts of the archipelago and beyond. Balinese and Chinese were an especially significant component of the ethnic mix on the outskirts of the city

Until 1755,

VOC policy had been to support whichever ruler of Mataram they believed could be bent to their interests. From 1755, their policy was one of divide and rule. The partition of Mataram was repeated in Surakarta in 1757 with the installation of another former rebel as prince Mangkunegara I with a domain which was beneath Surakarta in status but not quite subordinate in practice. The arrangement was made all the more complex by the fact that Surakarta and Yogyakarta territories were scattered across the whole of the remaining former

1756 – VOC signs treaties with chiefs on Savu and Sumba. October: Bugis begin a siege of VOC at Melaka. VOC sends a special ambassador to Banjarmasin. A trade agreement is reached. VOC makes agreements with local chieftains on Timor.

1757 – February: Reinforcements from Batavia force Bugis to end siege of Melaka. Mas Said agrees to negotiations with the VOC.

 

1758 – January 1: VOC signs treaty with the Bugis. Hostilities between the VOC, Yogya, Surakarta and Pangeran Mas Said end; Mas Said becomes Pangeran Mangkunegara I with his court also at Surakarta. VOC has control of all the north coast provinces.

 

1759 – VOC abandons fort at Linggi, near Melaka.

 

1760

August 1760
The France assault from the sea and captured Fort Marlborough under the command of Admiral Comte Charles d’Estaing.

March 1761
The France left the Bencoolen.

July 1761
The British expedition under the command of Captain Vincent was conflicted by native authority. They refused the British arrival in Bencoolen.

 

 

 

1761

 

1761 – 1775

Gouverneur-Generaal Petrus Albertus van der Parra

1781The British in turn occupied Padang from 1781 to 1784, while the French took the settlement briefly in 1793. In 1795, under an agreement between William of Orange and the British during the Napoleonic occupation of the Netherlands, British forces occupied Padang again, along with Melaka, to exclude the French.

nel

February 1762
The British retake the Fort Marlborough. When the British returned to slip back it to Bengal’s jurisdiction, Bencoolen functioned as separated presidency until 1773

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1775

 

1775 – 1777

Gouverneur-Generaal Jeremias van Riemsdijk

 

1765 – VOC abandons fort at Siak.

 

1768 – VOC expedition to Malang against descendants of Surapati captures Pangeran Singasari, who dies in custody.

 

1769 – French expedition steals clove and nutmeg plants from Ambon, breaking the VOC monopoly. Portuguese build post at Dili, East Timor.

 

1770 – English Captain James Cook visits Batavia.

 

1771 – Last of Surapati’s line is captured by VOC forces in Malang. Malang now falls under VOC control. VOC forces work to push Balinese out of Balambangan. Syarif Abdurrahman from Arabia founds Pontianak, becomes its first Sultan.

 

1778 – Sultan of Pontianak accepts VOC protectorate in exchange for recognition by the VOC as a Sultan. The Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen is founded. (Its collections would later form the basis of the National Museum and National Library.)

.

1780

Kuta Besak is the center court Palembang Darussalam Sultanate, as traditional power centers that experienced the change from middle age into a new era in the 19th century. Understanding Kuto here comes from the Sanskrit word, which means: The city, castle, fort, stronghold (see ‘Dictionary of Ancient Java – Indonesia’, L Mardiwarsito, Nusa Indah Flores, 1986).

Melayu Language (Palembang) seems to put more emphasis on the meaning of the castle, fortress, stronghold kuto meaning even more defined in terms of the shape of the high fence wall. While understanding more of the country translated.

The fort was founded in 1780 by Sultan Muhammad Bahauddin (father Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin II). This idea comes from the fortress of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin I (1724-1758), or known by Jayo Wikramo, who founded the Old Palace Kuta in 1737. This castle development process is fully supported by all the people in South Sumatra. They also donated building materials and labor executive.

Who was the architect, is not known with certainty. There is the suggestion that the architect was the Europeans. For monitoring the implementation of the work entrusted to a Chinese, who are experts in their fields.

As a material for the adhesive cement brick limestone is used in rural areas Ogan River. Limestone material landfills are located in the back of the Land of the Kingdom which is now called the Kapuran Village, and creeks are used as a means of transport is Kapuran River.

1781 – British take the Dutch outpost at Perak.

 

1783 – The VOC, short of cash, asks the Netherlands States-General for financial assistance.

 

1784 – VOC attacks Riau to prevent the British from taking over. October 29: VOC defeats Bugis forces in Riau. Sultan of Riau dies without a successor; VOC takes complete control of Johore and Riau by treaty. VOC builds fort on Bintan. Treaty of Paris ends the war with Britain, and opens the VOC controlled Indies to free trade.

 

1785

February 1785
Presidency of Fort Marlborough was set back to Residency administration, and responsible to Calcutta Presidency in India. It ruled until the end of the colony in 1825 on the subject of Anglo-Dutch Treaty 1824.


Fort Marlborough seen from the South
Engraved by Joseph Stadler 1799


Fort Marlborough seen from the South-East
Engraved by Joseph Stadler 1799

1780 – War breaks out between the Netherlands and Britain. Extra troops are sent to Java. Plague in Batavia. Smallpox epidemic on Sumatra. Islamic reform movement grows in Minangkabau.

 

1786 – British found Penang in Malaya. Sultan of Banjar cedes sovereignty to VOC

1790 – Rumours spread that Pakubuwono IV is planning a massacre of Dutch in Java, and takeovers of the Yogya and Mangkunegara courts. Forces from Yogya and VOC surround Surakarta. Pakubuwono IV orders his advisors to leave court; VOC sends them into exile. Gold rush begins in West Kalimantan.

 

1791 – VOC withdraws from Pontianak.

 

1791

An extrack from the East India company record showing the military establishment of Fort Marlborough for 1791

1792 – VOC declares that Mangkunegara title and possessions are hereditary.

 

VOC civil administration in Banda, 1792

This administrative burden contributed to growing financial difficulties for the VOC during the 18th century. The Company’s monopoly policies, moreover, had contributed to serious impoverishment in the archipelago, diminishing the possibility of large profits. In response, the Dutch sought to drive down the purchase price of produce by various systems of forced delivery which often caused enormous hardship to their Indonesian subjects. A further problem was high levels of corruption amongst Company officials, despite draconian penalties for those who were caught. Another blow were French raids on Ambon in 1769–1772 which obtained clove plants and allowed the French to begin cultivation of cloves in Mauritius. The consequence was that the Company began to borrow money to pay its still-impressive dividends to investors, thereby digging itself into deeper financial problems. Many attempts at reform were begun during the 18th century; some of them tightening systems of control, others proposing some liberalization, but entrenched interests in Batavia were able for the most part to prevent reforms from having long-term effect.

By the end of the century, the VOC could no longer pay its way, and on 31 December 1799 it was formally wound up, its property, debts and interests in the Indies being taken over by the Dutch state. At that moment, however, not just the system of Dutch rule in the archipelago was in the balance. Dutch power itself appeared likely to disappear in the Napoleonic world war between England and France.

The English East India Company (EIC), founded in 1600, was a joint stock company like the VOC formed to exploit the trading opportunities of Asia. Unlike the VOC, it was reconstituted initially after each voyage and then at intervals of four years, so that it did not immediately develop a lasting bureaucratic stucture like that of the Dutch company. The two companies almost immediately came into conflict over trade in the archipelago, with Governor-General Coen unilaterally declaring Maluku closed to the English in 1616. The English established posts on Lontor and Run in the Banda Islands, but were generally outmanoeuvred by the Dutch. The conflict came to a head in 1623, in the so-called Amboyna massacre, when ten English company agents on Ambon were tortured and executed on charges of conspiring against the VOC.

The English briefly established a headquarters at Legundi off the southern tip of Sumatra, but were forced by disease to move first to Batavia and then to Banten. Their interest, however, was moving towards India and they did not attempt to maintain more than a scattering of small posts in Indonesia from this time.

By 1684 the English had lost all their former posts and forts in Indonesia, but in the following year they began to develop interests on the western coast of Sumatra, beginning with Pariaman. These interests grew into control of the southern part of that coast, with a headquarters at Bengkulu (Bencoolen), which became a base, according to Dutch complaints, for private English traders to infringe Dutch monopolies throughout the western archipelago

1795 – January Dutch revolutionaries and French troops declare the Batavian Republic in the Netherlands. The Stadhouder of the Netherlands flees to London. The new Republic finds itself in a state of war with Britain. February 7: The Prince of Orange, stadhouder-in-exile of the Netherlands, issues a letter to all colonial governors telling them to surrender to the British. (The VOC in Batavia do not comply.) August: VOC surrenders Melaka to the British East India Company.

 

1796

– March 1 Heeren XVII transfer administration of the VOC to a government Committee for East Indian Affairs. Mangkunegara II inherits court, but much of the treasury is stolen by the VOC resident at Surakarta. British occupy Padang. British occupy Ambon. Riots break out in Maluku between villages. VOC fortress at Ternate refuses to surrender.

Opium In Indonesia

The opium trade was of immense importance.
Asia was not very interested in European products, but the VOC stimulated the usage of opium.
Opium sap was mainly gathered . in Bengal India and processed on Java.

 

The opium was bartered for tea and other Chinese products and was very profitable.
In Batavia, in 1744, already 243.000 pounds of raw opium was auctioned.
The buyers were mainly Chinese.

 

 

 

1755
Also a very lucrative smuggling trade existed, controlled by the VOC employees themselves.
Therefore, Governor-General Van Imhoff established, in 1745, the” Societeit van den Amfioen Handel”.This Institute got the monopoly of the trade on Java
and bought each year a fixed quantity of Amfioen ( opium).
Of course, this Institute stimulated the usage of opium on Java.

 

1756

When the British conquered Calcutta in 1756,

 

the VOC sent a squadron to protect the Dutch Factorijen ( Trade Houses ) in Bengal.
The British attacked this squadron without warning and annihilated the VOC ships .
From that moment on, the British East India Company commanded that monopoly of the opium trade.

 

Thus, the VOC was allowed to buy that same opium from the British, for a considerable price,
but could not realize big profits again, of course.
The loss of the opium trade meant the beginning of the downfall of the VOC and the rise of Britain as a colonial superpower in Asia.

 

 

1765

La Maddukkelleng (1700-l765)

 


La Maddukkelleng (lahir: Wajo, Sulawesi Selatan, 1700 – wafat: Wajo, Sulawesi Selatan, 1765)

adalah seorang ksatria dari Wajo, Sulawesi Selatan.

Pada masa kecilnya hidup di lingkungan istana (Arung Matowa Wajo) Wajo. Menginjak masa remaja ia diajak oleh pamannya mengikuti acara adu (sambung) ayam di kerajaan tetangganya Bone. Namun pada waktu itu terjadi ketidak adilan penyelenggaraan acara tersebut dimana orang Wajo merasa dipihak yang teraniaya, La Maddukkelleng tidak menerima hal tersebut dan terjadilah perkelahian.

Ia lalu kembali ke Wajo dalam pengejaran orang Bone, lalu lewat Dewan Ade Pitue, ia memohon izin untuk merantau mencari ilmu. Dengan berbekal Tiga Ujung, (ujung mulut, ujung tombak, dan ujung kemaluan) ia berhasil di negeri Pasir (Kalimantan) sampai ke Malaysia, dan merajai Selat Makassar, hingga Belanda menjulukinya dengan Bajak Laut.

Dia berhasil menikah dengan puteri Raja Pasir, dan salah seorang puterinya kimpoi dengan Raja Kutai.

Dia bersama pengikutnya terus menerus melawan Belanda.

Setelah sepuluh tahun La Maddukkelleng memerintah Pasir sebagai Sultan Pasir, datanglah utusan dari Arung Matowa Wajo La Salewangeng yang bernama La Dalle Arung Taa

menghadap Sultan Pasir dengan membawa surat yang isinya mengajak kembali, karena Wajo dalam ancaman Bone. La Maddukkelleng akhirnya kembali lagi ke Tanah Wajo dan melalui suatu mufakat Arung Ennengnge (Dewan Adat), beliau diangkat sebagai Arung Matowa Wajo XXXIV. Dalam pemerintahannya, tercatat berhasil menciptakan strategi pemerintahan yang cemerlang yang terus menerus melawan dominasi Belanda dan membebaskan Wajo dari penjajahan diktean Kerajaan Bone, juga keberhasilan memperluas wilayah kekuasaan Kerajaan Wajo.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1777

 

 


RAJA HAJI FISABILILLAH
Lahir : Ulu Sungai, Riau 1725
Wafat : Teluk Ketapang, 18 Juni 1784

RAJA HAJI FISABILILLAH diangkat menjadi Yang Dipertuan Muda (YDM) Kerajaan Melayu Riau pada tahun 1777. Sebagai Yang Dipertuan Muda, Raja Haji bertanggung jawab terhadap jalannya pemerintahan di Kerajaan Melayu Riau. Dalam masa pemerintahannya, Kerajaan Melayu Riau berkembang cukup baik.

Akan tetapi, Belanda yang saat itu masih menguasai Malaka, tetap merupakan ancaman bagi kerajaan-kerajaan di sekitarnya.

 

 

 

1779

Nuku Muhammad Amiruddin

(1738-l805)

Spoiler for siapa dia ??


Muhammad Amiruddin atau lebih dikenal dengan nama Sultan Nuku (Soasiu, Tidore, 1738 – Tidore, 14 November 1805)

adalah seorang Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia. Dia merupakan

sultan dari Kesultanan Tidore yang dinobatkan pada tanggal 13 April 1779,

dengan gelar “Sri Paduka Maha Tuan Sultan Saidul Jehad el Ma’bus Amiruddin Syah Kaicil Paparangan”

Muhamad Amiruddin alias Nuku adalah putra Sultan Jamaluddin (1757–1779) dari kerajaan Tidore.

Nuku juga dijuluki sebagai Jou Barakati artinya Panglima Perang. Pada zaman pemerintahan Nuku (1797 – 1805), Kesultanan Tidore mempunyai wilayah kerajaan yang luas yang meliputi Pulau Tidore, Halmahera Tengah, pantai Barat dan bagian Utara Irian Barat serta Seram Timur. Sejarah mencatat bahwa hampir 25 tahun, Nuku bergumul dengan peperangan untuk mempertahankan tanah airnya dan membela kebenaran.

Dari satu daerah, Nuku berpindah ke daerah lain, dari perairan yang satu menerobos ke perairan yang lain, berdiplomasi dengan Belanda maupun dengan Inggris, mengatur strategi dan taktik serta terjun ke medan perang. Semuanya dilakukan hanya dengan tekad dan tujuan yaitu membebaskan rakyat dari cengkeraman penjajah dan hidup damai dalam alam yang bebas merdeka. Cita-citanya membebaskan seluruh kepulauan Maluku terutama Maluku Utara (Maloko Kie Raha) dari penjajah bangsa asing.

Perang dengan Belanda
Pemerintah Kolonial Belanda yang berpusat di Batavia (kini Jakarta) dengan gubernur-gubernurnya yang ada di Ambon, Banda dan Ternate selalu berhadapan dengan raja pemberontak ini yang terus mengganjal kekuasaan Kompeni (Belanda) tanpa kompromi. Mereka semua tidak mampu menghadapi konfrontasi Nuku. Nuku merupakan musuh bebuyutan yang tidak bisa ditaklukan, bahkan tidak pernah mundur selangkahpun saat bertempur melawan Belanda di darat maupun di laut.

Ia adalah seorang pejuang yang tidak dapat diajak kompromi. Semangat dan perjuangannya tidak pernah padam, walaupun kondisi fisiknya mulai dimakan usia. Kodrat rohaninya tetap kuat dan semangat tetap berkobar sampai ia meninggal dalam usia 67 tahun pada tahun 1805. Sebagai penghargaan terhadap jasa-jasa dan pengorbanannya, Pemerintah Republik Indonesia mengukuhkan Sultan Nuku sebagai “Pahlawan Nasional Indonesia”

 

1780

Sebetulnya pada tahun 1780, Kerajaan Melayu Riau telah mengadakan perjanjian tersebut, peperangan pun tidak dapat dihindari.

Walaupun angkatan laut Belanda mencoba untuk memblokade Riau, terutama Pulau Pen1yengat sebagai tempat kediaman YDM Raja Haji, armada Melayu Riau dapat dengan mudah menerobos blokade tersebut.

 

Akhirnya, karena selalu gagal menguasai Pulau Penyengat, Belanda menggunakan taktik mengulur-ulur waktu sambil menunggu bantuan yang lebih besar didatangkan ke Perairan Riau.

 

Raja haji kemudian bekerja sama dengan Sultan Selangor

untuk memerangi Belanda di Malaka. Untuk menghadapi

pasukan gabungan itu, Belanda mendatangkan pasukannya

dari Jawa dalam jumlah besar.

1784

Pada tahun 1784, terjadilah pertempuran hebat. Raja Haji yang memimpin sendiri pasukannya di Teluk Ketapang akhirnya tewas terkena tembakan.

Semula jenazahnya dimakamkan di Malaka, kemudian dipindahkan ke pemakaman raja-raja Melayu Riau di Pulau Penyengat.

1784

Raja Haji Fisabilillah (1725-l784)

Spoiler for sedikit tentang dirinya


Raja Haji Fisabilillah (lahir di Kota Lama, Ulusungai, Riau, 1725 – meninggal di Ketapang, 18 Juni 1784)

adalah salah satu pahlawan nasional Indonesia.

Ia dimakamkan di Pulau Penyengat, Indera Sakti, Tanjung Pinang, Provinsi Kepulauan Riau. Namanya diabadikan dalam nama bandar udara di Tanjung Pinang, Bandar Udara Internasional Raja Haji Fisabilillah.

Riwayat perjuangan
Raja Haji Fisabililah atau dikenal juga sebagai Raja Haji marhum Teluk Ketapang adalah (Raja) Yang Dipertuan Muda Riau-Lingga-Johor-Pahang IV.

Ia terkenal dalam melawan pemerintahan Belanda dan berhasil membangun pulau Biram Dewa di sungai Riau Lama.

Karena keberaniannya, Raja Haji Fisabililah juga dijuluki (dipanggil) sebagai Pangeran Sutawijaya (Panembahan Senopati) di Jambi. Ia gugur pada saat melakukan penyerangan pangkalan maritim Belanda di Teluk Ketapang (Melaka) pada tahun 1784.

 

Jenazahnya dipindahkan dari makam di Melaka (Malaysia) ke Pulau Penyengat oleh Raja Ja’afar (putra mahkotanya pada saat memerintah sebagai Yang Dipertuan Muda).

 

 

 

 

 

1794


The “Societeit van den Amfioen Handel “ was liquidated in 1794.
The lucrative opium trade was taken over by the Nederlandsch Handels Maatschappij and later by the Opium Regime, a Public Company, that distributed  the opium even via Post Offices.

   

 

Weltevreden Palace (1796)

Batavia/Jakarta – Indonesia

Istana Merdeka is a palace complex in Central Jakarta, Indonesia. At first there was only one building in this complex, the Istana Negara. The Istana Negara was originally built as the residence for a Dutch businessman, J. A. van Braam. Rijswijk and Molenvliet (presently known as Harmonie), the location chosen as the time was the most exclusive neighborhood in Weltevreden area, the New Batavia. During its early years, only the State Palace stood in this complex. The State Palace was built in 1796 facing north toward Ciliwung river bank, during the era of Pieter Gerardus van Overstraten as Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies, and completed in 1804.

The government used this building as the center of all administration and as the official residence of the Governor-General during a stay in Batavia, in occasion of events such as the Indies Council Meeting held every Wednesday. The Governor-Generals preferred to live in Bogor Palace in Bogor, due to the cooler and more adaptable temperatures in the hillsides of Bogor. The mansion of van Braam was bought due because of a need for the Dutch government to centralize power. However, Daendels Palace (currently Ministry of Finance) in Lapangan Banteng (formerly known as Waterloo Square) was not completed yet.

Upon the completion of Daendels Palace, plans to centralize power changed, and the mansion of van Braam officially became the residency of the governor-general, and Daendels Palace housed administrative buildings. Hotel van den Gouverneur-Generaal (Hotel of the Governor-General) became the official name of the van Braam mansion. During the Colonial era, important events took place in this building. Some of which include the declaration of the cultuur stensel system by the Governor Graaf van den Bosch, and the ratification ceremony of the Lingarjati Treaty on March 25, 1947.

During mid-19th century, the palace does not suffice the accommodation of its administrative purposes, and under orders from J.W. van Lansberge, a new building that today become the Merdeka Palace was built within the complex in 1873 during the Governor General Loudon administration, and finished in 1879 during Governor General Johan Willem van Landsberge administration. This neoclasical building, designed by Drossares, was built in southern part of the complex directly facing Koningsplein (now Merdeka Square). The new Governor General palace at Koningsplein was also known as Istana Gambir (Gambir Palace).

1796

Daendels kocht, na de stichting van Buitenzorg, de vroegere woning van Gouverneur-Generaal Van Riemsdijk aan het Molenvliet, Rijswijk zijde. Dit huis, vanaf 1796 gemoderniseerd, ging dienen als residentie voor de Gouverneurs-Generaal als deze in Batavia waren en werd al s

1797 – Nederlands Zendelinggenootschap or Dutch Missionary Society is founded. This was the beginning of heavy activity by Dutch Protestant missionaries in Indonesia, not only to Java and Sumatra but also to very remote areas, eventually even to Irian Jaya.

 

In 1797,

the Palembang Darusalam castle was finished, and began formally occupied by the Sultan Muhammad Bahauddin on Monday, 23 Sha’ban 1211 Hijri in the morning or in conjunction with the February 21, 1797 AD. Meanwhile, the oldest son, who became Prince Queen (Crown Prince) occupies the Old Palace Kuta.

 

 

1798 – Napoleonic Dutch government revokes charter of VOC, assumes its debts and assets.

 

1799 –

April 27 Committee for East Indian Affairs sends a letter of instructions to Batavia, stating that the revolutionary ideas of the Republic (liberty and equality) could not be applied to the Indies. Dutch officers under siege at Ternate mutiny and surrender to the British.

 

1799

 

 

The first papermoney of the Netherlands Indies

At the end of the 18th century, the first kind of papermoney appeared in the Netherlands Indies. The notes were issued by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) that represented the Dutch interests in the East.

Many money transports from the Netherlands got lost and the wars with England twarted these transports regularly. Also the political uncertainty in Europe due to the French revolution and the war between France and England, resulting in the occupation by the English of the Dutch possessions in the East and West, bothered the VOC substantially.

As a consequence, the decay of the VOC started in the second half of the 18th century. The subsequent scarcity of money and the shortage of precious metals for coinage, led to the issuing of papermoney in 1782. The notes were issued in a period during which France also re-introduced papermoney and a number of other European countries also started using papermoney, like Sweden, Denmark and England.

Initially interest bearing bonds were issued (6%) in denomiations of 25, 50, 100, 200, 300, 400, 500 en 1000 rijksdaalders. In 1873 the interest was not applied anymore. The notes were issued in multiples of rijksdaalders, starting from 1 up to 1000 rijksdaalders.

The exchange rate of these credit notes and the exchange against cash was problematic due to the impoverished situation of the VOC and resulted in substantial depreciation and the notes being sold at exchange rates lower than 15%.

Just before the VOC got bankrupt in 1799, the Netherlands Indies government issued new emissions, even during the French occupation (in the name of King Lodewijk Napoleon) and the English occupation (in the name of the English East India Company EEIC)) until approximately 1810.

 

Example of this first papermoney, a rijksdaalder from 1799, good for 48 zwaare stuyvers Indish money, issued in t’ Casteel (the Castle) in Batavia. The notes carry authenticity marks with VOC stamps on obverse and reverse, on handmade paper and has signatures by Brongers, Brinkman and Kleijnst

 

1800 – VOC formally dissolved on January 1; properties revert to Dutch government. Sultan of the Kraton Kanoman in Cirebon is banished to Ambon by the Dutch. A low-level rebellion breaks out under Bagus Rangen.

 

The VOC was losing money to corruption and political intrigues. By the end of the 1700s, it was fully bankrupt. On January 1st, 1800, it ceased to exist. The British had taken all the former VOC possessions and protectorates in the area, except for Java, Banjarmasin, Palembang, western Timor and Makassar. Most of these were returned to the Dutch in 1802, only to be reconquered by the British a few years later.

 

And the Struggle continued…

 

Atche warriors

 

.

 

 

 


REFERENCES

Commanders of Dutch East India Ships

in the Eighteenth Century


Commanders of Dutch East India Ships in the Eighteenth Century
By Jaap R. Bruijn
Boydell Press, 2011, ISBN 978-1-84383-622-3, $130.00

Written by a leading maritime historian in the Netherlands, Bruijn focuses on one segment of the VOC (the Dutch East India Company) – the commanders who captained the company’s vessels during the 1700s. Divided into two parts, the first segment of the book focuses on these men at home. Each of the six Chambers of the VOC – located in Enkhuizen, Hoorn, Middelburg, Delft, Rotterdam, and Amsterdam – are covered. He also discusses those commanders who came from other places and the naval officers who sometimes sought employment with the Company. The second half of the book concentrates on the commanders at sea.

Individual chapters

cover their appointments as commander, their training and education, their income, the ships and their lives aboard them, the different personalities present among the commanders, and navigation and other advancements. The final chapter compares the VOC with the English East India Company, France’s Compagnie des Indes, Denmark’s Dansk-Asiatisk Compagnie, and the Swedish Svenska Ostindiska Kompani. The book includes a number of black-and-white illustrations, an extensive bibliography, and two indices (one of Names, one of Ship Names).
 
Although there is a bit of repetition from one chapter to another, the reiteration helps to keep the reader aware of the subject matter so he/she doesn’t forget a vital piece of information. For the most part the English translation of this Dutch book (
Schippers van de VOC in de achttiende eeuw aan de wal en op zee, De Bataafsche Leeuw, 2008) is well done, although there are a few spots where the reader may have to read a brief passage more than once to fully understand what’s said. The text is easily read by layman and historian alike, and Bruijn skillfully shows the importance and evolution of the VOC on its commanders and the cities from which they sailed during this time period.
 
The book includes a few references to pirates,

particularly those of the Indian Ocean. The author, as if knowing the gems historical novelists search for when researching a topic, provides a wealth of information that will add realism to their stories.

The price may be steep for some, but this is an important work that is an essential read for anyone interested in the history of the VOC at its zenith. Those who venture to do so will find a fascinating account of what it was like to be a commander in the Dutch East India Company.

 

 

 

 

   

 

BATAVIA ALS HANDELS-, INDUSTRIE- EN WOONSTAD samengesteld in opdracht van de stadsgemeente Batavia. Batavia as a commercial, industrial and residential center written for the municipality of Batavia. Batavia, Amsterdam, G. Kolff & Co., (1937). 8vo. Cloth. With many plates and photographic illustrations. 303 pp.

 

 

BATAVIA, GELEGEN OP HET EILAND JAVA, EEN BEROEMDE VOLKPLANTING DER BATAVIEREN. – BATAVIA NOVA, KALAPPA & JACATRA PRIUS DICTA, IN INSULA JAVA, BATAVORUM NOBILIS COLONIA. (Amsterdam, 1702).Engraving. Ca. 21 x 25,5 cm. From: P. Schenk. Hecatompolis sive totius orbis terrarum oppida nobiliora centrum. – Fine bird’s-eye view of Batavia with ships in the foreground.Feith 13; Cat. Batavia Tentoonstelling Amsterdam 1919, 19.

 

 

BATAVIA. Die innere Aussicht des Castells in Batavia nebst der Schloss Kirche. – Vuë interieure du pallais de Batavie avec l’eglise du chateau. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild), with descriptive text in German and French. ca 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, inside the castle depicting the parade-ground with on the left side the houses of the Raad van Indië and on the right side the castle-chucrh, the house of the governor-general and the buildings of the government, in the background the sea with ships. – Fine.Feith 78c; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,3.

 

 

BATAVIA. Die innere Aussicht des Castells in Batavia nebst der Schloss Kirche. – Vuë interieure du pallais de Batavie avec l’eglise du chateau. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild). ca 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, inside the castle depicting the parade-ground with on the left side the houses of the Raad van Indië and on the right side the castle-chucrh, the house of the governor-general and the buildings of the government, in the background the sea with ships. – (Without printed text at lower side, just printed title on top).Feith 78c; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,3.

 

 

   

 

BATAVIA. BATAVIA. (Hildburghausen, ca. 1850).Steel-engraving after C. Reiss by W. Wallis. Ca. 10 x 15,5 cm. From: J. Meyer. Universum. – Romantic view from the sea with some people in the foreground.Feith 108; Haks & Maris, Lexicon, B 34.

 

 

BATAVIA. BATAVIA. (London, 1704). Engraving. Ca. 12,5 x 16 cm. From: Nieuhof. The voyages and travels. – Panoramic view with on the left the Old Dutch Church and the old townhall and on the right the castle. With title on scroll and coat of arms of Batavia.

 

 

BATAVIA. CARTE DES ENVIRONS DE BATAVIA avec la vuë de cette ville. Pour servir a l’histoire generale des voyages. 1750. Tirée des Hollandois. (Amst., 1750).Engraved plan by Dheulland, with cartouche and fine view of Batavia from the sea. Ca. 21 x 28 cm. From: A.F. Prévost. Histoire generale des voyages. – Fine plan and profile of Batavia.Cf. Brommer BAT K35; Feith 30; Cf. Cat. 300-jarig bestaan Batavia 36.

 

 

BATAVIA. GESIGHT VAN’T SUYKER PAKHUYS, GESIEN OP DE BRUGH VAN’T CASTEEL BATAVIA. (Amst., 1726).Engraving. Ca. 29 x 37 cm. From: François Valentijn. Oud en nieuw Oost-Indiën. – Fine view of the sugar warehouse seen from the castle-moat, with on the right bastion Diamant. The popular name of Kota Inten (Diamond City), still carries the memory of the Diamond Bastion of the old castle. – (Some wormholes restored).Feith 67e; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 154,5.

 

 

BATAVIA. THE GOVERNOR OF BATAVIA’S PALACE, IN THE EAST INDIES. (London, 1780). Engraving by J. Lodge. Ca. 15,5 x 27 cm. – Fine view of the palace with people in the foreground. – Feith 101.

 

 

BATAVIA. DE NEDERLANDERS VOOR JACATRA. 1618. (Leyden, 1855).Tinted lithographed plate. Ca. 26 x 36 cm. From: J.H. Eichman & H. Altmann. Vaderlandsche historieplaten. – Historical print depicting the taking by the Dutch of Jacatra in 1602.Catalogus 300-jarig bestaan Batavia, 215. [Boeknr.: 30841 ]


€ 65,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN DE BATAVIA. (Leiden, Pieter van der Aa, 1729).Engraved plan of Batavia. Ca. 21 x 28 cm. From: Pieter van der Aa. Galérie agréable du monde. – Plan of the town with legend in the lower right corner, numbered 1 – 41, referring to all important buildings. Bastin, Batavia, BAT K40; Feith 24.


€ 125,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN DE LA VILLE ET DU CHATEAU DE BATAVIA EN L’ISLE DE JAVA. Ware afbeeldinge wegens het casteel ende stadt Batavia gelegen opt groot eylant Java. Leide, Pierre van der Aa, (1729).Engraved plan of Batavia with ships lying in the road, with coat of arms, legend and scroll, in the righthand corner a panoramic view of the city. Ca. 26,5 x 35,5 cm. From: Pieter van der Aa. Galérie agréable du monde. – Fine decorative plan of Batavia after Clemendt de Jonghe.Brommer, Batavia, BAT K25; Feith 14; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan Batavia 20. [Boeknr.: 14110 ]


€ 450,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN ODER GRUND-RISS, DER STADT BATAVIA, samt der eine Stund Weges umher liegenden Gegend. (Wilhermsdorff, 1744).Engraving after J.W. Heijdt by A. Hoffer. Ca. 24 x 28 cm. From: J.W. Heydt. Allerneuester .. Schau-Platz. – Charming plan of the town with surroundings. Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 37; Brommer BAT K34. [Boeknr.: 1296 ]


€ 180,00

 

BATAVIA. PLAN ODER GRUNDRISS DER STADT UND DERER VORSTÄTTE, wie auch des Castels Batavia. (Wilhermsdorff, 1744).Engraving after J.W. Heijdt by A. Hoffer. Ca. 22,5 x 26,5 cm. From: J.W. Heydt. Allerneuester .. Schau-Platz. – Fine plan of Batavia and surroundings. With street-index on scroll.Feith 70a XXII; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 55; Brommer BAT K44. [Boeknr.: 14537 ]


€ 180,00

 

BATAVIA. Prospect von der Bastion Gelderland ausserhalb der Stadt Batavia, wie solche nach der Natur gege die aussern portugiesischen Kirche und dem blauen Berg zu gezeichnet worden von Johan Wolffgang Heyd. – Vuë de la Bastion de Gelderland .. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild), with descriptive text in German and French. ca. 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, depicting the Portuguese Church outside the city walls, the present Gereja Sion on Jl. Jaykarta, with the old belltower and the Jassenbridge. It is the oldest remaining VOC-church in Jakarta. – Fine.Feith 78f; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,6. [Boeknr.: 32265 ]


€ 350,00

 

BATAVIA. Prospect von der Bastion Perl längst der Courtine des Castells Batavia gezeichnet. – Vuë de la Bastion Perl, desine pres de Courtine du Chateau de Batavia. Augsburg, François Xavier Habermann, (ca. 1780).Contemporary handcoloured perspective view (vue d’optique or Guckkastenbild), with descriptive text in German and French. ca. 29 x 40 cm. Collection des prospects. – Handsome view, after J.W. Heijdt, depicting the north-west bastion of the castle of Batavia called Parel or Pearl. – Fine.Feith 78e; Cat. 300-jarig bestaan van Batavia 208,5. [Boeknr.: 32264 ]


€ 350,00

1781.

The Annals report his death to have happened on the 2nd of June 1781, and observe that from the commencement to the close of his reign the country never enjoyed repose. His brother, named Ala-eddin (or Uleddin, as commonly pronounced, and which seems to have been a favourite title with the Achinese princes), was in exile at Madras during a considerable period, and resided also for some time at Bencoolen.

The eldest son of the deceased king, then about eighteen years of age, succeeded him on the 16th of the same month, by the title of Ala-eddin Mahmud shah Juhan, in spite of an opposition attempted to be raised by the partisans of another son by a favourite wife. Weapons had been drawn in the court before the palace, when the tuanku agung or high priest, a person of great respectability and influence, by whom the former had been educated, came amidst the crowd, bareheaded and without attendance, leading his pupil by the hand. Having placed himself between the contending factions, he addressed them to the following effect: that the prince who stood before them had a natural right and legal claim to the throne of his father; that he had been educated with a view to it, and was qualified to adorn it by his disposition and talents; that he wished however to found his pretensions neither upon his birthright nor the strength of the party attached to him, but upon the general voice of his subjects calling him to the sovereignty; that if such was their sentiment he was ready to undertake the arduous duties of the station, in which he himself would assist him with the fruits of his experience; that if on the contrary they felt a predilection for his rival, no blood should be shed on his account, the prince and his tutor being resolved in that case to yield the point without a struggle, and retire to some distant island. This impressive appeal had the desired effect, and the young prince was invited by unanimous acclamation to assume the reins of government.*

(*Footnote. Mr. Philip Braham, late chief of the East India Company’s settlement of Fort Marlborough, by whom the circumstances of this event were related to me, arrived at Achin in July 1781, about a fortnight after the transaction. He thus described his audience. The king was seated in a gallery (to which there were no visible steps), at the extremity of a spacious hall or court, and a curtain which hung before him was drawn aside when it was his pleasure to appear. In this court were great numbers of female attendants, but not armed, as they have been described. Mr. Braham was introduced through a long file of guards armed with blunderbusses, and then seated on a carpet in front of the gallery. When a conversation had been carried on for some time through the Shabandar, who communicated his answers to an interpreter, by whom they were reported to the king, the latter perceiving that he spoke the Malayan language addressed him directly, and asked several questions respecting England; what number of wives and children our sovereign had; how many ships of war the English kept in India; what was the French force, and others of that nature. He expressed himself in friendly terms with regard to our nation, and said he should always be happy to countenance our traders in his ports. Even at this early period of his reign he had abolished some vexatious imposts. Mr. Braham had an opportunity of learning the great degree of power and control possessed by certain of the orang kayas, who held their respective districts in actual sovereignty, and kept the city in awe by stopping, when it suited their purpose, the supplies of provisions. Captain Forrest, who once more visited Achin in 1784 and was treated with much distinction (see his Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago page 51), says he appeared to be twenty-five years of age; but this was a misconception. Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie, who saw him in 1782, judged him to have been at that time no more than nineteen or twenty, which corresponds with Mr. Braham’s statement.)

Little is known of the transactions of his reign, but that little is in favour of his personal character. The Annals (not always unexceptionable evidence when speaking of the living monarch) describe him as being endowed with every princely virtue, exercising the functions of government with vigour and rectitude, of undaunted courage, attentive to the protection of the ministers of religion, munificent to the descendants of the prophet (seiyid, but commonly pronounced sidi) and to men of learning, prompt at all times to administer justice, and consequently revered and beloved by his people. I have not been enabled to ascertain the year in which he died.

1783

 

Before the British invasion of Java the East Indies were almost entirely unknown in the English-speaking world.

In British popular imagination Java would have had no profile whatsoever, were it not for one tall traveller’s tale – a piece of lurid tropical fantasy full of the kind of exotic threat that still typifies western media images of Indonesia today.  Java, the armchair travellers of Georgian England knew, was the home of ‘The Celebrated Poison Tree’.

The Ends of the Earth

The stories of the upas, ‘the Hydra Tree of Death’, that titillated and terrified the readers of popular magazines at the turn of the 19th century, by rights belonged to the long-past era of Sir John Mandeville, when the nether regions of the earth were populated with unicorns, giants, men without heads and women with horns for feet.

In fact, what is probably the earliest European reference to the Poison Tree myth actually comes from one of Mandeville’s 14th century contemporaries, the French Catholic traveller Friar Jordanus.

In his Mirabilia Descrpita he wrote of Java (which he had never visited) that there were ‘trees producing cloves, which when they are in flower emit an odour so pungent that they kill every man who cometh among them, unless he shut his mouth and nostrils.’

The good friar also noted that Java was home to a race of pygmies, and that ‘In a certain part of that island they delight to eat white and fat men when they can get them…’

Such stories had, for the most part, vanished by the 19th century.  But so mysteriously remote and unknown was Java that the tale of the Poison Tree was able to put down deep roots in the European imagination.

That poisonous plants existed in the fetid forests of the Torrid Zone was beyond dispute; the native huntsmen of Borneo, Java and the Spice Islands were known to dip their arrows in some kind of powerful toxin – as were their counterparts in Africa and the Amazon.

But the myth of the Poison Tree of Java towered tall over the general jungle of tropical ephemera.

Shameless Doctor

The story was popularised in an article by an entirely shameless German doctor named J.N. Foersch, whose account first appeared in the December 1783 edition of The London Magazine, also known as the Gentlemen’s Monthly Intelligencer.  Foersch’s intelligent and gentlemanly readers were treated to what he claimed was an eye-witness account, ‘accompanied by all those minute and circumstantial details,’ which, one of his cynical critics noted, ‘are generally the seal of truth, and which prevent a man being accused of falsehood, unless he is held in the most profound contempt.’  The doctor was indeed the object of just such contempt amongst botanists and explorers, but the general public lapped up his poison with relish.

Foersch – who was loitering on the fringes of the London scientific scene when he published his story – had several years earlier been employed as a surgeon in the Dutch East Indies.  It was there, he claimed, that he first ‘received several different accounts of the bohon-upas, and the violent effects of its poison’.

Upas was a Javanese word used for the species in question; it simply implied ‘poison’.  ‘Bohon’, meanwhile, was presumably an 18th century mishearing of the Malay word pohon, which means tree.

It is only one nasalised consonant away from the word bohong, of course.  Bohong means ‘lie’.  It is probably rather farfetched – and rather too charitable to the fantasist himself – but it’s nice to think that perhaps Foersch was offering a wry hint to any Malay-speaking readers that his ‘poison tree’ was in fact a ‘poisonous lie’…

According to the story that he later concocted Foersch decided to investigate the rumours of the upas for himself, girded his loins and headed for the misty green mountains of Java.  He told his readers that the Poison Tree – there was only one of them – was situated ‘about twenty seven leagues from Batavia [modern Jakarta], fourteen from Soura-charta [Surakarta], the seat of the emperor, and between eighteen and twenty leagues from Tinkoe [Yogyakarta]’.  This set of directions alone ought to have been enough to set alarm bells ringing: Batavia was fully 80 leagues from Yogyakarta; Foersch’s trio of distances came nowhere close to an intersection anywhere on the island of Java, and even the patchy maps available at the time ought to have made that clear.  But thanks to the gripping details that he provided next, no one seemed to care.

The dread tree, Foersch claimed, was so terrifically toxic that it had poisoned a vast swathe of ground, ‘and the country round it, to the distance of ten or twelve miles from the tree, is entirely barren.  Not a tree nor a shrub, nor even the least plant or grass is to be seen’.  No man or beast could enter the desert without succumbing at once to the choking effluvium that issued from the branches ‘like the putrid steam of a marshy cavern’.  Birds that strayed into the tainted airspace dropped from the sky like feathered meteorites.

Foersch wrote that he had circumnavigated this noxious wasteland, which was ‘surrounded, on all sides, by a circle of high hills and mountains’, and had met with an ‘old ecclesiastic’ who dwelt on the fringes, a Cerberus-like gatekeeper to this grim underworld.

The task of this aged imam, who Foersch claimed to have spent several days with, was to issue equipment and instructions and to administer pre-emptive last rites to the convicted criminals who were despatched into the realm of the Poison Tree to collect its toxic resin in lieu of accepting a more direct death sentence.

When the breeze was blowing away from the old ecclesiastic’s hut, carrying the fumes in the opposite direction, he dressed the convicts in ‘a long leather cap, with two glasses before their eyes, which comes down as far as their breast’.

He also gave them a pair of thick gloves, said a prayer, patted them on the back and shoved them off into almost certain oblivion.  Only one in ten returned alive.

Foersch also claimed to have seen the effects of the poison in action: he gave a graphic account of the execution, by means of upas resin, of 13 concubines of the court of Surakarta who had been caught in beds other than the king’s.

The mention of harems and titillating sexual shenanigans made Foersch’s tale the ultimate Orientalist artefact, and sealed the deal for many of his credulous readers, not least when the ‘fair criminals’ expired ‘in the greatest agonies, crying out to God and Mahomet for mercy’.

Foersch, keen to add a scientific undertone to his fabulous mythmaking, stated that he had carried out his own experiments with the poison, slipping it to a pair of unfortunate puppies.

Howling piteously, the puppies went exactly the same way as the concubines.  He even theorised that the presence of the Poison Tree, breathing its terrible effluent in the highlands of Java, ‘greatly contributes to the unhealthiness of that island’.

The Tree of Knowledge

In all of Foersch’s fabulous fantasies, it is just possible to detect the outlines of the overheard truths from which he must have cobbled together the tale.

The upas tree, or antiaris toxicaria to give it its scientific name, did in fact exist in the forests of Java, and was indeed used as a source of poison for assassination, warfare and hunting – and its finely layered wood was also used in lacquer-work.  There were other poisonous roots and trees too, many of which would indeed have a dramatically deleterious effect if injected into a playful puppy or a fragrant concubine.

And as for the strange story of a dreary land of lifeless rock and dust where nothing would grow, ringed by a wall of sheer hills and ridges, it sounds suspiciously like a garbled report of one of the post-apocalyptic volcanic craters, some of them very large indeed, which lie in the hollow bellies of many of Java’s mountains, and in which it is true that not ‘even the least plant or grass is to be seen’.  Even the story of the condemned men sent forth on the perilous task of harvesting some valuable issue of this hostile environment has a possible inspiration in reality.  Many of Java’s volcanoes produce a bountiful supply of sulphur, and for centuries the business of harvesting it from the mouths of steaming vents and carrying it back up sheer cliffs has been the preserve of some of Indonesia’s toughest men.  So gruelling is the work that it is quite possible that criminals were sometimes condemned to carry it out, and in a world of toxic smoke, changes of wind direction could prove fatal, and many did indeed succumb.

Even Foersch’s set of doubtful directions make some sense in this respect: 27 leagues from Batavia would have taken you deep amongst the sulphurous peaks around Bandung, and bearings of 20 leagues from Yogyakarta and 14 leagues from Solo intersect within striking distance of the top of the Lawu volcano.

But the fact remained that Foersch had made most of it up.  He had joined a long list of fibbing fantasists about the Far East.  His motivations remain unclear, but by choosing Java as his backdrop and England for his audience, he was able to get away with it.

 

1791.

It appears by a Malayan letter from Achin that in 1791 the peace of the capital was much disturbed, and the state of the government as well as of private property (which induced the writer to reship his goods) precarious.

 


The [6]Dutch East India Company

(Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC in Dutch, literally “United East IndianCompany”) was a chartered company established in 1602,

 

Background

 

During the 16th century, the spice trade was dominated by the Portuguese who used Lisbon as a staple port. Before the Dutch Revolt, Antwerp had played an important role as a distribution center in northern Europe, but after 1591 the Portuguese used an international syndicate of the German Fuggers and Welsers, and Spanish and Italian firms that used Hamburg as its northern staple, to distribute their goods, thereby cutting out Dutch merchants. At the same time, the Portuguese trade system was so inefficient that it was unable to supply growing demand, in particular the demand for pepper. The demand for spices was relatively inelastic, and the lagging supply of pepper therefore caused a sharp rise in pepper prices at the time.

Likewise, as Portugal had been “united” with the Spanish crown, with which the Dutch Republicwas at war, in 1580, the Portuguese Empire became an appropriate target for military incursions. These three factors formed motive for Dutch merchants to enter the intercontinental spice trade themselves at this time. Finally, a number of Dutchmen like Jan Huyghen van Linschoten and Cornelis de Houtman obtained first hand knowledge of the “secret” Portuguese trade routes and practices, thereby providing opportunity. The stage was thus set for Houtman’s four-ship exploratory expedition to Banten, the main pepper port of West Java, where they clashed with both the Portuguese and indigenous Indonesians.

Formation

Investment in these expeditions was a very high-risk venture, not only because of the usual dangers of piracy, disease and shipwreck, but also because the interplay of inelastic demand and relatively elastic supply of spices could make prices tumble at just the wrong moment, thereby ruining prospects of profitability. To manage such risk the forming of a cartel to control supply would seem logical. This first occurred to the English, who bundled their forces into a monopoly enterprise, the East India Company in 1600, thereby threatening their Dutch competitors with ruin. In 1602, the Dutch government followed suit, sponsoring the creation of a single “United East Indies Company” that was also granted a monopoly over the Asian trade.

To manage such risk the forming of a cartel to control supply would seem logical. This first occurred to the English, who bundled their forces into a monopoly enterprise, the East India Company in 1600, thereby threatening their Dutch competitors with ruin. In 1602, the Dutch government followed suit, sponsoring the creation of a single “United East Indies Company” that was also granted a monopoly over the Asian trade.

Diplomatic agreements in Europe in 1620 ushered in a period of cooperation between the Dutch and the English over the spice trade. This ended with a notorious, but disputed incident, known as the ‘Amboyna massacre‘, where ten Englishmen were arrested, tried and beheaded for conspiracy against the Dutch government. Although this caused outrage in Europe and a diplomatic crisis, the English quietly withdrew from most of their Indonesian activities (except trading in Bantam) and focused on other Asian interests.

The VOC traded throughout Asia. Ships coming into Batavia from the Netherlands carried supplies for VOC settlements in Asia. Silver and copper from Japan were used to trade with India and China for silk, cotton, porcelain, and textiles. These products were either traded within Asia for the coveted spices or brought back to Europe. The VOC was also instrumental in introducing European ideas and technology to Asia. The Company supported Christian missionaries and traded modern technology with China and Japan. A more peaceful VOC trade post on Dejima, an artificial island off the coast of Nagasaki, was for more than two hundred years the only place where Europeans were permitted to trade with Japan.

 

Dutch East India Company l

 

Former type

Public company

Industry

Trade

Fate

Bankruptcy

Founded

20 March 1602

Defunct

17 March 1798

Headquarters

East India House, Amsterdam,Holland, Dutch Republic

.




The shipyard of the Dutch East India Company in Amsterdam, circa 1750.

VOC headquarters in Amsterdam (theOost-Indisch Huis)

A modern reconstruction of the 18th centuryVOC Amsterdam is permanently anchored in the harbor at the Nederlands Scheepvaartmuseum(the National Maritime Museum) in Amsterdam.

 

 









Dutch Batavia in the 17th Century, built in what is now North Jakarta

The Dutch East Indies Company sent its first ships to the Orient to trade. It soon became an important factor in trading in Asia.

 

Colombo[CEYLON -SRI LANKA], gravure uit circa 1680

 

 

Decline

The 1741 Battle of Colachel by Nairs of Travancore under Raja Marthanda Varma was therefore a rearguard action. The Dutch commander Captain Eustachius De Lannoy was captured. Marthanda Varma agreed to spare the Dutch captain’s life on condition that he joined his army and trained his soldiers on modern lines. This defeat in the Travancore-Dutch War is considered the earliest example of an organized Asian power overcoming European military technology and tactics; and it signaled the decline of Dutch power in India.

 

 

[7]Portuguese East India Company

 

 

Departure of fleet for the Indies from Lisbon harbor, by Theodor de Bry, 1592

 

 

 

Carracks of the India Armada of 1507, from theLivro de Lisuarte de Abreu

 

 

The Jerónimos Monastery, built on the profits of the India armadas

 

 

The large carrack, thought to be the Santa Catarina do Monte Sinai, and other Portuguese carracks of various sizes. From painting, attributed to either Gregório Lopes or Cornelis Antoniszoon, showing voyage of the marriage party of Portuguese Infanta Beatriz to Savoy,

 

 

Portuguese carrack

It was around this time (1614) that the idea for a chartered private Portuguese East Indies company, organized along the lines of Dutch and English companies, was first broached.King Philip IV of Spain (III of Portugal) put the idea in motion in 1624 and appointed D. Jorge Mascarenhas, mayor of Lisbon and member of the Council of State, to head a committee to implement Solis proposal. Despite being supported by Olivares, the proposal faced much skepticism and opposition, particularly by the Duke of Villahermosa (head of the Council of State for Portugal), and Mascarenhas had considerable trouble securing investment commitments.The Companhia do commércio da Índia (or Companhia da India Oriental) finally came into existence in August 1628, when it was granted a charter by King Philip IV. The Companhia was to be governed by a Cámara de Géral Administração.

The company was launched with only around half the capital it originally sought to raise.

 

 

The route of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage (1497–1499), what became the typical Carreira da Índia

The End

The Companhia proved unsuccessful. Investors remained skeptical, overseas Portuguese merchants rejected the new Companhia’s authority, and the Anglo-Dutch breach of the old Portuguese empire in Asia had become irreperrable, squeezing margins on the spice trade. The Companhia proved unprofitable, and soon ceased operating and was liquidated in April, 1633.


The Portuguese East India Company was founded in 1628 by Philip III of Portugal[ It was granted a monopoly on the spice trade with India.

The intention was to attract private capital into this trade, but was unsuccessful in this regard and ceased operating in 1633.]




Jenis : Perhiasan Emas
Nama : GESPER SABUK EMAS BERHIAS BATU MULIA
Material : Emas dan Batu Mulia
Era : Abad Ke 18 – 19
Asal : INDONESIA

Koleksi :
THE METROPOLITAN MUSEUM OF ART
1000 5th Avenue, New York, NY – USA

Data Museum :

Two-Part Buckle with Inlaid Stones

Date: 18th–19th century
Culture: Indonesia
Medium: Gold and inlaid stones
Classification: Jewelry

Credit Line: The Samuel Eilenberg-Jonathan P. Rosen Collection of Indonesian Gold, Bequest of Samuel Eilenberg and Gift of Jonathan P. Rosen, 1998
Accession Number: 1998.544.8a, b
This artwork is not on display

 

1787

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1783

 

It was 88 years after coins were for struck for Sumatra by the Madras Mint that the next ones were struck for them.

 

This was in 1783 by a private mint in Bengal owned and set up by John Prinsep. The copper pieces of 2 kepings have on the obverse the balemark commonly used in the 19th Century. It has a device like a figure “4” sometimes claimed to be an altered Cross, changed so as not to offend non Christians. However, Madras, for example, was still using the Cross style into the 19th Century, but no other explanation for the “4” seems to exist. The 2 kepings reverse has date and value in Arabic.

 

 

1787

 

 

The Sumatra silver 2 Sookoos were struck by the Calcutta mint dated 1793 and 1794. Fort Marlborough was built in1714, 3 miles south of Fort York. It had a convict settlement attached; whose prisoners worked on the E.I.C. plantations. The reverse inscription in Malay script says “money of the Company”; the designs were approved by Warren Hastings.

 

 

The next Sumatra copper coinage of one, two, and three kepings was struck by Mathew Boulton, but not at his Soho mint. This was the historic first order for Boulton, who would supply the coining machinery to a makeshift London mint, as Soho had a water-powered rolling mill, but as yet no mint. The first issue was dated 1786 and there were repeat orders in1787 and 1798, the latter struck by Boulton’s steam machinery.

 

A uniface undated copper cent was struck at Calcutta and taken with the founding EIC expedition to Pulu Penang in 1786. The Island had been given to Francis Light by the Rajah of Kedah, whose daughter he had married. Light thought it would make a suitable Naval Station for the EIC and as part of the agreement, the Sultan was offered protection. However Kedah was annexed by Siam in 1821 and the Sultan deposed.

 

The following year, 1787 Calcutta struck copper 1, ½ and ¼ cents for Pulu Penang. The common obverse is a balemark, no value is stated and the reverse inscription translates as “Prince of Wales Island.”

 

Silver followed in 1788 also struck by Calcutta. Again no values stated, the obverse and reverse of the 1/10 dollar is shown. It was overweight being close to 1/8 dollar; the ¼ and ½ dollars were also overweight and it is probable that most of the issue was melted for bullion as the issue is now scarce.

 

A pen and ink drawing, made in the late 20th century is of wooden warehouses on Malacca’s waterfront. Probably it was little different in the time of the East India Company when, during the Napoleonic Wars, the EIC occupied the Dutch settlements, including Malacca, to deny their use to the French.

 

Despite the large orders for Sumatra struck by Boulton, a shortage of coin in 1787 was met by overstriking an emergency half dollar on copper 3 kepings coins. They were struck it is said for the Governor at Fort Marlborough, to pay his troops or possibly the convict workers.

 

 

KISI INFO INDONESIA ABAD 19(BERSAMBUNG)

KOLEKSI SEJARAH INDONESIA

ABAD KE 19

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OLEH

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1864

De Javasche Bank note issues 1864

 

 

De Javasche Bank note issues, January 1864 – April 1895, printed by Joh. Enschede en Zn.

info source:Rob Huisman

In 1863, De Javasche Bank, was the circulation bank of the Netherlands Indies. One would expect it to be a well-established colonial institution, however the opposite is true. Research at the archives of the printer Joh. Enschede en Zonen at the Museum Enschedé in Haarlem, the Netherlands, shows a completely different picture. The board and especially the President of De Javasche Bank were directly involved in detail in all operational matters related to the design and ordering of their banknotes

1868

01/07/1868 – 31/03/1870 J.W.C. Diepenheim
Wiggers van Kerchem was succeeded by Diepenheim by decree of June 30, 1868. Diepenheim who proviously was Secretary for two years, was President for a short period. He resigned shortly after the fifth Exclusive Right was made public. On March 18, 1870, his resignation was accepted. Diepenheim died in The Hague on May 21, 1875 in the age of 75.
                             
1870

01/04/1870 – 31/03/1873 F. Alting Mees (LL.M.)
By decree of March 19, 1870, Alting Mees was appointed to the position of President of the Javasche Bank. Alting Mees, previously lawyer and attorney, already served the bank as director for several years. Due to his appointment to President of the two high courts of the Netherlands Indies, he left the Javasche Bank per March 31, 1873.

1872

Banten

 

 Anyer in 1872 by Abraham Salm

 

1873

01/04/1873 – 01/09/1889 N.P. van den Berg (LL.M.)                               
Norbertus Petrus van den Berg was chosen as the next President of the Javasche bank from two nominees and was appointed per decree of March 20, 1873. After more than 16 years of service, Van den Berg left the Netherlands Indies in 1889 to become Director of the Nederlandsche Bank and two years later President for a period of 21 years until the age of 81. He passed away in Amsterdam on January 8, 1917.

De Javasche Bank 1864-1895

 

 

January 1864 – April 1895, printed by Joh. Enschede en Zn.
Info Sources: Rob Huisman

In 1863, De Javasche Bank, founded in 1828, is a circulation bank in the Netherlands Indies. One would expect to become an established colonial institutions, but the opposite is true. Research in archives John printer. Enschede en Zonen in Haarlem Museum in Enschede, the Netherlands, showed a completely different picture. Council President De Javasche and in particular the Bank is directly involved in operational detail in everything related to design and order their paper money

Section 4, January 1864 – April 1895, printed by Joh. Enschede en Zn.

In 1863,

De Javasche Bank, founded in 1828, is a circulation bank in the Netherlands Indies.
One would expect to become an established colonial institutions, but the opposite is true.
Research in archives John printer. Enschede en Zonen in Haarlem Museum in Enschede,
The Netherlands, showed a completely different picture. Council and in particular President De
Javasche Bank directly involved in operational detail in all matters related to the design and
to order their paper money.

Reading through all the correspondence carefully stored and arranged between Javasche Bank
and printing companies in the homeland, one can feel the atmosphere of modern
entrepreneurial start-up companies. President (CEO) of E. Francis De Javasche Bank (DJB) and
Wiggers van Kerchem successor, wrote a letter to John. Enschede en Zn. (Later called the “Heeren
Enschedee te Haarlem “) on a regular basis to order the new banknotes, commenting on the quality and implementation
command, complained about delays in delivery, and often underscores the urgent need for new supplies to
those remote regions.

Most striking is that they often mention that the cost is to limit the maximum
important. The letters are written with beautiful calligraphy and using ways of polite and politically correct
complaining, urging, comment and criticize. Words such as “worry”, “disappointed”, “propose” and
“Like” is used regularly and frequently suggestions and proposals submitted by completing the statement
such as:

“But we rely on your expertise in this regard and believe you will make the right decision”.
E. Francis (he signed his letters with M. Francis), third President of Javasche Bank, started as a
employees in 1815 and worked his way in the service of civil government to finally be over
available to the Commissioner General of the servant. From 1848 to 1850 Francis is the Superintendent of Financial
and in 1851 he was honorably discharged from government service. Furthermore, Francis was appointed
Javasche to the President of the Bank under the decision dated March 4, 1851. In the early sixties of the 19th century,
De Javasche Bank started to prepare a complete new emission of paper money the Dutch East Indies. In
cooperation with the Nederlandsche Bank, De Javasche Bank is pointing towards the Netherlands
printer “De Heeren Enschedee” (now known as John. Enschede en Zn. (Enschede Security)) to have
The new banknotes are designed and manufactured. Francis was personally involved in the process and
communicate with the printer on a regular basis. Unfortunately, Francis did not stay in the office to see
the results of his efforts. At the request of Francis himself honorably discharged per July 1, 1863
The decision by 20 April 1863. In 1864 Francis published the book “De-beginselen regerings van
Nederlandsch Indie: getoetst aan de behoefte van moederland en kolonie “, expressed his
dissatisfaction with the implementation of a new economic system in the Netherlands Indies and
proposed inquiry by an independent committee. In 1869 Francis issued a request to
Dutch Parliament about his famous right to payment of pensions to retired civil servants
Government of the Netherlands Indies. This response proposal and the request is not found, leading to
believe that Francis ignored by the establishment and must fight for that trust and pension
pay the old days.
In a letter from Francis dated January 31, 1863, with the management of the Nederlandsche Bank, which
evidence has confirmed receipt of the record and the evidence has been approved. In the same letter Francis
raised some comments that he wanted to address:
– Size note: DJB prefer to be the difference in size between the records of 100 and 50
guilders. This means that the records of 1000, 500, 300, 200 and 100 will be great, and notes
of 50, 25 and 10 will be small size. DJB stated that if the De Nederlandsche Bank (DNB) think
the divide should be between 25 and 10 guilders, DJB will also agree.
– Character value in the corner records should be larger.
– Lions at 10 guilders note has an expression, surprised almost frightened. DJB would like
lion to have a more relaxed expression symbolizes strength.

__________________________________________________________________________
– DJB would prefer that the signature is placed under the words “Secretary” and “President” and demand
words to be printed under the date as high as possible.
– DJB prefer that the date is printed on a printer that was not applied in (Joh. Enschede en Zn.)
DJB after arrival. In the case of a printer to print the date, Francis suggests choosing a date is not be
Christian holiday or Sunday and about 6 months after the date of expected departure from the
paper money.
– DJB stated that they calculated six months for the duration of the trip and apply numbers and
signatures for the amount of paper money needed for the exchange of banknotes in circulation today.
In early 1870 the delivery of DJB’s request to be sent through the Suez Canal opened, reducing the
travel time by more than 50%.

De Javasche fourth President of the Bank,

C.F.W. Wiggers van Kerchem, took office on July 1
1863 and continue the process of ordering new issues of paper money.
During the period January 1864 – April 1895, serial number and signature on the front and
cons in the opposite sign printed locally by the Bank in the Netherlands Indies Javasche on
complete records are sent from the printers in the Netherlands. The Bank also Javasche
ordering equipment numbering stamps and signatures of the printer and some blank signature stamps
in the case of signatories will change, allowing them to carve out a new signature stamps
own local. Together with the first order of 1864 new banknotes, the Bank Javasche
ordered the mechanic to accompany numbering machine and take care of the machine becomes
production. Willem Hooij contracted by Joh. Enschede en Zonen for traveling to Batavia in
Dutch East Indies and install the machine. In a letter from Hooij to John. Enschede en Zonen date
August 12, 1864, he wrote about President patient from Javasche Bank makes
difficulties because Hooij not get the machine installed in one day. Wiggers van Kerchem
invite a local printer to meet and together they underestimate Hooij.
161a – from private collections, with the Contra Mark printed in the lower right corner opposite.
All banknotes issued by the De Javasche Bank in the Dutch East Indies during the period 1864 to 1931
and printed by Johan Enschede en Zonen, bringing counter-sign, printed in the lower right corner or
lower center of the opposite. A code that is printed in black on the cap ellipse with a triangular shape
pointing outwards and have up to 5 numbers. Countries lower denomination notes issued during this
period does not have this mark.

Collectors who are familiar with the Dutch East Indies paper money from
This period may be aware that there is a relationship between the date of issuance and cons
the sign. Although it looks like a date then the higher the score, in reality this is not always
the case.
In order to determine the proper application of the mark cons, I gather more information about
than 150 records starting from 1864 to 1931. When setting up and organizing all relevant information
such as date, serial number and the cons, I observed the following:
– One of the unique sign of a counter is always connected to only one specific date of issue
– One of the specified date there are problems with different security code, but the security code that is close
together
– When a record is more of the same problem occurs with the same date and security code, the record has
combinations of the same character in the serial number
– When the date occurs with more than one mark each sign cons cons unique place with different
combinations of characters in the serial number of a specific problem or a sign of a counter connected to the
other denominations issued
– Many have missed the date, there are many days or weeks gap between one and the subsequent counter-sign
– Note the different denominations issued on the same date with different sign cons
– It seems that a range of sequence numbers is used to sign a counter that includes all the notes issued
from the entire period
– There are some exceptions in which the later date has a number of counter low marks
– No combination of different character serial number of a particular denomination with
same counter-sign.
– Changes from 4 to 5 digits occur in the course of 1918
– Note EXAMPLE frequently have signs that are not suitable to deviate counter the usual sequential increase
counter-sign and date.
Clearly, the Bank managed the Netherlands will keep detailed records of the security code and
dates and serial numbers of all paper money issued. It is unknown whether this note De Javasche
Banks still exist in archives somewhere today, although there are rumors that this record is still
present in the archives of Bank Indonesia in Jakarta.
Based on the “Note by PJ Soetens, former conservator DNB (De Nederlandsche Bank), the archive
Geldmuseum, Utrecht, The Netherlands “, I conclude that the Bank used the sign of De Javasche cons
number to identify a separate batch of unfinished bills are transported between
various departments, where they were printed with the serial number and signature, and finally
stored in a vault teller before circulation
Archives of Enschede Museum contains many original orders, production records,
delivery of information and also letters from Batavia where Javasche Bank confirms receipt
shipments. The author makes an overview of all this data and be able to specify the exact amount of
issued notes for each date of issuance. The number of issued notes mentioned in the summary below
should be regarded as a minimum. There is strong evidence that these figures actually incurred.
Although it is possible that more records were published, the opportunity – while there is no distinct
detailed records mention them – very small.
Here is an overview of the different banknotes and their varieties are printed in Johan
Enschede en Zonen in Haarlem, the Netherlands which will be issued by the De Javasche Bank in Batavia,
Dutch East Indies. Although there are rumors about another date of issue and signature combinations,
Overview below lists only those banknotes and varieties that writers have sufficient evidence that
they actually exist.
Java Auction Catalog (7), Cookies (15) and Mevius (16) mentions Van Duyn as a signatory, but
no one by that name is part of the board of DJB during the period. It seems that the signature
of H.P.J. van den Berg (Secretary of 19/10/1893 – 17/01/1899) has been mistaken as it looks like
Van Duyn. H.P.J. van den Berg, brother of the past president of the Bank Javasche NP van den Berg,
appointed as successor to President Groeneveld is on January 17, 1899, but died on February 9, 1899
in Nice, before actually starting his new position.

 

__________________________________________________________________

5 Gulden

 

 

1 Oktober 1866
issued : 100,000

10 Gulden

 

 

1 Februari 1864
issued : 350.000

25 Gulden

 

1 Agustus 1864
issued : 120.000

__________________________________________________________________________

50 Gulden

 

 

174 – 1 September 1864
withdrawed l 1872 becaus e too many counterfiet circulated
issued : 40.000
__________________________________________________________________________

100 Gulden

 

 

1 Maret 1864
issued : 60.000

__________________________________________________________________________
200 Gulden

 

 

 

1 Januari 1864
issued : 16,010
Watermark: “JAV BANK.” and two  “200”  __________________________________________________________________________

300 Gulden

 

 

193 – 2 Mei 1864
issued : 6.000

500 Gulden


197 – 1 Juni 1864
197c – koleksi Museum Enschede (BB2140 28/13)

198 – 1 Juni 1872

 

issued : 2.000

1000 Gulden

 

 

 

1 Juli 1864
issued : 14,998

1871

Sumatra Treaty in 1871

marked a new Babakan in the Dutch Colonial government’s ambition to dominate the region of Sumatra. After the Padri War in West sumatra complation. Tapanuli be the next target. Since the Aceh War, most of the area occupied by the army Tapanuli Colonial Occupation. The Dutch also began to put controller in Balige,Tarutung and Sipoholon

1877

A boom occurred in the international trade activity with Europe and the increase of shipping led to the construction of a new harbor at Tanjung Priok between 1877 and 1883. In 1886, the Tanjung Priok Station connected the harbor with the city of Batavia.[19]

 

 

 

 

 

 

1880

Banten

 

Anyer in 1880 

 

1881

Gradually, the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connected to Cicurug in 1881,

 

 

 

 

 

1882

 

, the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connected to Sukabumi in 1882,

1882

Following 1882, the horse-tram lines were reconstructed into steamtram lines.[21][dead link] The electric train that commenced operating in 1899 was the first ever electric train in the Kingdom of Netherlands.

 

1882


Di bawah ini beberapa nama bupati di daerah(the regent Of)  Priangan,yakni:

1. Bupati Sumedang XV (1882-1918), sewaktu kecil dipanggil Aom Sadeli, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Pangeran Aria Suriaatmaja, dan setelah wafat dijuluki Pangeran Mekah karena ia wafat di Mekah sewaktu menunaikan obadah haji.

2. Bupati Bandung X (1893-1918), sewaktu muda diberi nama Kusumaningrat, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Raden Adipati Aria Martanegara, dan setelah pensiun hingga wafat digelari Kangjeng Burujul karena setelah pensiun ia tinggal di desa Burujul, Sumedang.

3. Bupati Cianjur IX (1834-1862), sewaktu kecil dipanggil Aom Hasan, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Dalem Pancaniti karena selama menjadi bupati ia lebih senang tinggal di paviliyun kabupaten yang biasa disebut pancaniti dari pada tinggal dibangunan utama kabupaten.

4. Bupati Limbangan yang memerintah antara tahun 1836-1871, sewaktu kecil dipanggil Aom Jenon, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal dengan nama Tumenggung Jayaningrat, dan setelah naik pangkat menjadi Raden Adipati Wiratanuningrat VII. Setelah pensiun dan wafat dikenal sebagai Dalem Sepuh (Bupati Tua).

5. Bupati Sukapura yang memerintah antara tahun 1855-1975, sewaktu kecil dipanggil Raden Tanuwangsa, setelah menjadi bupati dikenal sebagai Tumenggung Wiratanubaya, setelah naik pangkat menjadi Raden Adipati Wiradadaha. Setelah wafat dikenal sebagai Dalem Bogor karena ia dibuang ke Bogor oleh Pemerintah Hindia Belanda akibat dianggap kurang loyal.

Ada beberapa yang mendapat julukan Dalem Bintang karena mereka mendapat tanda jasa berupa gouden ster Nederlandsche-Leeuw (bintang mas singa Belanda), misalnya RAA. Wiranatakusumah IV  Bupati Bandung (1846-1874), R. Adipati Wirahadiningrat Bupati Sukapura (1874-1904).

1883

In 1883,

the Dutch Indies Telephone Company was established in Batavia.[19]

1883

the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connected  to Cianjur in 1883,

 

1884

then the  Railways Batavia and Buitenzorg line would be connectedto Bandung in 1884—Batavia had become connected to Bandung. With the opening of the railway section, Tasikmalaya-Maos, on November 1, 1894, Batavia was also connected with Surabaya by railway.[19][20]

 

1884

 

 

The development occurred after the Bandung railway transport operations to and from the city since 1884.

Because the city of Bandung serves as a center of railroad transportation “West Lin”, it has encouraged the development of life in the city of Bandung with the increase in population from year to year.

At the end of the 19th century, the population of the European group number has reached thousands of people and demands an autonomous institution that can take care of their interests. Meanwhile the central government realized the failure of centralized government system following the implementation of its impact. Therefore, the government arrive at a policy to replace the system of government with a system of decentralization, decentralization not only in finance, but also decentralization in the field of government granting autonomy (zelfbestuur)

 

In this case, the government of Bandung regency under the leadership of Regent RAA Martanagara (1893-1918) welcomed the idea of ​​the colonial government. Ongoing autonomous government in Bandung, means the district gets a special budget fund from the previous colonial government did not exist.

 

1888

 

Sultan Siak beserta Dewan Menteri serta Kadi Siak tahun 1888

Kota Pekanbaru adalah ibu kota dan kota terbesar di provinsi Riau, Indonesia. Kota ini merupakan kota perdagangan dan jasa,[2] termasuk sebagai kota dengan tingkat pertumbuhan, migrasi dan urbanisasi yang tinggi.[3]

Pekanbaru mempunyai satu bandar udara internasional, yaitu Bandar Udara Sultan Syarif Kasim II,dan terminal bus terminal antar kota dan antar provinsi Bandar Raya Payung Sekaki, serta dua pelabuhan di Sungai Siak, yaitu Pelita Pantai dan Sungai Duku.

Saat ini Kota Pekanbaru sedang berkembang pesat menjadi kota dagang yang multi-etnik, keberagaman ini telah menjadi modal sosial dalam mencapai kepentingan bersama untuk dimanfaatkan bagi kesejahteraan masyarakatnya.[4]

Perkembangan kota ini pada awalnya tidak terlepas dari fungsi Sungai Siak sebagai sarana transportasi dalam mendistribusikan hasil bumi dari pedalaman dan dataran tinggi Minangkabau ke wilayah pesisir Selat Malaka. Pada abad ke-18, wilayah Senapelan di tepi Sungai Siak, menjadi pasar (pekan) bagi para pedagang dari dataran tinggi Minangkabau.[5] Seiring dengan berjalannya waktu, daerah ini berkembang menjadi tempat pemukiman yang ramai. Pada tanggal 23 Juni 1784, berdasarkan musyawarah “Dewan Menteri” dari Kesultanan Siak, yang terdiri dari datuk empat suku Minangkabau (Pesisir, Limapuluh, Tanah Datar, dan Kampar), kawasan ini dinamai dengan Pekanbaru, dan dikemudian hari diperingati sebagai hari jadi kota ini.[6][7]

Berdasarkan Besluit van Het Inlandsch Zelfbestuur van Siak No.1 tanggal 19 Oktober 1919, Pekanbaru menjadi bagian distrik dari Kesultanan Siak. Namun pada tahun 1931, Pekanbaru dimasukkan ke dalam wilayah Kampar Kiri yang dikepalai oleh seorang controleur yang berkedudukan di Pekanbaru dan berstatus landschap sampai tahun 1940. Kemudian menjadi ibukota Onderafdeling Kampar Kiri sampai tahun 1942.[8] Setelah pendudukan Jepang pada tanggal 8 Maret 1942, Pekanbaru dikepalai oleh seorang gubernur militer yang disebut gokung.

Selepas kemerdekaan Indonesia, berdasarkan Ketetapan Gubernur Sumatera di Medan tanggal 17 Mei 1946 Nomor 103, Pekanbaru dijadikan daerah otonom yang disebut Haminte atau Kotapraja.[7] Kemudian pada tanggal 19 Maret 1956, berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 8 Tahun 1956 Republik Indonesia, Pekanbaru (Pakanbaru) menjadi daerah otonom kota kecil dalam lingkungan Provinsi Sumatera Tengah.[9] Selanjutnya sejak tanggal 9 Agustus 1957 berdasarkan Undang-undang Darurat Nomor 19 Tahun 1957 Republik Indonesia, Pekanbaru masuk ke dalam wilayah Provinsi Riau yang baru terbentuk.[10] Kota Pekanbaru resmi menjadi ibu kota Provinsi Riau pada tanggal 20 Januari 1959 berdasarkan Kepmendagri nomor Desember 52/I/44-25[7] sebelumnya yang menjadi ibu kota adalah Tanjungpinang[11] (kini menjadi ibu kota Provinsi Kepulauan Riau).

1889

 

Sultan Assyaidisyarif Hasyim Abdul Jalil Syaifuddin

Raja Kesultanan Siak Sri Inderapura

Kesultanan ini adalah sebuah Kerajaan Melayu Islam

 

 

Istana Siak berdiri megah, sebagai pusat kerajaan

 

Balai Kerapatan Tinggi, kweajjan Siak Sri Indrapura


” Istana Matahari Timur ” atau disebut juga Asserayah Hasyimiah atau ini dibangun oleh Sultan Syarif Hasyim Abdul Jalil Syaifuddin pada tahun 1889 oleh arsitek berkebangsaan Jerman.

Arsitektur bangunan merupakan gabungan antara arsitektur Melayu, Arab, Eropa.

Bangunan ini terdiri dari dua lantai. Lantai bawah dibagi menjadi enam ruangan sidang: Ruang tunggu para tamu, ruang tamu kehormatan, ruang tamu laki-laki, ruang tamu untuk perempuan, satu ruangan disamping kanan adalah ruang sidang kerajaan, juga digunakan untuk ruang pesta. Lantai atas terbagi menjadi sembilan ruangan, berfungsi untuk istirahat Sultan serta para tamu Istana.

1893

Banguna Istana Siak bersejarah tersebut selesai pada tahun 1893. Pada dinding istana dihiasi dengan keramik khusus didatangkan buatan Prancis.

 

Beberapa koleksi benda antik Istana, kini disimpan Museum Nasional Jakarta, Istananya sendiri menyimpan duplikat dari koleksi tersebut.

Diantara koleksi benda antik Istana Siak adalah: Keramik dari Cina, Eropa, Kursi-kursi kristal dibuat tahun 1896, Patung perunggu Ratu Wihemina merupakan hadiah Kerajaan Belanda, patung pualam Sultan Syarim Hasim I bermata berlian dibuat pada tahun 1889, perkakas seperti sendok, piring, gelas-cangkir berlambangkan Kerajaan Siak masih terdapat dalam Istana.

Dipuncak bangunan terdapat enam patung burung elang sebagai lambang keberanian Istana. Sekitar istana masih dapat dilihat delapan meriam menyebar ke berbagai sisi-sisi halaman istana, disebelah kiri belakang Istana terdapat bangunan kecil sebagai penjara sementara.

Beberapa bangunan sejarah lainnya tak hanya Istana Siak dapat juga dilihat sekitar bangunan:

Jembatan Siak
Jembatan Istana Siak berada sekitar 100 meter disebelah Tenggara kompleks Istana Siak Sri Indrapura. Jembatan tersebut berangka tahun 1899. Dibawah jembatan istana terdapat sungai (parit), diduga dulu sekaligus sebagai parit pertahanan kompleks istana.

 

 

Balai Kerapatan

Balai Kerapatan Tinggi Siak pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Assyaidisyarif Hasyim Abdul Jalil Syaifuddin pada tahun 1889. Bangunan istana menghadap kearah sungai (selatan). Tangga masuk bangunan terbuat dari beton. Balai Kerapatan tinggi Siak dahulu berfungsi sebagai tempat pertemuan (sidang) Sultan dengan Panglima-panglimanya.

Bangunan bertingkat 2, denah persegi 4, berukuran 30, 8 X 30, 2 m dengan tiang utama berupa pilar berbentuk silinder. Lantai bawah bangunan terdiri dari 7 ruang dan lantai atas 3 ruang.

Masjid Syahabuddin
Merupakan masjid Kerajaan Siak, dibangun pada masa pemerintahan Sultan Kasim I. Masjid berdenah 21, 6 X 18, 5 m. Bangunan masjid telah berkali-kali mengalami perbaikan tetapi masih mempertahankan bentuk aslinya.

Makam Sultan Kasim II
Terletak dibelakang masjid Syahabuddin, dimakamkan Sultan Kasim II (Sultan terakhir mangkat pada 23 April 1968. Jirat makam sultan berbentuk 4 undak dari tegel dan marmer berukuran panjang 305 cm. Lebar 153 cm. Dan tinggi 110 m. Nisannya dari kayu berukir motif suluran –suluran. Bentuknya bulat silinder bersudut 8 dengan diameter 26 cm dan kelopak bunga teratai.

Lokasi

Kabupaten Siak, memiliki beberapa bangunan megah bersejarah, sekarang difungsikan sebagai perkantoran, rumah tinggal, penginapan, toko oleh penduduk Siak. Salah satunya adalah peninggalan termasyur dengan bagunan bercirikan arsitektur gabungan antara Melayu, Arab, plus Eropa, yaitu Istana Siak Sri Indrapura.

Sepanjang perkembangan sejarah bangsa Indonesia, telah banyak meninggalkan sisa-sisa kehidupan pemberi corak khas pada kebudayaan bangsa di Siak, salah satunya adalah Istana Siak Sri Indrapura menjadi salah obyek wisata Riau.

Untuk dapat melihat Bangunan b rijn to that position by decree of August 21, 1889. Zeverijn was forced because of illness to leave for Europe on March 1, 1893 where he died on December 13, 1893.angunan Melayu zaman/tempo dulu dijuluki juga sebagai ‘Istana Matahari Timur’, jarak tempuh dari sebelah timur Pekanbaru mencapai empat jam perjalanan melalui sungai hingga menuju Kabupaten Siak Sri Indrapura.

 

 

 

Sumber http://www.pekanbaruriau.com

 

 

1889

1889

04/12/1889 – 19/09/1893 S.B. Zeverijn
Altough the board recommended Buijskes to become the next President, the Governor General appointed S. B .Zeve

 

 

1850

The second reform happen again when a Mujahid returned from Mecca. Haji Ismail Tuanku Simabur later, bringing the teachings Naksabandi. The traditional clergy clerics forbid adherents Syattari
Naksabandi be priests, even teaching at the existing mosque. Followers lord Simabur create a new mosque. Cleric Syattari kemampanannya annoyed.
The prince felt violated customary law. Because according to custom rules, there may only be one of the mosques in villages. Burning of mosques and a war ensued between the followers of the bersiteru stone.
Dutch government to intervene. Followers Naqsabandi mosque established himself justified. Customary provisions that set one of the villages may only have one mosque is no longer valid. Life in the villages is no longer entirely in the hands of the prince. Dutch government appoint someone to head villages with names Penghulu Head office. He was not elected at a meeting of the princes in the hall and also of one of the prince.
Religious affairs since from various wedding ceremonies come to a matter for scholars. Then the prince of the power stayed on socio-cultural issues. In the meantime, cities are built.
Economic resources in society anymore only communal agricultural sector under the authority of the prince, but also the service sector and individual trade. The schools were built to meet the needs of the labor office.
Since then, the three-pronged orientation. A few years later in the course of time, the prince began to feel lost much of its role.
Because rivaled by scholars and then by school groups, the prince of building new institutions in their respective villages, consisting of ninik mamak, scholars and intellectuals. This institution is called ‘Furnace tigo
sajarangan ‘. However, no clear division of labor.
Changes to be decided by the scholars of religious law. Changes in government regulations nagari decided by the government. So the prince task so as shadow government power

Original info

terjadi lagi reformasi kedua ketika seorang mujahid pulang dari Mekkah. Yaitu Haji Ismail yang kemudian bergelar Tuanku Simabur, membawa ajaran Naksabandi. Ulama tradisional penganut Syattari melarang ulama
Naksabandi jadi imam, bahkan mengajar di mesjid yang ada. Pengikut Tuanku Simabur membuat mesjid baru. Ulama Syattari merasa terganggu kemampanannya.

Para penghulu merasa hukum adat terlanggar. Karena menurut aturan adat, hanya boleh ada satu mesjid dalam satu nagari. Terjadilah pembakaran mesjid dan perang batu antara pengikut yang bersiteru.

Pemerintah Belanda turun tangan. Pengikut Naqsabandi dibenarkan mendirikan mesjid sendiri. Ketentuan adat yang menetapkan satu satu nagari hanya boleh punya satu mesjid tidak berlaku lagi. Kehidupan dalam nagari tidak lagi sepenuhnya berada di tangan penghulu. Pemerintahan Belanda mengangkat seseorang menjadi pimpinan nagari dengan nama jabatan Penghulu Kepala. Dia itu bukan dipilih dalam rapat para penghulu di balairung dan tidak pula dari salah seorang penghulu.

Urusan keagamaan sejak dari berbagai upacara ritual sampai pada pernikahan menjadi urusan ulama. Maka kekuasaan penghulu tinggal pada masalah sosial-budaya. Dalam pada itu kota-kota dibangun.

Sumber ekonomi masyarakat lagi hanya pada sektor agraris komunal di bawah kuasa penghulu, melainkan juga sektor jasa dan dagang yang individual. Sekolah-sekolah pun dibangun untuk memenuhi keperluan tenaga kerja kantoran.
Semenjak itu orientasi masyarakat bercabang tiga. Beberapa tahun kemudian dalam perjalanan waktu, para penghulu yang mulai merasa kehilangan banyak perannya.

Karena disaingi oleh ulama dan kemudian oleh golongan sekolahan, para penghulu membangun institusi baru pada masing-masing nagari, yang terdiri dari ninik mamak, alim ulama dan cerdik pandai. Institusi ini dinamakan ‘Tungku tigo
sajarangan’. Namun pembagian kerja tidak jelas.

Perubahan terhadap hukum agama diputuskan oleh ulama. Perubahan aturan pemerintahan nagari diputuskan oleh pemerintah. Sehingga tugas penghulu seolah jadi bayang-bayang kekuasaan pemerintah.

.

Sultan bagagaryah Official stamped

 

 

 

1851

RADIN INTEN II
Lahir : Lampung, 1834
Wafat : Lampung, 5 Oktober 1858

 

SEJAK Radin Inten II dinobatkan sebagai raja di Negara Ratu (Lampung) ia selalu menentang pemerintahan Belanda yang waktu itu telah menguasai sebagian lampung.

Tahun 1851, Belanda melakukan serangan ke Negara Ratu, tetapi dapat digagalkan.

Kemudian Belanda dan Radin Inten membuat perjanjian damai yang isinya antara lain Belanda mengakui kedaulatan Negara Ratu, sedangkan Radin Inten mengakui pula daerah-daerah kekuasaan Belanda. Ternyata upaya ini hanya merupakan taktik Belanda belaka untuk menyusun kekuatan.

 

1851

Batavia

By the end of 1853, the first exhibition of agricultural products and native arts and crafts was held in Batavia.(wiki)

1852

 

Johan Willem Binkes (Bolsward, 13 mei 1828Den Haag, 29 maart 1891)

was een Nederlands vice-admiraal, commandant der Zeemacht in Oost-Indië en ridder en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Binkes werd opgeleid aan het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine te Medemblik. Hij werd in oktober 1847 geplaatst aan boord van Z.M. fregat Prins van Oranje, dat een kruistocht naar het noordelijk deel van de Atlantische Oceaan maakte en twee reizen naar West-Indië, waarna Binkes, inmiddels bevorderd tot luitenant ter zee 2e klasse in oktober 1852 met Z.M. schoenerbrik Lancier naar Oost-Indië vertrok. Gedurende de daarop volgende expeditie tegen Timor en tijdens de kruistochten tegen zeerovers bij de eilanden ten oosten van Java onderscheidde Binkes zich op zodanige wijze dat hij eervol vermeld werd

1852

 

Hendrik Brinkgreve (Deventer, 1827Zaltbommel, 20 januari 1870)

was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Brinkgreve werd op 30 april 1852 vanuit de rang van sergeant-majoor bij het regiment grenadiers en jagers benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij de infanterie van het leger in Oost-Indië. Hij vertrok op 28 augustus 1852 met een detachement suppletietroepen, onder begeleiding van eerste luitenant G. Fretzen, en met als medebegeleiders de tweede luitenants der infanterie Brinkgreve, Meijer en tweede luitenant der artillerie A. Heijligers, met het fregatschip Delft naar Indië.

1853

 

Charles Pierre Schimpf (Sint-Omaars, 13 februari 1813‘s-Gravenhage, 31 december 1886) was een Nederlands generaal, van 1855 tot 1859 gouverneur van Suriname en van 1862 tot 1865 commandant van het Nederlands Indisch leger. Schimpf begon zijn loopbaan in 1827 als soldaat bij de infanterie van het Nederlandse leger en werd in 1830 bevorderd tot tweede luitenant. In 1831 wist hij als krijgsgevangene te ontvluchten uit Bergen in Henegouwen en werd vervolgens bij de 14de afdeling infanterie geplaatst. In 1836 naar Nederlands-Indië vertrokken, werd hij in 1837 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, in 1840 tot kapitein, in 1845 toegevoegd aan de Balische expeditie, om daarbij dienst te verrichten als chef van de staf, in 1848 tot majoor, in 1850 tot sous-chef van den Generale Staf, in 1851 tot luitenant-kolonel, in 1853 tot Kolonel-chef van den Generale Staf.

 

1853

 

Hendrik Willem van Oijen (naam wordt ook wel gespeld als Van Oyen) (1819Den Haag, 10 april 1866) was een Nederlands majoor der infanterie van het Indische leger en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde, bezitter van de Eresabel. Van Oijen werd op 15 mei 1845 vanuit de rang van sergeant-majoor bij het dertiende bataljon benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het tweede bataljon. Hij verkreeg in december 1849 een tweejarig verlof naar Nederland; Van Oijen werd op 18 juni 1851 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en vertrok in mei 1852 per Elisabeth naar Europa, waar hij bij Koninklijk Besluit van 15 december 1852 nummer 42 werd benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde voor zijn verrichtingen tijdens de expedities naar de Palembangse Bovenlanden in 1851. Hij keerde begin 1854 in Indië terug, werd weer geplaatst bij de infanterie (april van dat jaar) en op 5 maart 1855 bevorderd tot kapitein.

1855

 

Johannes Cornelis Hamakers (Middelburg, 2 mei 1826Enkhuizen, 24 mei 1882) was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger, burgemeester van Venhuizen en Hem, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. Hamakers werd op 20 december 1850 vanuit de rang van sergeant-majoor benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het eerste bataljon. Op 2 augustus 1853 werd hij overgeplaatst van het garnizoensbataljon in de eerste militaire afdeling bij het achtste bataljon, en op 5 maart 1855 volgde zijn bevordering tot eerste luitenant.

 

1855

 

Leon Hendrik Mattheus Genet (Nijmegen, 19 mei 1840Den Haag, 7 februari 1902) was een Nederlandse kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Genet werd op 25 december 1862 vanuit de rang van sergeant bij het regiment grenadiers en jagers benoemd tot tweede luitenant. Hij ging in 1863 over tot het Indische leger en werd op 9 oktober 1864, na aankomst in Indië, geplaatst bij het veertiende bataljon. Genet werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 13 september 1867 nummer 94 eervol vermeld voor zijn verrichtingen tijdens de gevechten op het eiland Ceram in de maanden oktober en november 1865 en januari en februari 1866.

1856

Tahun 1856, Belanda kembali melancarkan serangan secara besar-besaran ke Negara Ratu dan Berhasil menguasai beberapa Benteng pertahanan Radin Inten.

Namun Radin Inten tidak berhasil ditangkap oleh Belanda. Secara licik kemudian Belanda berhasil mengajak kerjasama Radin Ngerapat untuk menjebak Radin Inten II.

 

 

1857

 

Abraham Faure Beeckman (Voorst, 20 maart 1831Nijmegen, 7 januari 1908) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse, bezitter van de eresabel. Beeckman, zoon van predikant Abraham Faure Beeckman, trad op 24 oktober 1846, op 15-jarige leeftijd, te Harderwijk in dienst, werd in 1851 benoemd tot tweede luitenant en op 2 maart 1857 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij de garnizoenscompagnie in de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling, waar hij de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo meemaakte. Pengaron door 45 infanteristen onder eerste luitenant Beeckman bezet, was door de vijand ingesloten; Marabahan, waar eerste luitenant Bangert het bevel voerde als commandant, werd bedreigd, Kalangan was uitgemoord (28 april); een zestal Europese mijnbeambten te Goening Djabok, en ook te Tabanio de posthouder (Mauritz) afgemaakt.

 

1857

 

Adriaan Jan Jacob Leonard Prinsen (1831Beek, 2 juli 1880) was een Nederlandse kapitein van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Prinsen werd bij besluit van 14 maart 1854 als cadet benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het achtste regiment, werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 30 september 1857 nummer 97 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, gedetacheerd bij het Indische leger en vertrok op 31 december 1857 aan boord van het fregatschip Graaf van Heiden Reinestein met een detachement suppletietroepen van 133 militairen naar Oost-Indië.

 

 

1857

 

Aegidius Luymes (Harderwijk, 27 september 1834Den Haag, 25 november 1918) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der infanterie van het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Luymes meldde zich aan bij het instructiebataljon in Kampen en vertrok op 19-jarige leeftijd in de rang van sergeant naar Nederlands-Indië, waar hij 2 jaar later (april 1855) werd bevorderd tot tweede luitenant bij het zevende bataljon en overgeplaatst bij het eerste. Hij nam deel aan verschillende krijgsverrichtingen, onder meer aan de expeditie naar Timor in 1857. Hij kwam daar aan per Barend Willem met een detachement van 29 Europeanen, als medecommandant van de tweede compagnie van het tiende bataljon; andere commandanten waren de tweede luitenants Haus en Mekern. Een detachement Afrikanen van het zevende bataljon infanterie stond onder bevel van luitenant Munters en verder namen 31 artilleristen deel onder tweede luitenant Coblijn.

 

1858

Pada 25 September 1858,

Belanda melakukan serangan ke Jambi.

Meskipun berhasil menenggelamkan kapal-kapal Belanda, tetapi Sultan Thaha tidak mampu mempertahankan istananya dan menyingkir ke pedalaman.

Sejak itu, Sultan melakukan perlawanan secara gerilya dan membeli senjata dari pedagang-pedagang Inggris

Tanggal 5 Oktober 1858

, Radin Ngerapat berpura-pura mengajak Radin Inten II ke suatu tempat.

Tanpa diketahui Radin Inten, tempat tersebut ternyata sudah dikepung pasukan Belanda yang telah bersiap untuk melakukan penyergapan.

 

Radin Inten tetap memberikan perlawanan, namun karena pertempuran tidak seimbang hingga akhirnya ia harus tewas saat itu juga.

Gugurnya Radin Inten II adalah akhir dari perjuangan rakyat Negara Ratu atau Lampung dalam memerangi Belanda.

 

1858

 

Karel Willem Hendrik de Coenens (Maastricht, 23 september 1832Semarang, augustus 1878) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. De Coenens volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 20 juli 1852 benoemd tot tweede luitenant, bestemd voor het Indische leger. Hij vertrok op 6 november van dat jaar met een detachement suppletietroepen van 150 onderofficieren en manschappen aan boord van het barkschip Nijverheid om naar Java te worden overgevoerd. Aldaar werd hij in oktober 1855 tijdelijk bij het korps sappeurs gedetacheerd en op 1 september 1856 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het zevende bataljon te Meester Cornelis. De Coenens werd in maart 1858 overgeplaatst bij het dertiende bataljon en nam hiermee deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

1859

 

Jonkheer Jan Marie Clifford Kocq van Breugel (26 november 1833Semarang, 10 augustus 1886) was een Nederlands luitenant ter zee eerste klasse, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Clifford Kocq van Breugel werd per 1 september 1854 benoemd tot adelborst eerste klasse aan de Koninklijke Academie voor de Zee- en Landmacht. In deze rang deed hij een West-Indische reis met Zr. Ms. fregat Prins Alexander der Nederlanden in 1856. Hij werd op 7 december van datzelfde jaar bevorderd tot luitenant ter zee 2de klasse en was in april 1859 commandant van Zr. Ms. kanonneerboot nummer 14, dienstdoende wachtschip te Semarang; hij nam in juni 1859 deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

 

1859

 

Geert Kromkamp (Smilde, 18 september 1834Amsterdam, 11 januari 1895) was een Nederlands sergeant, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Kromkamp vertrok op 25 april 1859 in de rang van korporaal bij het Indische leger op expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo; deze expeditie was uitgezonden om een onderzoek in te stellen naar directeur van Weinmalen van de steenkolenmijn te Kalangan, boven Martapoera, die daar met een aantal Europeanen (52 man) was vermoord. Bij een verkenning van de vijandelijke versterking bij Soengi Alang, die geschiedde door eerste luitenant van Schendel en Kromkamp, die zich daarvoor hadden aangeboden, redde Kromkamp op die dag twee keer het leven van de luitenant.

 

1859

 

Charles Jean Riesz (Delft, 19 november 1822Semarang, 3 januari 1873) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Riesz volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 15 juli 1843 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het vijfde regiment infanterie. Hij vertrok in november 1848 met de Hendrika en een detachement van 200 onderofficieren en manschappen naar Indië en werd op 20 december 1850 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het eerste bataljon. Hij werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 21 oktober 1854 nummer 103 eervol vermeld voor zijn verrichtingen tijdens de expeditie naar de westerafdeling van Borneo van maart tot juli 1853. Riesz werd op 5 maart 1855 bevorderd tot kapitein en verkreeg in december van dat jaar een verlof van twee jaar naar Nederland wegens ziekte, waarheen hij vertrok per Koning Willem II; in juni 1857 keerde hij per Europa terug naar Indië en werd het jaar daarop geplaatst bij het dertiende bataljon infanterie, waarmee hij deelnam aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo in 1859.

 

1859

 

Charles Louis Saint Aubin Martin (Charles) de Roy van Zuydewijn (Breda, 8 december 1825 – Aan boord van de SS Holland, 22 augustus 1876) was een Nederlandse generaal, ridder en officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde. De Roy van Zuijdewijn volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd in augustus 1845 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het zevende regiment infanterie. Hij nam, in de rang van kapitein en chef van de staf, eerst onder kolonel Andresen en later onder luitenant-kolonel Verspyck, deel aan de expeditie naar Banjermasin, Borneo, in 1859

1859

 

Johan Philip Ermeling (Zelhem, 21 januari 1831Buitenzorg, 5 januari 1921) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der genie van het Indische leger en onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Ermeling volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 19 juli 1850 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der genie bij het Indische leger; hij vertrok in november van dat jaar naar Indië, waar hij op 11 maart 1851 te Batavia voet aan wal zette. Als jong officier bouwde hij het noordelijke gedeelte van het militaire kampement te Meester Cornelis en de Beronlaan. Na met nog enige andere belangrijke bouwwerken belast geweest te zijn nam hij in 1859 deel aan de eerste expeditie naar Boni; hier zag hij bij het debarkement onder het vijandelijke vuur over welke ondoelmatige vlotten de artillerie beschikte. Hij ontwierp later de bekend geworden drijvervlotten, die bij de tweede expeditie naar Atjeh en later goede diensten bewezen. Kort voor het einde van eerst genoemde expeditie werd hij wegens ziekte geëvacueerd.

 

1859

 

Victor Lodewijk Reuter

(Bandung, 21 augustus 1834Den Haag, 9 oktober 1907)

was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Reuter werd op 8 augustus 1853 in Indië vanuit de rang van fourier benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het veertiende bataljon en in december 1854 overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon in de derde militaire afdeling. Hij werd op 17 februari 1858 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant bij het garnizoensbataljon in de westerafdeling van Borneo en in december van dat jaar geplaatst bij het negende bataljon.

Hij nam vanaf het begin in 1859 deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

 

 

1860

 

Otto Heinrich Julius Muller von Czernicki (Ngawi (Java), 28 oktober 1834Wageningen, 16 april 1907) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Muller von Czernicki trad op nog geen 16-jarige leeftijd als volontair in dienst bij het zesde bataljon infanterie; hij doorliep achtereenvolgens de rangen van korporaal, fourier en sergeant-majoor en werd in oktober 1854 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het elfde bataljon. In deze rang nam hij deel aan de expeditie naar de Lampongse districten in 1856 en werd op 4 september 1858 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant. Hij werd op 17 oktober 1860 overgeplaatst bij het dertiende bataljon van het garnizoensbataljon in de Lampongse districten.

1860

Batavia

In 1860, the Willem III school was opened.

(wiki)

1861

 

Willem George August Lochmann van Bennekom (Doorn, 18 juni 1828 – St. Gilles (Brussel), 3 maart 1901) was een Nederlands kolonel der infanterie van het Nederlands-Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse. Van Bennekom werd op 28 augustus 1854 in de rang van tweede luitenant benoemd tot adjudant bij het garnizoensbataljon aan Sumatra’s Westkust; uit deze functie werd hij op 3 april 1857 weer ontslagen en overgeplaatst bij het zestiende bataljon. Hij werd op 14 juni 1858 in de rang van eerste luitenant overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon aan Sumatra’s Westkust en Onderhorigheden, teruggeplaatst bij het zestiende op 28 april 1860 en bevorderd tot kapitein op 14 april 1860, overgeplaatst bij het zesde bataljon op 18 september 1861 (en trouwde dat jaar met de dochter van kolonel Andresen). Van Bennekom nam in 1862 deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo.

 

1861

 

Willem Adriaan Coblijn (1836Voorburg, 5 december 1904) was een Nederlands kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Coblijn meldde zich aan bij het Instructiebataljon te Kampen en werd op 20 december 1858 vanuit de rang van sergeant bij het tweede regiment benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het zevende. Hij vertrok in juni 1860 met de Amsterdam naar Indië als medebegeleider van een detachement suppletietroepen van 125 man, alwaar hij bij het vijftiende bataljon werd geplaatst. Het jaar daarop werd hij overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon van Sumatra’s Westkust en Onderhorigheden en in november 1861 benoemd tot eerste luitenant bij het vijftiende bataljon.

 

1862

 

Martinus Johannes Cornelis Lucardie (Den Helder, 9 juni 1841Den Haag, 12 april 1912) was een Nederlands schout-bij-nacht der Marine en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Lucardie volgde de maritieme opleiding te Medemblik aan het Koninklijk Instituut voor de Marine en werd in 1861 als adelborst eerste klasse geplaatst op Zr. Ms. fregat met stoomvermogen Zeeland, dat op 23 juni 1861 naar West-Indië voer. De bodem stevende eerst naar de Mesapeate-baai, van waar via Washington naar Curaçao werd gevaren en aldaar verenigde het schip zich met het eskader, bestaande uit de Zeeland, Djambi en Vesuvius. In 1862 voer hij op de het stoomschip Djambi naar Curaçao en terug en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 6 oktober 1862 nummer 55 met ingang van 11 oktober van dat jaar bevorderd tot luitenant-ter-zee tweede klasse

1863

 

Cornelis Johannes Marinkelle (Den Helder, 26 april 1839Onrust, 2 mei 1885) was een Nederlands kapitein luitenant-ter-zee, onder meer ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Marinkelle werd als adelborst geplaatst op het Marine-Instituut te Medemblik en werd op 1 september 1859 benoemd tot luitenant-ter-zee tweede klasse. Hij nam vervolgens deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo en werd daarna op diverse schepen als commandant geplaatst, onder meer op Zr. Ms. stoomschip Bali (1863) en Zr. Ms. korvet Prins Maurits der Nederlanden (1864).

 

 

 

 

1864

 

Antonius Wilhelmus Hubertus Perelaer (Maastricht, 25 november 1837Soerakarta, 8 november 1893) was een Nederlands kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Perelaer, broer van Michael Théophile Hubert, werd op 18 oktober 1860 vanuit de rang van sergeant benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het tiende bataljon. Hij werd op 16 juli 1863 overgeplaatst van het tiende bij het negende bataljon en op 17 juli 1864 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant; in datzelfde jaar werd hij van het garnizoensbataljon van de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo overgeplaatst bij het tweede bataljon.

1866

 

Dirk Matak Fontein (Ede, 1840Den Haag, 17 maart 1912) was een Nederlands dirigerend officier van gezondheid eerste klasse bij de Koninklijke Nederlandse Marine en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Matak Fontein begon zijn loopbaan als kwekeling op de Rijksschool voor Militaire Geneeskundigen te Utrecht en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 11 juli 1861 (met ingang van 1 augustus) benoemd tot officier van gezondheid derde klasse en direct daarop (11 augustus van dat jaar) geplaatst op Zr. Ms. wachtschip De Rijn. Hij nam op 5 oktober 1861 deel aan de kruistochten van de Prins Maurits der Nederlanden; op 15 mei 1866 onderman hij (als passagier) een reis naar Singapore op het Franse stoomschip Capitole.

 

1866

Ompu Sohahuaoan died in Bakara and built his tomb by King Parlopuk with Si Onom Ompu in Lumban King.

 

This is the first tomb in the Bakara because Sisingamangaraja I to IX are not known to have died where.

 

The King Left Singamangaraja XI died, Patuan Bosar being migrated to the Acehnese.The tomb was demolished by King Si Singamangaraja XII because Bakara attacked the Netherlands. King Si Singamangaraja bones XI brought join fight to the forest, because they do not want the skull of her parents were taken by the Dutch. During the struggle of these bones on Leave in huta Promise Dolok Sanggul then moved again to the Huta Paung.

 

After the time of independence, again on the move at home Soposurung.Approximately 105 years later, the tomb was rebuilt by the family of King Sisingamangaraja and in 1975 the bones of King Sisingamangaraja istrerinya XI and returned to the tomb originally buried in Bakara. King Parlopuk continue to implement Singamangaraja government until the year 1871, ie after dinobatkannya Patuan Bosar as King Sisingamangaraja XII.King Si Singamangaraja XII: Patuan Bosar Ompu title Pulo BatuAlthough the king had died The Singamangaraja XI, Si Onom Ompu not feel something is missing in the government, because the King Parlopuk works pretty well. But when the dry season comes and brings suffering, start the Onom Ompu margondang think to the event. King Parlopukpun they invite to their gondangi martonggo begged him to rain. But the rain did not fall down too.Initially Ompu Pulo Batu gondangi because they would not feel that his brother had been substitute father as king. Finally Ompu Pulo Batu willing to see the pain suffered by society Si Onom Ompu. After the ceremony as it is commonly done, Ompu Pulobatu successfully bring rain. Pulo Ompu Batupun crowned king of The Singamangaraja XII in 1871.1848

Pulo Ompu Stone was born in 1848 from his mother Boru Situmorang. At the time of youth, Ompu Pulo Batu traveled to Aceh, there mingle with merchants from Persia and learn many things. Therefore, when the war against the Dutch, King Si Singamangaraja XII aided by fighters from Aceh, and the stamp / stempelnya use of Arabic and Batak.In 1877

King Si Singamangaraja XII declared war on the Netherlands. Then he runs the war against the Netherlands for 3 decades.

 

 

 

1867

 

Christiaan Antoon Jeekel (Den Haag, 20 mei 1839Leerdam, 7 februari 1885) was een Nederlands zeeofficier, burgemeester, dijkgraaf en oprichter van Jeekel Mijnssen & Co., de voorganger van NV de Glasfabriek Leerdam. Jeekel volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, werd later benoemd tot luitenant ter zee eerste klasse en nam deel aan de expeditie naar de Zuider- en Oosterafdeling van Borneo in 1859. Hij verkreeg voor zijn verrichtingen aldaar (de landmacht stond onder leiding van majoor Verspyck) de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse (Koninklijk Besluit van 18 februari 1861). Na nog enige omzwervingen, onder meer naar de westkust van Guinea in 1867 en 1868, gedurende welke tijd hij publicaties het licht deed zien over het Suezkanaal, onze bezittingen op de kust van Guinea en over marine zoölogie vestigde Jeekel zich te Leerdam.

1867


SISINGAMANGARAJA XII
Lahir : Bakkara, Tapanuli, 1849
Wafat : Simsim, 17 Juni 1907

 

NAMA aslinya adalah Patuan Besar Ompu Pulo Batu.

Nama Sisingamangaraja XII baru dipakai pada tahun 1867, setelah ia diangkat menjadi raja menggantikan ayahnya yang mangkat. Sang ayah meninggal akibat serangan penyakit kolera.

 

BVNL BEHORDE VERHUUR NEDERLAND

1865

1865 1903

Sultan Alam Bidar IV

 

The kotogadang man in 1865

 

Tahun 1865 Belanda dirikan sekolah sejenis HIS (Hollandsch Inlandsche School) di Inderapura dengan tujuan melumpuhkan Islam (de-Islamisasi), rakyat tahu niat jahat itu, lalu ditutup.

Referensi
A.A. Navis,
1984 Alam Takambang Jadi Guru: Jakarta T. Pustaka Grafitipers.
Agus, Yusuf
2001 Sejarah Pesisir Selatan , Jakarta : PT. Arina Yudi
Bruins, B.A.
1936 Laporan ( Memori) Countroleur. Painan: Arsip Nasional
Errens, A.C.F. Van
1931 Memori Cuontroleur. Painan: Arsip Nasional
Marjohan. BS.c,
tt Sejarah Kerajaan Inderapura. Pancung Soal:
Puti Balkis, Alisyabana
1996 Natal: Ranah nan Data. Jakarta : Dian Rakyat
Rusli, Amran
1985 Sumatera Barat Hingga Plakat Panjang. Jakarta : Sinar Harapan
———————,
1985 Sumatera Barat Plakat Panjang. Jakarta: Sinar Harapan
St. Chalifah, Djamuir
tt Sejarah Kerajaan Inderapura. Pancung Soal: Kacabdin Parsebuhub.
St. Sulaiman, Arbi
tt Sejarah Kebudayaan Inderapura. Pancung Soal; Kacabdin Parsebudhub
Stibe,
1939 Encyclopedie Van Nederlansch Indie. S. Graven Hage: Arsip Nasional
Yulizal, Yunus
2002 Kesultanan Inderapura dan Mandeh Rubiah di Lunan, Spirit Sejarah dari Kerajaan Bahari hingga Semangat Malayu Dunia. Padang: Pemkab Pessel – IAIN-IB Press.

Sumber :

http://wawasanislam.wordpress.com/2008/04/30/kesultanan-Inderapura/

 

 

1863

Pada tahun 1863, berdiri organisasi Hook Tek Tong (HTT), yang merupakan perhimpunan kematian dan pemakaman, sekaligus sebagai sarana menghormati leluhur kakek tua Hook Tek Tjeng Sin(lisasuroso)

 

 

1867

 

 

Minangkabau of Sumatra in ceremonial costume. These richly brocaded garments are heirlooms.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1870


Berani Menerjang Peluru

Spoiler for tentang dia


Pameo yang mengatakan wanita sebagai insan lemah dan harus selalu dilindungi tidak selamanya benar. Itu dibuktikan oleh Cut Nyak Meutia, wanita asal Nangroe Aceh Darussalam, yang terus berjuang melawan Belanda hingga tewas diterjang tiga peluru di tubuhnya.

Wanita kelahiran Perlak, Aceh, tahun 1870, ini adalah seorang Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Nasional yang hingga titik darah penghabisan tetap memegang prinsip tak akan mau tunduk kepada kolonial.

Sebelum Cut Nyak Meutia lahir, pasukan Belanda sudah menduduki daerah Aceh yang digelari serambi Mekkah tersebut. Perlakuan Belanda yang semena-mena dengan berbagai pemaksaan dan penyiksaan akhirnya menimbulkan perlawanan dari rakyat. Tiga tahun sebelum perang Aceh-Belanda meletus, ketika itulah Cut Nyak Meutia dilahirkan. Suasana perang pada saat kelahiran dan perkembangannya itu, di kemudian hari sangat memengaruhi perjalanan hidupnya.

Ketika sudah beranjak dewasa, dia menikah dengan Teuku Muhammad, seorang pejuang yang lebih terkenal dengan nama Teuku Cik Tunong. Walaupun ketika masih kecil ia sudah ditunangkan dengan seorang pria bernama Teuku Syam Syarif, tetapi ia memilih menikah dengan Teuku Muhammad, pria yang sangat dicintainya.

Perang terhadap pendudukan Belanda terus berkobar seakan tidak pernah berhenti. Cut Nyak Meutia bersama suaminya Teuku Cik Tunon langsung memimpin perang di daerah Pasai. Perang yang berlangsung sekitar tahun 1900-an itu telah banyak memakan korban baik dari pihak pejuang kemerdekaan maupun dari pihak Belanda.

Pasukan Belanda yang mempunyai persenjataan lebih lengkap memaksa pasukan pejuang kemerdekaan yang dipimpin pasangan suami istri itu melakukan taktik perang gerilya. Berkali-kali pasukan mereka berhasil mencegat patroli pasukan Belanda. Di lain waktu, mereka juga pernah menyerang langsung ke markas pasukan Belanda di Idie.

Sudah banyak kerugian pemerintahan Belanda baik berupa pasukan yang tewas maupun materi diakibatkan perlawanan pasukan Cut Nyak Meutia. Karenanya, melalui pihak keluarga Meutia sendiri, Belanda selalu berusaha membujuknya agar menyerahkan diri. Namun Cut Nyak Meutia tidak pernah tunduk terhadap bujukan yang terkesan memaksa tersebut.

Bersama suaminya, tanpa kenal takut dia terus melakukan perlawanan. Namun naas bagi Teuku Cik Tunong, suaminya. Suatu hari di bulan Mei tahun 1905, Teuku Cik Tunong berhasil ditangkap pasukan Belanda. Ia kemudian dijatuhi hukuman tembak.

Berselang beberapa lama setelah kematian suaminya, Cut Nyak Meutia menikah lagi dengan Pang Nangru, pria yang ditunjuk dan dipesan suami pertamanya sebelum menjalani hukuman tembak. Pang Nangru adalah teman akrab dan kepercayaan suami pertamanya, Teuku Cik Tunong. Bersama suami keduanya itu, Cut Nyak Meutia terus melanjutkan perjuangan melawan pendudukan Belanda.

Di lain pihak, pengepungan pasukan Belanda pun semakin hari semakin mengetat yang mengakibatkan basis pertahanan mereka semakin menyempit. Pasukan Cut Meutia semakin tertekan mundur, masuk lebih jauh ke pedalaman rimba Pasai.

Di samping itu, mereka pun terpaksa berpindah-pindah dari satu tempat ke tempat lain untuk menyiasati pencari jejak pasukan Belanda. Namun pada satu pertempuran di Paya Cicem pada bulan September tahun 1910, Pang Nangru juga tewas di tangan pasukan Belanda. Sementara Cut Nyak Meutia sendiri masih dapat meloloskan diri.

Kematian Pang Nangru membuat beberapa orang teman Pang Nangru akhirnya menyerahkan diri. Sedangkan Meutia walaupun dibujuk untuk menyerah namun tetap tidak bersedia. Di pedalaman rimba Pasai, dia hidup berpindah-pindah bersama anaknya, Raja Sabil, yang masih berumur sebelas tahun untuk menghindari pengejaran pasukan Belanda.

Tapi pengejaran pasukan Belanda yang sangat intensif membuatnya tidak bisa menghindar lagi. Rahasia tempat persembunyiannya terbongkar. Dalam suatu pengepungan yang rapi dan ketat pada tanggal 24 Oktober 1910, dia berhasil ditemukan.

Walaupun pasukan Belanda bersenjata api lengkap tapi itu tidak membuat hatinya kecut. Dengan sebilah rencong di tangan, dia tetap melakukan perlawanan. Namun tiga orang tentara Belanda yang dekat dengannya melepaskan tembakan. Dia pun gugur setelah sebuah peluru mengenai kepala dan dua buah lainnya mengenai dadanya.

Cut Nyak Meutia gugur sebagai pejuang pembela bangsa. Atas jasa dan pengorbanannya, oleh negara namanya dinobatkan sebagai Pahlawan Kemerdekaan Nasional yang disahkan dengan SK Presiden RI No.107 Tahun 1964, tanggal 2 Mei 1964

1870

 

The Minang House at Koto nan ampet(the fourth city) Pajakoemboeh in 1870

1871 xxxx Sultan Muda II

-Tasik (Kota Pinang)

 

 

1871-1905

Yang dipertuan Sati sulung Mustafa

1871

 xxxx Sultan Muda II

 

1871

 

This was followed by the arrival of another steamer from the “Nederland” Royal Mail line in September 1871. (wiki)

 

 

1872

 

Eugène Maximiliaan August Alexander (Eugène) Karel Frackers (Maastricht, 1844Lombok, 23 november 1894) was een Nederlands luitenant-kolonel der infanterie van het Indische leger en ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde. Frackers, afkomstig uit een echte soldatenfamilie, trad in 1865 bij het Instructiebataljon te Kampen in dienst, werd op 5 december 1866 vanuit de rang van sergeant benoemd tot tweede luitenant (te Meester Cornelis) en in mei 1869 overgeplaatst bij het garnizoensbataljon van de Westerafdeling van Borneo.

Hij werd op 20 augustus 1872 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant en was in deze rang negen jaar adjudant van de afdelingscommandant van Padang.

 

Henricus C. Verbraak S.J. (Rotterdam, 24 maart 1835Magelang, 1 juni 1917)

was een Nederlands aalmoezenier die oa. 33 jaar bij het KNIL te Atjeh diende, ridder in de Orde van de Nederlandse Leeuw en officier in de Orde van Oranje Nassau. Hij kreeg de bijnaam De Soldatenpastoor of De Vader van Jan Fuselier.

 Op 23 mei 1907 verliet de soldatenpastoor P Henricus Verbraak S.J., alias de vader van Jan Fuselier, na 33 jaar volle toewijding zijn standplaats in Atjeh. De soldatenpastoor P Henricus Verbraak S.J. fungeerde als aalmoezenier van het KNIL te Atjeh

en op Sumatra’s Westkust van 3 oktober 1872 tot 23 mei 1907.

 

 

 

 

 

1874

 

Antonius Gerardus Popelier (Blinjoe (Nederlands-Indië), 1847Grave, 23 maart 1884) was een Nederlands eerste luitenant der infanterie, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse en begiftigd met de Eresabel. Popelier klom binnen het Nederlands-Indische leger in de rangen op en nam in 1873 in de rang van tweede luitenant deel aan de tweede expeditie naar Atjeh. Tijdens de inname van de Mesigit op 6 januari 1874 werd kolonel de Roy van Zuijdewijn, die van de reserve-brigade te Padang was opgeroepen in de plaats van de gewonde kolonel Wiggers van Kerchem, aldus als commandant der tweede brigade optredend, licht gewond aan de kuit, verder werden de kapiteins der infanterie van Mauntz, Visscher, Van Lier, luitenant der infanterie Popelier (van het veertiende bataljon) en de luitenants der infanterie Meuleman, Hulskamp en Hemmes, kapitein der artillerie Schneither en officier van gezondheid De Wilde licht gewond.

1875

 

Gijsbertus Johannes van Kooten (1851Den Haag 29 mei 1923) was een Nederlands luitenant-generaal der artillerie van het Indische leger, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde, in de Orde van de Nederlandse Leeuw en in het Legioen van Eer. Van Kooten volgde de Koninklijke Militaire Academie en werd op 18 juli 1871 benoemd tot tweede luitenant der artillerie in Oost-Indië. Hij vertrok op 7 december 1872 met het stoomschip Prins Hendrik naar Java, waar hij in februari van het jaar daarop aankwam. Hij werd op 5 december 1874 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant, werd geplaatst bij de zesde compagnie te Atjeh en in mei 1875 overgeplaatst bij de vijfde compagnie te Banjoe Biroe. In december van eerder genoemd jaar werd Van Kooten geplaatst als onderconstructeur bij de constructiewinkel te Soerabaja, slaagde in juli 1880 voor het examen van de krijgsschool en vertrok op 4 augustus van dat jaar per Koning der Nederlanden naar Nederland.

1875

Radjo Itam Tuanku Radjo Alam Johan Bagarsyah  King Of alam minangkabau XXV

Black King Tuanku Tuanku Raja Alam Johan Bagagarsyah Sovereign King of the XXXIII Alam Alam Stakeholder XXV

 

 

 

PERANG BUKIT PUTUS (1875):

ADAKAH DATO’ SIAMANG GAGAP SEORANG PAHLAWAN ATAU SEORANG POLITIKUS ISTANA YANG LICIK ?

Stuttering Hero gibbon Negeri Sembilan

 

War Broken HILL

Perang Bukit Putus

 ​​(1875):

There  Dato ‘Siamang stutter a hero or a cunning CASTLE POLITICIAN?
When talking about the history of Hill End War (25-11-1875), its telling would be incomplete if the role of a Big Man Castle Waiting series namely Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering or the actual name of Hj Kahar bin believer is not spoken.

 The telling of history that is the average raise this figure as a national hero when he chaired the Yam Tuan netherworld armies fought with Army Dato ‘Law Ujong Badger River, aided by Britain and made ​​triumphant Dato Force Act is assisted by the British berundur to Paroi.

 

Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering is also portrayed as opponents of the intervention of Great Britain and by that time he was appointed as karektor appropriate icon for the freedom of the nation

 

Gambaran wajah Dato Siamang Gagap

But there was the face of Sahaja Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering? Maybe if we can look at history from differing angles, we may understand how and why something was true and perhaps the events we see the true face of people who for so long hailed by history.

Childhood Studies and Finding Sheikh Abdul Majid Haji Guguk Salo
In the previous article had a glimpse of a figure Syek told Haji Abdul Majid Guguk Salo and the following inscription is a record of childhood and seek Sciences of Sheikh Haji Abdul Majid.

Prepared by:
 Buya Haji Ramli, M. Nur Engku Mudo, Almanar rights.

 
Day and date of birth Syek Haji Abdul Majid is not known for certain. For most older people are rarely recorded before the day / date of birth. However, it can also be expected that Syek Haji Abdul Majid was born about
In 1875 M.

This information is obtained when Sheikh Abdul Majid was still alive. Sheikh Abdul Majid added, people are a bit older than Syekk like Shaykh Muhammad Abdul Majid Jamil Jambek in Bukit Tinggi, Sheikh Mohammed and Sheikh Sungayang Thaib in Ar Rasuly in Canduang Solomon was contemporary with Sheikh Abdul Majid, even the most intimate friend during life.

Sheikh Abdul Majid’s father named Muhammad Zen died while Sheikh Abdul Majid was 6 years old. His mother named Hamatun died two years after his father died. In the sense of Sheikh Abdul Majid has been an orphan since the age of 8 years.

Hamatun have a brother who served in the chief of the tribe in the village, Dt Pardano title. So is the mamak Pardano Datuk Sheikh Abdul Majid who maintain since abandoned by her father and mother.

Abdul Majid did not have a brother, but a sister named Zamzam Seibu. Daily work is to help the mamak, kesawah, to the field and in the evening beajar Quran.

Since the abandoned father and mother, Sheikh Abdul Majid in the care of mamak and Amai (mamak uncle’s wife), then began precisely felt the joys and sorrows of life, doing work that has not been done and often get angry, but Abdul Majid remain patient.

With perseverance to learn the Koran at night, Sheikh Abdul Majid Al-Quran was completed (Khatam) in 1884 after studying for about 4 years.

Looking for Science

 
Day of Sunday morning, dawn had come to the village to the mosque for morning prayers.
Abdul Majid had come up and go to the Mosque to pray Fajr in congregation. Finished praying the crowds have returned home each. Tinggalah him with Gharin (mosque official). At that Abdul Majid thought of the words “Look for Science was even into the land of China”.

Without thinking long, he stepped into the house mamak. Arriving home mamak, mamak seen beliaupun dreamy and pensive as she thought. How do I convey this to the mamak intentions. In case you mad at him later. Think about it again. Let mamak angry, but the intentions are still delivered.

Mal! I want to get away from the house for a while, looking into the land of the science. Answer mamak Ah! – Finding Science you read. That will be eaten alone is not enough. Fields and lading was pawned. We recommend that you follow the mamak gamble and connect. Lucky lucky lucky to win, we redeem the pawned property. If you do not want up.

Then mamak opinion, let me not take a gamble and connect. Let me go kerantau people to seek knowledge. Science is very important according to the disurau tutor.

Nah! mamak see, hard hearts, you stubborn willpower. But no money stock mamak seek knowledge for you that. Mamak advised; What mamak Convey the message.

 

 


If you go kelapau(shop)
Yu Buy mullet Buy
Fish length Buy Once

If you get dirantau(abroad)
Mother looking for, dunsanak search
Affection people looking for first

Advice mamak(Uncle) was nice and made me happy. If I may ask that counsel was added again for lunch in my life.

That Pock is Kundi
Which Red is sago
Whether it is a moral
Beautiful it is meatball

Buy quarter strap
9ONE Kepeng money)Sekupang buy papaya
Once lost favor
Over the life of an unbeliever

Now let me go in search of knowledge, give me a happy heart, hopefully to the intent and purpose. My congratulations on the way, congratulations mamak and family, forgive all the mistakes. Wassalaamu’alaikum wa rohmatullahhi wabarakatuh.

After obtaining permission from mamak, mamak him down from the house, a brief stop at home Mom Saurah (Family / dunsanak sepesukuan) Dt kemanakan Pardano children too. Abdul Majid expressed intentions that day he set off into the land of the search for knowledge, and at the same time beg leave farewell.

Mother Saurah moved his passing, but happy mom if someday you become a good dab a lot of bookish knowledge. This is a pack of rice eaten lunch on the way and take your money sebengo = 2.5 cents. Thank you, ma’am. Hello W.w, Wa’alaikum greetings. Congratulations road.

 

From home mother Saurah Abdul Majid walking directions to the East towards Nagari Supayang, Situmbuk and Sumanik. Because in Sumanik anyone has some time back from Mecca. His name is Haji Haji Sumanik Sumanik and other friends are in Payakumbuh Piobang Haji, Haji Sikek Smart Visibility poor at length.

Original info

Masa Kecil Dan Mencari Ilmu Syekh Haji Abdul Majid Guguk Salo

Pada tulisan sebelumnya telah dikisahkan kilasan sosok Syek Haji Abdul Majid Guguk Salo dan tulisan berikut adalah catatan masa kecil dan mencari Ilmu dari Syekh Haji Abdul Majid.

 

Disusun oleh:

 Buya Haji Ramli, M.Nur Engku Mudo, Almanar HAM.

 

 

Hari dan tanggal lahir Syek Haji Abdul Majid tidak diketahui secara pasti. Sebab pada umumnya orang-orang tua dahulu jarang yang mencatat hari/tanggal kelahirannya. Namun demikian, dapat juga diperkirakan bahwa Syek Haji Abdul Majid lahir sekitar

tahun 1875 M.

 

Keterangan ini diperoleh sewaktu Syekh Abdul Majid masih hidup. Syekh Abdul Majid menambahkan, orang-orang yang sedikit lebih tua dari Syekk Abdul MAjid seperti Syekh Muhammad Jamil Jambek di Bukit Tinggi , Syekh Muhammad Thaib di Sungayang dan Syekh Sulaiman Ar Rasuly di Canduang adalah seangkatan dengan Syekh Abdul Majid, bahkan teman yang paling akrab semasa hidupnya.

 

Ayah Syekh Abdul Majid bernama Muhammad Zen meninggal sewaktu Syekh Abdul Majid berumur 6 tahun. Ibunya bernama Hamatun wafat 2 tahun sesudah ayahnya meninggal. Dalam arti Syekh Abdul Majid telah yatim piatu sejak umur 8 tahun.

 

Hamatun mempunyai seorang saudara laki-laki yang menjabat kepala kaum dalam Suku Kampung Dalam , bergelar Dt Pardano. Jadi Datuk Pardano adalah mamak Syekh Abdul Majid yang memeliharanya semenjak ditinggalkan oleh ayah dan ibu.

 

Abdul Majid tidak mempunyai saudara laki-laki, kecuali seorang saudara perempuan seibu bernama Zamzam. Pekerjaan sehari-hari adalah membantu mamak , kesawah, keladang dan pada malam hari beajar Al Quran.

 

Semenjak ditinggalkan ayah dan Ibu, Syekh Abdul Majid dalam asuhan mamak dan amai (istri paman-mamak), maka bermula pulalah dirasakan suka dan duka hidup, mengerjakan pekerjaan yang selama ini belum pernah dikerjakan dan sering kena marah, namun Abdul Majid tetap sabar.

 

Dengan ketekunan belajar Al Quran pada malam hari, Syekh Abdul Majid sempat menamatkan Al Quran (Khatam) pada tahun 1884 setelah belajar selama lebih kurang 4 tahun.

 

Mencari Ilmu

 

 

Dihari Minggu pagi, shubuh orang kampong telah berdatangan ke Masjid untuk untuk sholat subuh.

Abdul Majid pun ikut bangun dan pergi ke Masjid melaksanakan sholat Subuh berjamaah. Selesai sholat orang banyak telah kembali kerumah masing-masing. Tinggalah beliau dengan Gharin (petugas Masjid). Saat itu Abdul Majid teringat kata-kata “ Carilah Ilmu itu walau kenegeri Cina”.

 

Tanpa berfikir panjang, ia melangkah menuju rumah mamak. Setibanya di rumah mamak, dilihat mamak termenung dan beliaupun termenung sambil berfikir. Bagaimana cara menyampaikan maksud hati ini kepada mamak. Kalau-kalau marah padanya nanti. Pikir-pikir lagi. Biarlah mamak marah, namun maksud hati ini tetap disampaikan.

 

Mal ! Saya ingin pergi dari rumah ini untuk sementara waktu, mencari ilmu kenegeri orang. Jawab mamak Ah ! – Mencari Ilmu yang kau baca. Yang akan dimakan saja tidak cukup. Sawah dan lading sudah tergadai. Sebaiknya kamu ikuti mamak berjudi dan menyambung. Untung –untung-untung menang, kita tebus harta yang tergadai. Kalau kamu tidak mau terserah.

 

Kalau begitu pendapat mamak, biarlah saya tidak ikut berjudi dan menyambung. Izinkanlah saya pergi kerantau orang untuk mencari ilmu pengetahuan. Ilmu Pengetahuan itu adalah sangat penting sekali menurut keterangan guru mengaji disurau.

 

Nah ! mamak lihat, hatimu keras, kemauan kamu keras kepala. Tapi mamak tidak ada uang bekal mencari ilmu untuk kamu itu. Mamak berpesan ; Apa pesan mamak sampaikanlah.

 

Kalau kamu pergi kelapau

Yu Beli belanak Beli

Ikan Panjang Beli Dahulu

 

Kalau kamu sampai dirantau

Ibu cari, dunsanak cari

Kasih saying orang cari dahulu

 

Nasehat mamak itu bagus dan senang hati saya dibuatnya. Kalau boleh saya minta supaya nasehat itu ditambah lagi untuk bekal dalam hidup saya.

 

Yang kurik itu adalah kundi

Yang Merah itu adalah sago

Yang Baik itu adalah budi

Yang Indah itu adalah baso

 

Setali beli tali

Sekupang beli papaya

Sekali kehilangan budi

Selama hidup orang tidak percaya

 

Sekarang izinkanlah saya berjalan mencari ilmu, lepaskanlah saya dengan hati senang, mudah-mudahan sampai maksud dan tujuan. Selamat saya dalam perjalanan, selamat mamak dan keluarga yang ditinggalkan, Ma’afkan semua kesalahan. Wassalaamu’alaikum wa rohmatullahhi wabarakatuh.

 

Setelah mendapat izin dari mamak , beliau turun dari rumah mamak , singgah sebentar di rumah Ibu Saurah (Keluarga/dunsanak sepesukuan) anak kemanakan Dt Pardano juga. Abdul Majid menyampaikan maksud hati bahwa hari ini beliau berangkat mencari ilmu pengetahuan kenegeri orang, mohon izin dan sekaligus pamitan.

 

Ibu Saurah terharu atas kepergiannya, namun ibu gembira bila kelak kamu menjadi orang baik-baik dab berilmu pengetahuan yang banyak. Inilah sebungkus nasi bekal dimakan dalam perjalanan dan terimalah uang sebengo=2,5 sen . Terima kasih, Bu. Assalamu’alaikum W.w, Wa’alaikum salam. Selamat jalan.

 

Dari rumah Ibu Saurah Abdul Majid berjalan arah ke Timur menuju Nagari Supayang, Situmbuk dan Sumanik. Karena di Sumanik ada orang yang telah agak lama kembali dari Mekkah. Namanya Haji Sumanik dan teman Haji Sumanik lainnya adalah Haji Piobang di Payakumbuh, Haji Miskin di Pandai Sikek Pandang Panjang

1876

 

Hendrik Eduard Schoggers (Padang, 13 november 1844 – Lambaroe (Atjeh), 17 augustus 1878) was een Nederlands kapitein, ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde en drager van de eresabel. Schoggers werd benoemd tot cadet aan de Koninklijke Militaire Academie, voor het wapen der infanterie in Oost-Indië (18 augustus 1860) en op 1 september 1863 benoemd tot cadet-sergeant. Op 27 juni 1864 werd hij bevorderd tot tweede luitenant en tot eerste luitenant benoemd op 14 september 1870; hij maakte deel uit van de expeditie naar Atjeh en werd voor zijn verrichtingen gedurende het jaar 1876 benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde vierde klasse (Koninklijk Besluit van 13 september 1877, nr 24) en tot kapitein bevorderd per 29 april 1876.

 

1877

 

Willem Gerardus Antonius Cornelis Christan (1854Amersfoort, 12 juli 1915) was een Nederlands generaal-majoor der infanterie van het Indische leger, officier in de Militaire Willems-Orde en begiftigd met de Eresabel. Christan trad in 1869 bij het Instructiebataljon te Harderwijk in dienst en werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 19 december 1874 nummer 15 benoemd tot tweede luitenant bij het tweede bataljon van het leger in Nederlands-Indië; hij vertrok op 23 mei 1876 per Ophir naar Palembang, waar hij ingedeeld werd bij het garnizoensbataljon en op 4 september 1877 benoemd tot eerste luitenant, op 19 oktober van datzelfde jaar benoemd tot adjudant. Christan werd bij Koninklijk Besluit van 1880 benoemd tot ridder in de Militaire Willems-Orde.

1877

Dutch entered the  Batanghari region through the expedition  Veth.

 

Written By Jimbalang on 18 January 2012 | 14:00

 

 

TRADISI SABUANG AYAM boleh dibilang sudah hapus di Minangkabau. Adalah Kaum Padri pada paroh pertama abad ke-19 yang melarang kebiasaan adu jago pakai taji ini, sebab identik dengan judi dan menyiksa binatang.

 Pelakunya dianggap berdosa dan kalau mati akan masuk neraka. Namun demikian, lama kemudian tradisi sabung ayam masih ditemukan di Minangkabau. “Oerang Polici [di Padang yang bernama si Rehim] bersama dengan 4 temannja soedah menangkap 12 oerang jang asig menjaboeng ajam di Belantoeng, di belakang roemah kornel kepala bala tantra di Pasisir Pertja Barat. Si Rehim terdjatoeh, dan ajam jang di bawag nya meranggoet ranggoet tadji, se hingga oerang itoe loeka tangannja. Sampeij se karang loeka itoe beloem baig”, demikian laporan koran Bentara Melajoe, Thn I, Selasa, 12 Juni 1877.

 

1878

 

Gijsbertus Godefriedus Johannes Notten (1850Nijmegen, 27 juli 1913) was een Nederlands kolonel van het Nederlands Indisch Leger en oprichter van het corps marechaussees; hij was officier in de Orde van Oranje Nassau. Notten werd in 1875, in de rang van tweede luitenant, overgeplaatst bij het vijfde bataljon, dat onder leiding stond van majoor Romswinckel, en een expeditie deed op Atjeh. Hij werd in mei 1876 bevorderd tot eerste luitenant. Op 4 februari 1878 werd Notten tijdelijk gedetacheerd bij het corps mineurs en sappeurs.

 

1878

 

Karel van Erpecum (Schiedam, 9 oktober 1856Mataram, Lombok, 30 september 1894) was een Nederlands kapitein der infanterie van het Indische leger. Als jongeman verbleef Van Erpecum vaak lang op het paradeveld van de schutterij en werd er van hem gezegd dat hij buitengewoon bekwaam was om te dienen als prevot-brevet.Hij vertrok in 1868 als sergeant naar Indië en deed daar het admissie-examen voor de militaire school te Meester Cornelis. Hij slaagde voor die opleiding en werd op 14 december 1877 bevorderd tot tweede luitenant vanuit de rang van adjudant-onderofficier. Hij werd geplaatst bij het elfde bataljon infanterie en vertrok in april 1878 naar Atjeh met het stoomschip Koningin Sophia.

 

 

1878
Februari 1878, Sisingamangaraja mulai melakukan perlawanan terhadap kekuasaan kolonial Belanda. Ini dilakukannya untuk mempertahankan daerah kekuasaannya di Tapanuli yang dicaplok Belanda. Dimulai dari penyerangan pos-pos Belanda di Bakal Batu, Tarutung.

Sejak itu penyerangan terhadap pos-pos Belanda lainnya terus berlangsung

 

1878

Batavia

 Commemoration of the first centenary of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences was held on June 1, 1878. (wiki)

 

1879

1879

 

 

Minang King Adhytiawarman Tomb Batoesangkat in 1879

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adhytiawarna Script stone (batoe Basoerek) Batoesangkar in 1879

Prasasi “Kuburan Rajo”The King tomb, WITH SANSEKRIT LANGUAGE MADE IN 1356,may be this the Minangkabau Old script.   

 

 

 

Istana Pagarroejoeng scriptstone Batoesangkar in 1879

At Boekitgombak  about 2 km from Pagaruyung there was the bigger stone with 21 line script  in year 1356

 

The ston script batoe basoerek now

An old small town, 50 km southeast of Bukit Tinggi, it is a centre of the ancient Minangkabau culture. Pagaruyung is the historical site of a Minangkabau kingdom in the 14th century. Nearby is where some archaeological vestiges, such as the Written Stone, the Stabbed Stone and some other relics can be found. Nearby is where some archaeological vestiges, such as the Written Stone, the Stabbed Stone and some other relics can be found.

 

 

 

Pantjar Matahari(Zonnebloemen of Lotus) of Minang King Tom(Koeboeran rajo) Batoesangkar in 1879

Compare with Batu Basurek Batusangkar now below

Adhityawarman name known by the scientist, he ever went to Chinea to times  as the envoy of Majapahit Kingdom , he built Candi Jago  which keep the King Wisnuwardana ash . and the latest candi was the Rocok at soegeilangsek, that time Adhytiawarman in Minangkabau .

 

 

Batu Basurek citadel located at Kubur Rajo village, Lima Kaum Sub distric is 4 km from the Batusangkar.Batu basurek is located at the top of the graves of the king Adityawarman.inscription Batu Basurek any posts were written with it in ancient sanskerta.Batu Basurek is 25 cm wide 80 cm high with a thickness 10 cm and weight of 50 kg.

Batu Basurek has aged 659 year.

This discovery inscription is written in the first
16 December 1880

 by P.H. Van Hengst, Assistant Resident Tanah Datar. Prof. H Kern, an expert from the Netherlands, who he first discussed with the inscription any posts Java Ancient Sanskrit language it.

In the 1917

he is to translate the contents: “Adityawarman strong forward, he Kanakamedinindra authorities or Suwarnadwipa (Sumatra or Golden Land). Adwayawarman father. He Indra family.”

Adityawarman born from the womb Dara Jingga, daughter of the king Darmasraya located at the Batanghari river, Jambi. His father, Adwayawarman earlier, relatives Singosari palace.

Have, in 1292

 China’s Kublai Khan Singosari attack. And his brother Dara Jingga, Dara Petak, bring the army to help Singosari. Unfortunately, Singosari fall, and eventually mastered Jayakatwang.

Then Raden Wijaya Jayakatwang move and rename it into the kingdom of Majapahit. Raden Wijaya married Dara Petak. Dara Jingga make the Adwayawarman. Once married, Dara Jingga invites her husband back to Darmasraya – and Adityawarman was born.

After Majapahit for various services, so the king finally Adityawarman in Darmasraya. He moved the kingdom’s Siguntur (Sawahlunto Sijunjung) to Pagaruyung.

Until now the Pagaruyung still have differences of opinion whether Adityawarman Minangkabau king or king Pagaruyung only.

Because, at that time that the king in The Limo Kaum, Pariangan, Tanah Datar and the other, is Datuk Parpatih Nan Sabatang and Datuk Katamanggungan. “Adityawarman a sumando not more, (the husband of the Minangkabau).

 

Batu Basurek is a stone with inscriptions in the old Palava script of India, bearing the legend of Adityawarman

in the year 1347.

 Literally, “Batu Basurek” itself means “The Written Stone”.

The stone’s 25 cm wide, 80 cm high, and 10 cm thick. Erected above King Adityawarman’s resting place centuries ago, this stone was rediscovered in December 16th, 1880.

The inscription told about Adityawarman’s heritages. Due to his services to Majapahit Kingdom, Adityawarman became a king in Dharmasraya and moved his kingdom from Siguntur Sawahlunto to Pagaruyung

 

 Minang Stone script now

 

Adityawarman   Stone Script

This site is where all the collection of Stone script  during the King Adityawarman ruled. 

 

Many found around Bukit gombak, and written in ancient Java Script, Sanskrit and Ancient Melayu.

 

Those written stones write the praises for the King Adityawarman,  +  4 km from Batusangkar on the way to Pagaruyung. Located in Pagaruyung Village Tanjung Emas Sub-district

 

 

 

Adityawarman Bronze Collections

Top of Form

A close container made of bronze relics allegedly one Adityawarman kingdom, found in archaeological excavations in the Mount Jorong crest, Nagari Baringin, The Limo District, Tanah Datar regency, West Sumatra, the excavation ended on Friday (15/4).

Kompas , Monday, April 18, 2011 –

archaeological excavations to find more remains of the Kingdom of Adityawarman by researchers from Indonesia, Germany, Australia, and Holland will return in March 2012.

“The estimated excavation continued in March 2012.

 The location is still on the Mount Dama ‘(Resin) and Bukit Kincia (windmill), “said Head of Preservation Hall Preservation and Utilization of Archaeological Heritage (BP3) Batusangkar, Budi Istiawan, Sunday (17/4), after the first phase of excavation at Bukit Jorong crest , Nagari Baringin, The Limo District, Tanah Datar regency, West Sumatra. The first phase of excavation took place from March 16 until April 15.

In the interim, continued Budi, a number of findings from the excavation Archaeological excavation project called Tanah Datar 2011 chaired by Prof. Dr. Dominik Bonatz of the Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, it is stored in the BP3 Batusangkar.

Previously, the findings in the form of shards of pottery from China during the Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty, pottery shards, glass beads of various colors, closed container made of bronze, and a handful of stone axes, were first systematically recorded.

The 11 holes are dug with a system of trench (trench) is between 2 x 3 meters to 10 x 10 meters was again covered with a mound of earth after plastic coated. “To be continued if there is excavation and over,” said Budi.

Meanwhile, the two locations that serve as the first stage of excavation, the Bukit Kincia (mills) owned by residents, were asked not to be used first. “Before the land was leased during the excavation, but I’ve done that approach should not be disturbed until the excavations conducted at least once next year,” said Budi.

He added that the Bukit Kincia who is also an ancient tomb was believed to residents around the area to be avoided, so that small communities are likely to be tilled. Previously, Dominik said he and his team also found a number of large pieces of brick, which is supposed to be part structure of an ancient settlement in the excavation area.

“But the pieces have been destroyed. Likely due to agricultural activities undertaken on land above the people, by constantly plowing the land, “said Dominik.

As for the Bukit Dama ‘(amber) is also used as a first stage of excavation, a wholly owned Tanah Datar regency. Budi added, the first stage of excavation that followed also by Prof. Dr. Arlo Griffiths who is an expert on literature, history, and culture of the countries in the Indian subcontinent in the institution École Française d ‘Extreme-Orient representatives of Jakarta, there are repeated findings about the history of reading that need to be updated.

Malayupura

One of the most important, said Budi, is the mention of the name Melayupura, which has been commonly used in archaeological treasures. “But after re-read by Arlo, was a well read as Malayupura,” said Budi, who mentions no less than 25 inscriptions relating to reread Adityawarman in the stretcher.

Another finding is the designation of Lake Singkarak who was already there from the past. “It has been found in inscriptions Paninggahan in Solok. The inscription was first there in the lake, “said Budi.

Regarding follow-up after the first stage of excavation, Budi said, likely will be held a seminar to explain the results obtained the following findings with the present. Budi explains, it still will be further discussed between Dominik and Arlo.

Based on the research, said Budi, a figure which can be equated with Adityawarman Mahapatih Gadjah Mada in building the kingdom of Majapahit, known to be the King of the Malay-based Dharmasraya Watershed (DAS) Batanghari. The region is now included in Regency area Sijunjung, West Sumatra.

According to Budi, Adityawarman who calls himself the Maharaja Sri Kings that ruled between the years 1347-1375, covering the area now called Dharmasraya District, Tanah Datar, until Pasaman, West Sumatra. (INK)

 

 

 

“Ba Luhak Nan Tigo” and “Ba Luhak nan duo” The center of Minangkabu Kingdom

Pusat alam minangkabau yaitu” Ba Luhak nan tigo” consist Tanagdarat,Agam and Limapuluhkoto(fifty koto)” and “ Ba Luhak nan duo” consist Kotopiliang and Bodicaniago.<