KERAMIK KERAJAAN TIONGKOK YANG DITEMUKAN DIINDONESIA (BAGIAN KE 8)

INI CUPLIKAN INFO DARI MUSEUM LELUHUR INDONESIA WANLI

KHUSUS UNTUK KOLEKTOR BONAFIDE SAJA

BILA ANDA INGIN MELIHATNYA HUBUNGGI

iwansuwandy@gmail.com

JANGAN LUPA UPLOAD KOPI KTP DAN ALAMAT SERTA RIWAYAST PEKERJAAN SINGKAT

INFO INI TANPA ILUSTRASI

The Chinese Ancestor History Collections

During Qing Dinasty

Part one

History Collections

Created By

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Limited E-Book In CD-Rom Edition

Special for Senior Collectors And Historian Only

Copyright @ 2014

 

INTRODUCTION

I have found the interesting book about ceramic ,The later Chinese ceramic, many info about ceramic productions inside this book starting from transition ming-qing era,and then qing era.

The informations above will important to add to my e-book before,The Chinese ancestor Batavia history collections, which will be more interesting by the ceramic collectors and historian.

If you want to get the e-book in CD-Rom you can asked via my email iwansuwandy@gmail.com with upload your identiy Card info dan short working info.

The price two million rupiah( 2 juta IRP),this only for Indonesia collections and historian only.

I write in English in order to protect for local Indonesian to repro.

If many of this info still wrong or not clear please forgive me vbecause, I am very old 70 years old,and very difficult to make the perfect history and language ,please your pardon.

I am aks thanks for all people who help me to finished this e-book,and also all the writers and scholar which their info put in this E-book,this only for save our heritage.

This e-book expansive because I have spent more than one millyard Indonesian rupiah to prepare dan get the info and collections, all collections belong to except with the source name including below the collections.

This is the first complete report about Indonesian Tionghoa History Collections completely ,amazing and best colourful illustrations.

Jakarta, December,2014

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 

THIS E-BOOK DEDICATED TO

MY WIFE LILY,

AND SON ALBERT AND ANTON, ALSO THEIR WIFE AND CHILDREN MY LOVING GRANDCHILDRESN,CESSA,CELINE AND ANTONI

I HOPE THIS WILL A REMEMBRANCE TO TIONGHOA NEXT GENERATIONS,AND ME AN CHINESE TIONGHOA,MY GRAD PA CAME FROM FUKIEN CHINA

 

 

 

The Study Of Qing Crmaic Shape

 

 

INTRODUCTIONS

THE  CHINESE ANCESTORS BATAVIA

HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

Chinese Majoor Batavia   Khouw Kim An 3 february 1937

CREATED By

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Copyright @ 2014

 

This Book dedicated to

My Loving GrandGrandpa (Ngkongtjo)

1890

1915

Chua Chay Hiok(Tjoa Tjay Hiok)

 

 

Bukittinggi west Sumatra atfort de Kock 1950

My grandpa Gho Kim Tian

and whole family ,father Djohan Gho, mother Anna Chua Giok Lan, brother Dr Edhie Djohan Gho, sister Elina Widyono and Dr Erlita Gho

Padang citymhuse of Chua Giem Toen,1968

My Grandpa Tjoa Gin Toen

and Grandmother Tan KimSoan with whole Chua family from my mother

 

 

 

 

Also Especially For

My loving wife

Lily Oei ,

My Son and wife

Albert –Alice,

Anton-Grace

my Granddaughters

cesa,celin and

My Grandson Antoni Gho

 

 

 

 

 

My Motto

Learn from the past

To succees now and in the future

In my loving birth homeland

Minangkabau

Alam Takambang Jadi Guru

Means

The Developed Nature So Be Our Teacher

 

 

 

 

 

I always remember The Minang poem

 

Pandan island located far behind

 

Pulau Pandan ja’u ditangah dibaliek

 


the Geese’s island amid the bodies let destroyed to be ash land ,

 

 

Pulau Angso Duo bia badan hanc’u dikandu’ang tanah

 

 

the well favor of conceived will always remember

 

 

budi baik dikanang Juo

 

 

I have Learned much from my ancestor

Gho Kim Tian who came

from Tjiang Tjioe(Changzhou)

Fukien

He came to West Sumatra to trade ,

 

Me ,grandpain and grandma at Chua Gin Toen house padang in 1938

My grandpa Gho Kim Tian

in 1900

reported to my grandgrandpa

Chua Chay Hiok at Payakumbuh West Sumatra

(may be he was a vice consul there),

and worked with him,then he was choosen to be son in Law merried the daughter of Chua Chay Hiok nice Chua Giok Wan, my father Djohan Gho was the elder son,

and

In 1939 Djohan Gho he merried his nice anna Tjoa , the granddaughter of Chua Chay Hiok .

 

 

 

 

 

 

One day after merried

they have taken the Tjia Kiangse or Grandson eating ceremony

 

At My grand pa Chua Gim Toen House at Padang 1939

Lok my grand mother Tan Kim soan center, mygrandpa Gho kim Thian,my grandma Chua Giok wan sitting at left, sitting at right the father in law of my uncle Jan chua ,their named unknown.

At back right my uncle Jan chua Ban Liong and wife Giok Yong,left my mother Anna Chua Giok Lan and myfather Djohan gho

All in memoriam now

 

 

 

 

 

I was at the center with mother Anna Tjoa , elder brother Dr Edhie Gho,and sister Elina Gho ,and Dr Erlita Gho

 

This Pictures was taken by my father Djohan Gho in our house behind the Chinese clan market at Kali Kecil (small River) Padang in 1948

during Indonesian independence War

 

This picture was sent to my grandpa in

 

Labuh Silang(cross road) to Batang Tabik (water resources from the bottom of three)Payakumbuh ,200 km upland from Padang city,

 

Very lucky I found this photo again in 1975

after 37 years keeping in my grandpa Gho Kim Thian desk which given to my father after he was passed away in 1960

 

 

At the front of my father house ,Dean Banteng PRRI Office in 1958, from right   Ny Brother Dr Edhie Gho ‘s friend Tjoe Heng,me Dr Iwan Gho, Tjoen Lim, Dr Lie Oen KIat, Dr Edhie Gho, my sister Dr Erlita gho,Ghan keng san. At front Our SMA Don Bosco teacher Mr Pak suherman.

 

 

 

at my father house Bundo kandung street Padang city west sumatra

 

My Grandpa Chua Gim Toen and grandma Tan Giok Soan during his 60th years old birthday at his house at Alang Lawas street Padang City West Sumatra, in the wall hanging the old pictures of my grandpa Chua Chay Hiok with my grandgrandma which unkown named until now.

 

My father and mother number 6 and 7 from right , no 1 Eddy Chua Keng Bie the son of my elder uncle Jan Chua Ban Liong with his wife Kim Jong . no 2 Drs Merry chan,daughter of Chan Khe Tang ,Keng Bie “s wife , , no 3 ny aunt Lines Chua with her husband Gho Ie Kiong , , no 7 ny aunt wife kim jong of my aucle Jan chua, number 9 my uncle Drs Kwee Eng An AR Abdisa (the husband of my aunt Lies Chua) from Jakarta , no 10 my uncle Fonds Thio Tjoe Tiong with no 11 my aunt Enny Chua later moved and passed away in Jakarta ,no 12 my aunt Poppy Chua also moved to Jakarta and no 13 my uncle Teddy chua Ban Thay ever moved to Jakarta stayed at Telok Naga.

All now were passed away except my aunt Line Chua , 82 years old nowstill in Padang city.

This photos was given by my aunt Julie Chua ,she also moved to Jakarta fist stay at Kecayoran baru,then Tomang Jakarta,and now at metro estate near Sukarno Hatta International Airport, who also still exist now in 88 years old now and this dedicated to my whole family and also the family who still exist in Penang City like Kam Djoe Siang, the family of Chua Ban Hoat the son of my grandpa bother Chua Gim Goe, chua Ban Huat also moved to Jakarta and stayed at Kebon Jeruk ,west Jakarta City.

All ny family moved to Jakarta, I movd from 1989 to Jakarta and stayed at Kelapa Gading,North Jakarta city until now.

One of my family in Penang related with Chua Gim Goe,was the Penang Chief Of Police around 1975-1980. But until this day canot traced information about him

one of my aunt from the sister of my grandpa Chua Gim Toen, Chia Giok Tee.her Husband Kang

Kang Kim Lian brother sister Picture in 1938

Kang Kim Bwee ( no1 ) .Kang Kim lian(no 2).

Kang Kim Hua ( No. 3 ) ,Tjabo Kang (no 4)and Kang sim poe (no4), the youngest (no 6) I donn’t his name

 

Ny aunt Kang Kim Lian had merried with Gho Sun Hien ,

 

the son of Kapitan Cina Padang, Gho Goan Te.

One of his brother Gho(Goh) Soen Tioe was the best Violinist in Singapore he lived at Gho Soen Hien and my aunt Kang Kim lian house at Singapore during joung boy,where he heard the servant played violin and he starting leaned violin until abroad.

Later he open the violin school in Singapore,and Soen Gie daughter vivien Goh also the best violinist in Singapore.

 

My wife family also move to Jakarta after they staudy in Java,work at Jakarta,like Oei Hoat Tjay( Ir Aswin Wijaya),the youngest brother of my wife lily,stayed at Kelapa gading north Jakarta since 1983.Aswin Manjani(phoa Tek Gie),the eldest son of Phoa Yan Sam stayed at menteng,central Jakarta,and his brother Phoa Tek In ,stayed at and his younest brother phoa tek Gie also stayed at Jakarta. My wife aunt with her husband Lie Oen sam also move to Jakarta in 1970 stayed at batutulis central Jakarta,Many young generations of My wife family also stayed at Jakarta.

with this book I hope my family in Indonesia,Penang and Sngapore will hear about us and we can meet again ass family

TJOA(Chua ),GHO(Goh),Tjan,Oei,Lie ,Phoa etc

 

Introduction

It was not until the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century, however, that

large numbers of immigrants from other groups like Fukien, Teochew, Hakka, and Cantonese from the southern provinces began arriving in the archipelago, especially at the ports in Java. And Sumatra

 

The motivating force behind immigration appears to have been adversity at home, political oppression under the Manchurian Qing Dynasty, and economic hardships following

 

 

 

 

The Opium Wars (Kong 1987:453–454, Jones 1996:11),

Boxer Uprising was a proto-nationalist movement by the “Righteous Harmony Society”

Qing Government ignored or even enciouraged Boxer rebels, at the same time Qing Dynasty supported

 

 

Western Forces

 

to crush the revolt

 

Though the lifting of official immigration bans and more sea passages to Southeast Asia also played a role

(Purcell 1965, Oetomo 1987).

 

As reported by Ji (2008), according to the Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission of

the Republic of China (Taiwan),

Early Tionghoa

 

 

According to the  Volkstelling (sensus) DEI 1930 , Tionghoa 1.233.000 (2,03%)

 

there are

2.505.000 (2,5%) in 1961

Only 1% of Indonesian population were Tionghoa in 2000

 

7,566,000 Tionghoa in Indonesia. About 4%-5% ffrom Indonesian population

 

 

 

Indonesia People number four in the world,

in june 2013

242.968.342 people

 

No one china 1.330.141.225 peoples

 

and two India more than one million people,

number three USA below one million people

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

TABEL 1. SEBARAN ETNIS TIONGHOA WNI DI 11 PROVINSI 2000 No

Provinsi

Jumlah Etnis Tionghoa

Jumlah Warga Negara Indonesia

Etnis Tionghoa

Distribusi

Konsentrasi

1

Jakarta

460.002

8.324.707

26,45

5,53

2

Kalimantan Barat

352.937

3.732.419

20,30

9,46

3

Jawa Timur

190.968

34.756.400

10,98

0,55

4

Riau

176.853

4.750.068

10,17

3,72

5

Jawa Tengah

165.531

30.917.006

9,52

0,54

6

Jawa Barat

163.255

35.668.374

9,39

0,46

7

Bangka-Belitung

103.736

898.889

5,97

11,54

8

Banten

90.053

8.079.938

5,18

1,11

9

Sumatera Barat

15.029

4.241.256

0,86

0,35

10

Bali

10.630

3.145.368

0,61

0,34

11

Yogyakarta

9.942

3.119.397

0,57

0,32

Total

1.738.936

137.633.822

100

                       

 

 

 

This constitutes the largest concentration of Chinese in any country,

outside of the PRC and Taiwan.

The total number of Chinese is

“hard to estimate but must be higher than four million” (Adelaar 1996:698).

 

Prof Leo Suryadinata (2004:vii)

thinks that the figure should be

placed at around only three million, or approximately 1.5 percent of the population of

Indonesia. He gives three reasons (a) many Chinese have left Indonesia (b) the growth

rate of the ethnic Chinese is lower than that of other ethnic groups and (c) many Chinese

refuse to identify themselves with an ethnic Chinese group.

 

Aspect Peranakan

 

 

Culture.

 

Contains elements from the local

Indonesian culture.

 

Contains more elements of

Chinese culture.

 

Language. Do not speak any regional

Chinese dialect.

 

Speak Hokkien, Teochew,

Hakka, Cantonese, etc.

 

Table

manners.

 

Do not use chopsticks but eat

from a plate using spoon and

fork

 

 

or just the hand.

 

 

 

Use chopsticks and eat from a

bowl;

eat rice porridge (bubur)

for breakfast.

 

 

Food.

ombination of local food (characterized by the use of a lot

of coconut milk and indigenous spices, such as turmeric) and food recognized to be of Chinese origin but with a local flavor.

 

Use traditional spices, such as

 

the Chinese ‘five flavors’

(known by the Hokkien name ngó∙-hiong );

 

vegetables are stir-fried, e.g.

 

Chinese cabbage and/or bean sprouts mixed with tofu or soyabean cake.

 

 

 

 

Way of dressing.

 

Dress in a fancier manner.

 

Dress in a simple manner and

only in certain colors.

 

Life attitude.

 

Tend to be more leisure-oriented and extravagant,

 

more classoriented.

Tend to be

 

more hard-working,

 

more frugal,

 

more egalitarian.

 

Business attitude.

 

Tend to be reluctant in taking risks in business.

 

 

Tend to be more willing to take risks in business.

 

Traditional religion.

 

Most of them no longer Worskship in Chinese temple

and are ignorant about Chinese religion;

 

 

especially upper class Peranakan

 

are characterized by westernization,

 

including conversion to Christianity.

 

Still keep an altar in their home and

 

practice ancestor

 

and deities worship

 

still worship in traditional Chinese temple.

 

 

 

 

 

 

New-born celebration.

 

Peranakan usually place

 

the placenta (afterbirth) of a newborn baby

 

in an earthenware urn and throw it into the sea.

 

 

Celebrate the birth of a baby boy

 

by sending out

 

reddyed boiled duck eggs to neighbors and acquaintances.

 

Dr Iwan note

My son also have

 

one month birth ceremony named turun mandi

 

,the hair first cutting ,

 

 

 

 

 

eating small banana

And

 

Reddished boiled egg with

 

 

chicken and yellow kunyit rice send to familyonly

 

Wedding and funeral.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tan gwat bing djogja

 

 

Before the WW II

 

 

Or

 

 

 

Peranakan tend to simplify the traditional Chinese wedding

ritual or abolish it altogether;

 

 

1974

 

 

 

 

Used Chinese traditionall

 

wedding bed

 

 

Named

 

 

kimo

 

with

 

 

Bead

 

 

 

 

embroidery

 

 

 

assesoris

 

this is also the case in funerals.

 

 

 

Many Totok couples still perform the traditional Chinese

wedding ritual and give offerings to the dead at the graveyard.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Cina Betawi Culiner

 

 

kecap (ke-ciap) Benteng (Tangerang)

memang sudah bekend en tersohor sejak zaman doeloe.

 

Manisan tangkue (tang-koa atau tang-koe) ‘beligo’ atau ‘kundur’

memang enak buat dinikmati sembari minum teh.

Mi (mi),

 

 

bihun (bi-hun),

 

tahu (tau-hu),

 

toge (tau-ge),

 

tauco (tau-cioun),

 

kucai (ku-chai),

 

 

 

lokio (lou-kio),

 

 

 

juhi (jiu-hi),

 

ebi (he-bi),

 

dan tepung hunkwee

 

 

 

(hun-koe)

 

 

 

 

tak terpisahkan lagi dengan culinary Betawi.

 

 

Selain itu

 

 

kue mangkok (hoat-koe),

 

kue ku (ang-ku-koe)

 

kue sengkulun (sang-ko-lun)

telah menjadi kue-kue khas Betawi.

 

Selain Semarang, ternyata Jakarta juga punya penganan yang namanya

 

lumpia (lun-pian) yang tak kalah sedapnya.

 

 

 

 

Di kota padang isinya bengkuang dinamakan

 

Popia

 

 

Sudah pernah mencoba makan ngohiang (ngou-hiang) alias gohiong?

 

Lantas siapa yang tida kenal ikan cuwe (choe)

 

dan nasi tim (tim)?

 

 

Pengaruh budaya Tionghoa terasa pula

dalam

 

pernikahan tradisi Betawi.

 

Petasan (mercon, kata orang Jawa) salah satu contohnya.

 

Di beberapa daerah, suatu pernikahan gaya Betawi takkan lengkap kiranya tanpa

 

bunyi petasan renceng

yang memekakkan telinga saat menyambut penganten laki-laki.

 

 

 

 


Dalam rombongan ngarak penganten di unit kedua ada barisan remaja pesilat berseragam membawa

 

senjata khas Tionghoa berupa tongkat panjang yang disebut toya.
Pengaruh lain ialah dalam pakaian penganten perempuan Betawi

yang disebut putri Cina.

 

Pada Festival Pecinan I

 

di tahun lalu telah kita lihat peragaan

 

upacara perkawinan tradisi Tionghoa peranakan di Tangerang.

 

Bisa kita amati persamaan dan perbedaan antara pakaian penganten perempuan Tionghoa dengan pakaian penganten Betawi yang tentu sudah sering diperagakan

.

 

Pakaian penganten perempuan Betawi yang disebut Putri Cina pada dasarnya sama saja dengan pakaian penganten perempuan tradisi Tionghoa peranakan.
Baju penganten Putri Cina itu terdiri dari:

 

 

serangkaian Kembang Goyang

 

dengan Burung Hong serta

penutup wajah penganten perempuan yang disebut

 

Siangko (pat-sian khou),

 

baju penganten berpotongan Mancu yang mempunyai bukaan di kanan,

 

yang disebut baju Toaki (toa-ki), dan bawahan berupa rok lipit yang disebut Kun (kun). Di bagian bahu dan dadanya penganten perempuan memakai

 

aksesori yang disebut Terate (in-kian).
Sama seperti orang Tionghoa, orang Betawi pun kalau kondangan lazim memberikan

 

angpau atau ampau,

 

selain barang-barang lain, kepada tuan atau nyonya rumah. Ampau (ang-pau) ialah bingkisan uang yang dimasukkan ke dalam amplop khusus bergaris merah.

 

 

Dalam pertemuan-pertemuan kaum Betawi,

para lelaki biasanya mengenakan

 

baju tikim (tui-khim)—

 

ada yang menyebutnya baju koko dan sadariah—dengan padanan

 

celana batik

dan selendang yang dikalungkan di dada.

 

Celana pangsi (phang-si) berwarna hitam kebanyakan dipakai oleh jago-jago/jawara-jawara.

 

Ibu-ibu sering menggendong anak yang masih kecil dengan

cukin (chiu-kin).

 

 

 

 

 

Untuk ikat pinggang dipakai

 

 

angkin (ang-kin).

 

Saputanggan

 

Anak-anak kecil doeloe suka mengenakan

 

oto (io-tou) supaya tida mudah masuk angin.
Kalau kondangan banyak kaum perempuan yang memakai Kebaya Encim.

 

Kebaya ini merupakan pengaruh tida langsung orang Tionghoa peranakan terhadap orang Betawi.

Walau kebaya ini asalnya dari orang Indo, tapi kemudian dimodifikasi dan diadaptasi oleh kaum perempuan Tionghoa peranakan. Jika kebaya Indo hanya berwarna putih, maka kebaya perempuan Tionghoa peranakan kemudian tida lagi berwarna putih, dan lalu diberi sulaman (bordir) benang berwarna-warni.

 

Bermacam motif dekoratif disulamkan di sini.

 

Mulai dari

 

aneka flora,

 

Udang (shrimp),

 

 

 

 

 

 

kupu-kupu(butterflies),

 

 

 

 

 

 

burung (birth)dan

 

Manusia(human)

 

 

bahkan sampai ke . . . raket tenis!

 

Ujung kebaya yang pada kebaya Indo rata dibuat menjadi sonday (meruncing). Ujung sonday inilah yang lantas menjadi ciri khas Kebaya Nyonya peranakan. Kebaya yang kini disebut Kebaya Encim ini selanjutnya diadaptasi oleh kaum perempuan Betawi.
Dalam bidang seni musik kontribusi orang Tionghoa, dalam hal ini orang Tionghoa peranakan, yang tida kalah penting adalah musik khas Jakarta yang disebut gambang kromong. Jenis musik ini memang musik pembauran alias campuran, seperti dikatakan sendiri oleh Kwee Kek Beng, seorang wartawan senior, ”Maoe dikata Tionghoa terlaloe Indonesia, maoe dikata Indonesia terlaloe Tionghoa.”

Gambang kromong

pada mulanya membawakan

 

lagu-lagu instrumentalia dari daerah Hokkian selatan (lagu pobin)

dengan iringan gambang, kromong,

 

Gambang Kromong

Gambang kromong (atau ditulis gambang keromong)adalah sejenis orkesyangmemadukan gamelandengan alat-alat musikTionghoa, seperti sukong, tehyan, dan kongahyan. Sebutan gambang kromong diambildari nama dua buah alat perkusi, yaitu gambangdan kromong. Awal mulaterbentuknya orkes gambang kromong tidak lepasdari seorang pemimpin komunitas Tionghoayangdiangkat Belanda (kapitan Cina) bernama Nie HoeKong(masa jabatan 1736-1740).

Bilahan gambangyang berjumlah 18 buah, biasaterbuat dari kayu suangking, hurubatu, manggarawan atau kayu jenis lain yang empukbunyinya bila dipukul. Kromongbiasanya dibuatdari perungguatau besi, berjumlah 10 buah(sepuluh pencon). Tangga nadayang digunakan dalamgambang kromong adalah tangga nadapentatonikCina, yang sering disebut salendroCina atau salendro mandalungan. Instrumenpadagambang kromong terdiriatas gambang, kromong, gong, gendang, suling, kecrek, dan sukong, tehyan, atau kongahyansebagaipembawa melodi.

 

Lagu-lagu yang dibawakan pada musikgambangkromong adalah lagu-lagu yang isinya bersifat humor, penuh gembira, dan kadangkala bersifatejekan atausindiran. Pembawaan lagunya dinyanyikan secara bergilir antara laki-lakidan perempuansebagailawannya.

Gambang kromong merupakan musik Betawiyangpaling merata penyebarannya di wilayahbudaya Betawi, baik di wilayah DKI Jakartasendirimaupun di daerah sekitarnya (Jabotabek).

Dewasa ini juga terdapat istilah “gambang kromongkombinasi”. Gambang kromong kombinasi adalahorkes gambang kromong yang alat-alatnya ditambahatau dikombinasikan dengan alat-alat musik Baratmodern seperti gitarmelodis, bas, gitar, organ, saksofon, drumdan sebagainya, yangmengakibatkan terjadinya perubahan dari laraspentatonikmenjadi diatoniktanpa terasamengganggu.

 

 

ningning, kecrek, kendang, goong, suling, dan beberapa instrumen gesek Tionghoa.

 

Instrumen gesek itu terdiri dari:

 

sukong (su-kong) yang besar dan bernada rendah,

 

tehyan (the-hian) yang sedang, dan kongahyan (kong-a-hian) yang paling kecil dan bernada tinggi.
Lagu pobin

merupakan lagu terawal gambang kromong, biasanya dimainkan sebagai pembukaan suatu pertunjukan musik gambang kromong.

 

Judulnya masih dalam dialek Hokkian selatan. Judul lagu pobin yang masih dapat sering diperdengarkan antara lain:

 

Khong Ji Liok (‘Kosong Dua Enam’)

 

 

dan Peh Pan Thau (‘Delapan Ketukan’).

 

Laras (surupan) gambang kromong

 

adalah laras salendro yang juga khas Tionghoa, disebut Salendro Cina. Para pemain (panjak) gambang kromong bisa dari etnik Tionghoa peranakan, bisa dari etnik Betawi, atau campuran antara keduanya.
Selain memainkan lagu-lagu pobin, gambang kromong juga mengiringi lagu-lagu yang dinyanyikan

wayang cokek.

 

Wayang adalah ‘anak wayang’ (aktor atau aktris), sedangkan cokek dari kata chioun-khek

yang artinya ‘menyanyi’ (to sing a song).

 

 

Wayang cokek menyanyi sambil menari (ngibing) bersama pasangan laki-laki. Selendang untuk menari bersama wayang cokek disebut

 

 

cukin (chiu-kin) atau soder.
Mengenai istilah kekerabatan orang Betawi menyebut kakeknya

 

ngkong (ng-kong),

 

 

 

ibunya enya’ (ng-nia) , ini enya’ si Dul,

 

paman dan

 

bibinya encing (ng-cim).

Dari ketiga istilah kekerabatan ini ngkong-lah yang paling jelas dipinjam dari istilah kekerabatan Hokkian selatan.
Demikianlah bahasan singkat saya tentang berbagai pengaruh budaya Tionghoa dalam budaya Betawi yang berhasil saya telusuri. Pengaruh yang sebenarnya juga berlaku timbal balik antara kedua etnik tersebut. Pengaruh yang mencerminkan kebhinnekaan yang sesungguhnya dalam budaya bangsa kita ini.

 

 

 

 

Tionghoa Arsitecture

 

The part of old historical House was demaged like the Karawaci landman heritage

Chinese Kapitan Oei Djie San

di Kota Tangerang, the city during colonial era very famous as

the Native Hat City

Mayor Khow Khim An’s house

 

 

Which became   Candranaya building now

During colonial era was named Sin Ming Hui

At Gajah Mada street (Jakarta),

and old house

at Blandongan

 

 

 

near Toko Tiga shop

Until Souw ‘s family house

Yhe first Kapiten Tionghoa Batavia Souw Beng Kong at Perniagaan(trading) street ,

all at west Jakarta City.

This old house is the former home Souw merchant family, one of the members of this family are famous brothers Tjong and

Souw Souw Siauw Siauw Keng.

 

Their great-grandfather was

Lieutenant der Chineezen Souw Kong Seng

(1766-1821)
and their father was

Lieutenant der Chineezen Souw Thian Pie,

reputedly the Dutch colonial era to regulate citizens descent, and was appointed Captain of China by the Dutch,
and Captain China first raised by the Dutch is Souw Beng Kong. Sow served Captain Beng Kong China yr 1620-1636 and 1639-1644,
and

 

 

 

 

SouwBeng Kong is one of his Captain China that we still can see

his grave

in Jayakarta Street –

Gg. Souw Beng Kong.

Until now the family home Souw

still maintained although the authenticity of the house have less funds for maintenance.
  Souw family home has been used as one of the cultural heritage that must be protected

The Batavia legendary oei Tambah Sia House

The story of The Playboy of Batavia Tambahsia Oey

 

Entering the Glodok area after passing Jewel Three’s Shop Street located .

We do not know so named . But no mention was originally a street with three stores .

The Chinese call it Sha Keng Tho Kho . Formerly in Glodok Three Way Store , there are a number of tobacco shops , which can still be encountered in an amount not much .

 

The first half of the 19th century ,

precisely in 1830’an ,

in the shop there is a three biggest tobacco store in Batavia .

The owner is Oey Thay , who came from Pekalongan . At that time very profitable tobacco trade . Understandably in Batavia most residents eat betel leaves . Until the houses are places betel and spittoons ( cans ) to throw spit betel .
Oey thay are very well known and respected community . He has four children , one woman who later married the daughter of the regent of Pekalongan .

Because of its proximity to the Major der Chinezen , he was appointed as

Lieutnan der Chinezen Oey Thay

 

for Kali Besar area .

KERAMIK KERAJAAN TIONGKOK YANG DITEMUKAN DI INDONESIA(BAGIAN KE 7)

INI CUPLIKAN INFO DARI MUSEUM LELUHUR INDONESIA WANLI , KHUSUS UNTUK KOLEKTOR BONAFIDE BUKAN UNTUK PEDAGANG.

BILA ANDA MAU LIHAT SILAHKAN MENGHUBUNGI

iwanuwandy@gmail.com

The Ming Ceramic History Collections

Part One

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy<MHA

Limited E-Book In Cd-Rom Edition

Special For Senior Collectors

Copyright @ 20`15

 

 

 

INTRODUCTION

Pada tahun 2013 saya berkunjung ke Malaka,Negeri Sembilan dan Kualalumpur untuk bertemu dengan teman dari Penang untuk membuat kerjasama membangun museum Zheng He di Penang.sampai july tahun 2014 saya menunggu kedatangannya di Indonesia untuk menanda tangani Kerjasama ,

 

untuk itu saya sudah mempersiapkan sebuah CD_rom berisi The Ming Zheng He Ceramic History Collections, karena teman dari Penang

Tak mau datang ke Indonesia,dan ia tidak mau menanggung biaya untuk membawa koleksi saya ke Penang,ia hanya meminta pecahan keramik ming yang tidak ada harganya

 

dan kertika saya menayakan apa keuntungan yang akan saya peroleh ia menjawab Cultural Benefit no $$$$$$.

Saya menghentikan rencana tersebut

 

 

dan kemudian berusahaka kerjasama dengan margo Wu untuk membangun museum yang sama dengan nama Museum Leluhur Margo Wu(the Hung Wu King our ancestors) dan ternyata ia melangar janji ,

 

waktu yang sudah dipersiapkan ternyata minta diundur dan saya taidak memiliki waktu lagi karena akan ke Taiwan Teipeh untuk melihat museum keramik Imperial Tiongkok disana.

Baru saja saya melihat dua artikel yang sangat bagus terkait dengan

museum yang sudah saya bangun di Jakarta,yaitu ceramic ming by Mr Koh dan Ming Ceramic by Geogrey Wade

saya harap teman saya pemilik zheng he museum penang dan letua margo Wu Indonesia di Jakarta akan senang melihat perkembangan museum saya ini,

Bila anda ingin melihat museum sebaiknya membeli CD-Rom saya Ceramic Motif seharga lima ratus ribu rupiah dan membayar satu juta untuk melihat dan belajar di museum Saya di Jakarta,untuk itu silahkan menghubungi saya liwat email

iewansuwandy@gmail dengan mengupload kopi KTP dan alamat lengkap agar bila CD dikrim sampai dengan selamat di rumah anda.

Saya harap CD-Rom ini akan berguna bagi para kolektor di Indonesia untuk belajar motif dan tipe keramik ming yang asli dan langka sebagai pedoman dalam membangun koleksinya.

Jakarta Oktober 2015

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

 

 

 

 

2010

SELAMAT DATANG DI PINTU MASUK HOMEOFFICE

SILAHKAN MELIHAT TAMAN TANAMAN HIAS HOME OFFICE

ANDA MEMASUKI RUANG TAMU
 DAN RUANG RAPAT.

SILAHKAN MELIHAT RUANGAN KANTOR ELEKTRONIK INTRENET KOMPUTERISASI HOME OFFICE

RUANGAN PERPUSTAKAAN


KAMAR REST ROOM

SELANJUTNYA AND DIPERSILAHKAN MELIHAT MUSEUM MINI KOLEKSI Dr IWAN S PRIBADI, MULAI TANGGA MASUK YANG ARTISTIK DENGAN PELINDUNG CHILLIN DAN KERAMIK CHILLIN DINASTI MING

 

KOLEKSI MUSEUM MINI PERTAMA ADALAH PATUNG ETHNIS INDONESIA

LEMARI

 

Tahun 2014 sampai 2015 saya memperoleh banyak koleksi baru yang mutunya lumayan sehingga isi lemari nerubah silhkan dilihat dihalaman berikut ini

 

 

Selesai Hak Cipta @Dr Iwa

 

 

2011


The Introduction From The Founder of Driwancybermuseum Web Blog

Posted on June 12, 2011 | 6 comments

MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA DR IWAN S.

Dr IWAN ‘S CYBERMUSEUM

THE FIRST INDONESIAN CYBERMUSEUM

MUSEUM DUNIA MAYA PERTAMA DI INDONESIA

DALAM PROSES UNTUK MENDAPATKAN SERTIFIKAT MURI

PENDIRI DAN PENEMU IDE

 

THE FOUNDER

Dr IWAN SUWANDY, MHA

WELCOME TO THE MAIN HALL OF FREEDOM

SELAMAT DATANG DI GEDUNG UTAMA “MERDEKA

The Driwan’s  Cybermuseum

(Museum Duniamaya Dr Iwan)

Driwancybermuseum Blog A.Driwancybermuseum homeoffice openhouse

Cybermuseum open house”

Qillin decoration

Postal History and Document History collections in antique cupboard

Library

Meeting room

working room

dragon boat mini musuem

Ceramic Collection

Ceramic Collections 2

VOC ship gauda tile

VOC delf Tile

Ngoc San Hanoi tile

Ancient Wayang Petruk

Ancient wayang Semar

Photography by my son

Albert Suwandy ST.Geo

 

 

The Study Of Ming Ceramic Shape

Dr Iwan

 

 

have two cup ,

 

two vase with dragon motif like ceramic bove but without imperial mark

Breast kendi with wuchai ming

Ming wanly cover box,cover restored.

Beberapa koleksi keramik Ming milik Dr Iwan dapat dilihat pada halaman berikut.

 

Early ming dragon-phoenix vase

Jade with carving siluman babi dan iluman monyet bersama bksuni,legenda mencari kitab Buddha ke Tbet

THE STUDY OF MING CERAMIC MARK

Source

Thank Mr Gao Hei for your excellent information, I hope you give me permission to upload this info due to many repro exist now in Indonesia, I only give this inmfo to my son and my best fru=iend.

Withnthis study, I only have three pieces original ming imperil mark ceramic, one base of blue and white coverbox,the cover not yet found, one sheard of bigger cup with drgon five clawan motif but the mark not clear, and one plate with mrk t the lips ony small part but complete Hsuante mark, orther are Qing copy mung with wan li,chenghua and hsuante mark, may be one day I will found

This rare ceramic.

(Dr Iwan)

 

 

Overview of Folk Kiln (Minyao) Ming Blue and White

 

Early Ming Period [Hungwu (洪武) to Tianshun (), 1368 To 1464 ]

During the  early Ming period, the court imposed a relatively high degree of  control on  political and cultural development.   For e.g.. during the reign of Hongwu, a decree was issued in the year 1371 which forbid certain subjects such as previous emperors, queens, sages or saints, dragon, phoenix, lion and chilin on porcelains.  Another instance was the  decree  issued in the year 1447 by emperor Zhengtong () which prohibited the production of colour glaze such as yellow, purple, red or blue glazes including those with under glazed blue design.

Such restrictions significantly impacted the type of decorations found on folk kiln blue and white wares.  Only a relatively limited range of motifs were available.  Usually the motifs are highly stylised and simplified and executed in calligraphic style.  It was dictated by economic considerations as such mode of production facilitated quick execution  and increased production volume. The calligraphic  lines of the motif  is spontaneous and highly rhythmic.  This carefree style without depiction of details has a charm and character of its own.

Recent scientific tests seem to indicate that Yuan blue and white used solely imported cobalt.  During the reign of Hongwu, he issued decrees prohibiting foreign contact and trade.  Hence, the source of imported cobalt would have been cut off.  It is likely that remaining imported cobalt during the period were used for imperial blue and white.  Hence, very few, if any, folk kiln blue and white had been produced during Hongwu or even Yongle () period.  This is not far-fetched.   For those Hongwu imperial blue and white, we can still see stylistic continuity from the Yuan period.  However, for motifs on folk kiln blue and white attributed to Hongwu, they generally lack stylistic similarity to those from Yuan period.  This logically should not be the case in the evolvement of artistic styles.  Another issue which need to be explored is when the potters started using local cobalt if only imported cobalt was used during the Yuan period.  For more discussion, please read : Early Ming Folk kiln blue and white revisit.

During the early Ming period, the typical motifs depicted included:  interlacing floral scroll with Sanskrit character , rolling clouds, 3 friends of  winter (represented by pine, plum and bamboo), ornamental balls with silk knots, characters fu ()  (fortune) and shou (寿) (longevity), rolling clouds with human figures which resemble dreamland and hermit in countryside setting.   The influence of Tibetan Buddhism is shown in elements such as Sanskrit/Tibetan characters and Buddhist 8 precious objects (conch shell, wheel, umbrella, canopy, lotus, vase, fish, endless knot).

 

 

Interlacing floral scrolls with Sanskrit characters. It shows  typical calligraphic style of execution of the motif

 

Cloud motif

rolling clouds with human figures

Majority of the wares produced during the Early Ming period were functional in nature, such as bowl, plate, covered jar and incense burner.  Vases only constituted a small quantity of the production.

In 1964, Wang Zhimin (王志敏) of Nanjing museum pioneered a project on identification of early Ming blue and white.   He collected tens of thousands ceramic shards from the Yudai  river where the old Nanjing palace was located.  Based on stylistic comparison, he was able to form some meaningful deductions on characteristics associated with each dynastic Ming period.  With the guidelines formulated, one could more confidently separate  Xuande (宣德) or earlier  blue and white from those dated to the Interregnum period [Zhengtong (), Jingtai (景泰) and Tianshun (), with a duration of 29 years spanning 1436 to 1465].

To a  significant extent, his findings was a big step forward for the study of Ming folk kilns blue and white.  But there is still the difficulty in determining the end-date for a particular style of motif.   It is not unjustifiable to assume  a transitional phase during which an old style and an emerging new style co-existed.  The old style will ultimately be abandoned but there is still difficulty in determining the end point of a particular style.

Two examples illustrate this problem.  The calligraphic chilin and lion plates are known to have been produced during the Xuande/Interregnum period.  A small quantity of Chinese ceramics including some dishes with the chilin motif, were salvaged from the Pandanan shipwreck in Philippines and dated to the Interregnum period.  However, the Lena shoal junk  (found near the Lena Shoal of Busuanga Island in the Philippines in 1997) with its well preserved cargo of typical Hongzhi blue and white wares, sprung up a few surprises.  There were a number of chilin plates and some bowls with abstract cloud and floral motifs executed in calligraphic style usually attributed to Early Ming  Interregnum period.

The second case concerned a Guangdong Dongguan  family graveyard of Zhong Songxue.   The earliest burial was in second year of Zhengde .  Five jars with typical Hongzhi style scholar in garden setting were found.  in the adjacent  burial site of one of Zhong Songxue’s son, two big late Zhengde/early Jiajing jars, one with floral and the other with fish motif were recovered.  Also found together was a lion plate and a bowl executed in interregnum period calligraphic style.  Based on the Dongguan chronicle,  one of Zhong Songxue’s sons died in the 7th year of Jiajing.

 

   

Similar Qilin plate found in Lena and Pandanan wreck.  This one is most probably dated to Hongzhi period.  Those from the Interregnum period are better drawn especially the cloud’

Plate with lion motif are mostly from the Chenghua/Hongzhi period.  Some were found after Hongzhi period but the drawing appears more sketchy and poorly drawn.

During the interregnum period  there were numerous laws restricting or banning production of blue and white wares.   Coupled with a declining tribute system of trade and ban on illegal private trade, the amount of porcelain that reached the overseas market would have been small.  This appears to have been the case based on shipwrecks findings.  So far, shipwrecks, such as  Pandanan and the Royal Nanhai wreck in South China sea, which are dated to Interregnum period carried only small quantity of Chinese ceramics.  However by the Hongzhi period, a thriving illegal private trade has developed.  The Hongzhi period Lina cargo is clear reflection of the situation.  It carried a  relatively large quantity of good quality blue and white wares.   Another contributing factor which prompted this development was the situation during the Hongzhi period.  During the reign of Chenghua, the imperial kiln produced large quantity of porcelains as can be seen from the excavations in Jingdezhen.  When Hongzhi took over, he recognised that it was a big drain on the state finance.  He ordered imperial porcelain production to be drastically reduced.  As a result, the redundant potters would have to find other means to support their livelihood.  They turned to production of wares to meet oversea demand.

A significant volume of blue and white excavated in Southeast Asia were usually attributed to the  interregnum period.  The political situation in China highlighted above suggested that the dating could be wrong. They may have been produced later,  most probably during the Chenghua to Hongzhi period instead.

Almost all the known folk kiln sites in Jingdezhen region were badly disturbed and destroyed.  Hence, scientific excavation is almost impossible.   Currently, a good source for dating is artefacts recovered from datable tombs.  Regrettably, the information is limited and not widely circulated.  Such excavation information together with those from shipwrecks will enable more detailed studies and accurate dating.  We will also be able to ascertain how a particular motif evolved over time and the duration which a particular style of the motif persisted.  Hopefully, we can also better identify the minor stylistic changes associated with a style as they evolved over time. It is a worthwhile project but it would require patience and co-operation from different sources to build up a comprehensive database.

 

Mid Ming Period (Chenghua (成化) to Zhengde (正德), 1465 to 1521)

By the Mid Ming period ,  production and demands for porcelain increased considerably due to demand from illegal private trade.   Officially the tribute system of foreign trade implemented since Hongwu period only came to an end in 1567 (Jiajing) with the opening of Yuegang (月港)  in Fujian for legal foreign trade.   The tribute system of trade reached its peak during the Yongle/Xuande period epitomised by  Admiral Zhenghe’s trips on large fleet of treasure ships which reached as far as East coast of Africa.  Subsequently, the tribute system could not be implemented effectively after the decline of the power of the empire.  Some contributing factors included internal problem such as the capture of Zhengtong () emperor by the Mongols and official corruption.   To meet overseas demand, illegal foreign trade became increasingly more prevalent.  By the Chenghua period, the 3 coastal province of  Zhejiang, Fujian and Guongdong had flourishing private trade.    Such illicit arrangement involved powerful rich families and facilitated by tacit assistance of  corrupt provincial officials.

The pigmented-wash method of decoration which was experimented most probably during the Tianshun period gained greater popularity and used on bulk of the blue and white wares from late Chenghua onward.  The wash was applied over some part of the drawn motif such as the flower or dress of human figure. Generally you can distinguish two tonal blue in the wash area   Most actually utilised a combination of calligraphic and pigmented-wash method to execute the motif.   Those that utilised fully calligraphic style or with motif completely cover with pigment wash constitute a smaller portion of the production.

 

   

The above ink grinder is dated to 9th year of Hongzhi period.  The flower is completed using the pigmented wash while the leaves still used the typical calligraphic strokes

 

   

Hongzhi warmer bowl

Example showing  motif completely covered with wash of blue

The Lena cargo is a very interesting and important find.   The varied styles of motif indicated that Hongzhi is a watershed period.  The majority can be positively identified with the Chenghua/Hongzhi period.  There is a small number with typical interregnum calligraphic style.  It indicated the dying interest in the style. Lastly, there was a small number such as the floral scrolls with Buddhist precious objects and lingzhi fungus scrolls, which shows emerging elements  typical of Jiajing period.

During the Zhengde period, some blue and white porcelains with Islamic influence such as Arabic scripts were produced.  Some speculated that it was because emperor Zhengde was converted to Muslim faith.  However, the more probable  reason could be the influence of the powerful eunuchs , many of whom were Muslims.

Ming Hongzhi period also witnessed a change in the design composition.   Many bowls and plates have  more densely and fully decorated inner wall.  This is a rather unique phase as those before and after this period generally  have plain or more sparsely decorated inner wall.  The exception was the kraak style motifs of Wanli/Chongzhen period.

 

   

More densely decorated interior of bowls and plates

Mark  such as “Fu ()” , “Da Ming Nianzao (大明年造)”, “Tian ()” and “Tai ping (太平)” , on the outer base also appeared in wares during Chenghua/Hongzhi  period.

Bowl with fu mark on outer base

 

Late Ming Period (Jiajing (嘉靖) to Chongzhen (), 1522 to 1644)

Jiajing period heralded the implementation of the Guan da min shao (官搭民) system.  Under this system, imperial porcelain production was contracted out to private kiln operators.  The high quality requirement forced the potters to improve quality of their products.  The penalty for failure to meet quantity and quality requirements was stiff.  Besides paying a fine, they had to buy in pieces from the officials to meet any shortfall in government order.

Emperor Jiajing who succeeded Zhengde was a devout Taoist.   Taoist symbolism became a common decorative element during the late Ming period.   Taoist motifs such as the Eight immortals, eight Taoist Emblems, the Pakua (eight diagrams) , the cranes, auspicious character shou (often formed by twisted peach tree as above picture) were frequently used.

 

   

 

   

Jiajing bowl with crane’s and deer’s motif.  They are all Taoist symbols of longevity

   

 

.  

Jiajing jar with floral scrolls and Taoist 8 diagrams

A unique feature for Jiajing/wanli period is the use of Hui qing (回青) , a form of imported cobalt which is purplish in colour tone.  Hui qing  needs to be mixed with local cobalt as too high an amount of it will conceal the details of the lines under the wash.  A well proportioned mixture of hui-qing and local cobalt will create a brilliant clear purplish motif.  From Jiajing onward, the outline and wash method became the mainstream style of decoration.  The outline is thin and of even thickness, which the Chinese calls iron thread.  The good quality pieces also have clear even one tone wash.   
 
 

 

   

A typical late Jiajing/early wanli bowl with outline and wash floral  motif.  It also has the purplish tone of Hui qing.

Tianqi bowl which shown the initial phase of shading of the rock which became a typical feature on Qing Kangxi pieces.

 

   

Wanli bowl with infants motif

Jiajing/Wanli jar with bird/floral motif

Many of the Jiajing/Tianqi bowls/plates also carried auspicious phrase consisting of 4 Chinese characters on the outer base.  Some common phrases include Wan Fu you tong (万福攸同), Fu gui Jiaqing (贵佳器), Chang Ming Fugui (长命富贵) and etc.

The Jiajing period also saw the emergence of blue and white wares manufactured in Zhangzhou region.  This category of wares was termed Swatow wares in the past.  It is usually associated with wares with grits adhering to the foot ring and outer base.  For a more detailed discussion, please view the article: A general survey of Zhangzhou (Swatow) wares.

The Portuguese  maritime explorers made their way to China around 1514.   The high quality of the Chinese porcelains generated great interest and demand from the European elite class and the wares became a form of status symbol.  Some of the earliest typical blue and white wares exported to Europe are similar to those found in the  Fort Sebastian Wreck.  A unique form of wares termed the kraak wares made to meet the specifications  of European clients were produced from the Wanli period.   Kraak derived from “carrack”, a type of  Portuguese ship captured by the Dutch in 1603 inside which carried a large quantities of these wares.   The typical Kraak ware has a central theme on the inside of a bowl or plate and  panelled motifs on the interior walls.  The walls of the bowls and plates are generally thin.   One common defect of the kraak wares is flaking of the glaze along the rim.  The Japanese called it mushikui, i.e.. “insect nibbles”.  Some examples of Wanli kraak wares could be seen in the San Diego Shipwreck.

 

Jiajing/Wanli Kraak style plate

Wanli Kraak ware

During the Chongzhen period, a type of porcelain, commonly called transitional wares were produced.  One common feature of these wares is the thick construction.  The quality of the porcelain is comparable to those found on imperial wares.  The glaze is excellent and the standard of blue and white painting is superb.  The subjects covered  are varied: including flowers, landscapes and scenes taken from Chinese plays or historical episodes.  Many of the pieces also incorporated supplementary foreign decoration, such as the tulip.   Also commonly found is a band of incised pattern near the rim of the ware such as incense burners, brush pots, and sleeve vases.  The fish scale-like representation of grasses, the curling shaded clouds and mountains/stones with fine shadings were common features during Chongzhen period.

Chongzhen brush pot with fish scale grasses and fine shading of the rocks

Chongzhen vase with tulip motif on the neck

Source

Mr Koh collections

 

 

Early Ming Folk kiln blue and white Revisit

Recently I have the opportunity to attend a series of lectures on Jingdezhen Qingbai and blue and white conducted by Professor Ouyang Shibin of the Jingdezhen Ceramics Institute.  The lectures are enlightening and some information he imparted regarding Yuan and Early Ming Blue and white required a re-examination of current dating of early Ming folk kiln Blue and white.

According to him, some recent tests revealed that Yuan blue and white, even those which appeared greyish and commonly found on the lower end pieces, used imported cobalt.   Another surprise is that tests on some Xuande imperial blue and white samples supplied by Prof Liu Xinyuan revealed that local cobalt was used.

Hongwu blue and white are now confirmed to have used imported cobalt despite the greyish appearance. If indeed all Yuan Blue and white were painted using imported cobalt, then cobalt supply during Ming Hongwu period would pose a problem as foreign contacts and trade were forbidden.   The remaining cobalt acquired during the Yuan period would be scarce and precious.  Hence, not surprisingly they were used only for the imperial wares.  The fact that no local cobalt was used as a substitute to produce blue and white might be an indication that they were indeed not available yet.  Instead, during the Hongwu period, copper red and iron red pieces were also produced in considerable quantity to meet the need of the palace.  The supply of imported cobalt would have resumed in Yongle period and possibly brought back by the fleets of Admiral Zhenghe whose maritime trips reached as far as East Africa.

 

 

 

During the  early Ming period, a relatively high degree of  control was imposed on  political and cultural development.   For eg. during the reign of Hongwu, a decree was issued in the year 1371 which forbid certain subjects such as previous emperors, queens, sages or saints, dragon, phoenix, lion and chilin on porcelains.  During the Hongwu period, there were many instances of capital punishment for infringement of the policies.  To quote an example, an artist named Sheng Zhu was executed because he painted the drawing of a celestial being riding a dragon.  That was deemed a grave crime as the dragon is associated with the emperor.

Hence,  Hongwu imperial blue and white have only motifs which are limited in scope.  They consisted meanly of various type of flowers essentially.  There were none with human subjects.  The composition and style of the decoration still show influence of Yuan blue and white.

 

If we examine motifs commonly attributed to Hongwu folk kiln blue and white, they  consisted of simplified cloud motif, scholar with background with cloud, floral scrolls, floral scrolls with sanskrit/tibetan character or buddhist precious objects, embroidered balls with ribbons. 

 

All the motifs were new and stylistically clearly different and not found during the Yuan period.   It would seem inconceivable that the folk kilns created all those new motifs in an environment which stifled artistic expression.  Most  artists lived in constant fear and understandably would be reluctant to attempt new designs which may be deemed taboos and incurred severe punishments.

Most of the above motifs started to appear on imperial blue and white from Yongle/Xuande period onward.  In fact, mostly only gained popularity from Xuande period onward.  On imperial wares they are executed in more elaborate form.  It is most likely that the potters from folk kilns copied them but simplified them to facilitate quick execution and large scale production to meet the needs of common follks.

 

 

Hence, the possibility that  Ming Folk kiln blue and white may have appeared later than Hongwu or even Yongle period merits further study.  This seems incredulous but archeological evidence appears to support it.  If we take note of dated excavated Folk kiln Ming blue and white wares from graves, there were none earlier than Zhengtong Period.  According to Professor Ouyang, those excavated graves from Xuande and earlier consisted of white wares and other wares instead.

If indeed there is no local cobalt use on Hongwu blue and white, the answer to when local cobalt was first used is important.  From the series of tests done on Xuande pieces, it is now certain that at least some also used local cobalt.  But it does not give any clue on whether the local cobalt was first used by imperial kiln or folk kilns. 

But what is certain is that the availability of local cobalt at least by Xuande period would enable folk kilns to produce blue and white wares.  More studies on the cobalt used and more reliable dating of Yunnan blue and white might also throw light on when folk kiln blue and whites were first produced.

Personally, I think folk kiln blue and white were produced on larger scale only after Xuande period.  Historically, we know that Xuande period produced hugh amount of imperial blue and white.  But upon his death, his mother who disapproved of his extravagance life style ordered porcelain production to be sized down.  This would definitely force many imperial kiln workers to seek employment with the folk kilns instead.  It would have facilitated the transfer of technology and raised the quality of folk kiln porcelain production.

Two recorded events would substantiate  this development.  On the first year of Zhengtong (A.D 1436) , a civilian named Lu zhishun presented 50,000 pieces of porcelain as tribute to the court.  Another instance was the  decree  issued on 12th year of Zhengtong (A.D. 1447 ) which prohibited the production of color glaze such as yellow, purple, red or blue glazes including those with underglazed blue design.  The need to issue the decree showed that many folk kilns must have produced them despite the prohibition.

Ming Fujian Ceramics

Swatow (Zhangzhou) blue and white

Following a lull in Fujian ceramics production from late Yuan to Mid Ming, a distinctive group of Blue and whites and overglaze enamelled wares were produced in the Zhangzhou region.  They were characterised by grits adhesion on the outer base.  The main market was Southeast Asia but smaller quantity were also found in west asia and East coast of Africa.   For more details on the rise of Zhangzhou kilns and the products produced, please read : A General survey of Swatow (Zhangzhou) wares .

 

The early Zhangzhou wares were produced during the Jiajing period.  The motifs were executed using calligraphic strokes.  Such examples could be found in the Nan ao 1 shipwreck near Chaozhou in China and the San Isidro wreck near Philippines.

Ming Jiajing Zhangzhou wares from Nan ao wreck

Those from the Wanli period onwards have motif executed mainly using the outline and wash method and kraak style panelled composition.  Such examples were found in the 1600 A.D Ming Wanli San Diego wreck in Philippines and Binh Thuan wreck in Central  Vietnam.

 

 

 

 

 

Dehua Blanc de chine wares

During the late Ming period, Dehua exported many varieties of blanc de chine wares: cups, censers, gu-vases, ewers, bowls, large plates, lamp, seated lions, figurines. Blanc de chine wares have a silky ivory white tone and the porcelain is translucent.  In this aspect, they were different from the early Dehua wares with the white/bluish white/yellowish white glaze.  Dehua potters introduced the blanc de chine wares during the 16th century firstly mainly for the Southeast Asian market.  During the 17th/18th century, many Dehua blanc de chine were exported to Europe.  Dehua ivory colour tone blanc de chine attracted considerable favourable responses in Europe and were widely collected by royal families and nobles.

Those from the Early Qing period still retained the ivory tinge glaze but the later Qing pieces became a less attractive more grayish white tone.

 

 

Source :Mr Koh

 

 

I found the same cup in broken lips and good condition with the Conchshell motif at center.

 

I found the same type, in one set one idle plate, one saucers and one cup, also with other design like dragon cup, chillin plate two pieces

The non Imperial also gave for the officers of the ship or the traders. The ming banned only for imperial Hsuan Te ceramic, which only given to the emperor friend like sultan In ndoneia like Bntam sultan.

(Dr Iwan)

 

 

Ming Wanli Cover Box

Source Erwanto Aceh

I found this type from west java near Tangerang and Makassar.

(DR Iwan )

 

I found this type from west Java near Tangerang

(Dr Iwan)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I found the same type from west java near Tangerang

(Dr Iwan)

 

I found this type bowl and small cup from Makassar/a;so fpoound at Jakarta type with lotus and conch shell inside cup

(Dr Iwan)

 

 

I have found the same cover box at west Java and baten

(Dr Iwan)

 

 

 

Source

Geofry wade

 

 

 

 

Dr Iwan Havew this cup

Early Ming Underglazed Red Ceramic

Original

Porcelain of the Hongwu Reign

During the Hongwu reign (1368-1398) of the Ming period Jingdezhen kilns produced under-glaze blue,

under-glaze red, over-glaze red, and monochrome wares glazed white, blue, and red.

Of these the under-glaze red is especially prized. Achieving a good colour was very difficult, particularly on large objects, as the copper oxide which produces the red colour is hard to control at high temperatures.


Under-glaze blue was rarer than under-glaze red in the Hongwu reign. The designs, made with domestic as opposed to imported cobalt, have a blackish-blue colour. Shapes are stout, with an easy naturalness.

 


VASE WITH TWO EARS AND UNDER-GLAZE RED
 
DESIGN OF CLOUDS AND DRAGONS JINGDEZHEN WARE
Hongwu Reign (A.D. 1368—1398), Ming


UNDER-GLAZE RED CUPSTAND WITH
 
FLOWER DESIGN JINGDEZHEN WARE
Hongwu Reign (A.D. 1368—1398), Ming

 

 

Attanttion beware,my friend from aceh Mr Erwanto just bought thus reproduction at Axceh,Better the collectors   consult befote buy or asked sertificate of orginalisation,(Dr Iwan)

Look at the next page

(DR Iwan Suwandy)

Repro Ming Hungwu Plate

Source Erwanto Aceh

Ming Dynasty Chinese Red Under Glaze Yuhuchuan Vase

Ming Dynasty Hong Wu Period Chinese Red Under Glaze Yuhuchuan Porcelain Vase, height: 32cm. We are just only Online auction, and have no buyer’s premium, you can bid this item directly.

Estimate

$1,000 – $1,500

Starting Bid

$600

 

Replica

Antique Ming Dynasty Style Underglazed Red Porcelain Vase With Fish Design For Collection

US $87.35

Dr Iwan have the same replica with phoenix design.

Ming dynasty Children playing Jade Pot Bottle chinese antiqueporcelain crafts vintage home decor

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Repro ming vase

Source Erwanto Aceh

Ming Dynasty WanLi Red green color porcelain dragon phoenix plateMing Dynasty antique vase chinese old porcelain plate

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China Ming dynasty Wanli period mark antique porcelain five color figure bowl archaize ceramic art collection home decor crafts

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antique porcelain Ming Dynasty Grass Dragon Bowl crafts vintage home decoration drinkware

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Ming dynasty Xuande period outline in gold five color Okho spring vase antique porcelain ceramic collection home decor crafts

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Ming Dynasty WanLi Red green color porcelain Two mandarin ducks were tumbling merrily about in the water bowl Ming Dynasty

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Ming dynasty dragon general jar

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Beautiful chinese antique porcelain Lotus painting tea cup Mingdynasty Chenghua mark classical drinkware handmade hand-painted

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antique porcelain Ming Dynasty Lotus pattern Dragon Bowl crafts vintage home decoration drinkware

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Source

aliexpress.

Sumber rwanto found aceh

Mangkuk Naga ini sangat langka, saya belum pernah melihatnya,dibaningkan dengan koleksi yang ada ini dari Kaisar Ming Jiajing.arti huruf cgina pajang umur ,sehat dan bnayak rezeki

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Lihat foto perbandingannya dibawah ini

Sumber erwanto found aceh

Piring Ming merah dengan disain naga ini langka,belum pernah saya lihat dan belum pernah kelihatan dilelangan inernasional, ini dari produksi idstana Kaisar Ming Wan Li, Ta = great Ming nama kaisar Wan Li produksi istana Nien Hao

INi yang paling langka, harganya 100 juta rupiah dn mungkin bisa lebih bilapemiliknya sangat mengingginkannya.

Selamat anda benar-benar sudah jadi jutawan ,dan segera akan jadi milyarder.

Sebaiknya untuk piring ini diminta sertifikat Chriesties.com

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Dr IWAN CYBERMUSEUM

SPECIAL SHOW

SEJARAH LELUHUR MARGA WU INDONESIA

PART THREE

 

CREATED

BY

Dr IWAN SUWANDY GHO,MHA

COPYRIGHT @ 2014

 

 

This Special Show dedicated to

My Loving GandGandpa

1890

1915

Chua Chay Hiok

 

 

Bukittinggi west Sumatra atfort de Kock 1950

My grandpa Gho Kim Thian and whole family ,myfather Djoaahan Gho,My mother Anna Chua Giok Lan, My brother Dr Edhie Djohan Gho, My sister Elina Widyono,Dr Erlita Gho

Padang citymhuse of Chua Giem Toen,1968

My Grandpa Chua Giem Toen and Grandmother Tan KimSoan with whole Chua family from my mother

 

Also Especially For

My loving wife

Lily Oei ,

My Son and wife

Albert –Alice,

Anton-Grace

my Granddaughters

cesa,celin and

My Grandson Antoni Gho

 

 

 

 

 

Special Show

The Chinese Wu Ancestor History Collections

                    

Era emperor Hong Wu and Admiral Zheng he

 

Introduction

EMPEROR WU OF MING DYNASTY

THE ANCESTOR OF WU CLAN

Emperor Hong Wu Profile

 

Hongwu

, Wade-Giles romanization Hung-wu, posthumous name (shi) Gaodi, temple name (miaohao) Taizu,

original personal name (xingming) Zhu Chongba, later Zhu Yuanzhang   (born Oct. 21, 1328, Haozhou [now Fengyang, Anhui province], China—died June 24, 1398Nanjing),

 reign name (nianhao) of the Chinese emperor (reigned 1368–98) who founded the Ming dynasty that ruled China for nearly 300 years. During his reign, the Hongwu emperor instituted military, administrative, and educational reforms that centred power in the emperor..

 

Emperor Hung Wu and Admiral Zheng He

Coutecy

TAMAN BUDAYA TIONGHOA

TAMAN MINI INDONESIA INDAH

JAKARTA, INDONESIA

Zheng He profile

 

 

Zheng He

ARTIFACT STONE STATUE

FOUND AT KRAWANG WEST JAVA

COURTECY

DR IWAN GHO

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Zheng He (1371-1433),

 

 

 

TAMAN BUDAYA TIONGHOA

TAMAN MINI INDONESIA INDAH JAKARTA

 

China is celebrating the 600th anniversary of its greatest adventurer, the “Three-Jewel Eunuch Admiral”, and hailing him as the inspiration for its current success.

 

Almost a century before Columbus, at a time when China was the richest and most advanced country in the world, Zheng He [also known as Cheng Ho] sailed further than anyone before him, at the head of an armada bigger than the combined fleets of all Europe.

 

 

 

His giant “treasure ships”,

packed with the finest goods and most sophisticated weaponry of the time, went to 37 countries over 28 years, exacting tribute for the Dragon Throne and extending China’s influence across much of the globe.

But around the time of his death, a new Chinese ruler, suspicious of the outside world, banned all further expeditions, ushering in 500 years of isolation and leaving the way open for countries such as Spain and Portugal, and later Britain and America, to rule the waves instead.

While he remains little-known to most people even in his own country, Zheng He is now being turned into a communist hero and held up as the pioneer of the open-door policies that have brought China once again to the brink of being a world power.

Castrated

 

The eunuch admiral became known as “Three Jewels” – in Chinese, San Bao. Some say he is the original Sinbad the Sailor.

 

Such is his popularity among South East Asia’s Chinese communities that people still touch his statue for good luck at temples dedicated to his memory.

 

In Singapore, the Friends of Admiral Zheng He are building a replica of a treasure ship as part of national celebrations of this year’s anniversary.

“Asia’s role in maritime history has not been recognised,” according to the group’s leader, Chung Chee-kit.

 

Ever since China decided to call back its fleets, it has seen itself as a land rather than sea power and has looked on seafarers and merchants as little more than pirates, he said.

Hero once more

But today things are changing, and suddenly Zheng He is a hero in his own country.

 

China is building its own replica ship and hopes to use it to retrace the original journeys.

 

The man in charge is another Admiral Zheng – a retired naval officer from the People’s Liberation Army.

 

Zheng Ming is working to raise awareness of the Ming Dynasty voyages, now seen as a model for China’s “peaceful rise”.

“China is calling on its people to blaze forth Zheng He spirit, accelerate the development of the oceanic economy and contribute to the country’s reunification, friendly relationships, and co-prosperity among good-neighbourly countries,” he said.

 

 

Zheng He’s tomb

 

is a humble affair hidden away in paddy fields outside Nanjing. Almost the only people to visit it until now have been his family – descendants of his adopted nephew.

 

As we watched a huge new cultural centre being erected next to the tomb, one of them told me how proud he was of his ancestor, who had done so much to “open China to the world”.

It had taken a long time, he said, to reassert his rightful place in history.

Swimming Dragons can be heard on BBC Radio 4 on Friday 3 June at 1000 GMT.

By Tim Luard

 

Zheng He Map

Cheng Ho Navigation Map in Wubeizi showing the location of Man-la-ka (Melaka) and Guan Chang

 

 

Map of the known world by Zheng He:India at the top, Ceylon at the upper right andEast Africa along the bottom.

 

 

 

 

 

Zheng he document

Courtecy

 

 

 

Zheng He Relic

Malacca

Among the collected items are

Emperor Yongle presented a seal to Parameswara,

. It is said that Zheng He brought the seal to Malacca

over 20 ancient relics, some ancient historical books, and more than 80 pictures of cultural relics.

 

According to the museum’s president, there are not many materials about Zhen He’s activities in the Southern Seas despite his close relationship with Malacca.

Therefore, those historical materials exhibited in the hall mostly record Zheng He’s activities in China and the places he went by during his seven voyages.

.

The exhibition hall also boasts a collection of ancient “Zheng He” coins, which are similar to the square-hole copper coins in external shape and which were donated by a collector of ancient coins.

However, there is no way of verifying the original source of these coins.

 

“The Monument to Zheng He”,

a precious relic displayed in the exhibition hall, was erected in 1431 before Zheng He made his seventh voyage to the western seas.

The inscription on the stele, totaling 1,177 characters, recorded in detail the process of Zheng He’s sixth voyage to the western seas and the tasks to be achieved during the seventh one.

The inscription is an important historical material for research on the history of overseas communication history as well as the history of Sino-foreign exchanges during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644).

 

 

Inside the spacious hall,

Zheng He’s historical relics are exhibited in four parts –

“Prelude,”

“Historical Background of Zheng He’s Voyages to the Western Seas,”

“Zheng He’s Voyages, with Fujian as the Navigation Base,”

and “Great Achievements and Profound Impacts.”

Duplicates of bronze bells, precious ships, navigation charts, and other relics as well as pictures are among the exhibited items.

There are also many books, including, “In Commemoration of Zheng He’s Voyages to the Western Seas,” written by Xiang Nan, and “Zheng He and Fujian,” which came out after the academic forum held during the 580th anniversary, and so on.

On the second floor,

many calligraphic works by famous calligraphers are on exhibition.

In addition,

duplicates of the ships used by Zheng He have been made, and are displayed in the exhibition hall

 

Zheng he Museum At Santosa

 

Source :Sentosa Zheng He museum

Zheng he Mosque Purbalingga

 

 

Zheng He video

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ming Emperor   Relic

The Ming Dynasty Tombs (Chinese: 明十三陵; pinyin: Míng shísān líng; lit. Thirteen Tombs of the Ming Dynasty) are located some 51.35 kilometers due north of centralBeijing, within the suburban Changping District of Beijing municipality. The site, located on the southern slope of Tianshou Mountain (originally Mount Huangtu), was chosen on the feng shui principles by the third Ming Dynasty emperor Yongle(1402–1424), who moved the capital of China from Nanjing to its the present location in Beijing. He is credited with envisioning the layout of the Ming-era Beijing as well as a number of landmarks and monuments located therein. After the construction of the Imperial Palace (the Forbidden City) in 1420, the Yongle Emperor selected his burial site and created his own mausoleum.

 

Chinese Xin Shape Jewelry from Ming Dynasty Tombs

From the Yongle Emperor onwards, 13 Ming Dynasty Emperors were buried in this area. The Xiaoling Tomb of the first Ming Emperor, Hongwu, is located near his capital Nanjing; the second emperor, Jianwen was overthrown by Yongle and disappeared, without a known tomb. The “temporary” Emperor Jingtai was also not buried here, as the Emperor Tianshun had denied him an imperial burial; instead, Jingtai was buried west of Beijing.The last Ming emperor Chongzhen, who was hanged in April 1644, named Si Ling by the Qing emperor, was the last to be buried here, but on a much smaller scale than his predecessors

Golden crown (replica) excavated from Dingling tomb

During the Ming dynasty the tombs were off limits to commoners, but in 1644 Li Zicheng‘s army ransacked and set many of the tombs on fire before advancing and capturing Beijing in April of that year.

The excavation of Dingling began in 1956, after a group of prominent scholars led by Guo Moruo and Wu Hanbegan advocating the excavation of Changling, the tomb of the Yongle Emperor, the largest and oldest of the Ming Dynasty Tombs. Despite winning approval from premier Zhou Enlai, this plan was vetoed by archaeologists because of the importance and public profile of Changling. Instead, Dingling, the third largest of the Ming Tombs was selected as a trial site in preparation for the excavation of Changling. Excavation completed in 1957, and a museum was established in 1959.

The excavation revealed an intact tomb, with thousands of items of silk, textiles, wood, and porcelain, and the skeletons of the Wanli Emperor and his two empresses. However, there was neither the technology nor the resources to adequately preserve the excavated artifacts

. After several disastrous experiments, the large amount of silk and other textiles were simply piled into a storage room that leaked water and wind.

As a result, most of the surviving artifacts today have severely deteriorated, and many replicas are instead displayed in the museum.

Furthermore, the political impetus behind the excavation created pressure to quickly complete the excavation. The haste meant that documentation of the excavation was poor

 

 

 

 

 

 

Yongle

Xuan De

 

 

 

 

Cheng hua

Cheng te

 

 

 

 

Diplomacy and commerce

Porcelain wares, such as those similar to these Yongle-era porcelain flasks, were often presented as trade goods during the expeditions. (British Museum)

 

The treasure ships had an enormous cargo of various products.[211]

Admiral Zheng He returned to China with about 180 kinds of tribute goods, such as silver, spices, sandelwood, precious stones, ivory, ebony, camphor, tin, deer hides, coral, kingfisher feathers, tortoise sheels, gums and resin, rhinoceros horn, sapanwood and safflower (for dyes and drugs), Indian cotton cloth, and ambergris (for parfum).[211]

 

They even brought back exotic animals, such as ostriches, elephants, and girrafes.[211]

The fleet brought back so much cobalt oxide from Persia that Jingdezhen (the porcelain center in Jiangxi Province) had a plentiful supply even decades after the voyages had ended.[211]

The fleet also returned with such a large amount of black pepper that the once-costly luxury became a common commodity in Chinese society.[211]

It has even been said that there was sometimes so many Chinese goods unloaded into a single foreign port that it could take about three months to price everything.[9]

The treasure voyages resulted in a flourishing Ming economy.[212] It also boosted the lucrative maritime commerce to an all-time high.[213]

Imperial proclamations were issued to the foreign kings, which meant that they could either submit and be bestowed with rewards or refuse and be pacified under the threat of an overwhelming military force.[136][214]

They had to reaffirm their recognition of the superior status of the Chinese emperor by presenting tribute.[215]

Many countries were enrolled as tributaries.[145]

 

 

The treasure fleet conducted the transport of the many foreign envoys to China and back, but some envoys traveled independently.[216]

Those rulers who submitted received political protection and material rewards.[185]

Geography and society[edit]

During the onset of their voyages, the treasure fleet would embark from the Longjiang shipyard, north-west of Nanjing.[230] They would then sail down the Yangtze River to Liujiagang.[230] Once there, Admiral Zheng He would organize his fleet and make sacrifices to Tianfei.[230] Afterwards, over the course of four to eight weeks, the fleet would gradually proceed to Taiping anchorage in Changle, Fujian.[230] There, the fleet would wait for the favorable northeast monsoon of winter[p] before leaving the Fujian coast.[22][222][230] They would reach the sea through the Wuhumen.[22] For the voyages, the fleet always visited the port Qui Nhon (in Champa) first.[21]

During the first three voyages from 1405 to 1411, the fleet followed the same basic maritime route: from Fujian to the first call in Champa, across the South China Sea to Java and Sumatra, up the Strait of Malacca to northern Sumatra for assembly of the fleet, across the Indian Ocean to Ceylon, then along the Malabar Coast to Calicut.[231] It had not yet ventured further than Calicut on India’s southwestern coast during these voyages.[207] During the fourth voyage, the route was extended to Hormuz.[232] During the fifth voyage, the fleet proceeded further to other destinations at the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa.[232] During the sixth voyage, the treasure fleet sailed up to Calicut, where several detached squadrons proceeded to further destinations at the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa.[232] During the seventh voyage, the treasure fleet followed the route up to Hormuz, while detached squadrons traveled to the other far-lying destinations at the Arabian Peninsula and East Africa.[232]

The treasure fleet sailed the equatorial and subtropical waters of the South China Sea and Indian Ocean, where they were dependent on the circumstances of the annual cycle of monsoon winds.[217] During all the voyages, the fleet would sail westward across the Indian Ocean after departing from Sumatra.[233] Semudera and its neighbor (on Sumatra) were important for its location to the fleet rather than for its wealth or products.[121] Ma Huan stated that Semudera was the main route to the Western Ocean.[234] He characterized it as the most important port of assembly for the Western Ocean.[66] Northern Sumatra was an important region for the fleet’s anchorage and assembly before the long journey through the Indian Ocean to Ceylon and southern India.[66] The journey from northern Sumatra to Ceylon involved sailing for about two to four weeks without laying sight on land.[222]

The first part of Ceylon that would visible after departing from Sumatra was Namanakuli (or Parrot’s Beak Mountain), the eastern-most mountain (6680 ft in elevation and 45 miles away from the coast).[233] Two or three days after sighting this geographical feature, the treasure fleet would adjust their course to sail south of Dondra Head at Ceylon.[233] The fleet would have been at sea for a considerable long time by then since departing from Sumatra, thus they would make a call at a port in Ceylon, usually at Beruwala and sometimes at Galle.[235] Even though the fleet would make a port call at Galle at times, it was clear that the fleet’s preference laid at Beruwala as port-of-call.[47] Ma Huan characterized Beruwala as “the wharf of the country of Ceylon.”[47]

Ming China had cordial relations with Calicut, which was valuable as they tried to extend the tributary system to the states around the Indian Ocean.[161] Ma Huan described Calicut as the “great country of the Western Ocean”.[27][66] He was very positive about the Calicut authorities’ regulation of trade and attention to weights or measurements.[27] Fei Xin described Calicut as the “great harbor” of the Western Ocean countries.[123]

Fei Xin wrote that the people of Mogadishu were bigoted and insincere (wangyin, both words can also mean “stupid”).[236] This was the most-pejorative description of any foreign nation that they had visited during the ocean voyages.[236] It was further mentioned that they often drilled their soldiers and practiced archery.[236] However, Fei Xin characterized the people of Brava as pure and honest.[236]

The return journey was set during the late summer and early autumn, because favorable monsoon winds would be present during this period.[237]

Navigation[edit]

Admiral Zheng He followed for the most parts established trade routes during his voyages rather than unknown territory.[149] During the treasure voyages, the crew acquired and collected a large amount of navigational data.[238] The astrological officer and his four astrologers specifically recorded the astronomical data.[239] The general mass of navigational data were processed into different kind of charts by a cartographic office.[238][239] The office included an astrological officer, four astrologers, and their clerks.[239] This provided the expeditionary commanders with the necessary navigational charts for their voyages.[238] Many copies of the expeditionary charts were housed in the Ministry of War.[238] Additional navigational data were probably also supplied by local maritime pilots, Arab records, Indian records, and earlier Chinese records.[239]

The Mao Kun map is associated with the route of the voyages.[240]

The Wubei Zhi includes four stellar diagrams after the Mao Kun map. These charts were derived from records of Zheng He’s navigators.

Faith and ceremony[edit]

The power of the goddess, having indeed been manifested in previous times, has been abundantly revealed in the present generation. In the midst of the rushing waters it happened that, when there was a hurricane, suddenly a divine lantern was seen shining at the masthead, and as soon as that miraculous light appeared the danger was appeased, so that even in the peril of capsizing one felt reassured and that there was no cause for fear.

Admiral Zheng He and his associates [124]

The true faith of the crew of the treasure fleet centered around Tianfei, the “Heavenly Princess”, who was the goddess of sailors and seafarers.[241] The Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions suggest that Zheng He’s life was mostly defined by the treasure voyages.[242] Consequently, they also suggest that his devotion to Tianfei was the dominant faith that he adhered to.[242] The two inscriptions honored and commemorated the Goddess Tianfei.[243] Admiral Zheng He and his associates had established these inscriptions at the temples of Tianfei at Liujiagang on 14 March 1431 and Changle between 5 December 1431 and 3 January 1432.[244] These inscriptions make reference to the crew witnessing St. Elmo’s fire during dangerous storms and interpreting it as a sign of divine protection by Tianfei.[245] The Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions are considered the epitaphs of the treasure voyages.[107]

In Galle at Ceylon, Admiral Zheng He set up a trilingual inscription dated 15 February 1409.[46] The Galle Trilingual Inscription is in three languages: Chinese, Tamil, and Persian.[47] For protecting the treasure fleet during the voyages, the Chinese section praised the Buddha, the Tamil section praised a local god who was an incarnation of Vishnu, and the Persian section praised Allah.[47] The three sections each contained the same lists of offerings: 1000 pieces of gold, 5000 pieces of silver, 100 rolls of silk, 2500 catties of perfumed oil, and a variety of bronze ornaments.[47] Thus, the inscription paid respect to the three religions that were dominant in Ceylon.[241] The noted date could refer to when it was erected in Galle, which would indicate that it was put up during the homeward journey of the second voyage.[46] The inscription could also have been prepared beforehand in China and erected at Galle between 1410 to 1411 during the third voyage.[246]

On 20 September 1414, Bengali envoys presented a tribute giraffe in the name of King Saif Al-Din Hamzah Shah of Bengal (r. 1410–1412) to the Yongle Emperor of Ming China.[247] The giraffe was presented as the qilin, but this association was met with a dismissive attitude from the Yongle Emperor who rejected the

 

 

laudatory memorials of his officials.[248]

Literature[edit]

See also: Ming Shilu, Mingshi, Ma Huan’s Yingya Shenglan, Fei Xin’s Xingcha Shenglan, and Gong Zhen’s Xiyang Fanguo Zhi

Pages from a copy of the Yingya Shenglan

There were several major contemporary records preserved into present times. These works include Ma Huan‘s Yingya Shenglan [瀛涯勝覽],[249][250] Fei Xin‘s Xingcha Shenglan [星槎勝覽],[249][250] and Gong Zhen‘s Xiyang Fanguo Zhi [西洋番國志].[249][250]

Ma Huan served as an interpreter on the fourth, sixth, and seventh voyage.[133][251]

Guo Chongli was Ma Huan collaborator on the Yingya Shenglan.[252]

He personally participated in three of the expeditions.[252]

These two gentlemen recorded their observations into notes, which were used to compose the Yingya Shenglan.[252] Fei Xin served as soldier on the third, fifth, and seventh expedition.[251][253] Gong Zhen served as Zheng He’s private secretary on the seventh voyage.[251][254]

The Ming Shilu, Ming veritable records containing sections about reigns of individual emperors, also provided much of the information relating to the treasure voyages.[255] Zheng He lived through the reigns of five Ming emperors,[255] but he directly served three emperors in his life.[148] He is mentioned in the Taizong Shilu of the Yongle reign, the Renzong Shilu of the Hongxi reign, and the Xuanzong Shilu of the Xuande reign.[255]

The Taizong Shilu had combined the second and third voyages into one expedition.[195][256] This was followed by the Mingshi.[256][257] It led to the confusion of Zheng He’s Palembang journey of 1424-25[q] as being wrongly construed as the sixth voyage to make up for the seven voyages.[99][195][256] However, the Liujiagang and Changle inscriptions made a clear distinction between the second and third voyage as they correctly date the second voyage from 1407 to 1409 and the third voyage from 1409 to 1411.[37][195][258]

A number of later works have also been preserved. The accounts in the Mingshi (1739) and Huang Xingzeng’s Xiyang Chaogong Dianlu [西洋朝貢典錄] (1520) rely on Ma Huan’s original Yingya Shenglan.[259] However, Zheng Xiao’s Wuxuebian [吾學編] (ca. 1522) relies on Zhang Sheng’s “rifacimento”.[259] Zhu Yunming’s Qianwen Ji [A Record of Things Once Heard] (ca. 1526) contains his Xia Xiyang [Down the Western Ocean].[242][260] This work provides a detailed itinerary of the seventh voyage.[242][260] There are also Lu Rong’s Shuyan Zaji [Bean Garden Miscellany] (1475),[261] Yan Gongjian‘s Shuyu Zhouzilu [Record of Despatches Concerning the Different Countries] (1520),[261] Gu Qiyuan‘s Kezuo Zhuiyu [Boring Talks for My Guests] (ca. 1628).[261] Mao Yuanyi‘s Wubei Zhi (1628) is a military encyclopedia that preserved the Mao Kun map, which is largely based on material from the treasure voyages.[261]

Luo Maodeng’s Sanbao Taijian Xia Xiyang Ji Tongsu Yanyi [三寶太監西洋記通俗演義] (1597) is a fiction novel about the exploits of Admiral Zheng He and his fleet.[251][262] In the preface, Luo states that Chinese maritime power was essential to maintaining the world order.[263] In Luo’s work, Admiral Zheng He sailed the oceans in search for a sacred imperial seal to restore harmony in the Middle Kingdom.[262] However, he never finds the seal in the story, suggesting that it showed that the world order cannot be restored by other means than military force according to Finlay (1992).[264] Luo Maodeng’s novel contains a description of different classes of ships with their sizes: the 36 nine-masted treasure ships (baochuan) were 44.4 by 18 zhang, the 700 eight-masted horse ships (machuan) were 37 by 15 zhang, the 240 seven-masted grain ships or supply ships (liangchuan) were 28 by 12 zhang, the 300 six-masted billet ships or troop transports (zuochuan) were 24 by 9.4 zhang, and the 180 five-masted combat ships or warships proper (zhanchuan) were 18 by 6.8 zhang.[265] Dreyer (2007) argues that this work holds little to none evidential value as a historical source.[266] However, Duyvendak thinks that there may be some truth to it.[266]

The Kezuo Zhuiyu and the Shuyu Zhouzilu describes the following circumstances of what happened to the official archives about the expeditions.[267] The Chenghua Emperor issued an order to retrieve the documents concerning expeditions to the Western Ocean from the Ministry of War archives.[268][269] However, the official Liu Daxia had hidden and burned them.[269][270] He had the opinion that they were “deceitful exaggerations of bizarre things far removed from the testimony of people’s ears and eyes.”[267][269]

The Shuyu Zhouzilu then adds the following to the story.[267] The Minister of War Xiang Zhong (in office 1474-1477) had sent a clerk to retrieve the documents, but could not find them after several days of searching.[268][269] Liu Daxia eventually confessed and justified his actions to Xiang Zhong by stating that “the expeditions of Sanbao to the Western Ocean wasted tens of myriads of money and grain, and moreover the people who met their deaths [on these expeditions] may be counted by the myriads. Although he returned with wonderful things, what benefit was it to the state? This was merely an action of bad government of which ministers should severely disapprove. Even if the old archives were still preserved they should be destroyed in order to supress [a repetition of these things] at the root.”[268][269] Minister Xiang Zhong was recorded to have been impressed by this explanation.[268][269]

The Mingshi, the Xianzong Shilu, and the Mingshi Jishi Benmo attributes the reason for the suppression and destruction of the archived records to preventing that the powerful eunuch Wang Zhi could consult it for his invasion of Vietnam.[271] Dreyer (2007, 173–175) notes that Liu Daxia couldn’t have had access to the records in his capacity at the time, thus raising doubt about his actual involvement.[269] Duyvendak (1938, 397–398) stated that the Ministry of War officials weren’t influential enough to stop the retrieval of the documents and therefore speculates that Liu Daxia may have destroyed them with the approval of the Minister of War.[272]

Legacy[edit]

Admiral Zheng He‘s empty tomb at Nanjing

In September 1499, Vasco da Gama returned to Lisbon, Portugal, from his voyage to India.[273] Before da Gama’s return, Girolamo Sernigi wrote about Portuguese accounts that “certain vessels of white Christians” had made port at Calicut on the Malabar coast generations before their arrival.[274] The Portuguese speculated that these unknown mariners could have been the Germans or the Russians, but Sernigi concluded that “on the arrival of the captain [da Gama] we may learn who these people are.”[274] After his arrival at Calicut, Vasco da Gama began hearing tales of pale bearded men who sailed with their giant ships along the local coastal waters of Calicut generations before.[275] At the time, the Portuguese had not yet discovered that these stories were actually about Zheng He’s fleets.[275] Although, they would eventually discover that these unknown mariners were, in fact, the Chinese.[273] Da Gama’s men were apparently even mistaken for the Chinese at first on arrival at the East African coast, because the Chinese had been the last-seen pale-skinned strangers arriving with large wooden ships in the memories of the East African people.[273]

In Calicut, da Gama had received permission to build a factory at Chinacota, where a Chinese storehouse first stood eighty years before.[276] In the 16th century, Juan González de Mendoza wrote that “it is plainly seene, that [the Chinese] did come with shipping into the Indies, having conquered al that is from China, unto the farthest part thereof. . . . So that at this day there is great memory of them . . . in the kingdom of Calicut, where be so many trees and fruits . . . were brought thither by the Chinos when that they were lords and governours of that countrie.”[277]

In November 1997 during a Harvard University speech, President Jiang Zemin praised Admiral Zheng He for spreading Chinese culture abroad.[278] This may give an indication on how the present-day Chinese people perceive these historical events, namely that the voyages were conducted in accordance to Confucian ideals.[278] In 2005, China commemorated the 600th anniversary of Zheng He’s maiden voyage, characterizing it as the start of a series of peaceful seafaring explorations.[279]

1346

Civil war destruction created space for individual estate-building early in the Ming. A contemporary of Chiang Hsuan’s was Lo An-tao (1346-1426). Because he was orphaned young, Lo’s uncles seized his original inheritance in Tu-yuan Ward (township 57). Lo moved in with his father-in-law, in Hsiu-ch’i in T’ai-ho city, and went on to build a wholly new estate of his own in Hou-t’ang Ward (also in township 57). So big a landowner did he become that he was made a tax captain, reportedly a kind one who paid shortfalls out of his own pocket. (He also abetted T’ai-ho’s early Ming population boom, with five sons, one daughter, fifteen grandsons, six granddaughters, thirty great-grandsons, and sixteen great-granddaughters.)[53]

Source

John W. Dardess,Ming Society,1996

(Dardess.1996)

 

Zheng He History collections

 

On 15 August, 1363

the two fleets engaged one another in Lake Poyang.

The large Han tower ships, with their deeper draft, were constrained by declining water levels and numerous shoals, which evened the odds for the smaller Ming fleet with their shallow draft ships.

The battle raged for four days, the momentum switching between the two forces several times. Hundreds of ships were sunk on each side and thousands of casualties mounted. The huge, armored Han tower ships proved virtually unassailable on the first day of the battle, but a fire ship attack by the Ming on the second day decimated the Han fleet.[17]

As the two fleets engaged in the Lake the overland Ming relief army swept into Nanchang and routed the Han forces that had remained. The third day of the four-day engagement was used by the two fleets to regroup.

After another day of battle on the lake Zhu pulled back from the Han fleet and set sail for the Yangzi River. There he hoped to bottle up the Han and destroy them in one final battle.[18]

The Ming use of joint warfare left the Han in a difficult position. The overland relief army had retaken Nanchang and the now reinforced garrison there blocked any attempt to escape south via the Kan River.

The Ming fleet had disembarked ground forces earlier to close the straits that would allow the Han to escape north to the Yangzi. Any attempt to escape in the direction of Han territory required not only the defeat of these troops, but also another engagement with the Ming fleet. It took over a month, with supplies dwindling and the fleet on the verge of starvation, before Chen initiated his attempt to break out of the lake.

The Han fleet successfully fought its way clear of Lake Poyang, fighting pitched battles with and defeating the garrisons on the shores of the strait. The fleet finally broke out onto the Yangzi, their only possible escape route. It was there, as they attempted to turn upstream toward home, that the Ming fleet was waiting. With the advantage of the currents on their side the Ming descended on the Han and the two engaged in a fierce sea battle, ships locked together with crews grappling and the vessels being carried downstream by the current. A Ming reserve squadron from downstream joined the fight and as the Han ships struggled to break away Chen himself was killed by an arrow.[19]

Several Han ships managed to escape upstream but hundreds surrendered or were destroyed. The Ming took dozens of warships intact, including the weapons and horses aboard, thus strengthening both their sea and land forces.

The death of Chen provided Zhu with the decisive victory he needed. With his now reinforced fleet and victorious land forces he was on the path toward conquering the rest of the China.

 

1364

They fought over Shanxi, and Bolod fled to the capital; but Ayushiridara took refuge with Koko in 1364. Bolod’s tyranny at court led the Yuan emperor to have him assassinated the next summer. Koko was named prince of Henan and commanded north China; but another civil war broke out when four Shaanxi warlords turned against him.

Zhang Shicheng returned to Yuan loyalty and promised to send grain to Daidu (Beijing). However, in 1363 he repudiated the Yuan government and called himself Prince of Wu, taking Hangzhou.

 

1367

Zhang Shicheng attacked Zhu Yuanzhang, who was fighting the central Yangzi Red Turbans led by Chen Yuliang. Zhu defeated Chen and challenged Zhang but was not able to defeat him until 1367, when Zhang hanged himself.

The old Red Turban capital of Anfeng had been captured the previous year. Prince Han Liner drowned crossing the Yangzi just as Zhu Yuanzhang declared a new calendar for the year 1367.

Civil service examinations and the Hanlin Academy were revived. Zhu sent his armies to invade northern China and conquer the south.

 

 1368

By 1368 he had subjugated the Han and the Wu, continued to force the remnants of the Mongol Yuan back toward the steppes of Central Asia, and established the Ming Dynasty which would last almost three century

 

 

1367

 

Celadon Ceramic during Early Ming

1367 AD twenty seventh year of the reign of Zhinzheng, last emperor of the Yuan Dynasty

 

From the ceramics recovered from the wreck it must now be assumed that the Longquan kilns were still full production at the beginning of the Ming dynasty in 1368, This information helpful in determining

 

the end of the occupation of Kota Cina

(by Chola King from Tamil India-Dr Iwan),

 

the predominat green glazed ware related to souhter sung and yuan dynasty

(DR E>E>Mackinnon)

 

Dr Iwan Note

The result of DR Mackinnon studies above, will help us to know that the Admiral Zheng he also bring celadon ceramic but in later type almost in porcelain and high fire ware with small base with spur mark, different with the Kublaikan army bring the early yuan celadon with bigger base without spur mark and not porcelain only with added kaolin.

 

To understand the type of late celadon during early Ming era which bring by Admiral Zheng Ho during expedition to Indonesia , let we lok the information of the sina shipwrech treasure at next page and compare with celadon ware found by dr Iwan at Samudera Pasai,Riau,palelmband,Tuban and west Borneo.

1368

 

A malignant inflation

resulted in which these notes also lost all value.

When that happened, people wereforced to fall back and rely entirely upon their “square holes” (as copper coins were commonly called) and barter.

 

This condition prevailed until the end of the dynasty in 1368, hastening its demise. At the end, the enormous sums, which had been swindled from the Chinese by the Mongol emperors, helped to hasten their defeat at the hands of the Ming.

 

 

1368

The next year Zhu Yuan Shang named his new dynasty Ming, meaning “radiant.” As the Yuan emperor fled to Mongolia,

Daidu was taken by Zhu’s general Xu Da in September 1368 and renamed Beijing, meaning “the north is pacified.”

Zhu ordered his Ming armies to deliberately secure the territories conquered in Shanxi and Shaanxi; but this enabled Koko to unite his army with the fleeing Yuan emperor in Mongolia.

The racial discrimination that the Mongols imposed on China is detailed by Tao Zongyi in his Interrupted Labors, which described the popular revolts in southeastern China in mid-century.

1369

Yuan dynasty continued until 1369

 

 

ZHENG HE’S SEXCENTENARY

The recent production of a set of 600 Ming-style imperial cooking vessels, ironically including a steamboat, to celebrate the 600th anniversary of the maiden voyage of the 15th century navigator Zheng He, better known by the arresting honorary title of the Three Treasure Eunuch (Sanbao taijian), is perhaps no more an ironic juxtaposition of the ancient and the modern than the recent carving on Qin-style bamboo slips of China’s

Anti-Secession Law aimed against Taiwanese independence and approved by the National People’s Congress on 13 March 2005.

[1] The role of cooking in China’s “march on the world” and the evocation of Qin Shihuang’s legal codes in the interests of national unity reveal the breadth of China’s contemporary appeal to history encompassing the range of cultural production from gustatory delights and national treasures all the way to kitchen kitsch.

Illustration of flat-bottomed caofang or coastal tributary grain vessel from woodblock edition of the technological and scientific treatiseTiangong kaiwu (Exploitation of the Works of Heaven), 1637 [as reproduced in Gujin tushu jicheng]

 

The ancient-style cooking vessels, each weighing approximately 30 kilograms, and emblazoned with appropriate relief-carved dragon motifs and a schedule of Zheng He’s seven voyages spanning the 28-year period from 1405 to 1433, went on display in the Nanjing Museum on 19 May 2005.

The vessels took six months to produce, and absorbed the creative energies of six local artists.

This tribute to Zheng He, master mariner of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), is merely one frisson in the flurry of activities organised for the sexcentenary. Stamped with patriotism, most events are designed to appeal to Chinese who hail from the various hometowns and localities in China associated with Zheng He, or who now live in the areas of Southeast and South Asia,  as well as the Middle East and even East Africa, once visited by Zheng He’s fleets.

Although Zheng He came to be deified and included in local Chinese pantheons in Tian Hou temples, he was in fact a Muslim, a fact not overlooked in the present celebrations.[2]

Although the Ming had adopted Guo Shoujing‘s Shoushi calendar of 1281, which was just as accurate as the Gregorian Calendar, the Ming Directorate of Astronomy failed to periodically readjust it; this was perhaps due to their lack of expertise since their offices had become hereditary in the Ming and the Statutes of the Ming prohibited private involvement in astronomy.[163]

 

Zheng He (1371-1433),

commander-in-chief of the renowned Ming expeditionary fleets of

the early 15th century, was born into a Muslim family surnamed Ma

in Kunyang, Yunnan province.

 

His grandfather and father both bore the title Hajji, suggesting that they had made the pilgrimage to Mecca.

 

1375

in 1375 , Adityawarman sent envoys to China . Adityawarman died and was buried in the tomb of King , Five Tribe of West Sumatra .

 

But according to Uli , Adityawarman is Malay ( Sumatra ) were born and raised in Sumatra and no relationship with Raden Wijaya , the king of Majapahit .

Her mother was not Dara Orange as written in the national history during this , because according to him , when Dara Orange is the mother , then at least Adityawarman became king at the age of 45-50 years are especially impossibility to establish and lead a new kingdom established in Sumatra .
Similarly, the founder of the kingdom that Adityawarman not Malay but the kingdom was founded by Akarendrawarman whose name is often mentioned in the inscriptions in various inscriptions such as PGR 7 Minangkabau who called it maharajadhiraja ,

inscription PGR 8 issued in 1316 and the inscription airport where Adityawarman continue development Bapahat previous king namel Akarendrawarman .

 

So , before Adityawarman ,  existing and established the kingdom of Malayu in Sumatra founded by Akarendrawarman and Adityawarman aspires to continue his predecessor ‘s development .

 

Further argued that Uli Based on primary sources and critical analysis done to these sources , Uli asserted that Adityawarman is probably the nephew Akarendrawarman born between the years 1310 and 1320 in Sumatra and never sent to China as an ambassador of Majapahit .
 Likewise that accompany Adityawarman never to invade Majapahit Bali or Sumatra Adityawarman assigned an expedition to conquer Pamalayu Singhasari era .

 

Adityawarman itself is not buried in the Tomb of Kubu Rajo , because not ditemukkanya Kubu Rajo as evidence that the tomb . Kubu Rajo himself is a stronghold or fortress defense . expedition Pamalayu
by Uli is a communion ( in the framework of cooperation between Java and Sumatra ) , and not in order to conquest , as it is called in the national history as long as this .

 

Uli further asserts that , Kertanegara ( king Singhasari ) threatened by Kublai Khan of the Mongol troops as a result of refusing to pay tribute to China .

 

As a result of the refusal ,  Singhasari position increasingly threatened and afraid when attacked by Mongol forces .

 

Similarly, the relationship between Java and Sumatra showed no subordinates and superiors in which the kings of Sumatra called the vassal of the king of Java making it possible to attack the kingdom of Java .

 

On that basis , Kertanegara realize that posisisnya increasingly threatened , he formed an alliance with the Malay kingdoms known as Pamalayu expedition .

 

Furthermore , Manjushri inscription which is now located in the temple complex Jago reported that Adityawarman set up statues in Bhumi Java which means that Adityawarman not someone who was born and raised in Majapahit ( Java ) . But he was born and raised in Sumatra and young when sent to Majapahit to friendship Java and Sumatra .

 

Further confirmed that the use of the term Maharaja an Maharajadiraja have confirmed that there is no relationship between Java and Sumatra conquered .

 

Maharaja is the name or title for the king was maharajadiraja is the title of king of kings ( king of the king ) . Adityawarman itself has been using the same maharajadiraja Akarendrawarman which means that the kingdom is a sovereign that has no relationship with Majapahit .

 

 

Sung celadon

 

 

Early Ming Celadon

 

1323 sinan shipwreck celadon

 

Paper money During Ming times

 

paper money became so depreciated and was so disliked by the peasants that local officials treated these criminals more leniently, often letting the miscreant off with only a fine.

 

One emission of notes stated a desire to single out only the true offenders, offering amnesty to accomplices who confessed their wrongdoing.

 

Several types of counterfeiting were prevalent. Of course, the most frequently encountered were notes printed from counterfeit blocks or plates.

 

Another form of counterfeiting, known as “pasting”, consisted of notes that were pasted together from bits of other notes so that one kwan became ten and so on. For this type of counterfeiting the punishment was less severe than for printing.

 

A most original solution to the counterfeiting problem occurred in Sung times

after a large shipment of counterfeit money had been seized.

 

During the discussion as to what should be done with the counterfeiters, one court official stated that the current policy of beheading the criminals and destroying their money was a mistake. He proposed instead the following:

 

“If you put the official imperial stamp on the counterfeited paper, it will be just as good as genuine paper.

 

If you punish these men only by tattooing them, and circulate these notes, it is exactly as if you saved each day 300,000 copper cash together with fifty lives.” It is said that the proposition was adopted.

 

Lastly I would like to call to the reader’s attention to an anomaly I noted some years ago when inspecting a specimen of the Ming 1 kwan note. It concerns the depiction of strings of cash shown on the face and reverse of the note. As early as Sung times representations of coins found their way onto their paper money counterparts.

 

In ancient times, when the majority of the population consisted of an illiterate peasantry, it was necessary to identify the value of the paper money note by placing ideograms or pictographs upon it which everyone could recognize. This practice was continued by succeeding dynasties, up to and including the Ming.

 

Individual coins were sometimes depicted but more often, because the intrinsic value of a single coin was so low, they were shown grouped together as strings, or groups of strings.

 

A standard string was theoretically composed of one thousand cash, which were strung together to facilitate handing. Each string of one thousand cash coins had the equivalent value of one ounce of pure silver.

 

When one examines the 1 kwan note of Hung-wu closely he finds a depiction of

what appears to be at first glance ten strings of ten coins each which must be considered to be of 10 cash denomination. Thus ten strings x ten coins per string x 10 cash per coin = 1,000 cash, or 1 kwan. In reality what is depicted are ten strings of 10 cash coins; however on close examination we will find that there are only nine coins to a string.

 

Aha! This is interesting. Could it be a mistake on the engravers part? This cannot be the answer as a check of other cash notes in this series reveals the same anomaly, i.e., only nine 10 cash coins per string, or 900 cash.

 

I have concluded, therefore, that the representation of only nine coins, or 90 cash per string was deliberate. But how can 900 cash be the same as 1000 cash?

 

 

The explanation, I believe, lies in the fact that during the Hung-wu reign 900 cash passed for 1000; just as 770 cash represented a string in Sung dynasty times and 800 during the Chin dynasty.

 

In other words the government’s financial arm, the Board of Revenue,

must have set the relation of cash coin to the value of a string by decree. Thus the official value of cash in the marketplace would vary from time to time.

 

 

As we have seen, the pictorial representations of cash seen on ancient Chinese banknotes are highly picturesque, tending more to reality than surrealism. One may therefore conclude that the imagery of the coins contained in each string actually

 

 

This blow-up of the strings of cash depicted on the Ming 200 cash note of Hung-wu reveals but nine 10 cash coins per string, not the ten one would expect. Ten strings of ten coins each representing 10 cash would equal 1000 cash, or one ounce of silver, otherwise known as 1 kwan. This was the official ratio of cash to an ounce of silver.

 

A depiction of nine 10 cash coins per string is found on all Ming dynasty notes of 100 cash and above. So why are there only nine coins per string? There is an explanation!

 

On lower Ming denominations face value was depicted, not to represent the “official” ratio, but rather what the note could be exchanged for in the marketplace.

 

 

 

depicted the real thing.

 

If this is so, one must ask: “What exact coin was being represented”? It would have to be a 10 cash piece, which circulated side-by-side with paper money.

 

Ming coinage production consisted overwhelmingly of one cash “square holes” augmented occasionally by value “two’s”, “three’s” and “fives”. But, what of the value “ten” cash pieces?

 

A close examination reveals that the Ming Board of Revenue minted ten cash pieces on only three occasions.

 

The first of these was during the Tachung era (1364-1367AD), and the second during the Hung-wu era (1368-1398AD).

The final Ming 10 cash coin issue appeared late in the dynasty (1621-1627AD) under the reign period of T’ien-ch’i.

 

 

 

Ming 10 cash coin of the Hung-wu reign (1368-1398 AD)

 

 

together with six reverses depicting the value as “ten cash of a tael” (upper left) and five other coins with mint marks representing Nanking, Honan, Peking, Chekiang and Fukien. This coin was most certainly the one represented on Ming dynasty notes.

 

 

Since the 1 kwan Ming note states that it was sanctioned by emperor T’ai Tsu for release under the Hung-wu reign title, the earliest date during which Hung-wu 1 kwan paper money circulated would have been the year 1368. From this extrapolation we can eliminate the 10 cash pieces of the T’ien-ch’i era, since they did not enter circulation until almost three hundred years later.

 

That leaves us with the ten cash pieces of the Tachung and Hung-wu eras, either of which could have been the coins represented by the pictograms.

 

More than likely the contemporary coins of Hung-wu were those shown in these illustrations, those whose legend reads “Hung-wu t’ung-pao” (current money of Hung-wu).

 

If this be so, we have narrowed our identification down to a series of six 10 cash pieces minted from 1368-1398AD. All bear the character “shih” (ten) on their reverse.

 

One specimen has in addition the characters “yi-liang” (one tael). When read together the inscription reads “10 cash of a teal”, much as we would say “10 cents of a dollar”.

 

The remaining five specimens vary only by the position of the “shih” and the location of the mint mark – “ching” for Nanking, “yu” for Honan, “Pei-ping” for the Peip’ing Fu mint in Chihli, “che” for Chekiang and “fu” for the Fukien mint. These coins are identified in Schjoth’s catalog The Currency of the Far East as

S1158-S1163. I believe these 10 cash pieces to be those appearing in the pictorial representations found on Ming dynasty paper money.

 

 

In the field of paper money research there is probably more yet to be discovered among ancient Chinese cash notes than in any other area. There is no doubt that additional discoveries will be forthcoming from yet to be exploited archaeological sites.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pada 1377,

beberapa tahun setelah kematian Gajah Mada’s, Majapahit mengirim menghukum serangan laut terhadap pemberontakan di Palembang, [4] memberikan kontribusi ke ujung kerajaan Srivijayan. umum lainnya yang terkenal adalah Gajah Mada Adityawarman [rujukan?], yang dikenal karena penaklukannya di Minangkabau.

Sifat dari kerajaan Majapahit dan luasnya adalah subjek untuk diperdebatkan. Ini mungkin memiliki pengaruh yang terbatas atau seluruhnya nosional atas beberapa negara jajahan di termasuk Sumatera, Semenanjung Melayu, Kalimantan dan Indonesia timur di mana wewenang diklaim dalam Nagarakertagama [19].

Geografis dan kendala ekonomi menunjukkan bahwa lebih dari biasa otoritas terpusat, negara-negara luar yang paling mungkin telah terhubung terutama oleh hubungan perdagangan, yang mungkin sebuah monopoli kerajaan. [4] Ia juga menyatakan hubungan dengan Champa, Kamboja, Siam, Birma bagian selatan, dan Vietnam, dan bahkan mengirim misi ke Cina. [4]

Walaupun penguasa Majapahit diperpanjang kekuasaan atas pulau-pulau lain dan menghancurkan kerajaan tetangga, fokus mereka tampaknya telah pengendalian dan mendapatkan bagian yang lebih besar dari perdagangan komersial yang melewati nusantara. Tentang waktu Majapahit didirikan, pedagang Muslim dan proselytizers mulai memasuki daerah tersebut.

Menurun
Setelah kematian Hayam Wuruk’s AD 1389,

kekuasaan Majapahit memasuki masa penurunan dengan konflik atas suksesi. Hayam Wuruk digantikan oleh putri mahkota Kusumawardhani, yang menikah dengan seorang kerabat, Pangeran Wikramawardhana. Hayam Wuruk juga memiliki putra dari pernikahan sebelumnya, putra mahkota Wirabhumi, yang juga mengklaim takhta. Perang sipil, yang disebut Paregreg, diperkirakan telah terjadi 1405-1406, [8] yang Wikramawardhana dan Wirabhumi menang tertangkap dan dipenggal. Perang saudara telah melemahkan pegangan pengikut Majapahit di luar dan koloni.

Selama masa pemerintahan Wikramawardhana, seri Ming armada ekspedisi angkatan laut yang dipimpin oleh Zheng He, seorang laksamana Muslim Cina, tiba di Jawa beberapa kali membentang periode 1405-1433. Dengan 1430 Zheng ekspedisi Dia telah membentuk komunitas Muslim Cina dan Arab di pelabuhan utara Jawa seperti di Semarang, Demak, Tuban, dan Ampel, sehingga Islam mulai mendapatkan pijakan di pantai utara Jawa.

1368

Ming dynasty 1 kwan note of

the Hung-wu era (1368-1398).

 

This large note, printed in gray mulberry bark paper, measures 8 x 11 . inches. The two vermilion seals shown in the next illustration do not appear on this prototype. This is the only ancient Chinese paper money likely to be found in private collections today.

 

 

 

1368

Gazetteers across the empire noted this and made their own estimations of the overall population in the Ming, some guessing that it had doubled, tripled, or even grown fivefold since 1368.[204] Fairbank estimates that the population was perhaps 160 million in the late Ming Dynasty,[205]while Brook estimates 175 million,[204] and Ebrey states perhaps as large as 200 million.[206] 

1371

1371

Zheng He was born in 1371 in the city now called Jinning, in Yunnan Province. His given name was “Ma He,” indicative of his family’s Hui Muslim origins, sinceMa is the Chinese version of “Mohammad.”

 

 

Zheng He’s great-great-great-grandfather,

 

Sayyid Ajjal Shams al-Din Omar, had been a Persian governor of the province under the Mongolian Emperor Kublai Khan, founder of the Yuan Dynasty, which ruled China from 1279 to 1368.

Ma He’s father and grandfather were both known as “Hajji,” the honorific title bestowed upon Muslim men who make the hajj (pilgrimage) to Mecca. Ma He’s father remained loyal to the Yuan Dynasty even as the rebel forces of what would become the Ming Dynasty conquered larger and larger swathes of China.

Another version

Zheng He was born in the poor, mountainous Chinese province of Yunnan in 1372, just as Genghis Khan’s Mongols were being overthrown by a new, home-grown dynasty, the Ming.

 

His family were Muslims from Central Asia who had fought for the Mongols.


The dominant religious beliefs during the Ming dynasty

were the various forms of Chinese folk religion 

and

the Three Teachings

  Confucianism, Taoism, andBuddhism.

The Yuan-supported Tibetan lamas fell from favor and the early Ming emperors particularly favored Taoism granting its practitioners many positions in the state’s ritual offices.[135] 

The Hongwu Emperor curtailed the cosmopolitan culture of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty, and the prolific ]

Prince of Ning Zhu Quan

 

even composed one encyclopedia attacking Buddhism as a foreign “mourning cult” deleterious to the state and another encyclopedia that subsequently joined the Taoist canon.[135]

 

 

Islam

was also well-established throughout China,

with a history said to have begun with 

Sa`d ibn Abi Waqqas 

during the Tang Dynasty 

Look click

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2lBC_RnjawI

 

and strong official support during the Yuan.

Although the Ming sharply curtailed this support,

there were still several prominent Muslim figures early on, including

 

 

the Hongwu Emperor’s generals Chang Yuqun, Lan Yu, Ding Dexing, and Mu Ying[136] 

 

 

and the Yongle Emperor’s powerful eunuch Zheng He.

 

The advent of the Ming was initially devastating to Christianity:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1375

The Huolongjing, compiled by Jiao Yu and Liu Ji sometime before the latter’s death on May 16, 1375 (with a preface added by Jiao in 1412),[183] 

featured many types of cutting-edge gunpowder weaponry for the time.

This includes hollow, gunpowder-filledexploding cannonballs,[184] 

land mines that used a complex trigger mechanism of falling weights, pins, and a steel wheellock to ignite the train of fuses,[185]naval mines,[186] fin-mounted winged rockets for aerodynamic control,[187] multistage rockets propelled by booster rockets before igniting a swarm of smaller rockets issuing forth from the end of the missile (shaped like a dragon’s head),[188] and hand cannons that had up to ten barrels.[189]

 

 

 

 

1381

The number of people counted in the census of 1381 was 59 873 305;

Even though underreporting figures was made a capital crime in 1381, the need for survival pushed many to abandon the tax registration and wander from their region, where Hongwu had attempted to impose rigid immobility on the populace.

 

1381

In 1381, the Ming army killed Ma He’s father and captured the boy. Just 10 years old, he was made into a eunuch and sent to Beiping (now Beijing) to serve in the household of 21-year-old Zhu Di, the Prince of Yan, who later became the Yongle Emperor.

Ma He

 

rew to be 7 Chinese feet tall (probably around 6′ 6″), with “a voice as loud as a huge bell.”

He excelled at fighting and military tactics, studied the works of Confucius and Mencius, and soon became one of the prince’s closest confidants.

 

 

1382

When Ming armies came looking for rebels, they captured the 10-year-old boy and, as was the custom with young male prisoners, castrated him.

 

“He was ashamed of being a eunuch,” said Professor Liu Ying Sheng of Nanjing University, adding there was little information about this aspect of Zheng He’s life.

 

In 1390

Prince Zhu Zi committed suicide as the Hu Weiyong purge claimed more victims from trumped-up charges.

in his first year,

the Hongwu Emperor declared the eighty-year-old Franciscan missions among the Yuan heterodox and illegal.[137] 

 

1392

The Emperor’s heir Zhu Biao died of illness in 1392. Koreans let Emperor Hongwu choose the old Chinese name of Choson for its new state.

Hongwu merged the tributary gifts with the trading system and required government supervision of trade.

After Lan Yu’s victory over Orlug Temur, the Emperor assigned him, Feng Sheng, and Fu Yude to the staff of the young crown prince Zhu Jianwen, Zhu Biao’s son.

Hongwu had established the succession principle of primogeniture.

 

1391

Hung Wu would name ten more in 1391

In 1393

four more princes were given fiefs in the north. Lan Yu was tried for mutiny and publicly dismembered.

The Emperor granted an amnesty in September 1393 but acknowledged that 15,000 had been executed in this purge.

Ten princes were called to the capital for consultation, and the generals Fu Yude, Wang Bi, and Feng Sheng died in the next two years.

The Emperor tried to restrict the princes’ recruiting, but they gained control of their military forces.

Contrary to Confucian tradition, Hongwu began the custom of inflicting corporal punishment on government officials; some were beaten to death, though this did discourage bribery and corruption. Between 1378 and 1395 Hongwu sent seventeen of his sons to princely fiefs.

1397

The Ming code of laws of Hongwu was developed over thirty years and was completed in 1397. The young scholar Xie Jin criticized the Emperor for changing the laws too often.

He wrote that this causes doubt and cynicism, and he recommended ending extralegal punishments and collective responsibility for criminal acts.

Punishment had five levels of severity-beating with a light stick (10 to 50 strokes), beating with a heavy stick (60-100 strokes), penal servitude (1-3 years with 60-100 blows), banishment (to varying distances with 100 blows), and death (by strangulation or decapitation).

The Ming code allowed for the paying of fines in place of any of these punishments, especially for nominal capital crimes. Women were remanded to the custody of their husbands, except in sexual and capital crimes, because of the danger of rape in prison. Killing for adultery was justified if done by the husband when the couple was caught in the act. If the wife survived, the husband could sell her as a concubine.

In the Ming code the man’s family was no longer exempt from punishment for breaking a marriage agreement.

Driving a person to commit suicide was punished by a hundred blows or by death if aggravated by other crimes.

Economic reconstruction of land, dikes, and canals revived the economy. A rational and comprehensive system of taxation and labor service was instituted. Paper money was issued; but after it was no longer convertible to metal currency, it had to be abandoned by the mid-15th century.

1391

however, this number dropped significantly when the government found that some 3 million people were missing from the tax census of 1391.[200]

 

 

 

In 1392

families in Anhui were directed to plant 200 mulberry trees, 200 jujube trees, and 200 persimmon trees. Scholars estimate that in this decade about one billion trees were planted in China.

1393

The government tried to mitigate this by creating their own conservative estimate of 60 545 812 people in 1393.[199] 

In his Studies on the Population of China, Ho Ping-ti suggests revising the 1393 census to 65 million people, noting that large areas of North China and frontier areas were not counted in that census.[201]

Brook states that the population figures gathered in the official censuses after 1393 ranged between 51 and 62 million, while the population was in fact increasing.[199] 

 

 

In 1395

they repaired or built 40,987 reservoirs in China. That year Emperor Hongwu issued a list of regions not to be invaded by the Ming, and tributary relations were limited to Ryuku Island (Japan), Cambodia, and Siam.

Imperial commands posted in all villages urged the “six injunctions” which were to be filial to parents, respect elders and superiors, maintain harmonious relations with neighbors, teach and discipline their sons, peacefully pursue their livelihoods, and do not commit wrongful actions. Tax captains were responsible for registering property and collecting taxes and labor services.

Crimes were prosecuted locally, but serious offenders were sent to the capital. In 1395 the Emperor decreed that all Buddhist and Daoist monks must go to the capital and pass an examination, and those failing were to return to a lay life. After learning that no one from the north had passed the examinations in 1397, Hongwu read the papers himself and awarded degrees to 61 northerners.

 

1398

Although the Emperor hated Mongol customs that violated Chinese ethics, after his death on June 24, 1398 all but two of his forty concubines took their lives in the traditional Mongol way.

 

During the reign of the Hongwu Emperor,

the situation in the Malay-Indonesian world was viewed with a negative attitude.[217]

However, the treasure fleet came to dominate the Malay-Indonesian sphere via Java, Sumatra, and the Malay Peninsula.[217]

In Ceylon and southern India, the treasure fleet forced the political situation of the region into their favor, while making the maritime routes safe for commerce and diplomacy.[217]

The Ming court understood that Liang Daoming was the leader of the Chinese community at Palembang, but ranked Chen Zuyi above Liang as they saw Chen as the Chieftain (toumu) of Palembang, which was not an official Ming title.[220] It is possible that Chen Zuyi had hoped for official recognition by the Ming court, but it never came to be.[220]

Admiral Zheng He was informed by Shi Jinqing about Chen Zuyi’s piracy, causing Chen to be classified as a pirate in the eyes of the Chinese authorities.[221]

During the first voyage,

Admiral Zheng He established order in Palembang under Chinese rule.[222]

The Ming court recognized Shi Jinqing as the Grand Chieftain (da toumu) of Palembang after Admiral Zheng He had captured Chen Zuyi.[33]

After Shi Jinqing’s death, his daughter Shi Erjie became king (wang)—a title normally not held by women—rather than his son succeeding him in his position in Palambang, a very uncommon situation for the patriarchal Chinese and Muslims.[33]

 

Ming Empire 1398-1464

The second Ming emperor Zhu Jianwen was twenty years old when he succeeded his grandfather Hongwu. He proclaimed a general amnesty, put three Confucian tutors in influential positions, and tried to make Ming government more benevolent. The six chief ministers were elevated in rank over the military commissioners. Hanlin scholars instructed the princes in Confucian policies, and the princes were also ordered not to interfere in civil and military matters. Jianwen canceled many of the harsh pronouncements and notices that had been made by Hongwu. Excessive land taxes in the Jiangnan region were reduced, and restrictions were put on the tax-exempt lands of the Buddhists and Daoists. Failing to control the princes, Jianwen decided to abolish their fiefdoms, and five of them were eliminated.

Zhu Di of Yan was Hongwu’s fourth son; his mother was probably a lesser consort, but he later claimed he was the son of Empress Ma. He was born on May 2, 1360 and married the daughter of General Xu Da in 1376. He did not take up his Yan fiefdom at Beijing until 1380. Zhu Di was ordered to patrol Daning in 1396 and captured Bolin Temur. By 1398 he had become the dominant power in the north. After the five strategic princedoms were abolished, Zhu Di feared he was the next target; but his three sons were hostages at the court in Nanjing until Jianwen consented to their return in June 1399. After two of his officials were executed for sedition the next month, Zhu Di attacked neighboring counties. The Prince of Yan claimed that he was upholding the laws of Hongwu and blamed the three Confucian advisors for persecuting the princes.

In the civil war Emperor Jianwen began with larger forces, but his army of 130,000 sent to attack Beijing was defeated. A siege of Beijing also failed. In May 1400 about 600,000 men fought near Baoding. The southern army used explosive weapons but suffered heavy losses and retreated. Prince Zhu Di was nearly captured but was relieved by reinforcements. He attacked again at Dezhou; but in 1401 after losing tens of thousands of troops, he decided to use guerrilla tactics in a war of attrition. By 1402 the Prince of Yan was able to attack the capital at Nanjing. He refused to negotiate, and Jianwen’s generals opened the city gates. The imperial palace was set on fire, and burned bodies were claimed to be those of Jianwen, Empress Ma, and Jianwen’s eldest son. On July 17, 1402 Zhu Di claimed that he was succeeding Hongwu and proclaimed himself Emperor Yongle. The three Confucian advisors refused to serve the new Emperor and were executed with many others. Eventually tens of thousands were executed, incarcerated, or banished. Military power of an autocratic prince had overcome the civil government of Confucian liberalism. Legends were passed on that Jianwen had escaped and continued to live as a monk, and this tragic hero became a popular literary motif.

 

 

 

 

 

15th Century

Kerajaan Minagkabau Pagaruyung mencapai puncak kejayaan sekitar abad ke-15 Masehi, semasa pemerintahan Adityawarman berkuasa (Amran, 1981 : 37 ; Kiram, dkk, 2003 : 11 dan Imran, 2002 : 20). Sebagai sebuah kerajaan besar dizamannya, Kerajaan Pagaruyung sendiri memiliki kerajaan kecil sebagai “wakil raja” untuk memerintah di daerah. Kerajaan-kerajaan ini merupakan bagian dari Kerajaan Pagaruyung dan langsung diberi otonomi khusus untuk mengurus kepentingan pemerintah dan ekonominya.

Raja-raja dibawah panji Kerajaan Pagaruyung tersebut telah menyebar ke berbagai daerah, bukan saja di Indonesia namun sampai ke mancanegara, yakni Malaysia

(kesulatanan Newgeri Sembilan dengan istana Sri menanti di Kuala Pilah,Dr Iwan visit nov 2013) dan Brunei Darussalam.

Kekuasaan Kerajaan Pagaruyung tersebut telah membentuk suatu hegemoni, dibawah Raja Alam berpusat di Pagaruyung.

Khusus di alam Minangkabau, raja-raja kecil tersebut berjumlah 61 buah kerajaan, baik yang ada di daerah darek dan rantau Minangkabau.

Mereka biasanya dipangil dengan istilah Yang Dipertuan, Rajo, dan Sutan. Mereka ada yang berasal dari keturunan langsung raja Pagaruyung dan adapula yang ditunjuk oleh raja sebagai wakilnya untuk memerintah di daerah.

Dalam kondisi inilah muncul hubungan yang diistilahkan dengan sapiah balahan, kuduang karatan, kapak  radai, dan timbang pacahan Kerajaan Pagaruyung

 

 

1402

As a boy of ten, Zheng He was recruited for military service as a eunuch

in the retinue of Zhu Di, Prince Yan, who usurped the throne in 1402

to become known to history as the Yongle Emperor, known posthumously

as Emperor Ming Chengzu (see illustration). For his service in helping

1404

the new emperor win the throne after three years of vicious warfare,

Zheng He was promoted in 1404

to the position of Director of Eunuch Affairs

and given the surname Zheng.

Detail of portrait of the third Ming emperor, Zhu Di, better known

as the Yongle Emperor

[Original work is in the collection of the China National Museum]

The overthrown emperor, Zhu Yunwen,

was never captured nor was his body found, and was rumoured

to have fled abroad.

Some accounts state that the Yongle Emperor was so obsessed with

the desire to find his potential rival and remove the possibility of the throne

ever reverting to him or his descendants that he conceived the plan

to despatch an expeditionary fleet to hunt to the ends of the earth for

the potential pretender.

This explanation seems far-fetched, although it should be viewed in the context

of the brutal dictatorship characterised by fratricidal enmity that was instituted

by the founder of the Ming dynasty, Zhu Yuanzhang.

Even if the Yongle Emperor was obsessed with maintaining his own power,

the voyages seem to have been also conceived as part of a diplomatic

and commercial initiative undertaken because the Chinese

were hemmed in by the Mongols on the north

and north-western frontiers.

Emperor Ming Chengzu

ordered all coastal shipyards to construct vessels to be part of

his first fleet.

However,

according to Professor Xin Yuan’ou of Shanghai’s Jiaotong University,

although many shipyards were involved in assembling the pan-shaped hulks

of the vessels, similar to shallow draught rice transportation vessels

(caofang, see illustration), the Longjiang Shipyard in the southern Ming

capital Nanjing had mastered the technology for modifying such hulls

so that they were wedge-shaped like Western vessels.

Hulls produced in other shipyards were transported to Nanjing for finishing.

How this “Western” technology was introduced to China is not explained in the press report by Professor Xin.

By 1405,

some 1,180 ships of various types had been built,

according to Chang Kuei-sheng’s account (see references),

and Zheng He was appointed to direct the expeditions.

The first voyage began in the winter of 1405 with a fleet comprising more

than 60 large vessels and 255 smaller vessels.

The total crew consisted of more than 27,800 men. The valuable cargoes

carried by the vessels and the range of participating vessels in

the flotilla demonstrate that the reasons for the voyages were more complex

than the mere hunt for a pretender.

The first fleet sailed from the Yangtze estuary and headed south,

travelling along the coast to Champa, a wealthy kingdom on

the Indochinese coast, and then to Thailand.

Passing through the Straits of Malacca, the flotilla was attacked by

an armada led by a powerful Chinese pirate, Chen Zuyi,

who controlled these waters and the kingdom of Palembang in Sumatra.

Zheng He’s forces succeeded in defeating Chen,

although Zheng lost five thousand of his men.

After recuperating in Palembang,

Zheng He entered the Indian Ocean and sailed on to India and Sri Lanka.

KERAMIK KERAJAAN TIONGKOKYANG DITEMUKAN DI INDONESIA(BAGIAN KE 6)

INI CONTOH INFO YANG ANDA DAPAT LIHAT DI MUSEUM LELUHUR INDONEIA WANLI SECARA LANGSUNG, CUPLIAKN INI TANPA ILUSTRASI.

MUSUEUM HANYA UNTUK KOLEKTOR BNAFIDE BUKAN UNTUK PEDAGANG

JIK ANDA INGIN MELIHATNYA

 

HARAP HUBUNGGI

iwansuwandy@gmail.com

The Yuan Ceramic History Cololection

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Limited E-Book In CD-Rom Edition

Special For Senior Collectors

Copyright @ 2014

 

 

 

Introduction

I have just read a best info related with the Yuan Ceramic written By Mr Koh,Seaceramic and before I have written about the Yuan Ceramic History Collections.

Beside the best info above I just found the yuan ceramic collection from Alain web blog.

I hope after read this twoo best articles and added the value of yuan ceramic from auction the collectors will understand about the yuan ceramic,the best ceramic in the world.

Jakarta,October 2014

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

THE STUDY OF YUAN CERAMIC HAPE

 

Sumber Erwanto Aceh

 

Source

Yuan Period

During the Yuan period, cizhou, Jun and Longquan wares continued to supply traditional products to large  part of the domestic market.

The most important development was the increasing importance of Jingdezhen as a center for porcelain production. 

An indication of its importance was the setting up of  the official Fuliang porcelain bureau (浮梁瓷局) in A.D 1278 whose functions included supervision and management of  porcelain production in Jingdezhen for official use.

Building on the foundation of Qingbai, Jingdezhen also developed the shufu wares.  But the most important event was the creation of Yuan blue and white wares and underglaze copper red decoration.  The blue and white displaced cizhou iron brown decoration as the main stream underglaze decoration in Ming and Qing Dynasty.  This is such a popular product that many people actually equate Chinese ceramics with blue and white.

Yuan court continued the Song policy to encourage overseas ceramics trade.  Longquan celadon was enormously popular as can be seen by the large quantity found overseas and in the number of Yuan longquan kilns sites.   Jingdezhen Qingbai/shufu and blue and whites were also important export items.

 

 

 

 

Extreme rare Yuan stemcup red in glazed with phoenix ddesign

Source Erwanto Aceh

Ini stem cup dinasti yuan merah dalam glasir dengan desain dua burung phoenix, ini sangat langka saya belum pernah melihat yamg seperti ini, yang saya miliki vase dan botol yuhunchupping baik rusak maupun mulus. Ini boleh di jual liwat lelangan Christies Hongkong, harganya bisa diatas seratus juta rupiah bila asli, kelihatannya asli tetapi lebih mantap jika ada sertifikat chriestie, nanti bila ada pameran keramik internasional di Singapura bisa diminta grading priginal dan estimate price, Ini mungkin hadiah dari kaisar dinasti Yuan mongol Kublai Khan kepada ratu aceh (phoenix lambang ratu ), mungkin dibawa bersama loceng besar yang sekarang ada di Bandar aceh.

(Dr. Iwan Suwandy)

 

 

Base of red in glazed like the repro yuhunchuping .

Erwanto Aceh

Ini vase yuhunchuping era diansti Yuan, seperti stem cup sebelum ini yang sudah diupload, melihat dasarnya kemungkinan besar ini repro karena dibandingkan milik saya , dasarnya tanpa glasir dan pingirannya merah pembakaran tinggi dan sangat halus lukisannya , jarang ada yang mulus sekali kebanyakan retak aatau putus kepalanya, makanya anada harus sabar untuk nanti bila ada pameran di singapura bisa minta sertifikat, saya sarankan sebaiknya bila beli dengan harga mahal sebaiknya minta sertifikat, jika harga murah sampai dua juta rupiah boleh beli kaerna barang merahdalam glasir baru saat ini disebut replica banyak juga peminantnya,harganya sampai dua juta juga.

Sebaiknya anda pergi ke museum mungkin disana aada contoh yang asli.lihta di CD-Rom saya ada contohnya.

Dr Iwan Suwandy

 

 

 

Sumber ERwanto Aceh

Ini vase untuk bungga yang ditaruh diatas meja sembahyang, dari desain dan tehnik lukisan dari diansti Yuan mongol mungkin dibawa sebagai hadiah oleh para jendral kaisar Mongol Kublaikan sbelum menyerang kerajaan singosari,sama dengan koleksi keramik yuan lainnya, dari dasarnya kelihat asli,tetapi warnanya terlau putih,yang saya punya dengan bentyuk vaze warnanya abu0abu atau putih kebiruan, lukisannya sangat halus, jika alsi harhanya bisa sampai satu juta US Dollars, tetapi saya tidak dpat memberikan jaminan keaslian selain tidak lihat langsung dan adanya perbedaan warna,dan saya belum pernah lihat dan menemukan vase seperti ini, dari lelangan internasional saya ada lihat tetapi warnanya abu-abu seperti tahu, mungkin saja ini dari anamese Vietnam yang bayak dieksport ke Turki dan orang turki membawanya ke Aceh, jadi terpaksa harus sabar lagi,cari kesempatan ke Singapura, bawa foto ini di IPod,lihatkan disna,dan mninta sertifikat,karena barang diatas dua ratus dollars ,umumnya orang asing minta sertifikat, koleksi ini harus disimpan sebagai pembanding bila ditemukan seperti ini lagi, tehnik lukisan dan warnanya mirip piring jadi piring itu juga mungkin asli dari Vietnam kerajaan anamese.

(DR Iwan Suwandy)

Sumber Erwanto Aceh

Ini mangkuk juga sama dengan vase yang diupload sebelum ini, melihat dasarnya kelihatan asli dari era dinasti Yuan, dan mangkok kerajaan hadiah untuk ratu dilihat dari desain burung phoenix, dan saya tetap berangapan ini mangkuk anamese Vietnam era diansti mongol yuan,yang dihadiahkan ke Turki dank e aceh. Tetap harus diminta sertifikat karena saya belum dapat memastikan keasliannya tanpa melihat langsung koleksi ini, jangan dijual simpan, harga yang asli 30 juta rupiah.

(Dr Iwan suwandy)

 

 

 

 

Sumber Erwanto Aceh

Ini mangkok gambar bebek sari dinasti yuan,tetapi desain ,tehnik dan wanrna tidak sama dengan dinasti Yuan, seperti mangkuk phoniex yang diupload d sebleum ini, kemungkinan ini dari Anenamese Vietnam era yuan yang diahdiahkan ke Raja Turki dan kemudian dihadiahkan lagi ke sultan Aceh, saya sarankan tetap harus diinta sertifikat, karena perbedaan warna dan saya punya yang palsu sekitar tahun 1985,dengan desain sama tetapi berbentuk piring besar.

Jadi memang harus hati-hati beli koleksi keramik era dinasti yuan yang sangat langka, jika asli harganya 30 juta rupiah.

(Dr Iwan Suwandy)

 

 

 

Sumber Erwanto Aceh

Setelah melihat dan memeriksa lagi sleuruh koleksi keramik era dinasti Yuan Mongol yang telah anda upload sebelum ini, yang ceret ini jelas sekali ini barang baru,terlihat sekali daar,tehnik dan bentuknya yang sangat kaku, saya juga punya mirip ini yang palsu dulu saya beli di Padang tahun 1984, saya punya yang asli, memang anda sebaiknya luangkan waktu datang ke Jakarta atau saya diundang ke Aceh, agar anda tidak terbeli lagi barang baru, keramik koleksi yuan anda umumnya baru harganya sekitar dua sampai tiga juta rupiah.

(Dr Iwan suwandy)

Very pity to much repro circulated at Aceh since many tourist vist sabang after tsunami, many fake ceramic there, all my friend very carefully buy keramik ata Bandar aceh and sabang, If you want to find the original beramic visit Lhoseumawe or meulaboh,and other small city and did not buy at shop,buy from the village’s people only

(DR Iwan Comment)

Jun Wares

During the Yuan period, Jun ware grew in popularity in Northern China. The number of kilns making Jun wares was enormous covering Henan, Hebei, Shanxi, and Inner Mongolia .  The vessels consisted of mainly bowl, plates and with small number of jars, censers and vases.  Interestingly, no Jun wares was excavated in region south of the Yangzi river.

They were essentially made for use domestically in Northern China. Yuan Jun vessels are typically heavily potted and have unglazed footring and base.

One rare exception of Southern China Jun produced during the period was  in Zhejiang Jinhua region.  In the Sinan shipwreck, there were some Jun wares which were from Jinhua Tiedian kiln (华铁店窑).

 

 

Dr Iwan Comment

I never seen this type in Indonesia

 

Cizhou wares

Cizhou wares continued to enjoy popularity in Northern China and mainly produced for domestic use.  However, some were also exported overseas and were excavated in Southeast Asia countries.

The main decorative style was underglaze iron-painted black/brown motif.

Dr Iwan Comment

I have found this type at west borneo Tanjungpura site Ketapang near Pawan River.

 

Longquan Wares

Longquan celadon reached the peak of its production during the Yuan dynasty.  It is characterised by the production of large vessels such as large plates, guan jars and vases.  This is a great achievement as large vessels are not easy to produced successfully.

Besides the continued use of curved/impressed motif, molded motif in relief also gained popularity during this period.   Some decorative elements such as iron-brown rust colour splashes/spots and biscuit form motif were also popular.

 

For more on longquan celadon, please read : Longquan wares

Compare with collections

Share by my friend Edhie Chen at facebook

 

Dr Iwan Comment

I found this type from west borneo tanjungpura sites,and from sea shipwreck treasure jepara dan Malacca straits

Qingbai and Shufu wares

Qingbai wares continued to be popular during the Yuan dynasty.  During this period, some of the Qingbai products were decorated with iron-brown rust splashes/spots.

   

Yuan Qingbai horse on rider with brown spots

Dr Iwan Comment

I found this type at west borneo but brpken head and leg.

Yuan Qingbai with molded bird motif

Subsequently another form known as Shufu glaze was created.  It is thick, opaque and resemble the colour of goose egg.  The good ones however could have a sugary white tone.   The rough ones usually have a grayish tinge to the glaze. 

The shufu vessels, consisting of mainly bowls and dishes,  were made in Hutian kilns which were located outside Jingdezhen, Jiangxi province. Some of the bowls and dishes have moulded relief motif and the chinese two chinese characters shu fu  [枢府] meaning “Privy council”.   

Hence, such glaze type wares were also termed shufu wares.   Besides shufu, other characters included “tai xi” [太禧]meaning great happiness and “fu lu” [福禄meaning good fortune and emolument could be found.  However, majority have just either plain or  molded relief motif of flowers, dragon or phoenix. 

Such vessels are typically more thickly potted and for the bowls/dishes, there is pooling of glaze at the inner and outer mouth rim.

DR Iwan Comment

I found the same type,broken mouth without spout at Aceh near lhoksemawe,dan rhe spout from west borneo near Ketapang tanjung pura sites

 

The starting date for production of shufu is still uncertain.  In the the Sinan wreck of about A.D 1325, there were some shufu wares. Some excavated examples in China with the word “tai xi” were probably made for the the official institution, Taixi Zongyin Yuan  [太禧宗禋院which dealt with religious rites of the imperial court.  It was set up in A.D. 1328.  

Hence, they should be made at least after A.D. 1328.  A small number of shufu wares continued to be made in the Hongwu period.  

The glaze was subsequently further improved and a pleasing sugary white glaze known as Tianbai [甜白] was produced during the Yongle period.

Some shufu wares were decorated with overglaze red/green motif.  A very rare type was the embossed effect motif created by trailing the outline of motif with coloured-slip and completed with in-laid gold.  Most the the examples in existent are in Shanghai museum.  The enamels consisted of red, green, yellow, white, blue and torquose blue colour.  Vessels with such unique decorative techniques consisted of bowls, saucers, stem cups/bowls and, yuhuchun vases and censers.

 

   

Yuan overglaze red and green enameled stem cup

 

For more on Shufu ware, please read: Shufu (luan bai) wares

Dr Iwan comment

I have neverseen this type in Indonesia

Types of  Jingdezhen Yuan Underglaze Decorations

In the Sinan cargo, there were a few pieces of qingbai glaze bowl with underglaze iron-brown decoration. 

 The production of this category of decoration was apparently small and did not win many admirers. 

Cobalt oxide and to a much lesser extent copper oxide were found to be more suitable as medium for underglaze decoration on porcelain wares.

 

 

 

 

Underglaze blue and white wares

Yuan blue and whites were produced from about A.D 1330.   It was earlier thought to be around A.D 1319 (6th year of yuanyou (元祐))based on a pair of vases excavated in Hubei.  However, scientific test has confirmed that the colorant used is iron oxide and not cobalt

.

There are two types of Yuan blue and whites ie the high end type with vibrant blue and those small vessels with greyish tone blue.  Those which are found in the Middle East are generally the high-end type.  They consisted of large plates, guan jars, rectangular flat vases, meiping/ yuhuchun/ gourd-shape vases and big bowls.  The best collections are now in Topkapu Saray in Istanbul Turkey and Ardebil in Iran Bustan in Tehran.

The motif and composition on the pieces was similar to that of the David Vase.   It is termed Zhizheng type. 

The quality is consistently very high and typically with different motifs organised within separate band.   For example, the David vase has 8 bands of motifs. 

The glaze on the vessel is also more transparent with a tinge of blue.  It is very different from the Qingbai or shufu glaze found on those small blue and white vessels for the Southeast Asia market.

The varieties of motif are numerous ranging from many different type of flowers and floral scrolls, dragon, phoenix, crane, heron, mandarin duck, fish, mystical animals, Buddhist precious objects, clouds, waves, human and landscape depicting scene from ancient episode  from the 3 kingdom and Han Dynasty. 

Visually the composition looks crowded as if the designer is adverse to leaving empty spaces.  But they do not look dis-organised or messy.  Another interesting approach is having some of the motifs reserved in a blue background.

 

 

Most of the lower quality blue and whites, such as small ewers, small jarlets, cups and bowls with a Qingbai or shufu glaze were exported  to Southeast Asia countries such as Philippines and Indonesia.  The design is generally simple, consisting of floral motif decorated with grayish local cobalt blue.  But there were small quantity of high quality guans, plates and vases with motifs arranged in separate bands as typified by the David vase.

Dr Iwan Comment

I never seen this type in Indonesia

Sumber Erwanto Aceh

Ini piring dinasti Yuan yang sangat langka, desainnya dua burung phoenix, mungkin dikirim oleh kaisar yuan mongol Kublaikhan sebagai hadiah untuk Ratu Aceh, hanya sayang saya tidak dapat menjamin keasliannya seperti juga dengan vase merah dalam glasir yang sudah diupload, kelihatan dasarnya yang asli tidak seperti itu, kelihatan dasarnya dibuat jadi lama, aslinya lebih halus dan merah pembakaran tinggi bagian pinggirnya, kembali harus sabar menungu kesempatan saat pameran keramik internasional di Singapura untuk memperoleh sertifikat keaslian, pernah ada lelangan international saya lihat ini tidak sama, bila asli hargany sampai satu juta US dollars ,sekitar 10 trilun rupiah, jika blinya haya dua atau tiga juta tak jadi soal, karena yang baru saat ini harganya sudah sepuluh juta rupiah.

(Dr Iwan Suwandy)

This new repro Yuan plate, the base were given brown to made oldr apearnace, compare with Mr Koh original Collection

(Dr Iwan )

It is generally believed that those high end type of blue and white with vibrant blue used imported cobalt. 

Those with greyish tone are decorated with local cobalt.  However, recent scientific tests have shown that all the Yuan blue and white used imported cobalt.

The imported cobalt is called sumali [苏麻离青] or suboni [苏渤泥青] blue.  Some suggested sources of the imported cobalt are Kashan in Iran or Samarra in Iraq.

 

Dr Iwan Comment

I have found this type at tanjungpura stie West Borneo , West Java and Tuban

Look my collections


 

Yuan chrysanthemum and dragon   motif ink box

 

Yuan Chrysanthenum motif jarlet

 

 

 

 

 

Yuan Chrysanthenum motif Cup

 

Yuan Chrysanthenum  Motif Vase from tuban

Chrysanthemum vase from Makassar

 

 

«

 

Please compare flower decoration left Anamese vs right Yuan -style

 

Best perfect decoration

 

Bold dark blue bead jarlet

 

Best style flower decoration

The earliest known example of Yuan underglaze copper red is probably the dish found in the Sinan shipwreck (A.D. 1325).

It has two leaf incised, washed with a lighter copper red and calligraphy written in a thicker copper red pigment.  The dish was then covered with a Qingbai glaze and fired. Most of the known examples of the copper red were decorated with motif executed in pencilled style.  Majority has the Qingbai type glaze. The red is usually light and grayish to tone, indicating that control over the material is still not perfected.

Copper red is volatile and unstable during firing.  If too thinly applied, it may volatilise and lose its red colour.  If too thickly applied , it becomes unsightly darkish in tone. 

  There are a number of extant copper red vessels with impressed or incised motif.  The copper red was either washed over the motif or the motif reserved with red background.  They may be examples of early experimentation with copper red.

 

Yuan copper red ewer with floral motif recovered from the sea in Indonesia

 

   

Yuan copper red ewer with fish recovered from Indonesia Trowulan

There were also some vessels decorated with underglaze blue and copper red. A good example is the below guan in the David Percival Foundaton.  It has added decorative elements of trailed slip beaded lines and moulded decorative element luted and looks like open work in relief. This style of decoration was popular during the Yuan period and found on many Qingbai guan jar and yu hu chun vases.  The Qingbai glaze on such vessels appear more opaque and could sometime be confused with shufu glaze.

Dr Iwan Comment

I found this type in broken and not complete part and the vase in Adam Malik collections in his bedroom but now have sold

Look my collections atnex page

The beast and the beauty,s red flower body decorations

Best dark red body decoration

Dark brown red bold body decoration (anamese?)

Darkred splash body decoration

Simple perfect red decoration

simple decoration with bright red colour

Underglaze Copper Red ware

 

 

 

Monochrome Blue wares

Monochrome blue glaze was successfully produced during the Yuan period.  There a a beautiful sapphire colour tone. There were some examples of wine cup, saucer and vessel yi found in Hebei baoding.  There were traces of gold decoration on the vessels.

 

Updated by Mr Koh  (14 Dec 2009)

Dr Iwan Comment

I have never seen this type in indonesia

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Yuan Blue and white

On 12 Jul 2005, a Yuan blue and white jar depicting scene from an episode during the Warring states was sold by Christies for a record sum of US$27.7 million for Chinese work of art.

Yuan jar sold by Christies for record sum of US$27.7 million

This is indeed a dramatic change of fortune for Yuan Blue and white wares considering that little was known about them prior to A.D 1950.  Before A.D 1950  RL Hobson had in A.D 1929 highlighted a pair of Yuan vases in the Percival David Foundation in his writings. But it did not raise much interest.  The pioneering work in the identification of Yuan blue and white was done in A.D 1952 by Dr John Pope. 

He identified a group of Yuan blue and white in the Istanbul Topkapi Museum and the Iran Ardebil Shrine which possesses motifs which are stylistically similar to those on the pair of David Vases. 

The pair of vases was a donation to the temple by a devotee named Zhang Wenjin 张文进)seeking blessings for his family. 

This is mentioned in the inscription on the neck of the vases. It also has a date Zhi Zheng (至正)11th year, ie A.D 1351.  Blue and white wares which are stylistically similar to the David vases are termed Zhi Zheng type.

The pair of vases was last placed in the Bejing Zhihua (智化)Temple but smuggled out of China in 1929 to Europe by a overseas chinese.  It subsequently ended up in the possession of Sir Percival David.

Subsequently, a pair of qingbai glaze pagoda-shaped vases with simple floral scrolls dated to Yuanyou (元祐) 6th year (A.D. 1319) was excavated in Hubei.  It was initially thought to be decorated with a grayish cobalt blue. 

As the execution of the motif looks experimental and lacks the sophistication and maturity of the Zhi Zheng type blue and white, the Chinese experts viewed them as early Yuan Blue and white and termed them Yuanyou type. 

 However,  scientific test in Mar 2009 by the Shanghai Museum on one of the vases confirmed that the colorant used is iron oxide and not cobalt.

 

The Yuan You vase datd 1319 A.D in Hubei Museum.  Initially thought to be decorated with cobalt. Decorated with iron oxide pigment. 

 

   

David vase dated 1359 A.D 

Kiln and Production Commencement Date

Although the colorant of the pagoda shaped vase dated A.D 1310 is not cobalt, the motifs (such as the peony, the plantain leaves  and collar-shaped cloud on the shoulder of the vase) and multi-layered composition showed stylistic similarity with the subsequent blue and white. So, when did the Jingdezhen potters started using cobalt for decoration?

Some of the early Chinese writings related to ceramics may shed some lights.  In Jiangqi’s (蒋祈)writings Taoji (记) widely regarded as written between A.D 1322 – 1325, there was no mention of blue and white. HoweverWang Da Yuan (汪大渊), in his work Dao Yi Zhi lue (岛夷志略)which recorded his observations during his trips to Southeast Asia between A.D 1330 to 1339, he mentioned a group of exported porcelain termed Qingbai hua ci (青白花瓷). This could be literally interpreted as motif in blue and white.  It is more likely a reference to Blue and white and not qingbai wares.

So far, no Yuan blue and white from shipwreck or excavation has a dating earlier than A.D 1330. 

In the Sinan shipwreck dated about A.D 1325, there were some shufu, iron-oxide decorated wares and a plate decorated with copper red calligraphy from Jingdezhen.  But no blue and white was found.

Kiln sites producing Yuan blue and white have been found in several sites in Jingdezhen and Hutian. 

In Hutian, kiln sites located south of the river Nan were found to specialise in the production of large vessels, such as large plates, jars and vases, with mulit-layered motifs which were mainly found in Middle East collections. 

Kiln sites located north of the river were found to produce those small vessels such as jarlet, bowls and dishes with simple motif,  which were commonly found in Philippines and Indonesia.

The stratification of the kiln site, located South of the river Nan, showed the blue and white layer above the layer of shufu glaze vessels. 

Although the actual date of production of the blue and white could not be ascertained,  they definitely made their appearance later than the shufu glaze vessels.

In Jingdezhen, the site at Luoma Qiao (马桥) were found to produce a large variety of vessels form such as including plates, cups, vases, jars and figurines. 

There were also vessels such as jar, Yuhuchun vase decorated with underglaze copper red motifs.

A fragment of small bowl with overglaze red/green motif was also recovered.

Fragments recovered from Jingdezhen Luoma Qiao

 

The site at Longzhu Ge (龙珠阁) specialised in producing vessels for the palace.  Dragons decorated on the jars were found to have 5 claws which was only permitted for imperial use.  Some of the vessels were glazed in blue or turquoise and decorated with gold motif.  In Yuan Dianzhang (元典章), it was decreed that the use of gold gild was prohibited by common folks.

 

Jar with 5 claws dragon from Longzhu Ge kiln site

From published sources, so far the earliest blue and white was a sherd with cobalt blue inscription and a date yuantong (统)3rd year (A.D 1335) mentioned. It was excavated in Jingdezhen Daijia nong (景德镇戴家弄).   There were quite a number of sherds with inscription indicating cyclical or Zhizheng date excavated in Jingdezhen.  All are dated to the A.D 1340s.

The Xuzhan Tang Museum (徐展堂艺术馆)has a big Yuan blue and white zhizheng type charger with vegetal and floral motif organised around several circular bands.  There is a faint ink inscription which when under ultra-violet light, the characters zhizheng 4th year (至正四年)ie A.D 1343 could be seen.

Hence, so far far evidence indicates that production of Yuan blue and white most probably started around A.D 1330.

Types of blue and white

The typical high quality Yuan blue and whites are in the form of large plates, guan jars, Rectangular flat vases, meiping/yuhuchun/gourd-shape vases and big bowls.  The best collections are now in Topkapu Saray in Istanbul Turkey and Ardebil in Iran Bustan in Tehran.  The motif and composition on the pieces was similar to that of the David Vase.   It is termed Zhizheng type.  The quality is consistently very high and typically with different motifs organised within separate band.   For example, the David vase has 8 bands of motifs.  The glaze on the vessel is also more transparent with a tinge of blue.  It is very different from the Qingbai or shufu glaze found on those small blue and white vessels for the Southeast Asia market.

The varieties of motif are numerous ranging from many different type of flowers and floral scrolls, dragon, phoenix, crane, heron, mandarin duck, fish, mystical animals, Buddhist precious objects, clouds, waves, human and landscape depicting scene from ancient episode  from the 3 kingdom and Han Dynasty.  The use of bands to organise motifs is not new and can been seen in earlier period such as those on Song Cizhou wares.  What is interesting and striking is the way the potter squeezed so many varied motifs into one composition on the vessel.  Visually it looks crowded as if the designer is adverse to leaving empty spaces.  However, they are well-organised and do not appear messy.  Another interesting approach is having some of the motifs reserved in a blue background.  One distinctive and refreshing element also worth noting is having motifs within cloud collars.   The early Yuan You 6th year vase mentioned earlier also has cloud collars on the shoulder.  But no motif was drawn within and it is obvious that despite the use of band to separate different motif, the whole composition is sparse and not crowded as in the Zhizheng type.

Big Plates in Beijing palace Museum

Ewer in Beijing palace Museum

Dr Iwan Comment

I found this type in Indonesia, but still donnot exact original, but the trader said from the shipwreck near West Java, I think one original because the glazed was rough dur to the water sea abbration and one may be replica

Big Jar in Beijing palace Museum

   

Human motif vase in the Hubei Museum

Fragment of big bowl from Trowulan in Indonesia

 

 

Besides the above high quality types, many small ewers, small jarlets, cups and bowls with a Qingbai or shufu glaze were excavated in Southeast Asia countries such as Philippines and Indonesia  .  The design was generally simple, consisting of floral /cloud motif decorated with greyish cobalt blue executed in calligraphic style.

Such items were produced in Hutian kiln located South of River Nan

In Jingdezhen, a number of stem cups with simple human figures/floral motif were excavated.

   
   
 

Yuan blue and white stem cups

Dr Iwan Comment

I never seen this type in Indonesia

 

The blue and white exported to Middle East were generally of high quality.  However, it is a mis-conception that those exported to Southeast Asian countries are low quality blue and whites.  Excavations in Trowulan (in Java), the former capital of the Majapahit empire in Indonesia showed that quite a number (including vases and big jars) were of high quality.

Compare with

Yuan Vase found In Aceh

at next page

 

 

 

 

Yuan Yuhuchuphing (kendi Bawang) Blue and white vase

Source

Erwanto Aceh

Ini vase yang sangat langka terkenal di Indonesia dengan istilah Kendi Bwang, melihat dari warna dan tehnik lukisannya serta dasarnya terlihat asli, harganya pada lelangan terakhir di Jakarta oleh Borobudur auction yang saat ini sudah tidak ada lagi, seratus juta rupiah.

Saya sarankan agar kendi yuan ini jangan dijual dan untuk lebih memastikannya saya sarankan diminta sertifikat ke Chriesties .com.

Saya memiliki kendi bawang yuan baik yangpecah maupun yang asli serta yang replica, dan dalam lelangan internatuional ada yang persis seperti milik anda.

 

Saya sarankan anda buat museum kecil dirumah dan mulai membuat pertahanan dengan memasang teralis besi dan lemari dikunci , saya belum berani memastikan keaslian karena belum melihatnya secara langsung.

Jika anda membuat museum kecil mungkin saya akan datang untukmembantu anda dalam mengidentifikasi secara langsung dengan syarat biaya akomodasi dan transportasi tanggungan anda, jangan diperlihatkan kepada umum secara bebas nati dicuri dan nanti anda akan dikejar pajak, contoh saja saya yang secara diam-diam membuat museum tak diumumkan ke khalayak ramai, dan diperlihatkan kepada keluarga dank wan dekat sja.

(Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA)

Yuhuchun vases found in Trowulan

Dr Iwan Commewnt

I found this type at the Tanjungpura site west borneo but in broken ,only the top and based were found.

 

Type of Cobalt Used

Visually, it appears that two types of cobalt are used for Yuan blue and white.  The typical high quality type has a strong and vibrant shade of blue.  The blue on the small pieces appears greyish in tone.  Generally, it is believed that the former was decorated with imported cobalt and the latter local cobalt.  The below photos gives an idea of how local and imported cobalt is thought to appear visually.

 

 

Scientific analysis shows that the local cobalt is high on magnesium and low of iron oxide.  The imported cobalt is the reverse, ie. high on iron oxide and low on magnesium.  The high magnesium is believed to render the grayish tone to motif drawn using local cobalt.

However, recent scientific tests have consistently revealed that the cobalt used on those Yuan blue and white which appear greyish in colour tone is also imported cobalt.  It seems that other factors such as the firing temperature, the atmosphere and quality of the cobalt may have contributed to the greyish tone.

The chinese called the imported cobalt sumali [苏麻离青] or suboni [苏渤泥青] blue.  Some suggested sources of the imported cobalt are Kashan in Iran or Samarra in Iraq.

 

Underglaze blue and copper red

There were also some vessels decorated with underglaze blue and copper red. A good example is the below guan in the David Percival Foundaton.  It has added decorative elements of trailed slip beaded lines and moulded decorative element luted and looks like open work in relief. This style of decoration was popular during the Yuan period and found on many Qingbai guan jar and yu hu chun vases.

Written by : Mr Koh (15 Dec 2009), updated 18 Feb 2012

Source

Mr Koh

Lecture: Opening the Microscopic World of Porcelain: Trace Model Research and Authentication of Yuan Underglaze Blue

Based upon the first two books in the Ceramics Trace Model Study Series, Survey of Ceramics Trace Model Study and Trace Model Research and Authentication: Yuan Dynasty Underglaze Blue Porcelain, this lecture looks into the application of microscopic research within Chinese Ceramics.

Using 500x digital magnification, the research team at Guangzhou Oriental Museum has put forth a new scientific field of research that focuses on the quantitative change and passage of time principles that govern the weathering of ancient ceramics. With sample selection extending from Jingdezhen to Inner Mongolia within China, and from Iran to the U.S. internationally, they have pulled together a sizeable database of ceramic trace samples that are used as the comparative DNA in scientific research and authentication of Chinese Porcelain.

The speaker, Matthew Bunney, Deputy Director of the Guangzhou Oriental Museum, has led a four year focus on the discovery and analyses of Yuan Dynasty Underglaze Blue Porcelain traces. He also pioneered a new technique of three-dimensional micro-imaging which opened a new world of ceramic observation and understanding, and is working to improve the field of ceramic authentication.

Come and enjoy an evening of discovery and education on this interesting new field of scientific research, and be part of the first public audience in Asia to see the Microscopic World of Chinese Ceramics opened for all to enjoy.

Source

seaceramic.

 

Dr Iwan Comment

I found this type at west borneo,tuban,and shi[wreck Malacca straight

;ook my collections

The Rare Yuan Snake Ceramic”

 

Very rare Yuan Snake

Rare Yuan Snake

emblem of medicine

Supranatural Power

Emblem of Evil

Yuan Snake ceramic

”The Rare Yuan Cock Ceramic”

Yuan Cock Mhammedan blue

Rare Yuan cock cup

Rare Yuan Cock ceramic

Hallo collectors,thankyou for click UCN today
RCD and UCN special show this day.

RARE YUAN QING PAI CERAMIC

 

 

Dr Iwan Comment

I found this type from shipwreck Malacca straights

A selection of twenty-two blue and white jars and jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Including eight miniature jars painted with leafy sprays below a petal neck band; eight similar small jarlets decorated with bands of song birds amid foliate sprays; four ovoid jars girded by blossoming leafy sprays; and two squared jars with shaped floral reserves below a neck cloud-collar band. 1 1/2 and 2 7/8in (3.1 and 7.3cm) average heights – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of eighteen blue and white jars and jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of four ovoid jars, each with a central band of blossoming leafy sprays below a ring of stylized petals at the neck, and twelve similar jarlets decorated with bands of song birds alternating with foliate sprays. 2 and 3in (5 and 7.6cm) average heights – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of thirty-four blue and white jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of fourteen miniature and twenty small ovoid jarlets, each painted with a wide band of birds amid leafy foliage, most framed by narrow blue rings, the short neck with a collar of stylized petals. 1 3/8-2 1/4in (3.5-5.6cm) high – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of six blue and white jars. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of globular shape with a wide mouth, one decorated with birds amid leafy bamboo framed by scrolling foliate and lappet bands, the remainder with a central band of stylized blossoms amid leafy tendrils below a diaper-patterned band, one with a lid decorated en suite. [7] 3 ½ (9cm) average diameter – Estimate: $400 – 500

A selection of eleven jars. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of two small white vasiform jarlets with three lug handles encircling a flared rim; two jarlets, one with a wide mouth, decorated in cobalt blue with a central foliate band between lappet bands; and seven blue-and-white covered jars, most decorated with a floral band bracketed by petal and lappet bands, one featuring birds in a landscape, the lids with a central knob and painted en suite2 1/8-3 3/8in (5.3-8.3cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of nine enamel decorated jars and bowls. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The first of seven globular jars with a short cylindrical neck and retaining traces of the original enameled foliate patterns; the second a pair of bowls with the interior well painted in green and red enamel with a floral medallion, the exterior with a band of stylized flowers above jeweled lappets, the bases with chocolate brown wash. 2 7/8in (6.8cm) average height; 5 3/8in (13.7cm) diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of twenty-five blue and white jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of fourteen miniature and twenty small ovoid jarlets, each painted with a wide band of birds amid leafy foliage, most framed by narrow blue rings, the short neck encircled by petals or a jeweled band. 1 7/8-2 1/4in (4.5-5.4cm) high. Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of thirty-two blue and white jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of miniature and small ovoid jarlets, each painted with a band of birds amid leafy foliage, most framed by narrow blue rings, the short neck with a collar of stylized petals. 1 1/2-2 1/8in (3.5-5.4cm) high – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of twenty-five blue and white jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of fourteen miniature and twenty small ovoid jarlets, each painted with a wide band of birds amid leafy foliage, most framed by narrow blue rings, the short neck encircled by petals or a jeweled band. 1 7/8-2 1/4in (4.5-5.4cm) high – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of thirty-two blue and white jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of miniature and small ovoid jarlets, each painted with a band of birds amid leafy foliage, most framed by narrow blue rings, the short neck with a collar of stylized petals. 1 1/2-2 1/8in (3.5-5.4cm) high – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of twenty-four blue and white jars and jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of six ovoid jars, each with a central band of flowering orchid tendrils below a collar of overlapping petals at the neck; fourteen miniature and four small jarlets, each decorated with birds in a landscape or leafy foliage, all set within blue rings below a neck ring of stylized petals. 1 ¾-3 1/4in (3.6-8.1cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twelve blue and white jars and jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Including six ovoid jarlets painted with birds flying in a landscape, set within blue rings below a neck collar of petals; four larger jars of similar shape, the exterior decorated with leafy orchid tendrils within narrow rings below a ring of petals at the neck; and two jars applied with lug handles and with similar decoration accompanied by a row of lappets at the base. 2 ¼, 3 and 4in (5.8, 7.8 and 10cm) average heights – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of twenty-two blue and white jars and jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The first of twelve hexagonal jars with rounded edges, each decorated with alternating floral and geometric reserves repeated in the petals encircling the neck; the second of eight small jarlets painted with bands of birds amid foliate sprays below a collar of petals at the neck. 2 3/8 and 1 3/4in (6 and 4.4cm) average heights – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twenty-two blue and white jars and jarlets. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The first of twelve hexagonal jars with rounded edges, each decorated with alternating floral and geometric reserves repeated in the petals encircling the neck; the second of eight small jarlets painted with bands of birds amid foliate sprays below a collar of petals at the neck. 2 3/8 and 1 3/4in (6 and 4.4cm) average heights – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of four molded parrot bowls with enamel decoration. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each molded as a shallow peach-form bowl with its leafy branch held in the beak of a parrot with its body curling around the right side, the foliate design with traces of the original green and red enamels. 3 1/2in (9cm) average length – Estimate: $500 – 700

A group of six blue and white bowls and ten small cups. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The bowls of inverted bell form, each interior with a stylized character below a rim band, the exterior with leafy orchid or four-petal flowers above jeweled lappets, the bases with a chocolate brown wash; the cups of similar shape with petal-shaped ribs to the exterior, each decorated with a ruyi-head or jeweled rim band above stiff leaves repeated on the interior centered by a character or blossom. 5 ½ and 2 1/2in (14 and 6.3cm) average diameters -Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection thirteen bowls and cups. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of the blue-and-white bowls decorated with a character or floral spray on the interior, the exterior with leafy orchids or stylized flowers above jeweled lappets; one pair of small molded cups with underglaze blue foliate decoration; one pair of bell-form cups with cobalt floral reserves above lappets; one pair of cream-colored cups of similar shape; and one undecorated small white bowl. 5 ½in (14cm) average diameter of bowls – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of six blue and white bowls and ten small cups. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The bowls of inverted bell form, each interior with a stylized characters and rim band of scrolling tendrils, the exterior with leafy orchid or four-petal flowers above jeweled lappets, the bases with a chocolate brown wash; the cups of similar shape with petal-shaped ribs on the exterior, each decorated with a ruyi-head or jeweled rim band above stiff leaves repeated on the interior centered by a character or blossom. 5 ½ and 2 1/2in (14 and 6.3cm) average diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of six blue and white bowls and twelve small cups. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of the bowls of inverted bell form with a stylized character or floral spray in the interior well, the exterior with leafy orchid or four-petal flowers above jeweled lappets, the bases with a chocolate brown wash; each of the cups molded with petal-shaped exterior, the interior with a character encircled by stiff leaves repeated on the exterior below a ruyi-head or jeweled rim band. 5 1/4 and 2 1/2in (13.4 and 6.3cm) average diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection thirteen bowls and cups. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of the blue-and-white bowls decorated with a character or floral spray on the interior, the exterior with leafy orchids or stylized flowers above jeweled lappets; one pair of small molded cups with underglaze blue foliate decoration; one pair of bell-form cups with cobalt floral reserves above lappets; one large and three small inverted bell-form cream-colored cups. 5 1/4in (13.4cm) average diameter of bowls – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of nine blue and white vessels. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of two compressed ovoid pouring vessels decorated with a central band of flowering orchid tendrils below a collar of overlapping petals; three jars of similar shape and decoration; three vasiform jars with lug handles, each painted in a similar manner with petals or lappets encircling the base; and one small jar with shaped floral reserves. 1 5/8-4 1/8in (4.2-10.4cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twelve blue and white small items. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Consisting of one compressed ovoid jar with lug handles and two small vases with floriform rims, each painted with flowering orchid tendrils bracketed by a neck collar of overlapping petals and lappets; and nine circular boxes, each with a flat lid centered by a stylized floral medallion with geometric accents and framed by a jeweled band or narrow rings, some with overlapping lappets at the base, one with traces of enamel accents. 2 3/4in (7.3cm) height vases; 2 1/8-2 3/8in (5.3-6cm) diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twenty-three blue and white bottles and jars. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Including ten miniature pear-shaped bottles decorated with conjoined petals; nine lobed jarlets painted with bands of stylized jewels, some with lappets at the base; and four ovoid jars with a central foliate band and stylized petals encircling the cylindrical neck. 3 1/2in (8.8cm) height of largest – Estimate: $400 – 600

Three decorated yuhuchun bottles. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of pear shape, the first decorated in colored enamels with a central register of small reserves set between lappet bands; the second two painted in cobalt blue with central band of blossoms or birds in a landscape bracketed by jeweled lappet and lotus petal bands; each with a chocolate brown wash to the base. 9 1/8, 11 ¾ and 12in 12in (23.3, 29.7 and 30cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

Three decorated yuhuchun bottles. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of pear shape, the first with lobed sides and decorated in underglaze blue and enamels with shaped floral reserves below a cloud collar and stiff leaf bands; the second painted in cobalt blue with birds in a landscape framed by jeweled lappet and conjoined lotus petal bands; the third with two registers of floral reserves above conjoined lotus petals in underglaze blue, each with a chocolate brown wash to the base. 9, 12 1/8 and 11 7/8in (22.8, 30.8 and 30.2cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

Three decorated yuhuchun bottles. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of pear shape, the first decorated in underglaze blue and enamels with a central band of geometric and cloud-form reserves set between patterned lappets; the second two painted in cobalt blue with birds alternating with bamboo and bracketed by jeweled lappet and conjoined lotus petal bands, a chocolate brown wash to the base. 9 1/8, 11 ¾ and 12in 12in (23.3, 29.7 and 30cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

Two blue and white bottles. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of pear form, decorated with a band of bird amid stalks of leafy bamboo, framed by jeweled lappet and overlapping lotus petal bands, a stiff leaf band below the flaring rim, the base with a chocolate brown wash. 11 ½ and 11 3/4in (29.2 and 29.7cm) high – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twenty blue glazed bottles and boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each covered in a muted cobalt blue glaze, including eight pear-shaped bottles, each surmounted by a flared rim and with vertical ribs, with chocolate brown painted bases; six circular boxes with a flat lid applied with a small flower-head; and six molded boxes with lobed sides issuing from a central roundel. 4in (10.2cm) average height; 2-2 3/8in (5-6cm) diameters – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection fourteen blue and white small bottles. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of pear shape, the first eight of miniature size and painted with vertical petal-like bands bordered by foliate or key fret collars; the remaining four with flaring rim and decorated en suite, the bases with chocolate brown wash. 2 ¾ and 4in (7 and 10.2cm) average height -Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of sixteen blue and white landscape boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each circular box with a flat cover painted with a stylized landscape, some including small pavilions or rocky cliffs, all framed by thin blue bands. 2 1/2in (6.6cm) average diameter -Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of sixteen blue and white landscape boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each circular box with a flat cover painted with a stylized landscape, some including small pavilions or river scenes, all framed by thin blue bands. 2 3/8-2 1/2in (6-6.5cm) diameters -Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of sixteen blue and white landscape boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each flat cover of the circular box painted with a stylized landscape, most with four clusters of foliage and framed by thin blue bands. 2 5/8 (6.6cm) average diameter. Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of sixteen blue and white landscape boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape and with a flat cover painted with a stylized landscape framed by thin blue bands. 2 5/8 (6.6cm) average diameter – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of sixteen blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape with a flat cover centered by a peony blossom framed by scrolling leaves and jeweled bands, some with lappets encircling the base. 2 1/4in (5.8cm) average diameter – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of twenty-five blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Including six miniature boxes of octagonal contour and decorated with stylized peony roundels above foliate reserves; six miniature cylindrical works with covers centered by stylized flowers; and thirteen larger boxes of similar design, nine with an additional central knob on the flat lid, all embellished with jeweled bands or foliate scrolls on the sides. 1 3/8- 2in (3.5-5cm) diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twelve blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of cylindrical shape with mixed decoration, six covers with floral roundels above panels of birds on the sides; five with landscape medallions on the cover and side panels of birds in flight (4); one with a fu-lion medallion within jeweled bands on the cover. 2 ¼-2 1/2in (5.8-6.2cm) diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of twelve blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The first six with additional enamel and occasional gilt accents, each with a molded cover centered by a dragon or foliate medallion, the surrounding band with cobalt blue floral scrolls or reserves above jeweled lappets; the second six each with a flat cover painted with a peony medallion within a jeweled band, one with enamel accents to the side. 3 and 2 5/8 (7.6 and 6.8cm) average diameters – Estimate: $500 – 700

A group of twenty-two small blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of cylindrical shape, including four miniature boxes with the flat covers decorated as a stylized blossom; the remaining eighteen with covers centered by various types of blossoms encircled by jeweled bands. 1 3/8- 2in (3.6-5cm) diameters – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of eighteen small blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of cylindrical form, the slightly convex cover centered by a cash emblem encircled by chrysanthemum or peony petals bordered by a jeweled band repeated on the sides. 1 ¾- 2in (4.5-5cm) diameters – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of twenty blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape and most with a slightly lobed contour, each cover centered by a multi-petal blossom encircled by stylized leaves or patterned lappets, the sides with further lappets of foliate or geometric pattern. 2 3/8in (6cm) average diameter – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of sixteen blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

The first eight of creamy white hue, each molded with a central floret and lobed circular body; the second eight each with a flat cover decorated with a stylized blossom encircled by petals or geometric and foliate-patterned lappets repeated on the rounded sides. 2 1/2in (6.3cm) average diameter – Estimate: $300 – 500

A group of twelve blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape, the flat cover centered by a stylized blossom or leafy floral spray encircled by bands with floral reserves on a diaper patterned ground repeated on the sides. 2 ½-3 1/4in (6.4-8.2cm) diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of sixteen blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape with a flat cover, eight painted with a stylized landscape framed by a jeweled border, a band of small birds amid leafy plants on the sides; eight centered by a stylized blossom encircled by geometric and foliate-patterned lappets repeated on the sides.2 3/8-2 3/4in (6-7cm) diameters – Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of sixteen blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape with a flat cover, eight centered by a peony or chrysanthemum blossom framed by scrolling leaves and a patterned border; eight painted with a stylized landscape framed by a jeweled border, the sides with small birds amid leafy plants. 2 1/2in (6.4cm) average diameter – Estimate: $400 – 600

A group of sixteen blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape and some with a slightly lobed contour, each with the rounded cover centered by a multi-petal blossom encircled by stylized leaves or patterned lappets, the sides with further lappets of foliate or geometric pattern. 1 5/8-2 1/8in (4-5.5cm) diameters -Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of ten blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape with a flat cover, four centered by a peony blossom framed by scrolling leaves and a cloud-collar border; six with a spray of begonia encircled by jeweled bands, the sides painted with birds in a landscape. 2 1/2in (6.4cm) average diameter -Estimate: $400 – 600

A selection of twenty three blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape with lobed sides, the first eight with a solitary floral spray centering the flattened lid; the remainder with the molded top centered by a stylized blossom encircled by jeweled leaves or patterned lappets repeated on the sides. 1 7/8-2 3/8in (4.5-6cm) diameters – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of sixteen blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape with lobed sides, the first eight of creamy white hue and molded with a central floret; the second eight with the molded top centered by a stylized blossom encircled by jeweled leaves, the sides with lappet reserves of foliate or geometric pattern. 2 ½ and 2 3/8in (6.3 and 6cm) average diameters – Estimate: $300 – 500

A selection of twenty-five blue and white boxes. Late 15th/Early 16th Century

Each of circular shape, the first eight with a solitary floral spray centering the flattened lid; nine molded with lobed sides with the top centered by a stylized blossom encircled by jeweled leaves above floral and geometric reserves on the sides; and eight centered by a peony or chrysanthemum blossom framed by scrolling leaves within a jeweled border, some with lappets at the base. 1 3/4-2 1/2in (4.2-6.2cm) diameters – Estimate: $300 – 500

Bonhams. Asian Decorative Arts, 28 Jul 2009. 220 San Bruno Avenue, San Francisco www.bonhams.com

Dr Iwan Comment

I never seen the biggest collections like ubove

 

REPRO

 

Without even bothering with whether the rpice is fair or too good to be true or the qualities of glaze and footring, the design of this is incorrect of rthe period.

 

The central flower is lost in the roundel and the edge with the two peach (?) forms at 12 and 6 o’clock on the circle are not cohesive with each other or the rather spotty design of incised markings which look more like and attempt to populate with Ming clouds than the aesthetic of longquan celadon.

 

THe barb of the foliate edging is flat and flabby. Here is a fragmentary example of what this aspires to. 
Anthony M. Lee 
Asian Art Research

It has all the features of a late Yuan celadon small dish. The ring of oxidized (Burnt Red) iron, from impurities within the paste,the effect caused through a reduction atmosphere, is a known mark of authentication, as well as the overall shape and design. I would declare it a genuine example, and a good one. 
Thanks for sharing Frank. 
Regards, Lloyd

 

A Longquan celadon censer, any opinion regarding the date would be highly appreciated. 
Kindly regards 
Soehandi

The foot of the censer should be completely covered with glaze as the censer is suspended from the base. Otherwise the foot should be burnt orange as well, unless there is alot of wear and the glaze flaked off the foot.Take a close up photo of the foot.

This is a modern repro. 
– general shape is wrong (it doesn’t correspond to any period) 
– color W 
– Bottom W 
– Surface aspect pb (acid treated) 
Regards, 
Pipane, 
Pipane Asian Art Gallery 

 

Dear Larry, pipane and all 
The foot is glazed but there is something like glaze flaked. Look this feature also appear on song/yuan longquan as seen in the picture attached below. 
The color not true in pictures. Its real color is olive green. 
Dear pipine : What do you mean with bottow is wrong ? I see many yuan-early ming celadon censer have similar base. Why did you say the glaze artificially treated by acid ? 
Again thank you very much for your kindly opinions. 
Regards 
Soehandi

Celadon? bowl

by Andy 
(London)

     

Hi this is my last item from Aunties boxes for now. Will give you some respite!

Hopefully I am correct this time in referring to this bowl as Celadon?

Of all the items so far I have unboxed this is the one I am most dubious about. Its condition is just so perfect compared to the rest. Could this be a repro? These Celadon type bowls with all the variations in colour, form & porcelain type is such a mine field and I am comletely out of my depth. Its about the same size as the other bowls, 5 1/2 in x 2 in deep and has a crackle glaze. Again, anything you can give me good or bad would be much appreciated. Kind regards Andy

How complex… 
by: Andy 
Wow, ok, this is mind boggling to me the diversity of Chinese ceramics.

As I said before it sounds like a minefield to identify items. Personally I would not have rated this bowl one bit.

The thing that makes me second guess is that it belonged to Aunt Joan and she knew a thing or two about Asian items. These bits were just a few i found left behind in boxes and I effectively saved them from being thrown out.

The good stuff had already been sold by the daughters and I understand caused quite a stir at the auction house. I never got to see any of it which is a shame. Saying that I am quite happy with these few cast offs and so glad I saved them. Its opened up a new interest for me. You have been great Peter and I will continue to follow all the postings until I post some more again. Take care, Andy

bowl 
by: peter 
I have been considering this too. Cannot be sure, though. First of all, this isn’t celadon either, it is white porcelain. Celadon usually needs at least a tinge of green to be that.
As far as I can see, Yuan isn’t quite possible, judging from the bottom. The outer shape is that of Longquan bowls, but the foot rim/foot aren’t quite right for the Song wares I know. That doesn’t mean much, though. There are simply much to many types.

The Song wares I am more comfortable with mostly have a wide rim with a relative loose clay. The ring of the bowl, etc. might also give some hints. I would wait until you either see a similar bowl somewhere, or until you have an opportunity to show it to someone with more experience in the more ancient wares.
Just if you should be thinking of Ge wares, I don’t think so… Ge wares have a clay with high iron content and the foot rim should be looking gray/blackish, as far as I understand

bowl 
by: peter 
With monochrome items it is difficult to tell as there are less points of reference.
Perhaps it is Qing dynasty, but not sure about this. The consistency of the clay and glaze are too important in this case. I would need to do a hands-on inspection with this

Is my Plate a 18 Century Chinese Celadon?

by João Silva 
(Portugal)

   

This plate is carved with elevations, it has an mark on the middle of the back. It feels smooth on bottom, it has louds of age marks, the rim is really thin on the bottom.
Can someone help me about his authenticity?

Read more: http://www.chinese-antique-porcelain.com/is-my-plate-a-18-century-chinese-celadon.html#ixzz3JKIqHMW3

 

 

celadon 
by: peter 

Hello João,
The item at the link and yours are completely different. The celadon glaze and everything looks old.
With yours the style of the fish, the glaze and foot rim do not show any traditional styles.
And, the mark alone… May be you can enlarge it so that it is readable?
Anyway, the character “zhong”, which is the only one I can see clearly, appears in almost no marks ever used before the mid-20th century. How could it be older? Maybe, what was in your family is something different.
Read more: 
http://www.chinese-antique-porcelain.com/is-my-plate-a-18-century-chinese-celadon.html#ixzz3JKJ6rrtf

Strange comments. 
by: João Silva 
Strange thought, that you say is young, when its has loads of aging marks, and is so consistent with one of yonghzjemg period. kinuta Glaze. Its on my family for 150+ years (how can you say its few decades old?). I just dont have enough camera for taking close up photos.
Read more: 
http://www.chinese-antique-porcelain.com/is-my-plate-a-18-century-chinese-celadon.html#ixzz3JKJCbt9P

celadon 
by: peter 
Hello,
The pictures are a bit too small to see minute details or the mark clearly. But from these pictures it seems they are at the most a few decades old.
The glaze, fish decoration, etc. is modern, not antiqu
Read more: 
http://www.chinese-antique-porcelain.com/is-my-plate-a-18-century-chinese-celadon.html#ixzz3JKJKodJv

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Dr Iwan Comment

I found thi type at Jakarta

 

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HISTORY

1271

  1. 1271 AD to 1644 AD Yuan and Ming Dynasty Emperors
       

Genghis khan

Kublai Khan

Emperor Ming Taizu

Emperor Ming Chengzu

 

Trade and Exchange–Porcelains with Persian Shapes and Designs

 

During the Yüan dynasty (1271-1368), as part of the Mongol empire, the Ching-te-chen kilns in China produced a large quantity of underglaze blue porcelains, fusing imperial styles with a Near Eastern flair in response to the needs of Muslims. At the beginning of the Ming dynasty, the Yung-lo Emperor ordered Cheng Ho to explore the western seas in order to expand ties with other lands, reaching the Islamic world among others. Porcelain thus became an important item of exchange and trade.

The shapes and decorative designs on porcelains during the Yung-lo and Hsüan-te reigns often exhibit a Near Eastern style. In the collection of the National Palace Museum , many of the underglaze blue ceramics from this period feature shapes and designs influenced by Islamic metalwork, reflecting the customs of that time

 

 

 

 

 

 

THE RARE RED INGLAZE YUAN CERAMIC

*ill the Ming red in glazed yuhunchuping vase ,com[are with the Yuan imperial below

and compare with the anamese during Mongol occupied yuhunchuping red in glazed below :

 

in 1289

due to chopping (tattoos) Mengki face (Men-chi), in accordance international law , proklamation  it is around declaration stating reasons why the weapons removed from the sovereignty violated and declared war.Raden Wijaya run tactics by sending a first ministers (prime minister) of the Majapahit kingdom as his envoy to the Headquarters of the Chinese troops who landed, so Majapajit became companion in arms with the army to overthrow the kingdom of Kublai Kan Jayakatong in Kediri

Tartar army gives recognition to the minister who was sent Wijaya.

After the confession were traveling siasast armed conflicts to destroy the power of mid Brantas river flow with the help of foreign armed forces (tartar), and this pekrjaan successful, so after that stay clean majapahit area of ​​influence of Tartars who many times deceived anymore, .

 

In the second month in 1292 ,


emperor issued an order to the governor Fu – Kien , directing him to send Shi – pi , Ike Mase and Hsing You command armies to conquer in Java , to collect troops from Fukien , Kiangsi and Hukuang the number 20000 , to appoint the right Wing Commander and one time , as well as Commander of Ten thousand four , to send a thousand ships and equip them with provisions for a year and with forty thousand rods Silver .


Further Emperor gave tiger ten badges , badge gold and silver badges hundred forty together with a hundred silk , embroidered with gold , for purposes beneficial merit .


When Ike Mese and his associetes their last audience ,

the emperor said to them :

” When you arrive at your Java should clearly state to the army and people of the land , that the Imperial Government had previously had a relationship with Java by delegates from both sides and have aligned well with it , but that they have lately memnyayat ( scarred ) face the Imperial envoy Me’ng Chi and that you have come to punish them for it “

 

source

(2)China Source(Dokumen Tiongkok)(a) History of the Yuan Dynasty 1280-1367 book 210

The Landing troops Kublai Khan at Java

The KublaiKhan General Shi-pi write:

“The armynmight be in a very difficult position and we do not know what might happen”.Shi-pi therefore divided his army into three parts, himsels,Kau Hsing and Ike  Mese  each landing a division and marched to attack Kalang. When they arrived at the fortified town Daha, more than a hundred thousand soldier of Kalang came foward to withstand them. “

Tuan Pijaya(raden wijaya) asked permission to return to his country in order to prepare a new letter of submission  to the chinese Emperor and to take the precious articles in his possession for sending them to court.

Shi-pi and Ike Mese consented to this and sent two officers with 200 men to go with him.Tuan Pijaya killed the two officers on the way and revolted again, after which he availed himself of the circumstance that yhe army wasreturming, to attack it from both sides.

Shi-pi was behind and was cut off from the rest of the army, he was obliged to fight his way for 300 li(km)  before he arrived at the ship, at last he embarked again and reached Chuan-chou after a voyage of 68 days. 

Of his soldiers more than 3000 men has died. The emperor’s officers made a list of the valuable, incenses,perfumeries,textureds,etc which he brought and found them worth more than 500.000 taels of silver. He also brought to the letter in golden cgaracters from the country Muli(or Buli) with golden and silver articles,rhinoceros -horns , ivory,and other thing. For more particular see the articles on Kau Hsing and on Java.

The Kublai khan Genreal Kau Hsing write that

When he returned of the fortified town Daha(Taha) , Shi-pi and Ike Mese had already allowed tuhan pijaya(raden Wijaya to go back to his country, but Kau Hsing had taken no part  in this decision, after killef Haji Katang(Jayakatong or Jaya Katwang)  and his son , he return to China.

The Kublaikan General Ike mese write

Ike Messe and Shih-pi had allowed Tuan Pijaya(Raden Wijaya) to go back to his country after returned at the fortified towb Taha(Daha), the wrong decision which made many Kublaikan Soldier died, the empror of china punished him

This Info found from

Account of Shi-pi, Kau Hsing and Ike Masse

of Yuan Dynasty book 162

 

 

 

 

 

1293

Raden wijaya founded Majaphit Kingdom

Majapahit wayang motif coin

, Raden Wijaya founded a stronghold with the capital Majapahit. The exact date used as the birth of the Majapahit kingdom is the day of his coronation, the 15th of Kartika month in the year 1215 using the Javanese çaka calendar, which equates to November 10, 1293. During his coronation he was given formal name Kertarajasa Jayawardhana

During Majapahit era not Chinese empeor envoy sent to Indonesia anymore, because the majapahit empeor still used the green celadon ceramic as the prevented against poison, the Sukothai kingdom from Siam ,send a tribute to majaphit King the imperial given from the kiln sincanalai through Ayuthada port to Majapahit but the shipwreck

 

 

 

A seafarers tale –

an archaeological elucidation of aThuriang shipwreck

(By Sten Sjostrand)

Dreary weather and intermittent rain has led to a dramatic drop in temperature over the last few days and then, just as the rain finally stopped, a cold wind began to blow from the north.

It whipped up high waves and enormous swells that broke repeatedly against the side of the ship giving the deck, and everyone on it, a good showering.  It was unbearably cold, wet and miserable.

Kapitan Heng Tai dexterously managed to avoid getting any salt water in his face as he crouched and turned with every hit.

He was an experienced captain who had sailed this route many times before, but never so late in the season. 

The best time for the voyage was December when the northeast monsoon winds guaranteed a fair and safe passage all the way down

the South China Sea.

  But now, late in February, the winds were forceful, occasionally violent and sometimes frightening. 

The swell generated by these waves was higher than any Heng Tai could remember.

As well as being cold and wet, Heng Tai was now starting to get a very uncomfortable feeling in the pit of his stomach.

The junk he commanded was old and hadn’t been reinforced against the hungry attacks of the Teredo woodworms, which feasted on vessels like this.

The owner had recently lost a ship

near the Malaysian islands and didn’t have sufficient reserves to pay for the sacrificial planks that would protect the hull from the woodworms’ greedy onslaught. 

It was this cost-cutting that now worried Heng Tai and he bitterly regretted the time he’d had to spend waiting to load the cargo

in Ayutthaya. 

Without that delay he would have been at sea much earlier and none of this would be happening.

 

 

This sawankhalok found in Palembang by Husni Chandra

Compare with other sawankhalok ware below

 

 

 

 

Ever since the ‘‘Ming ban’’

when emperor Hongwu

imposed restrictions on private overseas trade, potters at

the Thai kiln sites

Thuriang Kiln at Si Satchanalai ,Sukothai .

http://www.encyclopediathai.org/sunthai/north/sukothai/sth_si10.htm

 

 

 

Pada abad ketujuh,

hubungan Tiongkok dengan Kalimantan Barat sudah sering terjadi, tetapi belum menetap. Imigran dari China kemudian masuk ke Kerajaan Sambas dan Mempawah dan terorganisir dalam kongsi sosial politik yang berpusat di Monterado dan Bodok dalam Kerajaan Sambas dan Mandor dalam Kerajaan Mempawah.

Pasukan Khubilai Khan di bawah pimpinan Ike Meso,

Shih Pi dan Khau Sing dalam perjalanannya untuk menghukum Kertanegara, singgah di kepulauan Karimata yang terletak berhadapan dengan Kerajaan Tanjungpura.

Karena kekalahan pasukan ini dari angkatan perang Jawa dan takut mendapat hukuman dari Khubilai Khan, kemungkinan besar beberapa dari mereka melarikan diri dan menetap di Kalimantan Barat.

11th Century

1018

Sunda relationship with Majapahit

In Pustaka Nusantara II explained that the empress was the daughter Darmasiksa Sanggramawijayottunggawarman descent, ruler of Srivijaya who reigned

since 1018 up to 1027 AD

From the their marriage born two sons, namely Rakeyan Jayagiri or Rakeyan Jayadarma and the Ragasuci or Rakeyan Saunggalah, also known as the Lumahing Park.

Rakeyan Jayadarma married to the daughter Mahisa Tumapel Campaka from East Java, named Dyah Ox-Tal, whereas the second son, namely Ragasuci paired with Dara Puspa, daughter-madewa Trailpkyaraja Maulibusanawar, from Malay.

Dara Golden*jingga), sister of Dara Puspita(dara petak) merried by Kertanegara, king Singosari. From the position of mixed marriage at that time sunda can position itself as the arbitrator in any dispute between Sumatra and East Java.

Sunda kingship with Majapahir also contained in another manuscript. According to the Rajya Rajya Reader parwa i Bhumi Nusantara II sarga 3: Rakeyan Jayadarma, son of King Dharmasiksa King of Sunda, is the daughter Mahisa Campaka from East Java. Rakeyan Jayadarma Mahisa Campaka be paired with a daughter named Dyah Singamurti Dyah aka Ox-Tal. Mahisa Campaka Mahisa Wong is the son of the pupil, who is the son of Ken Angrok, king Singosari of Ken Dedes.

From wedding Rakeyan Jayadarma premises in Pakuan Dyah Ox-Tal, has a son named Sang Nararya Sanggramawijaya or better known as Raden Wijaya. Thus Raden Wijaya was derived to 4 of Ken Angrok and Ken Dedes.

Due Jayadarma died young, Ox-Tal was not willing to stay longer in Pakuan. Wijaya and his mother eventually delivered to East Java. Raden Wijaya after the adult becomes Senapati Singasari, at that time ruled by Kertanegara, until at one point he was able to establish the state of Majapahit. Raden Wijaya in the Babad Tanah Jawi, also known as Jake Susuruh of Pajajaran, because he was born in Pakuan.

Later Western Xia Dynasty

(1038 – 1227 AD),

 

was formed when Tangut chieftain Li Yuanhao named himself

emperor of Da Xia.

Prior to becoming an empire, the Tanguts had been subjects of China since the Tang Dynasty.

This era coin never found in Indonesia.the kingdom to far and no communication exist(Dr Iwan Note)

the Jin Dynasty

(1115 – 1234 AD)

was founded by Wanyan Aguda in Northern Manchuria. The Jin conquered Northern China by conquering the Liao and defeating the Song Dynasty.

Liao and Song coins were used early on the Jin rule.

In 1158,

the Jin Dynasty made their own coins and later used coins, notes and silver.
Coins cast during this period were of superb quality and excellent calligraphy.

The Fu Chang Yuan Bao,

Fu Chang Tong Bao and Fu Chang Zhong Bao

were three of the finest Jin coins.

 

They were minted during the puppet regime of Emperor Liu Yu who used

“Fu Chang” as his period title.  
Casting coins became unprofitable when inflation starts to hit the Jin Dynasty economy.

Jin Dynasty Silver Coin”Fu Chang Yuan Bao” $34.00

 

Mints were closed down and coin production ceased for 30 years prior to the defeat of the Jin by the Mongols.

This coin still never found in Indonesia(Dr Iwan Notes)

Read more about Jin Dynasty

.

 

 

THE JIN DYNASTY

The Jīn Dynasty (1115–1234),

also known as the Jurchen Dynasty, was founded by the Wanyan (完顏 Wányán) clan of the Jurchens, the ancestors of the Manchus who established the Qing Dynasty some 500 years later. The name is sometimes written as Jinn to differentiate it from an earlier Jìn Dynasty of China whose name is spelled identically in the Roman alphabet. (Photo: Jade Ornament)

The Jin Dynasty was founded in what would become northern Manchuria by the Jurchen tribal chieftain Wanyan Aguda (完顏阿骨打) in 1115.

The Jurchens’ early rival was the Liao Dynasty, which had held sway over northern China, including Manchuria and part of the Mongol region for several centuries.

In 1121,

the Jurchens entered into the Alliance on the Sea with the Song Dynasty and agreed to jointly invade the Liao. While the Song armies faltered, the Jurchens succeeded in driving the Liao to Central Asia.

In 1125,

after the death of Aguda, the Jin broke the alliance with the Song and invaded North China. (Photo: A wooden Bodhisattva)

On January 9, 1127,

Jin forces ransacked Kaifeng, capital of the Northern Song Dynasty, capturing both Emperor Qinzong, and his father, Emperor Huizong, who had abdicated in panic in the face of Jin forces. Following the fall of Kaifeng, Song forces under the leadership of the succeeding Southern Song Dynasty continued to fight for over a decade with Jin forces, eventually signing the Treaty of Shaoxing in 1141, calling for the cessation of all Song land north of the Huai River to the Jin and the execution of Song General Yue Fei in return for peace. (Photo: The Chengling Pagoda, Hebei, built 1161 – 1189AD Wikipedia)

 

11th Century

6.11th century
Wayang Wong(Human) developed when the center of javanese kingdom move frm Prambanan (central java) to east java.
Wayang wong also known as Wayang orang (literally human) is a type of theterical performance with themes from the kingdom of jenggala in which the player wera mask and known as Wayang Topeng 9literally mask

1018

Sunda relationship with Majapahit

In Pustaka Nusantara II explained that the empress was the daughter Darmasiksa Sanggramawijayottunggawarman descent, ruler of Srivijaya who reigned

since 1018 up to 1027 AD

From perkimpoiannya born two sons, namely Rakeyan Jayagiri or Rakeyan Jayadarma and the Ragasuci or Rakeyan Saunggalah, also known as the Lumahing Park.

1042

Uang Krishnala, Kerajaan Jenggala (1042-1130 M)

 

Pada zaman Kerajaan Jenggala (1042-1130-an) dan Kerajaan Daha (1478-1526) uang-uang emas dan perak tetap dicetak dengan berat standar, walaupun mengalami proses perubahan bentuk dan desainnya.

Koin emas yang semula berbentuk kotak berubah desain menjadi bundar, sedangkan koin peraknya mempunyai desain berbentuk cembung dengan diameter antara 13-14 mm.

Pada waktu itu, uang kepeng Cina yang didatangkan oleh para pedagang Cina sebagai alat tukar dan barter begitu banyak, sehingga saking banyak jumlahnya yang beredar maka akhirnya dipakai juga secara “resmi” sebagai alat pembayaran, menggantikan secara total fungsi dari mata uang lokal emas dan perak.

1042

Kerajaan Janggala, adalah salah satu dari dua pecahan kerajaan yang dipimpin oleh Airlangga dari Wangsa Isyana.

Kerajaan ini berdiri tahun 1042, dan berakhir sekitar tahun 1130-an. Lokasi pusat kerajaan ini sekarang diperkirakan berada di wilayah Kabupaten Sidoarjo, Jawa Timur.

Sedangkan Kerajaan Negara Daha, adalah sebuah kerajaan Hindu (Syiwa-Buddha) yang pernah berdiri di Kalimantan Selatan satu zaman dengan kerajaan Islam Giri Kedaton.

Kerajaan Negara Daha merupakan pendahulu Kesultanan Banjar. Pusat pemerintahan/ibukotanya ada di Muhara Hulak atau Negara (di tepi sungai Negara dan berjarak 165 km di sebelah utara Kota Banjarmasin, sekarang kecamatan Daha Selatan, Hulu Sungai Selatan).

Sedangkan bandar perdagangan dipindahkan dari pelabuhan lama Muara Rampiau (sekarang desa Marampiau) ke pelabuhan baru di Bandar Muara Bahan (sekarang kota Marabahan, Barito Kuala). Kerajaan Negara Daha merupakan kelanjutan dari Kerajaan Negara Dipa yang saat itu berkedudukan di Kuripan/Candi Agung, (sekarang kota Amuntai).

 

Like the Khitans,

the Tanguts have their own written language which they used, with the Chinese script, as inscriptions in the coins that they produced. Their language is considered extinct and some of the inscriptions have not been deciphered.
Also known as

the Jurchen Empire,

in parts of Northern China, Manchuria and Mongolia.

The Liao cast coin

a limited number of crude coins with calligraphies in both Khitan and Chinese languages.

This coin still not found in Indonesia(Dr Iwan Notes)
Also known as

the Tangut Empire,

the Later Western Xia Dynasty

(1038 – 1227 AD),

 

was formed when Tangut chieftain Li Yuanhao named himself

emperor of Da Xia.

Prior to becoming an empire, the Tanguts had been subjects of China since the Tang Dynasty.

This era coin never found in Indonesia.the kingdom to far and no communication exist(Dr Iwan Note)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1080

1080-1350

CHINESE CITY

(KOTA CINA MEDAN)

 

501

 

 

 

 

 

502

 

https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B6VMb51VVWTVRjNzZlhDdEpoeU0/edit?usp=sharing&pli=1

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

503

 

 

 

504

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

505

 

506

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

507

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

508

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Related info

Peta Segitiga Arkeologi Di Sumatra Utara (Barus-Kota Cina-Portibi)

Juni 9, 2010
Kategori:
Situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan .

 

 

 

 

Struktur Batubata Bangunan Suci di Kota Cina. Sektor Keramat Pahlawan

Juni 9, 2010
Kategori:
Situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan . . Penulis: pussisunimed . Komentar: Tinggalkan sebuah Komentar

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fondasi Bangunan Suci di Situs Kota Cina Temuan Tahun 1977

Juni 9, 2010
Kategori:
Situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan . . Penulis: pussisunimed . Komentar: Tinggalkan sebuah Komentar

Temuan Batu Bata Berstruktur Bangunan Suci Di Situs Kota Cina

Juni 9, 2010
Kategori:
Situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan . . Penulis: pussisunimed . Komentar: Tinggalkan sebuah Komentar

 

509

 

510

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

511

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

512

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

513

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

514

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Related info

 

3 dari 4 archa temuan di situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan (Foto adalah replika archa)

Juni 9, 2010
Kategori:
Situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan . . Penulis: pussisunimed . Komentar: Tinggalkan sebuah Komentar

 

 

 

 

515

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Compare with

A Shiva lingam worshipped at Jambukesvara temple in Thiruvanaikaval

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

516

Compare with tuye’re

A tuyere, also can be spelled as tuyère, is a tube, nozzle or pipe through which air is blown into a furnace or hearth.[1]

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

509

 

510

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

511

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

512

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

513

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

514

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Related info

 

3 dari 4 archa temuan di situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan (Foto adalah replika archa)

Juni 9, 2010
Kategori:
Situs Kota Cina Medan Marelan . . Penulis: pussisunimed . Komentar: Tinggalkan sebuah Komentar

 

 

522

Compare

Bronze buddha

 

 

523

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

524

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

525

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Compare with

A Shiva lingam worshipped at Jambukesvara temple in Thiruvanaikaval

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

517

Compare with Balwin Auction

Results 551-575 of 724  

 

Baldwin’s Auctions Ltd, Hong Kong Coin Auction 43, 769
Coins of INDIA – Ancient, Primitive Gold Money: Ancient Jewellery, small finger rings (2), total weight 2.4g, one with a moon-stone attached,

used for barter c.300-600 BC in the Ujjain area.

Fine to very fine and rare. (3pcs) Estimate: US$250-300

Price: n/a

 

 

Compare with

Viking pendant

Compare

24 K Gold foil

 

 

518

 

519

 

 

 

 

86

 

 

 

 

 

 

Compared with

 

Ancient Indian gold tali

Lot Of Mix India Coins Ancient & Islamic & Other Old Coins & Unknown Coins X 25

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

531

Compare with

 

Dr Iwan collections

 

 

 

 

 

Compare with

 

Dr Iwan Collections

Nephrite die jade(Dr Iwan Collections)

 

 

Stone pendant(collections Dr Iwan)

Chinese Stone with char ping seals

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tang cash coin

Five dynasty cash coin

Northen song cash coin

 

 

 

 

DATE

TITLE

under
23
mm

23-26
mm

27-30
mm

31-35
mm

over 35
mm

968-975

KAI-PAO

 

Sung yuan tong bao

3.2 grams

976-984

T’AI-P’ING

@

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.1 grams@

990-994

SHUN-HUA

@

 

@

3.2 grams

995-998

CHIH-TAO yuan pao

@

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.5 grams

998-1004

HSIEN-P’ING Yuan Pao

 

@

 

3.6 grams

1004-1007

CHING-TE yuan pao

@

3.5 grams

1008-1016

HSIANG-FU

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.7 grams

1017-1021

T’IEN-SHI

 

@

3.2 grams

1023-1031

T’IEN-SHENG

@

3.7 grams

1032-1033

MING-TAO@

3.9 grams

1034-1037

CHING-YU@

3.7 grams

1038-1039

PAO-YUAN

huang yu tong pao @

 

 

3.6 grams

1040

K’ANG-TING

3.3 grams

1041-1048

CH’ING-LI

3.3 grams

7.2 grams

1049-1053

HUANG-YU

2.7 grams

1054-1055

CHIH-HO

@

3.7 grams

1056-1063

CHIA-YU yun pao

3.5 grams

1064-1067

CHIH-P’ING yuan pao@

3.6 grams

1068-1077

HSI-NING@

3.5 grams@

7.2 grams@

1078-1085

YUAN-FENG@

3.3 grams@

7.0 grams

1086-1093

YUAN-YU@

3.2 grams

7.8 grams

1094-1097

SHAO-SHENG@

3.7 grams

7.0 grams
@

1098-1100

YUAN-FU@

1.7 grams

3.2 grams

7.4 grams

1101

CHIEN-CHUNG

Shen shung yuan pau

2.0 grams

3.6 grams@

6.5 grams

1102-1106

CH’UNG-NING@

2.7 grams

10.3 grams

1107-1110

TA KUAN@

3.85 grams

?? grams

23.5 grams

1111-1117

CHENG-HO@

3.3 grams2

7.2 grams

1118

CHUNG-HO

4.9 grams

1119-1125

HSUAN-HO

3.4 grams

6.1 grams

6.7 grams@

1126

CHING-K’ANG

7.3 grams

 

Zhensong

 

 

 

 

Emperor CHAO K’UANG YIN
AD 960-976

Chao K’uang Yin, chief General of the Posterior Zhou Dynasty disposed of Emperor Shih Tsung in AD 959, declaring himself Emperor and casting

Posterior Zhou coins with the “ZHOU-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” inscription. Within one year he established the Northern Sung Dynasty, adopting

the T’ai Tsu reign title.

Emperor CHAO K’UANG YIN
AD 960-976

Chao K’uang Yin, chief General of the Posterior Zhou Dynasty disposed of Emperor Shih Tsung in AD 959, declaring himself Emperor and casting Posterior Zhou coins with the “ZHOU-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” inscription. Within one year he established the Northern Sung Dynasty, adopting the T’ai Tsu reign title.

 

Reign title: T’AI TSU, AD 960-968

Schjoth (page 27) lists “T’ai Tsu” as the Emperor’s name and not a reign title. We cannot identify any coins of this period, but the

“SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” @

issues attributed to the following reign title may have first been cast at this time, as one would expect these to have been Chao K’uang Yin’s first issue.

 

 

Reign title: KAI-PAO, AD 968-975

 

S-451
Orthodox Script@

 

Kai-pao is Chao K’uang Yin’s second reign title, but does not appear on his coins as it was considered incorrect for the character for “Pao” to occur twice on the same coin. Rather, “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” (referring to the coinage of Sung) was used.

 

S-451. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (10 specimens) 25.2 mm, 3.40 grams.

VG   $2.50     F   $4.00@

 

We recently notice some specimens of this type that were only about 23.0 mm and around 2.40 grams (not included in the average above) while this type is nearly always over 25 mm and greater than 3 grams (we have seen one that was 25.7 mm, 4.20 grams). At this point we are not certain what the status of these smaller coins is, but suspect they are either contemporary counterfeits, or possibly Japanese or Annamese imitative coins.

 

S-452-8. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: any of various nail marks, dots and vertical strokes, but there are more types than Schjoth lists. Average (4 specimens) 25.0 mm. Average 4.71 grams.

VG   $5.00     F   $7.50     VF   $11.50@

 

We have noted the following variations:

 

TOP

 

crescent

 

UPPER RIGHT

crescent

   

RIGHT

vertical stroke

   

LOWER RIGHT

     

BOTTOM

crescent

   

LEFT

 

crescent

vertical stroke

UPPER LEFT

crescent

   

 

S-459. Iron 1/10 cash (see above). Obverse: “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 4.09 grams. We have not seen one of these and cannot assign a value at this time.

 

These are reported to have been cast in Szechuan, Shansi or Fukien. Ding Fubao (Fisher’ s Ding) suggest these might be mother cash (models used to cast the seed cash), but average rim width makes that impossible.

 

 

Reign title: T’AI TSU, AD 960-968

Schjoth (page 27) lists “T’ai Tsu” as the Emperor’s name and not a reign title. We cannot identify any coins of this period, but the “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” issues attributed to the following reign title may have first been cast at this time, as one would expect these to have been Chao K’uang Yin’s first issue.

Emperor T’AI TSUNG
AD 976-997

Reign title: T’AI-P’ING, AD 976-984

 

S-460
Orthodox Script@

 

S-460. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script (meaning “Money of the Heavenly Kingdom”). Reverse: blank. Average (4 specimens) 24.8 mm, 3.21 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-461. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: crescent at top. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.1 grams We have not had one, and cannot provide a value at this time (this does not necessarily mean it is rare).

 

S-462. Iron 1/10 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 4.16 grams. These are rare and we have no record of a value for the issue.

 

(The 1/10 cash denomination is based on information discussed above.)

It is recorded that a proposal was put forward to cast larger iron coins for this reign title. We assume the larger 1 cash similar to those of the “CHING-TE” reign title were intended, but we find no evidence they were cast.

 

Reign title: ??, AD 985-989

Schjoth, Fisher’s Ding and Mitchiner record no information about this period, but clearly show a gap between the preceding and following reign title. We will have to look further into this in the future.

 

Reign title: SHUN-HUA, AD 990-994

   

S-463
Orthodox Script@

S-464
Running hand Script@

 

S-463-464. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse:

“SHUN-HUA YUAN-PAO” in orthodox

and

 

running hand script.@

Schjoth says there is a grass script type by we have not seen one, and neither Schjoth nor Hartill lists one. Reverse: blank. We have noted specimens with star holes. Average (4 specimens) 24.4 mm, 3.3 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title : CHIH-TAO, AD 995-998

     

S-465
Orthodox Script@

S-467
Mixed Scripts

S-468
Grass Script@

 

S-465-468. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-TAO YUAN-PAO” in orthodox, grass script and one type of

mixed scrip (top and bottom in grass script, left and right in orthodox script). Reverse: blank. 24.6 mm. Average (12 specimens) 3.58 grams (excluding a 2.2 gram specimen must have been a contemporary counterfeit).

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

Reign title: KAI-PAO, AD 968-975

 

S-451SUN YUAN TUNG PAO
Orthodox Script

 

Kai-pao is Chao K’uang Yin’s second reign title, but does not appear on his coins as it was considered incorrect for the character for “Pao” to occur twice on the same coin. Rather, “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” (referring to the coinage of Sung) was used.

 

S-451. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (10 specimens) 25.2 mm, 3.40 grams.

VG   $2.50     F   $4.00

 

We recently notice some specimens of this type that were only about 23.0 mm and around 2.40 grams (not included in the average above) while this type is nearly always over 25 mm and greater than 3 grams (we have seen one that was 25.7 mm, 4.20 grams). At this point we are not certain what the status of these smaller coins is, but suspect they are either contemporary counterfeits, or possibly Japanese or Annamese imitative coins.

 

S-452-8. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: any of various nail marks, dots and vertical strokes, but there are more types than Schjoth lists. Average (4 specimens) 25.0 mm. Average 4.71 grams.

VG   $5.00     F   $7.50     VF   $11.50

 

We have noted the following variations:

 

TOP

 

crescent

 

UPPER RIGHT

crescent

   

RIGHT

vertical stroke

   

LOWER RIGHT

     

BOTTOM

crescent

   

LEFT

 

crescent

vertical stroke

UPPER LEFT

crescent

   

 

S-459. Iron 1/10 cash (see above). Obverse: “SUNG-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 4.09 grams. We have not seen one of these and cannot assign a value at this time.

 

These are reported to have been cast in Szechuan, Shansi or Fukien. Ding Fubao (Fisher’ s Ding) suggest these might be mother cash (models used to cast the seed cash), but average rim width makes that impossible.

 

 

 

Emperor T’AI TSUNG
AD 976-997

Reign title: T’AI-P’ING, AD 976-984

 

S-460
Orthodox Script@

 

S-460. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script (meaning “Money of the Heavenly Kingdom”). Reverse: blank. Average (4 specimens) 24.8 mm, 3.21 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

S-461. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: crescent at top. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.1 grams We have not had one, and cannot provide a value at this time (this does not necessarily mean it is rare).

 

S-462. Iron 1/10 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 4.16 grams. These are rare and we have no record of a value for the issue.

 

(The 1/10 cash denomination is based on information discussed above.)

It is recorded that a proposal was put forward to cast larger iron coins for this reign title. We assume the larger 1 cash similar to those of the “CHING-TE” reign title were intended, but we find no evidence they were cast.

 

Reign title: ??, AD 985-989

Schjoth, Fisher’s Ding and Mitchiner record no information about this period, but clearly show a gap between the preceding and following reign title. We will have to look further into this in the future.

 

Reign title: SHUN-HUA, AD 990-994

   

S-463
Orthodox Script@

S-464
Running hand Script

 

S-463-464. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-HUA YUAN-PAO” in orthodox and running hand script. Schjoth says there is a grass script type by we have not seen one, and neither Schjoth nor Hartill lists one. Reverse: blank. We have noted specimens with star holes. Average (4 specimens) 24.4 mm, 3.3 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

 

 

 

Reign title : CHIH-TAO, AD 995-998

     

S-465
Orthodox Script@

S-467
Mixed Scripts

S-468
Grass Script@

 

S-465-468. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-TAO YUAN-PAO” in orthodox, grass script and one type of mixed scrip (top and bottom in grass script, left and right in orthodox script). Reverse: blank. 24.6 mm. Average (12 specimens) 3.58 grams (excluding a 2.2 gram specimen must have been a contemporary counterfeit).

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

Emperor CHEN TSUNG
AD 998-1022

Reign title : HSIEN-P’ING, AD 998-1004

 

S-470
Orthodox Script@
Broad rims

 

S-469-470. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-P’ING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. There is only one caligraphy style for this issue, but it comes with both narrow (S-469) and wide (s-470) rims. Average (6 specimens) 24.5 mm, 3.54 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

Reign title: CHING-TE, AD 1004-1007


@

S-471. Bronze cash. Obverse: “CHING-TE YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (9 specimens) 24.6 mm. 3.78 grams

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

Schjoth (page 28) records 1,830,000 strings of this issue were cast in each of the four years of this reign title. Each string was 100 coins, indicating about 732 million coins cast.

 

S-472. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CHING-TE YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 35 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 10.83 grams. Rare, no value can yet be assigned.

 

In spite of the weight, it is fairly certain these were issued as 1 cash (see our discussion of iron coins). He records (page 28) these were cast in the second year of Ching-te (AD 1005) at Chia-ting Fu and Chiung-chou in Szechuan.

 

 

 

Reign title: HSIANG-FU, AD 1008-1016

   

S-474
Orthodox script
Yuan-Pao ending

S-477
Orthodox script
T’ung Pao ending@

 

With “T’UNG PAO” and “YUAN-PAO”, this is the first occurrence of multiple inscription endings during a reign title (See our discussion of inscription varieties).

 

S-473-474. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIANG-FU YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script (large and small calligraphy). Reverse: blank. Average (5 specimens) 24.9 mm. 3.94 grams.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-475. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIANG-FU YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Schjoth’s specimen was 26.0 mm. 5.58 grams. This coin has very wide rims, is 1.2 mm larger than usual, and is considerably above the 1 cash standard weight range. It has all the characteristics one would expect from a SEED CASH and as such should be considered a very rare specimen, however the size is in line with 2 examples of S-477 we describe below, and in fact this may turn out to be fairly common. More research needs to be done on this issue, and we cannot currently assign a value to it.

 

S-478. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIANG-FU YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 34 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 10.82 grams (about the same as S-472). This is a rare coin and we cannot provide a valuation.

 

S-476-477. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIANG-FU T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script (large and small calligraphy) Reverse: blank. Average (2 specimens) 25.7 mm, 4.55 grams (Schjoth shows his specimens as about 24 mm. Average 3.8 grams, however the 2 specimens we recently examined averaged 25.7 mm, 4.55 grams, suggesting Schjoth’s listing may have been in error).

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

Reign title: T’IEN-HSI, AD 1017-1021

   

S-479
Four different scripts.

S-480
Orthodox Script@

 

Schjoth (page 29) records that during the last year (AD 1021) at least four mints were casting copper coins (Yung-ping at Jao-chou in Kiangsi, Yung-feng at Ch’ih-chou in Anhui, Kuang-ning in Fookien, and Feng-huo at Chien-chou in Shansi) and a few other mints may have operated briefly at Pien-liang (the capital) and Hangchow. Three mints cast iron coins (Chiung-chou, Chia-ting-fu and Hsing-chou, all in Szechuan) and in one year 1.5 million strings were cast, but it is not clear if this includes the iron issues.

He also records a formula for the bronze alloy: in 5 cattie of coins was 3 cattie 10 ounces of copper, 1 cattie 8 ounces of lead and 8 ounces of tin.

 

S-479. Not in Hartill or FD, so a scarce type.

Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN-HSI T’UNG-PAO” in rare four different scripts. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimens) 23.8 mm, 2.79 grams.

F   $25.00     VF   $45.00.

BECAREFUL different WITH common Tien sheng seal script

 

 

Schjoth states that this type has a different calligraphy styles on each of the four characters: “T’IEN” – seal script, “HSI” – orthodox script, “T’UNG” – grass script, “PAO” in li (official) script, and while this is not clear from his drawings, the specimens we have now seen bare this out. This is the earliest occurrence of seal script on a Northern Sung coin, possibly an experimental coin to see how it would look. However, this is controversy over this type, as while Schjoth believed it to be a Chinese issue (hence we include it here) there are others that think it is an Annamese issue, but there appears to be no clear consensus on this.

S-480,482. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN-HSI T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (2 specimens) 24.5 mm, Schjoth had two specimens, one of 24 mm. 4.16 grams. Schjoth has a specimen that was only 21 mm, 2.48 grams, which is likely a counterfeit of the period and which has be left out of our average size and weight figure.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-481. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN-HSI T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: crescent at top left. 24 mm. 3.15 grams. We have not had this type and cannot provide a valuation at this time.

 

S-483. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN-HSI T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 28 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 7.52 grams. This is a very rare coin and we cannot provide a valuation at this time.

 

This is smaller and lighter than the iron coins cast during the previous two reign titles, but slightly heavier than those of the next. Please see our general discussion of the iron coins for why we believe they are 1 cash and not 2 cash as Schjoth suggests.

 

Reign title: CH’IEN-HSING, AD 1022

No coins seem to have been cast for this reign title.

 

 

Emperor JEN TSUNG
AD 1023-1063

Jen Tsung used nine reign titles,

casting coins for all of them. He used as many as ten denominations of mixed iron and bronze, with numerous variations in script style and orientation, providing dozens of major and hundreds of minor varieties.

 

Reign title: T’IEN-SHENG, AD 1023-1031

   

S-484
Seal Script@

S-486@
Orthodox

 

S-484-486. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN-SHENG YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. Average (12 specimens) 24.8 mm 4.11 grams.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-487-488. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN-SHENG YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. Schjoth had two specimens of 25 mm and averaging 6.6 grams, smaller and lighter than those cast in the previous reign title. This type is rare and we have not been able to establish a value for it.

 

 

Reign title: MING-TAO, AD 1032-1032

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

 

S-489
Seal Script@

S-490
Orthodox Script@

 

S-489-490. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “MING-TAO YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 25 mm. Schjoth had two specimens averaging 4.0 grams. The orthodox script variety is common but we are not certain about the rarity of the seal script type.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-491. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “MING-TAO YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. 25 mm. Reverse: nail mark in top left corner. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.55 grams. We have not yet determined a value for this variety.

 

Schjoth does not record any iron coins for this reign title.

 

Reign title: CHING-YU, AD 1034-1037

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-492
Seal Script@

S-494
Orthodox Script@

 

S-492-494. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHING-YU YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 25 mm. Average 3.73 grams.

   

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $5.00@

 

S-495. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CHING-YU YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script.@ Reverse: blank. 25 mm. 6.8 grams. We have not handled one of these and cannot provide a valuation for it.

 

Schjoth records: “Hsu Chia’s proposal to cast coins by a chemical process, of fusing copper and iron, was adopted.”. We assume this refers to a copper-iron alloy but have not been able to determine which coins these were. As copper was worth more than iron, it makes little sense to issue iron coins with a copper content, but a considerable saving could be had by adding some iron to mostly copper issues. Some years ago we had a few North Sung cash that looked like rusty iron, but were non-magnetic, which we assumed just had a peculiar patination. However, they were issued under the reign title HSUAN-HO around AD 1119-1125 which is 100 years after this (An image of one is available via this link).

 

Reign title: PAO-YUAN, huang Sung Yuan Po AD 1038-1039

   

S-498
Seal Script@

S-500
Orthodox Script

 

“Huang-Sung” @was used instead of “Pao-Yuan” on these coins. To do otherwise would have repeated the character “Pao”, a practice considered to be incorrect.

 

S-496-500. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-SUNG T’UNG-PAO” (Imperial currency of Sung) in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank but one example with a star shaped hole. Average (2 specimens) 24.5 mm. 3.35 grams.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-501-502. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-SUNG T’UNG-PAO” (Imperial currency of Sung) in seal and orthodox script. Schjoth had two specimens, one of 24 mm, 7.53 grams and the other of 25 mm, 7.07 grams. These are rare and we cannot provide a valuation at this time.

 

Reign title: K’ANG-TING, AD 1040

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-503
Orthodox Script

 

Jen Tsung only used this reign title for less than a year and very few coins were issued. We have never seen one.

 

S-503. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “K’ANG-TING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 18 mm. 3.35 grams. This specimen is far too small for an official casting, but the weight is too high to suggest a contemporary counterfeit. As this is very rare and does not fit with then normal structure of the coinage, it may be a modern forgery. We note Fisher’s Ding (Ding Fubao) lists two Iron 1 cash for this reign title, but no bronze coins.

 

Schjoth (page 29) records: “In the K’ang-ting year, the official, Pi Chung-yuan, drawing attention to the bad state of the finances and the requirements for frontier expenditure, proposed the issue of a large currency, ‘value ten’ of copper and iron.” We have found no evidence that value ten cash were cast during this or either of the next two reign titles, but this passage is important as it shows that iron and copper coins could be cast and be circulating at identical denominations.

 

 

Reign title: CH’ING-LI, AD 1041-1048

   

S-504
read from top, then
around to the right

S-505
read top-bottom-right-left

 

S-506. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’ING-LI CHUNG-PAO” in orthodox script reading top-bottom right left. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. 3.35 grams. We have not recorded a value for this type.

 

S-504 and 505. Bronze, 3 cash. Obverse: “CH’ING-LI CHUNG-PAO” in orthodox script with orientations reading top-bottom right-left (504) and top around to the right (505). Reverse: blank. Average (10 specimens) 7.4 grams with a range from 6.2 to 8.6 grams, 30-31 mm (the 8.6 gram specimen was 32 mm).

F   $15.00     VF   $25.00

Rare coin

These weights are correct for value 2 cash, but Schjoth (page 30) records: “In the 4th year of Chia-yu (AD 1059), owing to the increased casting by the people of illicit coins, the ‘value three’ coins of the heavy issue of Ching-li chung-paos were reduced to the value of two cash”.. This clearly suggests the heavier “Ch’ing-li” coins were issued as a fiduciary three cash, making them subject to counterfeiting.

 

 

 

Reign title: HUANG-YU, AD 1049-1053

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S-507
Orthodox Script

 

S-507-508. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-YU YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. 23 mm. Schjoth had two specimens weighing 2.15 and 3.2 grams. This issue is rare and we have no record of a price for it.

 

It appears from Schjoth (page 30) that during this reign title an order was given to cast value 10 large copper and iron coins, but there is no evidence that these coins were actually cast.

 

 

 

Reign title: CHIH-HO, AD 1054-1055

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S-509
Seal Script
with YUAN-PAO@

S-511
Orthodox Script
with YUAN-PAO

 

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S-512
Seal Script
with T’UNG-PAO

S-513
Orthodox Script
with T’UNG-PAO

 

S-509-511. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-HO YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Average 3.72 grams.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

S-512-513. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse:

“CHIH-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script.@ Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Average 3.62 grams. We have no valuation records for this type.

 

Reign title: CHIA-YU, AD 1056-1063

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

 

S-514
Seal Script

S-515
Orthodox Script

 

S-514-515. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-YU YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank. We have noted an orthodox script example with a star shaped hole. 24 mm. Average 3.87 grams.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

S-516-518. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Schjoth notes an orthodox script example with a star shaped hole. 24 mm. Average 3.32 grams.

VG   1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

 

Emperor YING TSUNG
AD 1064-1067

Reign title: CHIH-P’ING, AD 1064-1067

   

S-519
Seal Script@

S-522
Orthodox Script

S-519-523. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-P’ING YUAN-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Average 3.34 grams.

VG   1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

This type often exists with an unusual style of “CHIH”. Munro believes these were cast in Japan, which is possible. We will elaborate on this at some future date.

 

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IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-524
Seal Script

S-526
Orthodox Script

S-524-526. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-P’ING T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Average 3.97 grams. Our records do not include a price for this type, but it is probably the same as those above.

 

Schjoth (page 30) records that during this reign title, 1,700,000 strings of cash (100 coins per string) were cast annually from six minting departments.

 

 

Emperor SHEN TSUNG
AD 1068-1085

Emperor Shen Zong

Schjoth (page 31) records that as many as twenty-six mints operated during this period, with a combined annual mintage as high as five-and a half million strings.

 

Reign title: HSI-NING, AD 1068-1077

Seal Script version 1
with Yuan-pao

 

@

Seal Script version 2
with Yuan-pao

@

xi ning tong bao (熙宁元宝) inscription.

This inscription, however, is written in seal script.
Coins with this style of calligraphy were cast during the years 1068-1077 of the reign of Emperor Shen Zong.

 

 

@

 

 

Orthodox Script (one of several styles)
with Yuan-pao

     

S-527
Seal Script version 1
with Yuan-pao

S-529
Seal Script version 2
with Yuan-pao

S-535
Orthodox Script (one of several styles)
with Yuan-pao

 

     

S-538
Seal Script
with Chung-pao

S-537
Orthodox Script style 1
with Chung-pao @

S-542
Orthodox Script style 2
with Chung-pao

 

All coins of this reign title read from the top around to the right. Early in the reign only 1 cash coins were cast, and those with orthodox script tend to be style 1. Later in the reign the large denominations were cast, on which those with orthodox script tend to be style 2. It is not yet clear to me is the 1 cash denomination continued to be made after the larger denominations were introduced.

 

EARLY ISSUES

S-527-530 and 532-535. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSI-NING YUAN-PAO” in seal (two different versions) and orthodox scripts (3 different versions). Reverse: blank. Average (2 specimens) 23.8 mm. Average 3.12 grams. One with a star-shaped hole has been noted.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

One of Schjoth’s specimens weighed only 1.63 grams. It is probably a contemporary counterfeit and in not included is the average weight calculation.

 

S-531. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSI-NING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: crescent at bottom. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.7 grams. We have not recorded a value for this type.

 

S-544. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “HSI-NING YUAN-PAO” (or “T’UNG-PAO”) in orthodox script. Schjoth’s specimen must have been in poor condition as the exact reading was uncertain). Reverse: blank. 25 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 7.53 grams. We cannot provide a valuation for this type at this time.

 

At 7.53 grams and 25 mm, this appears to be a 1 cash and must have been part of this early series.

 

S-536-537. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSI-NING CHUNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 25 mm. Average 3.57 grams. Our records do not currently include a value for this type.

Schjoth describes these as larger than usual, but 25 mm is not enough larger to be significant.

 

LATER ISSUES

Schjoth (page 31) records the following passage: “During the years the armies moved westward, coins value ten were cast. When the war was ended and the armies withdrawn, the illicit casting of coins set in, and the value of the large coinage had to be reduced to ‘three’ and eventually to ‘two’. On the recommendation of some high officials, henceforward, of the larger issues of coins only value two were cast and these circulated throughout the empire.”

 

S-538-42a. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “HSI-NING CHUNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank. The size of these varies between 30 and 32 mm, with significant weight variations between about 6.5 and 8.5 grams. Based on 43 specimens we found an average weight of about 7.8 grams. These fit a 2 cash standard but appear to have been issued at 10 cash, later devalued to 2 cash. We have noted one example with a star-shaped hole.

VG   $2.50     F   $4.00     VF   $7.50, gVF   $9.00

 

From a recent hoard we noticed that the type S-538 seems to come in both the 30 to 32 mm size (later re-valued to 3 cash) and in the 28 to 29 mm size (later re-valued to 2 cash). It is possible that the 28-29 mm specimens were a distinctly different issued from the 30-32 mm specimens.

 

S-543. Iron 10 cash. Obverse: “HSI-NING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. 35 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 10.54 grams. These are rare and we have not seen one, and cannot provide a valuation for it.

 

The passage about war-issue 10 cash coins (see above) does not mention iron coins, but at 35 mm these are large coins and are likely of this series as they do not fit anywhere else.

 

Reign title: YUAN-FENG, AD 1078-1085

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

   

S-546
Orthodox Script

S-545
Seal Script

S-556
Grass Script@

 

 

1 CASH ISSUES

S-545-550. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal, orthodox and grass scripts. Reverse: blank or with crescent. We have also seen one example with a star hole (add about 60% to the price for a crescent or star hole). Average (36 specimens) 24.5 mm, 3.90 grams. We have noted that there is a range of sizes with specimens noted from 23.5 to 25.1 mm.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.75     VF   $5.00@

 

S-551-552. Bronze larger 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. Average (3 specimens) 25.6 mm, 3.56 grams (range 2.87 to 4.15 grams). These are interesting coins, and the consistently large size suggest they are a separate issue from those above, but the weights are well within the 1 cash weight range. At this point, we do not know why the two issues exist, but we do not that coins of this size were cast during earlier reign titles (see S-477 above).

VG   $7.50     F   $9.75     VF   $12.50@

 

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Shen Tsung, AD1068-1085, AE 2 Cash
Price US$ 35.00

S-563-564. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. Schjoth had two specimens of 25 and 24 mm. Average 7.05 grams. The same weight and size as the iron 1 cash cast prior to the war and appear to be a re-introduction of that denomination at the end of the war. We have not seen an example of these and cannot provide any valuation for them at this time.

 

LARGE ISSUES

S-553, 556. Bronze 10 (2) cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass script. Reverse: blank. These vary between about 28 and 31 mm (average is 30 mm), and based on 31 specimens we found an average weight of 7.44 grams. We have also seen some examples with a star hole which should be worth a small premium).
   

VG   $2.50     F   $4.00     VF   $6.00

 

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Shen Tsung, AD1068-1085, Iron Cash, Value 3
Price US$ 75.00

China, 1078-1085 AD., Northern Sung dynasty, emperor Shen Tsung, 2 Cash, Schjoth 556.

China, Northern Sung dynasty (906-1127 AD.), emperor Shen Tsung (1068-1085 AD.), reign title: Yuan Feng (1078-1085 AD.), 1078-1085 AD.,
Æ 2 Cash (29-30 mm / 5,68 g),
Obv.: Yuan / Feng / T’ung / Pao , in Chinese grass script, clockwise top-right-beneath-left of central hole.
Rev.: (plain) .
Fredrik Schjoth. Chinese currency. Oslo, 1929, no. 556 .

 

S-554, 555, 557-559. Bronze 10 (2) cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass script. Reverse: several varieties with an assortment of dots and crescents. 28 mm. Schjoth had 5 specimens averaging 6.45 grams. We do not have any records of valuations for these variations, but they should be worth some premium over the plain-reverse examples above.

 

S-560-562. Iron 10 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse blank or with a nail mark. 30 mm. Averaging 11.88 grams, these are of the same standard as the fiduciary 10 cash issues cast during the previous reign title. We have not handled any of these and cannot provide a valuation at this time.

 

The Western Wars were ongoing during the early years of this reign title, so these heavy coins were probably a continuation of the fiduciary 10 cash of the previous reign title which were devalued at first to 3 and then to 2 cash.

Schjoth records (page 31): “In the 8th year of Yuan-yu ‘(AD 1086)’, when Che Tsung ascended the throne, fourteen of the old mints were closed. During the eight years that followed Shansi had orders to re-issue its small currency.”

It appears Shansi issued larger coins until AD 1086. We have not found the year in which the Western War ended, but it appears to have been before AD 1086 indicating some of these heavy coins were cast at a 2 cash denomination (we believe this probably only applies to the bronze issues). As the bronze 10 cash were cast to the two cash standard, it is probably not possible to differentiate early 10 cash from later 2 cash.

 

 

 

Emperor CHE TSUNG
AD 1086-1100

Reign title: YUAN-YU, AD 1086-1093

   

S-565
Seal Script

S-567
Grass Script@

 

S-565-8. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 24.5 mm. Average about 3.85 grams (17 specimens).

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

S-569-572. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal script. There are unusual North Sung issues with the following reverses: S-569 – numeral 1, S-570 – numeral 2, S-571 – “Ch’uan” (a stream) and- S-572 – characters meaning “ten months”. 24 mm. Average 2.96 grams. These are rare. We have never seen one and cannot provide a valuation for them.

 

These coins do not fit with the rest of the North Sung series. Schjoth’s suggestion that these may have been cast is Japan could be correct. There is no indigenous coinage from Japan during the Northern Sung period and it appears Japan used Chinese coins during this period, so it is likely some North Sung types were cast in Japan.

 

S-573-574. Metal ?? value ??. Obverse: “YUAN-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth lists these as bronze 1 cash, but the weights of 6.06 and 5.52 grams fit into the weight/size standard for iron 1 cash. Until we are able to confirm the alloy and weights of these two coins, we do not wish to classify them. We would appreciate hearing from anyone with access to the Schjoth collection (we think it is in Oslo, Norway) who can check them for us.

 

S-577-578. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. 24 mm. Averaging about 7.12 grams.

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Che Tsung,

uan yu tong paoAD1086-1100, Iron Cash, Value 3
Price US$ 85.00

The weight and size are at the iron 1 cash standard suggesting these are early issues of this reign title. Schjoth does not mention orthodox script for this type, but his illustration of S-578 shows “YUAN” in orthodox script. We have not handled any of these and cannot currently provide a valuation for them.

 

ISSUES OF AD 1093

Schjoth (page 31) records value two cash were re-introduced in AD 1093, but discontinued in favor of 1 cash after two years. This title ends in the first year, so some must have been cast under the following reign title. Schjoth indicates all two cash were discontinued, but numismatic evidence indicates only iron 2 cash were discontinued while bronze two cash continued to be cast.

 

S-575-576. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 29 mm. Average 7.85 grams (the weight standard previously established for bronze 2 cash). We note these usually show up in gF or better.

F   $3.50     VF   $5.50

 

S-580-581. rare Iron 2 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-YU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. 34 mm. Average 11.03 grams (the standard used during the previous two reign titles for 10 cash later reduced to 2 cash).

F   $25.00     VF   $37.50

 

These are the earliest Northern Sung iron coins we have seen available in recent years. It is very possible they came from a single hoard and may turn out to be scarcer than the values we have seen would indicate.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: SHAO-SHENG, AD 1094-1097

   

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-582
Seal Script
with YUAN PAO

S-586
Grass Script
with YUAN-PAO

S-592
Orthodox Script
with T’UNG-PAO

 

ISSUES OF AD 1094

S-597-598. Iron 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-SHENG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 34 mm. Average 11.0 grams (the size and weight standard of the iron 2 cash issued in AD 1093).. These must be part of the series discontinued after AD 1094.

F   $25.00     VF   $42.50@

Rare coin

 

Schjoth records that the “Book of Economical Economy of Sung” (v. Hui-k’ao, vol iv p. 24a) states: “During the first years of the Shao-sheng style, the copper coins were daily becoming more scarce, while the iron ones were increasing numerous, a thousand copper-cash were received in exchange of two thousand five hundred of iron.”

This is an interesting passage. It appears bronze coins were being issued at their metal value of about 3.5 grams per cash (see below), but the 11-12 gram iron 2 cash had been demonetized (or people refused to accept them) and were trading at their scrap iron value. Two and a half iron 2 cash, between 27.5 and 30 grams of iron, were exchangeable for a 3.5 gram copper 1 cash (an 8 or 9 to 1 ratio). This supports our earlier belief that iron was worth about 10% of copper and that this had changed little by the late Northern Sung period.

The government’s response was to withdraw the iron 2 cash coins, although it appears that iron 1 cash were still cast and accepted. We find no evidence of iron 2 cash being cast again during the balance of the Northern Sung period, but some brief but unsuccessful attempts at other denominations did occur.

 

OTHER ISSUES OF AD 1094 AND LATER

S-582, 585, 586, 591. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-SHENG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse blank. Average (4 specimens) 24.5 mm, average 3.90 grams (excluding S-585 which at only 21 mm and 1.82 grams is probably a contemporary counterfeit).

F   $2.50     VF   $4.50@

 

583-584, 587-590. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-SHENG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: a variety of crescents and dots. Average (6 specimens) 24.5 mm, 3.87 grams. We have no records of values for these, but they should be worth some premium over the blank-reverse type.

 

S-596. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-SHENG YUAN-PAO” in grass script. 24 mm. Reverse: blank. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 7.02 grams. We have no records of value for this type at this time.

 

S-593-595. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-SHENG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass script. Reverse: blank. Average (3 specimens) 29.3 mm, 6.85 grams.

F   $3.50     VF   $5.50

 

S-592. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-SHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 2.94 grams. We have no

 

 

 

 

Reign title: YUAN-FU, AD 1098-1100

 

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-606 vareity
Seal Script
with T’UNG-PAO@

S-602
Grass Script
with T’UNG-PAO

 

S-599, 602. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 23 mm. Average about 3.21 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.50@

 

S-600-601. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FU YUAN-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: crescents in various positions. 23 mm. Average about 3.41 grams. We have no record of handling these.

 

S-603. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FU T’UNG-PAO” in grass script. Reverse: blank. At 21 mm and 1.66 grams this is probably a counterfeit.

 

S-606. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FU T’UNG-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: blank. 29 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 5.86 grams. We do not have a valuation for this type.

 

S-604-605. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FU T’UNG-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 28 mm. Average 7.40 grams.

VG   $2.50     F   $3.50     VF   $6.50

 

H-16.336 (Schjoth does not list this denomination). Iron 3 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-FU T’UNG-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimen) 34.2 mm, 13.23 grams.

F   $30.00     VF   $45.00

 

 

Emperor HUI TSUNG
AD 1101-1125

Hui Tsung’s coinage is very complex with several attempted reforms, including the introduction of some new fiduciary issues. We have done our best to sort these out, but in some cases only speculations can be offered.

 

 

 

 

Reign title: CHIEN-CHUNG CHING-KUO, AD 1101

sheng –sung yuan pao

   

S-607
Seal Script

S-609
Grass Script

 

An unusual reign title, composed of four rather than two characters, which does not fit the normal coin layout. “SHENG-SUNG” was used instead.

 

S-607, 609. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHENG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. Average (3 specimens) 24 mm. Average 3.65 grams.

VG   $1.75     F   $2.50     VF   $4.00

 

S-608, 610. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse “SHENG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. S-608 at 19 mm, 1.92 grams and S-610 at 21 mm, 2.16 grams. The size and weights suggest Schjoth’s specimens were contemporary counterfeits, but the types do exist at regular size and weight.

 

S-611. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHENG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” in grass script. Reverse: crescent. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.28 grams. We have not handled one of these and cannot currently suggest a value.

 

S-612-614. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHENG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank. 28 mm. Average 6.53 grams.

VG   $2.50     F   $3.50     VF   $5.50

 

The iron coins of this reign title are a little perplexing. This is one of the areas where we can only offer speculations, and more study is needed.

 

S-615-617. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHENG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” in seal and grass scripts. Reverse: blank.

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Shen Tsung, AD1068-1085, Iron Cash, Value 3
Price US$ 75.00

The sizes and weights of Schjoth’s specimens are very inconsistent. One of 23 mm, 3.91 grams, one of 25 mm, 5.67 grams and one of 21 mm, 2.72 grams.

VG   $55.00     F   $70.00     VF   $100.00

 

During the balance of the Northern Sung, 23 to 24 mm iron coins were sporadically cast at both a 5 to 6 and 3 to 4 gram standard. It is important to remember iron coins are fiduciary, even at the heavier standard containing about 0.2 cash worth of metal. It has been our observation that size is more significant than weight in determining denomination, and that both of these standards are intended to be value 1 cash. We believe the 21 mm specimen above may have been a counterfeit of the period.

 

S-618. Iron coin of uncertain denomination. Obverse: “SHENG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. At 33 mm and 12.59 grams this coin is larger and heavier than the iron 2 cash issued earlier, but the same as the earlier iron 10 cash that were later demonetized. This appears to be an attempt to introduce a large fiduciary iron coinage, but we have found no evidence to suggest the intended denomination, although the size is the same as the bronze 10 cash of the next reign title. Rare, we have no valuation currently available.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: CH’UNG-NING, AD 1102-1106

   

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-620
Orthodox Script
CH’UNG-NING CHUNG-PAO
read top-bottom-right-left

S-621
Orthodox Script
CH’UNG-NING T’UNG-PAO
read top-right-bottom-left

S-626
Orthodox Script
CH’UNG-NING YUAN-PAO
read top-right-bottom-left

 

While the coins with the Chung-Pao ending, and those with the T’ung-Pao ending, appear to have very different caligraphy styles, they are both variations of Othodox Script.

Schjoth lists value 1, 5 and 10 cash for this series, but his literary reference mentions only 10 cash. We have so far found no convincing evidence of any coins cast with the intent of a 5 cash denomination.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

REGULAR SERIES

S-626. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’UNG-NING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. 25 mm. 6.04 grams. We have not seen an example of these and cannot provide a valuation at this time.

LOOK IN AUCTIONS

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Hui Tsung, AD 1101-1125,

IRON Value 1, CH’UNG-NING T’UNG-PAO
Price US$ 185.00

 

Schjoth does not list any bronze coins with the “YUAN-PAO” inscription, but the existence of this iron coin proves the inscription was used. It is likely that bronze issues exist but are very rare.

S-619, Rare bronze 1 cash, “CH’UNG-NING T’UNG-PAO”. Orthodox script. 25 mm. 3.27 grams. This is consistent with a 1 cash denomination. The 1 cash is rare with this inscription.

VF   $90.00

 

S-625, iron 1 cash, “CH’UNG-NING T’UNG-PAO”. Orthodox script. 24 mm. At 3.46 grams, this is consistent with the iron 1 cash denomination (S-615) issued under the previous reign title. We have not seen one of these and cannot provide a value.

 

S-620, bronze 1 cash, “CH’UNG-NING CHUNG-PAO”. Orthodox script. 25 mm. At 2.12 grams it is unlikely that this is an official issue, but it may be a contemporary counterfeit of a value 1 cash coin of this type. We cannot provide a value for this type at this time.

 

FIDUCIARY 10 CASH SERIES

 

Schjoth records (page 32): “In the 1st year of Ch’ung-ning (AD 1102) the Board of Revenue directed that the four minting departments of Chiang, Yao, Shih and Chien should hand in samples of the new currency …… Each string of a thousand of the value-ten coins weighed 14 catties 7 liang, 9 catties 7 liang 2 mace being copper, 4 catties 12 liang 6 mace being lead, 1 catty 9 liang 2 mace being tin, the waste by melting being 1 catty 5 liang. Each coin weighed 3 mace.”

As far as we have been able to determine 3 mace is about 11 grams, so this passage must be referring to an issue of larger bronze coins. We also note that the two halves may not belong together. The first is about testing 1000 coins that already exist. In the second part “waste by melting” suggests the formula is the amount of metal needed to cast 1000 coins, including the casting sprew that is left after the coins are removed from the trees. This is still open to interpretation.

Schjoth (page 33) also records: “In the 1st year of Cheng-ho (AD 1111), orders were issued that ‘value ten’ coins, which grasping officials for momentary gain some years before had issued to the harm of the government and the people, should be reduced to ‘value three’. The Minister Chang Shang-ying (died 1121) obtained leave to demonetize all the spurious ‘value 10’ coins met with and cast them into light weight Hsiao-p’ing cash”.

Bronze 3 cash should weigh about 10.5 grams, but this passage also makes it clear that 10 cash coins were being cast to a 3 cash standard. It is also clear that counterfeits were abundant. We believe the large coins of this period are the coins referred to, and that any under 8 grams are probably examples of the counterfeits.

 

S-621. Bronze 10 cash (Schjoth calls it a 5 cash). Obverse: “CH’UNG-NING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (8 specimens) 34.1 mm, 11.47 grams (at the 3 cash standard). These are generally well cast coins with bold characters and fairly high rims.

F   $8.00     VF   $15.00     XF $22.50

 

S-624 is a double-obverse example of the S-621 issue (31 mm, 12.38 grams). Double-obverse coins were never a tradition in China and it is unlikely to be an authentic issue. There are other double-sided fantasy coins that are believed to have been cast during the 19th century for the collector’s market.

 

S-622, 623. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “CH’UNG-NING CHUNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (7 specimens) 9.65 grams, with the range between 7.6 and 13.3 grams. The range from 34 to 36 mm. Two of the specimens were under 8 grams were poorly cast and probably old counterfeits, leaving an average of 10.5 grams for the remaining specimens. These are generally bold, well cast coins.

F   $10.00     VF   $15.00

 

Schjoth (page 32) records a story of the enemy melting iron coins to manufacture iron weapons, so tin and lead were added to the alloy to make the metal soft and brittle, not suitable for weapons. The iron coins of this series may be those referred to. “Enemies making weapons” shows these fiduciary coins were cast in a time of war, just as similar coins were cast during the Western Wars 35 years earlier.

 

S-627. Iron 10 (?) cash. Obverse: “CH’UNG-NING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 32 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 10.07 grams. This is in the same weight and size standard as the bronze 10 cash issue, suggesting this was intended to circulate at that denomination. Rare.

 

Reign title : TA KUAN, AD 1107-1110

 

 

S-630
Orthodox Script@

“TA-KUAN YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script, with very fine calligraphy said to be in the Emperor’s own hand, which Hartill refers to as “slender gold” script. They come in a number of different denominations, in both bronze and iron, all with blank reverses. In later times this was a popular model for amulets with a wide variety of reverse types, which are are not coins.

 

Bronze 1 cash, 23 to 24 mm, average 3.85 grams. S-628-629.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00@

 

 

 

Rare Bronze 2 cash, 29 mm. FD-1059, Hartill 16.421.

F   $60.00     VF   $85.00

 

Rare Bronze 10 cash, average (5 specimens) 41.0 mm, 17.5 grams. S-630.

VF   $25.00     XF   $45.00

This is a large and impressive type first cast in AD 1107, which is reported to have been withdrawn in AD 1109 due to excessive counterfeiting, although we expect that report is a little muddled. When these were issued at about 17 grams, the 11 to 12 gram value 10 coins of the previous reign title were still circulating and counterfeiters could make a significant profit melting these and using the bronze to cast the earlier type. The recall was probably to stop this counterfeiting of that earlier type. These are far too common for a coin officially withdrawn after only two years, suggesting they were hoarded in large numbers at the time.

Schjoth’s specimen weighs 23.52 grams and 40 mm, equivalent to value 8 cash, but it was double-sided and probably an amulet made much later (probably Ming or even Ching period).

 

 

S-632 – iron
Orthodox Script

 

Rare Iron 1 cash. Schjoth’s specimen was about 23 mm, 3.42 grams. S-631.

F   $40.00     VF   $75.00

 

Rare Iron 10 cash (what Hartill calls a 2 cash). Average (2 specimens) 30.5 mm. 7.35 grams. S-632. The size and weight are within the standard for fiduciary 10 cash of the previous reign and since those 10 cash were not devalued to 3 cash until after these coins were issued, we believe these were also issued as feduciary 10 cash.

F   $30.00     VF   $55.00

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: CHENG-HO, AD 1111-1117

   

S-645
Seal Script@

S-646
Orthodox Script@

 

S-633-636. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Average 3.37 grams.

F   $2.50     VF   $4.00     XF   $7.00

 

S-637. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox scripts. Reverse: crescent. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.11 grams. We currently have no record of a value for this type.

 

S-638-640. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse blank. Average (4 specimens) 29 mm, 6.89 grams.

F   $3.50     VF   $5.50

 

S-641-642. rare Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank.

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Hui Tsung, AD 1101-1125, Large Iron Cash, Value 3, CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO
Price US$ 75.00

Schjoth has two specimens, one of 25 mm, 6.51 grams and another of 21 mm, 5.56 grams (possibly a counterfeit).

F   $25.00     VF   $45.00

 

No bronze 3 cash were cast during this reign title, but Schjoth (page 33) records information suggesting many bronze value 3 cash must have been in circulation: “In the 1st year of Cheng-ho (AD 1111), orders were issued that ‘value ten’ coins, which grasping officials for momentary gain some years before had issued to the harm of the government and the people, should be reduced to ‘value three’. The Minister Chang Shang-ying (died 1121) obtained leave to demonetize all the spurious ‘value 10’ coins met with and cast them into light weight Hsiao-p’ing cash”.

This passage cannot be referring to the type S-630 as these contained at least 8 cash worth of copper and had been recalled in AD 1109. The 10 cash of the western wars had been devalued long before, so the reference must be to the value 10 coins of the Ch’ung-ning reign title which contain about 3 cash worth of metal.

“Hsiao-p’ing cash” is a term that can describe any lightweight cash. In some other references it appears to refer to value 1 cash of either bronze or iron, but in a few references seems to specifically mean fiduciary iron coins where “lightweight” means coins which weigh far less than the value at which they circulated, in which case they may be the following two coins:

 

S-643-644. Iron 2 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse blank. 29 mm. Schjoth had two specimens, 6.82 and 9.66 grams. The size and weight of these suggests a value 2 denomination was intended.

F   $25.00     VF   $45.00

 

S-645-646. Iron 3 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse blank. Average (2 specimens) 31.8 mm, 32 mm. Average 9.10 grams. The size and weight of these suggests a value 3 denomination was intended.

F   $25.00     VF   $45.00

 

Reign title: CHUNG-HO, AD 1118

 

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-647
Orthodox Script

 

S-647. Bronze 1 (?) cash. Obverse: “CHUNG-HO T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 26 mm. 4.97 grams. This coin is peculiar in not fitting into any of the regular size and weight standards. If truly a medieval coin, it would probably be a counterfeit value 2 cash, and being a rare type, we would prefer to examine it for authenticity before committing to a classification for it.

 

Reign title: HSUAN-HO, AD 1119-1125

   

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-656
Seal Script
with T’UNG PAO@

S-660
Orthodox Script
with T’UNG PAO@

S-652
Orthodox Script
with YUAN PAO

 

S-648-650 & 653-655. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Average 3.51 grams.

F   $3.50     VF   $6.00

 

S-651. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: crescent at the top and star (more like a donut) at the bottom. 24 mm. 3.05 grams. We have not had this type, and cannot suggest a value at this time.

 

S-662. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO”. Orthodox (?) script. Reverse: “SHEN”. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.0 grams. These are rare and we cannot currently assign a value to them.

 

We assume “SHEN” is a mint mark (very unusual on a Northern Sung coin). Schjoth lists this as a bronze pattern for the iron coin of the same type (see below), but at this time we have no reason to believe this to be true.

 

S-666. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox (?) script. Reverse: “SHEN” (see above). 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.58 grams. These are rare and we cannot currently assign a value to them.

 

S-663-665. Iron 1 cash.

Northern Sung Dynasty, AD 960-1126, Emperor Hui Tsung, AD1101-1125, Iron Value 1 Cash, Title Hsuan-ho (AD1119-25)
Price US$ 45.00

Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. Schjoth’ had two of 23 mm averaging 5.85 grams, and one of 21 mm, 4.16 grams. These appear to be of and iron 1 cash but the 21 mm specimen may be a counterfeit. These are rare and we cannot currently assign a value to them.

 

S-656-657. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. Average (4 specimens) 28.1 mm. Average 6.28 grams. These are common, and must have been a huge issue as these are very common.

F   $3.50     VF   $5.50@

 

S-658-661. Bronze 2 or 3 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank or with a crescent. Average (five specimens) 30 mm, 6.6.84 grams. The crescent reverse should be worth a premium. These are common, and must have been a huge mintage.

F   $3.50     VF   $5.50@

 

These larger “HSUAN-HO T’UNG-PAO” coins are a bit of a mystery. The two distinct sizes of 28 and 30 mm suggests two denominations, but both specimens weigh in the 2 cash standard. We need to examine more specimens, and study the coins that follow in the Southern Sung, before commenting further on this series.

 

S-652. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSUAN-HO YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weighed 3.24 grams, which he notes had an alloyed appearance, but we are not certain what he meant by that. We have no record of a value for this type.

 

 

Emperor CH’IN TSUNG, AD 1126

Reign title: CHING-K’ANG, AD 1126

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-667
Seal Script

S-670
Orthodox Script@

 

Coins of this reign title are all rare although we have had a few over the years. Unfortunately we do not have a record of the prices. We are attempting to track down the purchasers in order to retrieve this information and image the coins.

 

S-669-670. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CHING-K’ANG T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Schjoth had two specimens, one of 21 mm, 5.7 grams and the other of 24 mm, 7.13 grams. These fall into the weight standard for late North Sung iron 1 cash, but the 21 mm specimen is too small and may be a counterfeit. Rare, no valuation available.

 

S-667-668. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHING-K’ANG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 30 mm. Average 7.25 grams. Rare, no valuation available.

 

Schjoth mentions the existence of varieties not represented in his collections, including some with the “CHING-K’ANG YUAN-PAO” inscription, as well as specimens with orthodox script.

 

The dynasty name was changed to Southern Sung after the northern provinces were lost to the Mongol invaders in AD 1127

During the Yuan dynasty

 

China became part of the Mongol empire. In the year

1202 Temujin, after unifying the Mongolian tribesmen, was elected Genghis Khan

(Universal Ruler). Genghis Khan was a military genius. He organized the Mongols into

a military force, which consisted of the best-trained horsemen the world had yet to see.

These men fought on horseback with such precision they could hit targets while

cantering at a full gallop. These armies marched south into China and west across Asia

and into Europe sweeping everyone in their path. When Genghis Khan died, his armies

were poised to conquer Hungary after having invaded present day Poland and Lithuania.

Extending west to Poland and Moscow, south to the Arabian Peninsula and east to

Siberia and China, the Mongol Empire was the largest in history in terms of

geographical expanse. Genghis Khan was principally interested in acquiring China

because of its great wealth. Thirty-three years after his death his grandson, Kublai

Khan, became the Great Khan.

 

 

In the year 1271

the Mongols founded the Yuan dynasty (1271-1367AD)

thereby

making themselves the masters of China. Kublai Khan, having moved his capital from

Mongolia to Peking, adopted the Chinese dynastic name of Yuan. As a foreign ruler

over China, he built a strong central government in order to cement his authority. In

Peking he built the magnificent palace compound known as the Forbidden City. The

Chinese nobility having been barred from the every day running of government turned

their attention to the arts and literature. Because of this the arts and culture flourished

under the Yuan. The Mongols and Chinese spoke different languages and had different

customs. This cultural gap resulted in a more tolerant government than in previous

dynasties. Foreign religions were condoned and trade encouraged. Foreign merchants

became a privileged class. They were exempt from taxation and could travel freely

 

 

Western Liao 10 kwan note of the emperor Hsien Ch’ing (1136-1141 AD) entitled “Great Liao

Treasure Note”. The note depicts five silver sycee ingots of the “saddle” variety in the pictorial

rectangle. The text states: The counterfeiter shall summarily be decapitated and the captor of the said

counterfeiter be rewarded with 800 taels of silver.”

 

 

Kublai Khan, founder of the Yuan dynasty, became Great Khan in 1260. His reign lasted until

1294, when he was succeeded by a number of less able emperors.

 

throughout China. It was into this climate that Europe was formally introduced to China with the arrival of Marco Polo, the Venetian adventurer.

 

The Great Khan was so

impressed with the Italian that he made him an official in his court in 1275. During his

seventeen year stay in the court of Kublai Khan, Polo wrote his famous book The Book

of Marco Polo, Citizen of Venice, Wherein is Recounted the Wonders of the World,

which when published upon his return from Europe in the year 1296, gave incredulous

Europeans the first glimpse of the mysterious land known as Cathay.

 

Marco Polo set out to explore Central Asia and China in 1271, at the age of

seventeen, accompanied by his father and uncle, successful Venetian merchants. Their

travels took them first by sea to Asia Minor, then overland by camel caravan through

Persia, Afghanistan and on to the ancient Silk Road, which would lead them to the

Mongol capital. After crossing the Gobi desert, they entered China after a journey of

three years. There the Venetians presented themselves to the Great Khan at his summer

palace at Shang-fu, where they delivered letters of introduction from Pope Gregory X.

Marco immediately became a favorite of the Great Khan, who upon seeing

 

Marco Polo as he may have appeared during his seventeen year service in the Mongol court of Kublai

Khan. Polo was a great favorite with the exalted Khan who liked him and found him to be extremely

useful. Despite this, he was willing to let him go. Sensing difficult times ahead after the aging Khan’s

death, as these was no dynastic continuity under Mongol law, Polo seized upon a chance to return in

1292, proposing to escort the bride-to-be of a Persian prince as far as Tabriz. To this plan Kublai Khan

consented, using the opportunity to send friendly messages to the Pope and potentates of Europe.

Since the overland route Marco had used when traveling to China was menaced by war, the Venetians

chose to return to Italy by sea in a Chinese junk.

his mastery of the Mongol language entrusted him with various missions to the far

corners of his realm. Marco took careful notes of his travels noting down the geography

and customs of the Chinese people in detail. These facts became the basis of his

remarkable book which, when published, stunned a skeptical Europe. Most of the facts

contained in his narrative have been confirmed in the light of modern research. The

Polos returned to Venice by sea arriving there in 1295 after an absence of twenty-four

years.

 

Marco Polo was so impressed with the novelty of paper money that he devoted an

entire chapter to the subject in his book. He described in great detail the manner in

which it was made, authenticated and used in everyday commerce. It is worth our while

to quote several applicable paragraphs here:

 

Map of the Mongol Empire showing Marco Polo’s journeys throughout China.

 

“In this city of Kanbaluc (the Mongol capital, now Beijing) is the mint of the

Grand Khan. He may truly be said to possess the secret of the alchemists, as he

has the art of producing money by the following process. He causes the bark to

be stripped from mulberry trees, the leaves of which are used for feeding

silkworms, and takes from it that thin inner rind which lies between the coarser

bark and the wood of the tree. This being steeped, and afterwards being pounded

into a mortar, until reduced to a pulp, is made into paper . . . When ready for use,

he has it cut into pieces of money of different sizes, nearly square, but somewhat

longer than they are wide . . . . The coinage of this paper money is authenticated

with as much form and ceremony as if it were actually pure gold or silver. To

each note a number of officers, specially appointed, not only subscribe their

names, but affix their seals also. When all is duly prepared the chief official

smears the seal entrusted to him with vermilion, and impresses it upon the paper .

. . . When thus coined in large quantities, this paper currency is circulated in every

part of the Great Khan’s dominions; no person, at peril of his life, dares to refuse

to accept it in payment. All his subjects receive it without hesitation, because,

wherever their business may call them, they can dispose of it again in the

purchase of merchandise such as pearls, jewels, gold or silver. With it, in short,

every article may be procured.”

 

The Yuan was the shortest lived of all ancient Chinese dynasties. Despite this, it

was the one which relied most heavily upon paper money to sustain commerce. When

control over the government once again fell into Chinese hands in 1368, a mere one

hundred years had past.

 

Due to better record keeping and more surviving specimens, we know much more

about Yuan paper money than that of all preceding dynasties. Upon establishing their

dynasty, the Yuan followed the example of the Sung, Chin and others when issuing their

own paper money.

 

Frontispiece of the 1503 edition of Marco Polo’s book describing his travels throughout Asia (1275-

1292 AD).

 

Early references state that the first known Mongol paper money was issued by

Ghenghis Khan in 1227, prior to the establishment of the Yuan dynasty. These were

military notes referred to as “silk money”. The notes were of paper but the backing used

for them, instead of the traditional silver, consisted of bales of silk yarn, a commodity,

which served as a convenient reserve. By the later eleventh century silk notes had

spread as far as Persia where two surviving specimens were found by archaeologists in

1965.

 

Another early Mongol note was found in 1909 in a cave in the Tu-lu- pan

mountains in Sinkiang province. It is in the amount of 200 cash. The first line reads

“Great Yuan Circulating Treasure Note”. The note is dated in the T’sung-t’ung period,

which lasted but five years from 1260 to 1264. The original note was extensively

damaged when found, especially its margins, which were incomplete. This note was

first published by Wang Shunan in a book entitled Catalog of Antiquities of Sinkiang.

The author reproduced the note by his own hand as best he could. He noted that the note

measured 1 chi, 4 cun 5 fen long by 1 chi 1 fen wide, a very large size making it

comparable to other Yuan and Ming dynasty paper money. The pictorial presentation is

of two crossed strings of 100 cash. The note’s text states that it is to circulate

throughout the kingdom without time limitation. The counterfeiting warning is different

in that this note, instead of levying capital punishment upon the criminal, states that the

falsifier will be fined and forced to pay five ding. Wang Shunan’s line drawing is also

illustrated in A Compilation of Pictures of Chinese Ancient Paper Money together with

what appears to be the brass plate from which the original note was printed.

 

The first true Yuan notes appeared in 1287, the twenty-fourth year of the Chihyuan

era. Known as “Chih-yuan t’ung-hsing pao-ch’ao”, or Great Yuan General

Circulation Treasure Notes, they eventually became the universal currency for the entire

empire, circulating not only throughout China but also in Burma, Siam and Annam. The

1 kwan note of this series was considered to be the equivalent of 5 kwan in old notes

then in circulation. These notes came in two sizes – the lesser and the greater. Lesser

notes included denominations of 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50 copper cash; the greater 100, 200,

300,400, 500 cash, 1 and 2 kwan. These were almost certainly the paper money referred

to by Marco Polo in his writings. The March 1988 issue of the Bank Note Reporter

announced the discovery of a 2 kwan note of this series in the Hermitage Museum in

Leningrad, at that time still part of the old Soviet Union.

 

Brass plates used in the printing of Yuan dynasty Chih-yuan notes have also

surfaced. It is known that eight such plates, including ones for 200 cash and 2000 cash

(2 kwan), were discovered at an old mint site in north China during the Japanese

occupation of 1937-1945.

 

The 2 kwan printing block measures 11 inches high by 8

inches wide and is 3/8th inch thick.

 

 

A description of the 2 kwan note follows: On the top line, “Great Yuan General

Circulation Treasure Note”. Below this is found the denomination “two kwan” together

with an illustration of two strings of 1000 cash. To the left of the illustration, in seal

writing, are found the words “to circulate under the heavens” (the known world).

(Remember, the Chinese considered themselves to be at the center of the universe!).

The lower panel is translated as follows: “The Board of Revenue and Rites, having

petitioned and received the imperial sanction, print for the convenient use of the people

the Great Yuan Treasure Note, to be current and used for copper cash. The counterfeiter

shall be summarily decapitated and the informer will receive 200 taels of silver. If

district officials conceal such guilt, their punishment shall be the same”. The

appropriate governmental seals were then applied to the face of the note. The notes

were gray in color with red seals affixed.

 

Another form of currency circulated side by side with Chih-yuan ch’ao notes.

These were military notes known as “Great Yuan Military Supplies Notes”. They were

used when purchasing supplies for the various banner divisions of the army.

 

Paper money comprised the major form of currency under the Yuan. Relatively

few coins were cast during this dynasty due to trading restrictions imposed upon copper

and precious metals. In 1350 Emperor Shun Ti’s finance minister tried to correct the

situation, however the coins produced were insufficient to satisfy demand. People

reverted to barter throughout China leaving the notes, which had accumulated in private

and government coffers, to become worthless.

 

Rebellions soon spread over the entire empire. To meet increasing military

expenditures, new notes were issued without reserves of any sort. A malignant inflation

resulted in which these notes also lost all value. When that happened, people were

forced to fall back and rely entirely upon their “square holes” (as copper coins were

commonly called) and barter. This condition prevailed until the end of the dynasty in

1368, hastening its demise. At the end, the enormous sums, which had been swindled

from the Chinese by the Mongol emperors, helped to hasten their defeat at the hands of

the Ming.

 

In Part II we shall conclude by discussing the ancient Chinese paper money of the

Ming dynasty.

 

 

Bronze plate recently discovered in Shansi province. This block was used in making “Chên-yu paoch’üan”

(Chen-yu treasure notes). These were the product of emperor Chang Tsung (1190- 1208 AD)

of the Chin dynasty. The Chin were Nuchen Tartars who preceded the Yuan dynasty.

 

Facsimile of a 200 cash note of the Yuan dynasty, and the brass plate from which it was made. One of

these notes was found in a cave in Sinkiang province in 1909. The note is over seven hundred years

old.

Yuan dynasty Chih-yuan ch’ao 2 kwan note. Notes of this series became the universal currency for all

of China, circulating throughout Burma, Siam and Annam as well. A 2 kwan note identical to this was

found in the vaults of the Hermitage Museum in Leningrad in 1987. This is almost certainly the type

of currency Marco Polo reported extensively on in his book of travels. The facsimile of this note is

lacking the two government seals used to authenticate it

 

ANCIENT CHINESE CASH NOTES – THE WORLD’S

FIRST PAPER MONEY

PART II

John E. Sandrock

Ming Dynasty Paper Money

In contrast to Yuan heavy reliance upon paper notes, the follow-on Ming and

Ch’ing dynasty economies were based principally upon copper cash coins and silver.

Paper money was occasionally issued by the Ming government; however little effort was

made to control and maintain its value. The first Ming paper money appeared in 1374,

the product of the Precious Note Control Bureau (the name was later changed to the

Board of Revenue) specifically set up for this purpose. The notes themselves were

called “Ta Ming T’ung Hsing Pao Ch’ao”, Great Ming Precious Notes. Emperor T’aitsu’s

reign title was Hung-wu. This nien-hao appeared on these notes and on successive

Ming issues, regardless of the fact that all Ming emperors had their own reign titles.

This was an honor given to the founder of the dynasty. Ch’uan Pu T’ung Chih refers to

sixty different notes issued between 1368-1426. In all probability there were many

more.

 

From the beginning these notes were inconvertible and could not be exchanged

for coin. Notes of the Hung-wu reign (1368-1398AD) were issued in denominations of

100, 200, 300, 400, 500 and 1000 cash. One string of paper (1000 cash) was the

equivalent of 1000 copper coins or one ounce of pure silver. In 1389 smaller value

notes of 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50 cash were printed to facilitate trade. It is

reported that the mulberry bark paper used to make the T’ai-tsu notes was recycled from

the waste of government ministries and Civil Service examination papers. There were

three distinct issues of Ming notes as follows: all bearing the reign title “Hung-wu”.

 

These notes circulated throughout the entire kingdom.

1. Those of the emperor T’ai-tsu, issued in 1375AD

2. Those of emperor Ch’eng-tsu (1403-1424AD)

3. Those of emperor Jen-tsung, son of Ch’eng-tsu, issued in 1425AD

 

Reflecting the inflation then being experienced, Ch’eng-tsu paper money consisted of

notes denominated 1 through 20 kwan, 25, 30, 35, 40, 45 and 50 kwan all bearing

pictorial presentations of the equivalent amount of cash coins, each coin representing

five cash. Various cloud and dragon designs adorned their borders. Their color was

gray.

 

Ming dynasty 200 cash note of the emperor T’ai Tsu, who took the reign title Hung Wu in 1368. The

pictorial presentation is of two strings consisting of ten 10 cash coins which were in circulation at that

time.

 

Ming dynasty 50 kwan note of Ch’eng Tsu (1403-1424 AD). The pictograph in the top rectangle

depicts ten five cash coins, representing currently circulating coins of the preceding Hung-wu era.

(Schjőth catalog numbers S-1156 and S-1157.)

 

The unfortunate Jen-tsung died shortly after ascending the throne. In the short

eight months of his reign, twenty denominations were emitted. Beginning with 10 cash,

they proceeded by tens to 100 cash and then by hundreds to 1000 cash. They were

known as Great Ming Military Administration Treasury Notes. Pictorial presentations

on this series consisted of the equivalent in strings of cash.

 

The value of all these notes rapidly declined, eventually to the point where the

people would not accept them. By the end of the century it took 35 strings to buy an

ounce of silver. Twenty years later it took 80 strings to buy an ounce. Erosion in the

value of paper escalated until by the mid 1400s an ounce of silver commanded 1000

strings in paper! Silver was rapidly supplanting paper as a medium of exchange. The

Great Ming Precious Notes gradually disappeared from commerce. After 1455 works

on Chinese history make no mention of them. In the last year of the Ming dynasty

(1643AD) a memorial was sent to the emperor proposing the revival of a paper

currency. Set forth in the memorial, were a list of ten arguments for a new paper

currency.

 

These advantages were cited as:

1. Paper money can be manufactured at a low cost

2. It can circulate widely

3. Being lightweight, it can be carried with ease

4. It can be readily concealed

5. Paper money is not divisible, like silver, into various grades

6. Paper money did not have to be weighed when used, as did silver

7. Dishonest money changers could not “clip” if for their own profit

8. It would not be exposed to the preying eyes of thieves

9. Should paper replace copper coins, the copper saved could be used for making

armaments

10.Should paper replace silver, the silver saved could be stored up by the

government

 

The proposal, however, was not adopted, as by that late date the government was too

weak to benefit from such a scheme. Chinese commerce was to exist without paper

money for the next four hundred years.

 

Without question, the Ming note most widely known, and perhaps the only

specimen available to collectors today, is the 1 kwan of emperor T’ai-tsu. Enough of

these notes have survived to be found in many museums and private collections. The

story of how they came to be preserved is an interesting one. As far as I can ascertain

most Ming 1 kwan notes available today came from two sources. The first of these

stemmed from an incident, which occurred during the Boxer Rebellion. In 1908 H. B.

Yuan dynasty 90 cash note of emperor Shun Ti (1333-1367 AD) at left, together with a Ming dynasty

1000 cash note of emperor Jen Tsung (1425 AD), right. Jen Tsung’s reign lasted but one year. Both

notes measure approximately 3 . by 8 . inches and depict strings of copper cash. Note the increase in

inflation during the 100 year interval between the release of these two specimens. From the Chinese

work entitled Ch’uan Pu T’ung Chih.

 

Morse published a book entitled Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire

containing a lithographic facsimile of the Ming 1 kwan note. In the book he gives a

complete description of the note together with translations of the Chinese characters

found on it. Morse also tells of the manner in which the note was acquired, which goes

as follows:

 

“This five hundred year old instrument of credit has a curious history furnishing

an absolute guarantee of its authenticity. During the foreign occupation of Peking

in 1900, some European soldiers had overthrown a sacred image of Buddha, in the

grounds of the Summer Palace. Deposited in the pedestal (as in the corner-stones

of our public buildings) were found gems and jewelry and ingots of gold and

silver and a bundle of these notes. Contented with the loot’s intrinsic value, the

soldiers readily surrendered the bundle of notes to a bystander, U.S. Army

Surgeon Major Lewis Seaman, who was unofficially present. He gave to the

Museum of St. John’s College in Shanghai the specimen which is here

reproduced”.

 

The second report concerning the discovery of Ming 1 kwan notes concerns the

Reverend Mr. Ballou, a long time missionary, who was born in China and resided there

until after World War II. Reverend Ballou states that he received his Ming note from his

friend L. Carrington Goodrich who had been associated with Yenching University in

Peking during the 1930s. Mr. Goodrich related that he acquired the note under the

following circumstances:

 

“Sometime in 1936 one of the walls surrounding Peking was torn down. When

the laborers got to the huge gate in the wall, they found to their surprise, a large

bale of 1 kwan Ming dynasty banknotes buried in the wall itself. After removing

the soiled and damaged notes, the workers sold the notes to those persons

standing around. Mr. Goodrich came upon his note at that time. He told

Reverend Ballou that he purchased two of them for a few coppers, which

amounted to just a few pennies.”

 

Inasmuch as the 1 kwan note is the only one likely to be found in collections

today and without a doubt the oldest piece of world paper money one can aspire to own,

it is perhaps worthy of detailed discussion. Translation of the principal inscriptions

found on the note are as shown in the accompanying panel diagram:

1. “Great Ming General Circulation Treasure Note”

2. “One kwan”

3. A pictorial presentation of ten strings of 100 cash (= 1000 cash =

1 kwan)

4. “Great Ming Treasure Note” in seal style characters

5. “To circulate for ever and ever under the heavens” in seal script

6. The lower panel text reads: “The Board of Revenue, having

petitioned and received the imperial sanction, prints the Great Ming Precious

Note, to be current and to be used as standard copper cash. The counterfeiter

shall be decapitated. The informant shall be rewarded with 250 taels of

silver, and in addition shall be given the entire property of the criminal.”

 

The last column of characters at the left of the bottom panel, show the date as: “Hungwu

era, …year, …month, …day”. The note was manufactured from recycled gray

mulberry bark paper. Two vermilion seals were impressed into the note by government

officials to authenticate it. The upper of these seals reads: “Seal of the Treasure Note of

the Great Ming Dynasty”; the lower of the two bears the inscription: “Seal of the Office

of the Superintendent of the Treasury”.

Ming dynasty 1 kwan note of the Hung-wu era (1368-1398). This large note, printed in gray mulberry

bark paper, measures 8 x 11 . inches. The two vermilion seals shown in the next illustration do not

appear on this prototype. This is the only ancient Chinese paper money likely to be found in private

collections today.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Two official government seals appear on the face of the Ming 1 kwan note. They were pressed into the

finished note with wooden blocks using vermilion ink, thereby authenticating it. These seals can still

be plainly seen on most 1 kwan specimens in collections today. The seal at upper left reads: “Seal of

the Great Ming Treasure Note”; the seal at right “Seal of the Office of the Superintendent of Treasure”.

At the bottom is a black seal which was placed on the reverse of the note to indicate its value. The ten

strings represent 1000 copper cash, which equaled 1 kwan.

 

Some Numismatic Observations

 

The first observation I would like to make concerns the definition of the term

“ancient Chinese paper money”. What exactly, is meant by “ancient”? For me the term,

when applied to our subject, encompasses those notes which relate to the earliest and

remotest periods in Chinese history. Since the ancient style notes continued to be

printed into the nineteenth century, this causes a problem. Paper money ceased to exist

in China after being repudiated by the masses during Ming dynasty times and was not to

be seen again for four hundred years. During the Taiping Rebellion (1851-1865),

emperor Hsien-feng again resorted to financing his wars with paper money resembling

its forbearers. Are these notes to be included? I think not, as the period encompassing

the nineteenth century can hardly be considered “ancient”. I bring this up as most

authors lump the Hsien-feng notes into the overall category of ancient notes. I have not.

The notes of the T’ai-ping Rebellion deserve discussion in their own right. Therefore, I

have chosen not to include them here.

 

My next observation concerns the failure on the part of modern day catalogers to

include these anciient notes in their works. The Standard Catalog of World Paper

Money makes reference to only two Ming notes. Why is this, when so much

information regarding their authenticity is available? Today we know that notes of the

Sung, Chin, Liao, Yuan and Ming dynasties have survived. Of the Tang dynasty flying

money or Posterior Chou and Western Hsia dynasty paper money I have no information

as to surviving specimens. Many un-cataloged notes may be found in museums and

private collections. Of those that no longer exist a great deal is known thanks to

surviving Chinese numismatic works and to archeological discoveries. Why then are

they not included? Is it because notes that are unique or no longer exist cannot be

collected and therefore do not deserve a place in our numismatic catalogs? Since

numismatists generally have a profound curiosity about the material they collect and a

deep appreciation for the history which these items represent, the hobby would greatly

benefit from their inclusion.

 

Some may be curious as to the value of these ancient notes. The answer is

simplicity itself – they are, with the sole exception of T’ai-tsu’s one kwan Ming note,

priceless. Many specimens known today are unique, others known to exist in only two

or three collections or museums. The only ancient note one could reasonably hope to

obtain today is the Ming 1 kwan note, due to the fortunate discoveries in 1900 and 1936

mentioned above. The price of a reasonable example, intact, completely legible and

with seals affixed that are still clearly discernable would command between $ 1,000 and

$1,500 on today’s market.

 

A discussion of ancient paper money would not be complete were one to ignore

the extensive counterfeiting of these notes, which was at all times an immense problem

for administrative officials. From the earliest known issues cash notes always carried a

clause in the text, which called for capital punishment – usually decapitation. Those who

covered up or condoned such crimes were to suffer the same fate. It was also stated in

the text that a reward would be paid to the informer of such acts. These rewards were to

be paid in silver taels, of varying amounts, depending upon the denomination of the note

counterfeited. It also appears that such rewards fluctuated with the severity of the

problem at any one point in time. In reality, punishment meted out to those who ran the

risk of falsifying banknotes varied widely during different periods.

 

 

Southern Song Cash Coin

When emperor Shin Tsung of the Posterior Chou ascended the throne in 915AD,

he was in great need of funds. He seized over 3350 monasteries and then gave orders to

melt all Buddhist bronze images found there so that they could be turned into cash. The

emperor declared that Buddha himself would raise no objection, having in his lifetime

given up so much for mankind. The shortage of money also caused the emperor to send

a fleet of junks to Korea to trade silk for copper with which to mint cash coins. Given

these drastic measures, it is not surprising that the Chou also resorted to paper. The

Chou counterfeiting clause reflected the mood of the times when it stated: “The

counterfeiter of this denomination – principal or conspirator irrespectively – shall be

immediately executed by the authorities of the district concerned and be exposed to

public view”.

 

During the Sung dynasty the punishment seems to have been limited to

banishment, although a case is on record reporting the public decapitation of one greedy

fellow who was caught with 250 counterfeit notes in his possession! During the

`

1112 M

Naskah Hikayat Aceh mengungkapkan bahwa penyebaran Islam di bagian utara Sumatera dilakukan oleh seorang ulama Arab yang bernama Syaikh Abdullah Arif pada tahun 506 H atau 1130 M.

Fujian Trade Ceramics in Jepara Shipwreck

From the early A.D 2000s, many celadon and white wares started to surface in the Jakarta antique market.

The sellers said they were shipwreck items from a wreck located about 34 km offshore from Jepara.

There is no systematic and scientific salvage operation to survey the site and recover the artifacts.

According to the article “The Jepara Wreck” written by Mr Atma Djuana and Edmund Edwards Mckinnon, some available reports indicated that the wreck was either broken in two or there was a smaller but contemporary wreck in the same area.  The area was strangely strewn with large boulders. 

 

  Among the artifacts surfaced in the Jakarta antique market, there was a stone anchor about 2.5 m in length.

  According to the authors, a similar anchor was displayed at the Maritime Museum in Quanzhou.  Hence, suggesting that the ship may be  a Chinese Junk. 

It is also suggested that the Junk sank as early as  A.D 1130. The latest copper coins recovered from the wreck that the authors had seen was from Zhonghe (重和), the last year of this reign mark being A.D 1118. 

However, I have seen some later coins of Jian Yian (建炎)purportedly from this wreck.  The last year of Jian Yian reign is A.D 1130.  Personally, I believe the wreck could be later than A.D 1130, probably around A.D 1150 to 1200.  The reason for my dating will be discussed below.

1160

During the invasion launched by the Jin in the 1160s

the lack of naval power by the invasion force played a key role. Lorge wrote that “the most important contest was taking place on the water.

There the contest was decidedly one-sided, with the Song Navy winning every battle, usually decisively.”[9]

 

The Jin did not completely neglect naval forces, however their attempts were little and late.

As the river fleets of the Song were defeating the northern invasion force, the Song’s coastal fleet under Admiral Li Bao attacked the fledgling yet numerically superior Jin fleet in its home port. “

The Song navy’s fire arrows made short work of the Jin fleet, annihilating the entire Jin force in a single engagement.”[10] As a result of the Song’s continued naval strength the Jin Dynasty was never able to conquer the south and take control of all of China

 

   

 

Rise of Quanzhou(Tjiang Tjioe) port and Fujian Trade Ceramics

Quanzhou in Fujian Province was a cosmopolitan port known to Marco Polo as Zayton.  It was the largest seaport in Asia during the Song/Yuan period.  Many regions especially those located in the coastal areas in Fujian Province capitalised on their proximity to the Quanzhou port to produce export porcelains.   The bulk of the trade ceramics consisted of green wares (celadon), white/qingbai  and black/brown wares.

According to Song period Zhao Rugua’s work “zhufanzhi” (A.D 1225) (赵汝适《诸番志),  46 countries (including Annam, Cambodia, Srivijaya, Malay peninsula, Borneo, Java, Eastern Indies, the Philippines and even Zanzibar) were listed as  China’s trading partners and the Yuan period “Daoyi zhilue” by Wang Dayan ( 汪大淵 岛夷志略》 listed at least 58 countries.

The map in the Quanzhou museum showing the maritime trade routes originating from Quanzhou is shown below.  Jepara is along the trade route but whether it was the destination of the ship which sank near there, it is unable to ascertain.

 

 

During the early Ming period,  ceramics production dropped drastically due to the imperial ban on export of ceramics. However when the ban was lifted in 1567 A.D,  it heralded another peak in Fujian ceramics production.  Yuegang was designated as an international trading port.   Zhangzhou capitalised on its proximity to Yuegang and produced blue and white/overglaze enamelled wares, commonly termed Swatow wares.  This was a special category of Ming blue and white which attracted strong demand from Southeast Asia consumers.

In Dehua, the potters continued to improve on its white glaze wares and finally introduced the ivory white glaze wares, termed blanc de chine wares in the West.  They were much treasured by the European consumers, with the best produced during the late Ming to Early Qing period (17th to early 18th century).

The chaotic transition from Ming to Qing period resulted in the decline and finally demise of Zhangzhou wares.  However, kilns in Dehua and neighbouring Yongchun/Anxi expanded further.  Besides blanc de chine wares, Dehua potters also started to produce blue and white wares. 

The early Dehua blue and white wares essentially imitated their Jingdezhen counterpart. 

However, by Qing Qianlong period the Dehua blue and white developed its unique decorative features. 

Besides Jingdezhen, Dehua became another major supplier of blue and white wares.  The rise of Dehua kilns is still not well understood as it is located inland and the transportation route involved a stretch which the cargo would need to be carried over the mountain before it reached the river system linked to Xiamen, which has emerged as an international port. The abundance of high quality porcelainous material for production of blue and white and blanc de chine wares may have been a major reason for its success.  A parallel example would be Jingdezhen.

 

Song/Yuan Fujian Ceramics

Two Southern Song wrecks, Nanhai 1 wreck near Haining Island in Guangdong and Jepara wreck near Java in Indonesia, provides useful information on the Southern Song export ceramics cargo mix.  Typical Southern Song Fujian ceramics constituted an important part of the cargo.

Greenware (celadon)

During the late Northern Song/Southern Song period,  Fujian produced a typical type of green glazed bowls with carved and combed/dotted decorations. The outer wall is decorated with carved vertical striations.  The colour tone ranges from olive green, grayish green to different degree of yellow. It is commonly termed as Tongan type or Juko (shuko seiji) greenware, name after a Japanese monk tea ceremony master Juko [shuko].

  In fact, this type of ware  was a continuation of the Longquan tradition.   Longquan kilns started producing such wares around late Northern Song period.  In comparison, the quality of the Fujian version is more rough with more crudely formed foot and the outer lower portion of the bowls  left unglazed.  The Longquan version is more finely potted and has better quality smooth glaze.  The outer wall and outer foot wall of the bowl is fully glazed. 

 

The Northern Fujian kilns, which were located near Longquan, probably also produced such type by late Northern Song.  By early Southern Song, many kilns in Fujian were producing them.

Most produced in Minbei (Northern Fujian) were probably intended for domestic consumption.  However those produced in kilns near Quanzhou were targeted at overseas market. The centre of production was Nan an (南安) which boasted more than 47 kilns. Together with nearby kilns such as Tong an (同安), Anxi (安溪), Xiamen (厦门)and further away such Minhou 闽侯), Fuqing (福清), Putian (莆田) and Lianjiang 连江), this group of kilns produced similar  green products for overseas market.

Example with carved and combed motif from the sea around Xisha Islands  

Example of carved/combed motif from Jepara wreck

Another common type of bowls has carved floral/cloud or abstract motif on the interior.  Again, Longquan potters were the first to introduce them.  This type was first introduced earliest by late Northern Song and gained immense popularity by the early Southern Song period.  The earlier ones have carved vertical striations on external wall.  Those which were produced during the Southern Song period have plain external wall. 

 Jepara wreck celadon, top 3 from Fujian kiln and bottom left from Longquan

Green glaze wares continued to be produced during the Yuan period.  But there is a noticeable drop in the quality and export volume.  Longquan and Jingdezhen became formidable competitors and dominated the overseas market with better quality celadon and white/qingbai/shufu/blue and white wares respectively.

In Fujian, Putian kilns emerged as an important exporter of celadon wares during the Yuan period.  The bowls and plates usually have an unglaze ring on the inner base and decorated with impressed floral motif.   

White/qingbai wares

Dehua was the main production center for Qingbai/white wares.  Other important production kiln sites which catered to overseas market included Nan an, Tong an and Quanzhou.

The oldest Dehua kiln at Wanpinglun (盖德碗坪崙)possibly dated to the late Northern Song period.  Those kilns at Qudougong  (屈斗宫)started production during the late Southern Song period  The most common export Dehua products were dishes ,boxues, vases and kendis.   The early Southern Song Nanhai 1 shipwreck carried a substantial quantity of Qingbai/white wares from Dehua.

Dehua Qingbai/white wares from Nanhai 1 shipwreck

Jepara wreck Qingbai ewer from Minnan kiln

The colour tone of some of the Fujian wares is rather hard to classify.  Strictly speaking they should still be classified as white ware despite showing varying degree of yellow or gray tinge. There are some which may even be confused as light yellowish greenwares.  The varying colour was the result of the unstable firing atmosphere in the dragon kilns rather than difference in glaze formula.  .  

 

Within the usual classification of Fujian Qingbai, there is an interesting group of thinly potted bowls with more elaborate carved/combed floral or waves motif. They usually have a straw colour or grayish white glaze and characterised by pooling of glaze near the inner and outer rim and sometime even the inner and outer wall.  I believe their classification as qingbai is mainly based on the reason that similar motifs were found in Jingdezhen Qingbai bowls.  But it is puzzling why the glaze is different from the more even pale greenish colour found on other types of Fujian Qingbai wares.  Personally, I think the glaze is intended to imitate the ivory Ding glaze with the typical pooling of teardrop-like glaze effect.  It is more like a hybrid of Qingbai and Ding ware.  Minqing Yi kiln (闽清义窑) has been identified as one of the major kiln that produced such bowls. 

A  Mingqing Yi kiln greyish straw colour bowl with carved motif from the Nanhai 1 wreck

 

 

Black (Temmoku) wares

Archaeological evidence clearly showed that Fujian black glazed temmoku wares were introduced later than the green glazed wares.   

The most famous black temmoku wares were produced in the Jianyang kiln.  Jian temmoku were highly praised and treasured by the tea connoisseurs from both China and overseas, especially Japan.  Due to the strong overseas demand,  coastal kilns especially those in Fuqing and Minhou emerged as major exporters.  Visually they are different from Jian temmoku bowls.  Majority have a light grayish paste and the glaze is not as thick/glossy and the hares’ fur effects are not as distinct and attractive.   For more on Jian and Jian type temmoku wares, please read this

Black/Brown and Lead-glaze wares

Cizao kilns in Jinjiang was a major producer of black/brown glaze wares.  The kilns also produced low fired lead green/yellow glazes which were applied onto kendi, censers, basins, plates, jars, ewers.  The kendis were specifically made for the Southeast Asian markets.   Another unique Cizao product is black glaze wares with deeply carved motif left unglazed.

Most lead glaze wares were monochrome, but there were also examples with multi-colour glazes, similar to those sancai of the Tang period. I came across an interesting and beautiful piece which the Indonesian collector said was excavated from Trowulan.  

Late Song/Yuan Cizao sancai 

 

 

Ceramics in Jepara wreck

Greenware (celadon)

In the wreck, there are large and smaller bowls with carved and combed/dotted decorations on the interior and vertical combed lines on the external wall.  This was commonly termed as Tongan type or Juko (shuko seiji) greenware (name after Juko (shuko) a Japanese monk tea ceremony master).  In fact, this was a continuation of the Longquan tradition. 

Longquan kilns started producing such type around Mid/late Northern Song period.  Kamei Meitoku in his article “Chronology of Longquan wares of the Song and Yuan periods” classified them into 1st half of 12th century.  In fact, besides the Minan coastal region, Northern Fujian kilns also produced similar wares.  The colour tone of such wares varies from olive green, grayish green to different degree of yellow. 

In comparison with the Longquan version, the quality was less refined and for most pieces the outer lower portion of the bowls were left unglazed.  For the Longquan version, only the outer base was left unglazed.

Although stylistically this category commenced during the Northern Song period, it continued to be produced by the Fujian kilns during the Southern Song period.

 

An overview of Fujian trade Ceramics  

Fujian was a major ancient trade ceramics production centre in China.   During the pre Song period, it produced mainly green glaze (celadon) wares of the famous Zhejiang Yue celadon tradition.  Most of the kiln sites were located in Northern Fujian (Minbei [闽北]) and a scattering few in Southern Fujian (Minnan [闽南]).    

During the Southern Song period, Minnan emerged as a major exporter of trade ceramics.  This development was the result of the Southern Song court’s strategy to promote Fujian Quanzhou (泉州) as the main gateway for foreign trade with South East and West Asia.  Quanzhou retained its prominent status of international port till Yuan period.  During this period, the bulk of the trade ceramics consisted of green wares (celadon), white/qingbai  and black wares.  Besides the famous Longquan celadon and Jingdezhen Qingbai, many were products of coastal kilns in Fujian.  It owed it’s good fortune to the abundance of local raw material required for ceramics production and it’s proximity to Quanzhou.  As a result of the competitive advantage,  Fujian emerged as a major producer of Chinese ceramics.  In reality, they were poorer quality copies of Longquan celadon and Jingdezhen qingbai wares.  However they were able to compete successfully with its cheap price strategy and dominated the lower end overseas consumer market. 

According to Song period Zhao Rugua’s work “zhufanzhi” (赵汝适《诸番志》)(1225),  46 countries (including Annam, Cambodia, Srivijaya, malay peninsula, borneo, java, eastern Indies, the Philippines and even Zanzibar) were listed as  China’s trading partners and the Yuan period “Daoyi zhilue” by Wang Dayan ( 汪大淵 《岛夷志略》) listed at least 58 countries.   

 

During the early Ming period,  ceramics production dropped drastically due to the imperial ban on export of ceramics. However when the ban was lifted in 1567 A.D,  it heralded another peak in Fujian ceramics production.  Yuegang was designated as an international trading port.   Zhangzhou capitalised on its proximity to Yuegang and produced blue and white/overglaze enamelled wares, commonly termed Swatow wares.  This was a special category of Ming blue and white which attracted strong demand from Southeast Asia consumers.

In Dehua, the potters continued to improve on its white glaze wares and finally introduced the ivory white glaze wares, termed blanc de chine wares in the West.  They were much treasured by the European consumers, with the best produced during the late Ming to Early Qing period (17th to early 18th century).

The chaotic transition from Ming to Qing period resulted in the decline and finally demise of Zhangzhou wares.  However, kilns in Dehua and neighbouring Yongchun/Anxi expanded further.  Besides blanc de chine wares, Dehua potters also started to produce blue and white wares.  The early Dehua blue and white wares essentially imitated their Jingdezhen counterpart.  However, by Qing Qianlong period the Dehua blue and white developed its unique decorative features.  Besides Jingdezhen, Dehua became another major supplier of blue and white wares.  The rise of Dehua kilns is still not well understood as it is located inland and the transportation route involved a stretch which the cargo would need to be carried over the mountain before it reached the river system linked to Xiamen, which has emerged as an international port. The abundance of high quality porcelainous material for production of blue and white and blanc de chine wares may have been a major reason for its success.  A parallel example would be Jingdezhen.

 

Song/Yuan Fujian Ceramics

Two Southern Song wrecks, Nanhai 1 wreck near Haining Island in Guangdong and Jepara wreck near Java in Indonesia, provides useful information on the Southern Song export ceramics cargo mix.  Typical Southern Song Fujian ceramics constituted an important part of the cargo.

Greenware (celadon)

During the late Northern Song/Southern Song period,  Fujian produced a typical type of green glazed bowls with carved and combed/dotted decorations. The outer wall is decorated with carved vertical striations.  The colour tone ranges from olive green, grayish green to different degree of yellow. It is commonly termed as Tongan type or Juko (shuko seiji) greenware, name after a Japanese monk tea ceremony master Juko [shuko].  In fact, this type of ware  was a continuation of the Longquan tradition.   Longquan kilns started producing such wares around late Northern Song period.  In comparison, the quality of the Fujian version is more rough with more crudely formed foot and the outer lower portion of the bowls  left unglazed.  The Longquan version is more finely potted and has better quality smooth glaze.  The outer wall and outer foot wall of the bowl is fully glazed.  The Northern Fujian kilns, which were located near Longquan, probably also produced such type by late Northern Song.  By early Southern Song, many kilns in Fujian were producing them.  

Most produced in Minbei (Northern Fujian) were probably intended for domestic consumption.  However those produced in kilns near Quanzhou were targeted at overseas market. The centre of production was Nan an (南安) which boasted more than 47 kilns. Together with nearby kilns such as Tong an (同安), Anxi (安溪), Xiamen (厦门)and further away such Minhou (闽侯), Fuqing (福清), Putian (莆田) and Lianjiang (连江), this group of kilns produced similar  green products for overseas market. 

Example with carved and combed motif from the sea around Xisha Islands  

Example of carved/combed motif from Jepara wreck

Another common type of bowls has carved floral/cloud or abstract motif on the interior.  Again, Longquan potters were the first to introduce them.  This type was first introduced earliest by late Northern Song and gained immense popularity by the early Southern Song period.  The earlier ones have carved vertical striations on external wall.  Those which were produced during the Southern Song period have plain external wall. 

 Jepara wreck celadon, top 3 from Fujian kiln and bottom left from Longquan

Green glaze wares continued to be produced during the Yuan period.  But there is a noticeable drop in the quality and export volume.  Longquan and Jingdezhen became formidable competitors and dominated the overseas market with better quality celadon and white/qingbai/shufu/blue and white wares respectively.

In Fujian, Putian kilns emerged as an important exporter of celadon wares during the Yuan period.  The bowls and plates usually have an unglaze ring on the inner base and decorated with impressed floral motif.   

White/qingbai wares

Dehua was the main production center for Qingbai/white wares.  Other important production kiln sites which catered to overseas market included Nan an, Tong an and Quanzhou.   

The oldest Dehua kiln at Wanpinglun (盖德碗坪崙)possibly dated to the late Northern Song period.  Those kilns at Qudougong  (屈斗宫)started production during the late Southern Song period  The most common export Dehua products were dishes ,boxues, vases and kendis.   The early Southern Song Nanhai 1 shipwreck carried a substantial quantity of Qingbai/white wares from Dehua.

Dehua Qingbai/white wares from Nanhai 1 shipwreck

Jepara wreck Qingbai ewer from Minnan kiln

The colour tone of some of the Fujian wares is rather hard to classify.  Strictly speaking they should still be classified as white ware despite showing varying degree of yellow or gray tinge. There are some which may even be confused as light yellowish greenwares.  The varying colour was the result of the unstable firing atmosphere in the dragon kilns rather than difference in glaze formula.  .  

 

Within the usual classification of Fujian Qingbai, there is an interesting group of thinly potted bowls with more elaborate carved/combed floral or waves motif. They usually have a straw colour or grayish white glaze and characterised by pooling of glaze near the inner and outer rim and sometime even the inner and outer wall.  I believe their classification as qingbai is mainly based on the reason that similar motifs were found in Jingdezhen Qingbai bowls.  But it is puzzling why the glaze is different from the more even pale greenish colour found on other types of Fujian Qingbai wares.  Personally, I think the glaze is intended to imitate the ivory Ding glaze with the typical pooling of teardrop-like glaze effect.  It is more like a hybrid of Qingbai and Ding ware.  Minqing Yi kiln (闽清义窑) has been identified as one of the major kiln that produced such bowls. 

A  Mingqing Yi kiln greyish straw colour bowl with carved motif from the Nanhai 1 wreck

 

 

Black (Temmoku) wares

Archaeological evidence clearly showed that Fujian black glazed temmoku wares were introduced later than the green glazed wares.   

The most famous black temmoku wares were produced in the Jianyang kiln.  Jian temmoku were highly praised and treasured by the tea connoisseurs from both China and overseas, especially Japan.  Due to the strong overseas demand,  coastal kilns especially those in Fuqing and Minhou emerged as major exporters.  Visually they are different from Jian temmoku bowls.  Majority have a light grayish paste and the glaze is not as thick/glossy and the hares’ fur effects are not as distinct and attractive.   For more on Jian and Jian type temmoku wares, please read this

Black/Brown and Lead-glaze wares

Cizao kilns in Jinjiang was a major producer of black/brown glaze wares.  The kilns also produced low fired lead green/yellow glazes which were applied onto kendi, censers, basins, plates, jars, ewers.  The kendis were specifically made for the Southeast Asian markets.   Another unique Cizao product is black glaze wares with deeply carved motif left unglazed.

Most lead glaze wares were monochrome, but there were also examples with multi-colour glazes, similar to those sancai of the Tang period. I came across an interesting and beautiful piece which the Indonesian collector said was excavated from Trowulan.  

Late Song/Yuan Cizao sancai 

 

Ming Fujian Ceramics

Swatow (Zhangzhou) blue and white

Following a lull in Fujian ceramics production from late Yuan to Mid Ming, a distinctive group of Blue and whites and overglaze enamelled wares were produced in the Zhangzhou region.  They were characterised by grits adhesion on the outer base.  The main market was Southeast Asia but smaller quantity were also found in west asia and East coast of Africa.   For more details on the rise of Zhangzhou kilns and the products produced, please read : A General survey of Swatow (Zhangzhou) wares .

The early Zhangzhou wares were produced during the Jiajing period.  The motifs were executed using calligraphic strokes.  Such examples could be found in the Nan ao 1 shipwreck near Chaozhou in China and the San Isidro wreck near Philippines. 

Ming Jiajing Zhangzhou wares from Nan ao wreck

Those from the Wanli period onwards have motif executed mainly using the outline and wash method and kraak style panelled composition.  Such examples were found in the 1600 A.D Ming Wanli San Diego wreck in Philippines and Binh Thuan wreck in Central  Vietnam.

 

 

 

 

 

Dehua Blanc de chine wares

During the late Ming period, Dehua exported many varieties of blanc de chine wares: cups, censers, gu-vases, ewers, bowls, large plates, lamp, seated lions, figurines. Blanc de chine wares have a silky ivory white tone and the porcelain is translucent.  In this aspect, they were different from the early Dehua wares with the white/bluish white/yellowish white glaze.  Dehua potters introduced the blanc de chine wares during the 16th century firstly mainly for the Southeast Asian market.  During the 17th/18th century, many Dehua blanc de chine were exported to Europe.  Dehua ivory colour tone blanc de chine attracted considerable favourable responses in Europe and were widely collected by royal families and nobles.  

Those from the Early Qing period still retained the ivory tinge glaze but the later Qing pieces became a less attractive more grayish white tone.

 

Qing Fujian Ceramics

Dehua blue and white

According to archeological findings, Dehua started  production of blue and white since late Ming  Period.  However, blue and white ceramics produced were probably very small compared with the blanc de chine wares. But from Qing Kangxi the production of blue and white increased.  During the 18th/19th century, Dehua blue and white became major export items.  In fact, so far, more than 200 kilnsites producing blue and white have been discovered.  The neighouring kilns in Yongchung and Anxi also produced similar types.  Generally, those from the Dehua kilns are of better quality. For more, please read : Dehua blue and white.

In 1999, Tek Sing cargo which consisted of more than 350,000 mainly Qing Daoguang Dehua/Yongchung/Anxi blue and whites were recovered.  The size of the blue and white is an indication of the popularity of the wares.  For more on Tek Sing cargo and information on Dehua blue and white, please read:  Tek Sing shipwreck (Dehua) blue and white.

 

Written by NK Koh (22 Jun 2008), updated 5 Nov 2013

 

References:

1. The Jepara Wreck by Atma Djuana and Edmund Edwards Mckinnon

2. Chronology of Longquan Wares of the Song and Yuan Period by Kamei Meitoku.  Article published in the book “New Light on Chinese Yue and Longquan wares” edited by Chumei Ho.

3. 福建陶瓷考古概论 (曾凡著

4. 德化窑 published by Dehua Museum

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

There are also  large number of celadon bowls with carved lotus motif.  They do not have any vertical combed lines on the external wall.   Such type was also copied from the Longquan kiln.  Kamei Meitoku dates them to A.D 1150 – 1200 and hence later than the type mentioned earlier.  Both the Longquan and Fujian version were present in the wreck. Another type of celadon found in large number is those carved with abstract cloud motif.  Kiln sherds from Lianjiang Pukou kiln showed similar type being produced.

For export Fujian celadon, the centre of production was Nan an (南安) which boasted more than 47 kilns. Together with nearby kilns such as Tong an (同安), Anxi (安溪), Xiamen (厦门)and further away such Minhou (闽侯), Fuqing (福清), Putian (莆田) and Lianjiang (连江), this group of kilns produced similar  green products for overseas market. 

Another interesting type is big bowls decorated with wild goose and floral scrolls motif.  Such bowls were attributed to Anfu kiln in Longquan and example could be found in the book on “Ceramics from the Tioman Island”.  The author in the book gave the Anfu attribution based on archaeological report from China.  

Another type of Longquan celadon bowls with paneled stylised motif (see below photo) were also found. According to Kamei, they made their appearance after A.D 1150.

 

White/Qingbai wares

The Jepara wreck also carried a substantial quantity of white/qingbai wares.   Large quantity of different sizes cover boxes with impressed floral/abstract motif or plain without motif were also recovered from the wreck.  Similar cover boxes were excavated from the late Northern Song Level of the oldest dehua kiln at Wanpinglun (盖德碗坪崙) and continued to be produced even into the Yuan period.  There are kendis and vases (some with floral-shaped mouth) and small quantity of vases with iron black floral motif.  There are also big shallow big bowls with flat horizontal rim.  They resemble those form Wanpinglun dated to the Late Southern Song period by Chinese ceramics experts. 

 

Qingbai ewers  with curved waves/floral/abstract motif were also found in the wreck.  They are most likely products from other Fujian kilns.  As compared with ewers from Jingdezhen, they are more thickly and heavily potted.

 

Brown wares

In this category, there are dark brown glaze kendis and celadon glaze kendis with brown abstract motif.  The kendis are most likely product from the Cizao kiln in Quanzhou.  

 

Dating of the Ceramics wares

The presence of greenwares and Dehua white wares which based on archaeological evidence are dated to Southern Song indicates that the Jepara wreck is of that period.   The presence of the Jianyan copper coins means that the wreck is dated later than A.D 1130.  During the late Northern Song phase, the Longquan celadon bowls have vertical combed lines on the outer wall and more dense combed/curved motif on the interior.  The presence of small quantity of similar Fujian type suggested that they may continue to be produced  during the mid/late southern Song period while new products were introduced. Such new products are characterised by bowls with plain outer wall and more sparse inner decoration, the main decorative motif are lotus or partitioned stylised floral motif.  This is in line with A.D 1150 – 1200 dating in Kamei Meitoku chronology of the Longquan/Longquan-type greenwares.  This dating is also consistent with Fujian experts’ dating of Dehua wares found in the Wanpinglun (盖德碗坪崙) kiln.   

 

Wiitten by: NK Koh (20 Mar 2010) updated: 20 Mar 2013

 

References:

1. The Jepara Wreck by Atma Djuana and Edmund Edwards Mckinnon

2. Chronology of Longquan Wares of the Song and Yuan Period by Kamei Meitoku.  Article published in the book “New Light on Chinese Yue and Longquan wares” edited by Chumei Ho.

3. 福建陶瓷考古概论 (曾凡著

4. 德化窑 published by Dehua Museum

 

 

1161 M

Lalu berdirilah kesultanan Peureulak dengan sultannya yang pertama Alauddin Syah yang memerintah tahun 520–544 H atau 1161–1186 M. Sultan yang telah ditemukan makamnya adalah Sulaiman bin Abdullah yang wafat tahun 608 H atau 1211 M.[1]

1178 M

Chu-fan-chi, yang ditulis Chau Ju-kua tahun 1225, mengutip catatan seorang ahli geografi, Chou Ku-fei, tahun 1178 bahwa ada negeri orang Islam yang jaraknya hanya lima hari pelayaran dari Jawa.[2]

Mungkin negeri yang dimaksudkan adalah Peureulak, sebab Chu-fan-chi menyatakan pelayaran dari Jawa ke Brunai memakan waktu 15 hari.

Eksistensi negeri Peureulak ini diperkuat oleh musafir Venesia yang termasyhur, Marco Polo, satu abad kemudian.

Kublai Khan (Emperor Shi Zu), the grandson of Mongol conqueror Genghis Khan, conquered the whole Chinese Empire and established

1205

 

Gampong Pande menurut catatan sejarah merupakan pusat kerajaan Islam dan pusat perdagangan sejak tahun 1205 sampai dengan 1218.
“Lokasi itu memang pusat kerajaan, besar kemungkinan berada pada abad ke-13 dan 16,” kata Husaini yang juga menyelesaikan disertasi tentang sejarah di Gampong Pande.
“Jadi ini tanda tanya, kenapa waktu tsunami tidak muncul,” imbuhnya.
Oleh karena itu, penting pemerintah untuk segera mengambil langkah kongkrit untuk menyelamatkan cagar budaya tersebut. Katanya, ini indentitas Aceh yang mesti harus dijaga dengan baik.

 

 

1225

After 568, Langkasuka stopped sending envoy to China. The reason is not clear, but I suppose that Langkasuka was merged with Kan-tuo-li at the end of the sixth century and they formed ‘Chi-tu’.

However as above mentioned its name reappeared in the Sui Shu (隋書). According to Chang-jun, he saw the mountains of Langkasuka at the east coast of Malay Peninsula. The name of Langkasuka existed in the Sui times and Tang times.

The reason why Chao Ju-kua(趙汝适)

put Langkasuka at Pattani in 1225

is not known. Nowadays most historians believe the location of Langkasuka is Pattani. But in the Pattani district, there is no mountain at all. On the east coast of the middle of Malay Peninsula, high mountains visible from the sea are only Khao Luang1,825mand Khao Wang Hip (1,235mwhich located behind Nakhon Si Thammarat.
There are a short description on Langkasuka in the
Jiu and Xin Tang Shu that Langkasuka is the neighbor country of Pan-pan, Chaiya. The neighbor of Chaiya means ‘Nakhon Si Thammarat’ and Pattani is too far away as ‘neighbor’. If Langkasuka disappeared since the sixth century, nobody would doubt it located at the old Nakhon Si Thammarat. But, nearly 600 years later, Langkasuka reappeared all of a sudden in the Zhu-fan-zhi (諸蕃志).
Chao Ju-kua wrote that Langkasuka

was located six days journey from Tambralinga (Nakhon Si Thammarat) by sea, so we must suppose the location was near Pattani.
“One can sail from Tan-ma-ring (
単馬令Nakhon Si Thammarat) to the kingdom of Langkasuka in six days. The land road is available, too.” Chao Ju-kua did not elaborate on the other geographical matter, so it was not sure if Langkasuka was the neighbor of Songkhla or not. In this case Chao Ju-kua used different Chinese scripts as the name of Langkasuka (凌牙斯加), which was completely different from the previous name of Lang-ya-su (狼牙須). Chao Ju-kua might have collected information about Langkasuka from Arab merchants. Chao Ju-kua added that Langkasuka was a vassal state of San-fo-chi.
「凌牙斯加国、自単馬令風帆六昼夜可到、亦有陸程。」
However Mao Yuan-I(
茅元儀) put Langkasuka at the neighboring state of Songkhla in the “Wu-pei-chih(武備志)” published in 1621. As I mentioned above that Chao Ju-kua wrote the order of the vassal states from the south of the Malay Peninsula. In this context, Langkasuka is located between Terengganu and Kelantan. This means that Langkasuka is not necessarily ‘Pattani’.
Chao Ju-kua was a ‘ Superintendent of Maritime Trade (
市舶司)‘in Fu-chien (福建). There he had collected various informations from traders especially from Arab merchants. The knowledge of Arab merchants was sometimes not so accurate and not correspondded with the expression of the Chinese chronicles. They had plenty of knowledge about San-fo-chi, so the description on San-fo-chi was comparatively accurate. However, their information about other ports, where they seldom stopped over was vague in nature.
As above mentioned, Wang Ta-yuan
(汪大淵)gave us the completely different picture of Langkasuka. In “Dao-Yi Zhi-Lue (島夷誌略,1349)”, Wang Ta-yuan wrote on ‘Langkasuka’ as ‘Long-Ya-Xi-Jao’ (龍牙犀角). The scenery of Wang’s Langkasuka is quite different from that of modern Pattani. Even Dr. Toyohati Fujita could not understand the implication of Wang’s explanation, so he gave up the identification.
Wang Ta-yuan says “It is a hill plain surrounded by high mountains. The people are living in a round village like ants. The climate is not too hot. The people are soft-hearted and friendly. Men and women braid their hair into chignons. The teeth are white. They wrap around them a length of Ma-I
linencloth……….The native products are an agar-wood superior to that of any other country, together with hornbill casques, laka-wood, honey and garu-wood. The goods used in trading are native prints cloth, blue-and-white porcelain bowls and suchlike.” *
「峰嶺内平面外聳民環居之如蟻附坡厥田下等気候半熱俗厚男女椎髺歯白繋麻逸布俗以結・・・・・・地産沈香冠干諸番次鶴頂降真蜜糖黄執香頭貿易之貨用土印八都布青白花碗之属。」
Apparently Pattani is not ‘ a hill plain surrounded by high mountains’. Above ‘blue-and-white porcelain bowls’ are without doubt, imports from China, so Langkasuka was an active trader of such kind of products. Also, the observation of Wang Ta-yuan was realistic. The
Dao-yi-zhi-lue was written more than 120 years later than the Zhu-fan-zhi. Wang Ta-yuan said he wrote the Dao-yi-zhi-lue according to his own travel experience. So, we must pay more attention to the Dao-yi-zhi-lue which might be more accurate than the Zhu-fan-zhi. Apparently, Wang’s Langkasuka is quite different from Chao Ju-kua’s one. Chao Ju-kua’s Langkasuka is supposed to locate at Pattani. As I mentioned above, there are neither hills nor mountains around Pattani. So, Langkasuka should be in the different place on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula.


I suppose the most proper place is ‘Lan-saka’, just behind and is connected with Tha-Rua area of Nakhon Si Thammarat.
 The meaning of ‘lan’ is ‘valley’ and the ancient expression of ‘lan’ was ‘langka.’ If so, in the ancient times, ‘Lan Saka’ might have been called ‘Langka Saka’. However, until now little archaeological evidence has been found in Lan Saka area.
According to the recent excavation, considerable remains of ancient trade and temples were discovered in Tha-Rua. Its history might have started from the Neolithic era.

Lan-Saka is located 20 kilometers behind Tha-Rua to the mountain side and connected with the Tha-Rua River. Lan-Saka is a ‘pass’ to connect between the west coast and the east coast. Krabi, Khlong-Thom and Trang were typical ports of the west coast, above mentioned ‘route-C’ and goods from India could have been brought to the east coast through the Lan-Saka pass. On the top of the Lan-Saka pass, there is considerable rice field, where is held between Khao Luang (1,825mand Khao Wang Hip (1,235mfrom both sides. Furthermore ‘Tha Sala’, north of Nakhon Si Thammarat, is now under excavation and probably considerable remains will be uncovered. If so, the dimension of Langkasuka will be expanded from Tha Rua to Tha Sala.
At this moment, many historians and archeologists have been convinced that Langkasuka was located at Pattani, where produced not so meaningful remains. In 1989, a team of archaeologists excavated the Yarang district some 20 kilometers inside of Pattani. But the results were not so remarkable. *

At Yarang foreign ceramic sherds are rare and comparatively new, belonging to the Song and Ming periods.
Pattani had been probably used as the port of the ‘Kan-tou-li’ and ‘new Kha-ling’ dominated by Śailendra and San-fo-chi. However Pattani had nothing to do with ancient Langkasuka. As Chang-Chun recorded in the Sui times,

Langkasuka was located near Nakhon Si Thammarat. Yarang might have been the capital of the ancient Pattani Kingdom, and surely there are some remains, but it is a wrong place. The large excavations were carried out around Yarang, and they found a lot of shards ceramics and porcelains from the Song, the Ming and Thailand, but most of them are comparatively new, from eleventh or twelfth centuries.


However, there is a ‘fatal evidence’ in a Chinese document, named the
Wu-pei-chih(武備志)1621, compiled by Mao Yuan-I(茅元儀). This book contains many pieces of map. One of them is the route map of Cheng-Ho (鄭和), who was the great leader of the Chinese fleet in the early Ming times.
The
Wu-pei-chi map regarding the east coast the Malay Peninsula clearly indicates the location of Langkasuka (狼西加) as the neighbor of Songkhla. Mao Yuan-I might have drawn this map referring the Zhu-fan-zhi. I wonder that the name of Songkhla remains nowadays, but the name of Langkasuka cannot be found on any other modern map of the Malay Peninsula. The name of Langkasuka seemed to have suddenly changed to ‘Pattani’.


However the name of Pattani was well known at least since the Ming times. A high government official, Huang Zhong(
黄衷) compiled an encyclopedia the Hai Wu (Sea Words=海語) in which he says that the quality of camphor oil (片脳) “Fo-ta-ni (Pattani=佛打尼) produces the best quality among Ayutaya Empire.
In the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Japanese official trade ship left record that they visited ‘Tani’(
太泥) in the early the seventeenth century. ‘Tani’ means Pattani. Even in the Zhu-fan-zhi, there is a list of vassal states of San-fo-chi, in which the name of Pa-ta(抜沓) is seen. Many historians assume Pa-ta(抜沓) means the ‘Batak’, a native tribe of the Sumatra island. However, San-fo-chi might have nothing to do with the ‘Batak’. Pa-ta(抜沓) seems likely Pattani.
The misplacement of Langkasuka affects the location Chi-tu, and distorts the history
Perhaps Chao Ju-kua
(趙汝适)misplaced the location of Langkasuka, or at least I can say that the location of Langkasuka in the Sui times was different from that of Chao Ju-kua’s Langkasuka, ‘Pattani’. As I mentioned above, Chao Ju-kua might have got the information from Arab merchants, but the knowledge of them was not always correct.

 

Apparently, Wang Ta-yuan’s Langkasuka was believed to be identified by his own travelling experience and newer than Chao Ju-kua’s more than one hundred years. But no historians acknowledged the location of his Langkasuka. But at least, I can say Wang Ta-yuan’s Langkasuka is not Pattani. Pattani probably had its own name as ‘Pattani’ from the beginning of its history.

 

 

 

Chi-tu (赤土) a stray state
If Langkasuka has been placed at Pattani, the location of ‘Chi-tu’ had to be Kelantan or more southern part of the Malay Peninsula. A Japanese historian, Dr. Kuwata placed the location of ‘Chi-tu at Palembang.

He thought the predecessor of

Shih-li-fo-shi (Śrīvijaya)

was Chi-tu

and its location was Palembang.

Dr. Tatsuro Yamamoto had a different opinion that the location of Chi-tu was at Singapore. Unfortunately both of them are mistaken, because the Sui Shu says that on their return journey, the mission of the Sui arrived at the Southeast of Lin-yi in a little more than ten days. This suggests us the location of Chi-tu was not so far from the east coast of the Malay Peninsula.
The history of Chi-tu is not clear which abruptly appeared in the
Sui Shu as the biggest tributary state to the Sui Dynasty. Yang-ti (煬帝), emperor of the Sui, sent his mission to Chi-tu. The ambassador, Chang-jun (常駿) presented his report to Yang-ti, which is quoted in the Sui Shu as follows.
“The kingdom of Chi-tu, another kind of Funan, is situated in the South seas. By sea one reaches it more than a hundred days. The color of the soil of the capital is mostly red, whence is derived the name of the state. Eastwards is the kingdom Po-lo-la (
波羅剌), to the west that of Po-lo-suo(婆羅娑), and to the south that of Kha-la-tan (Ho-lo-tan 訶羅旦). The country is several thousand li in extent. The king’s family name is Qu-tan (瞿曇 Gautama), his personal name is Li-fu-duo-sai (利冨多塞).”
The territory of Chi-tu is supposed to cover from both coast of the Malay Peninsula. Because after landing it took thirty days for Chang-jun to arrive at the king’s palace. Po-lo-la (
波羅剌) is presumably Borneo, Po-lo-suo(婆羅娑) sounds like Barus, one of the Nicobar Islands and Ho-lo-tan (訶羅旦) might be Kelantan. The exact location of Chi-tu is not identified yet among historians and geologists. However, I suppose that the west coast was Kedah and the east coast was Songkhla which was the main port to China. From Songkhla to Kedah, by on land journey it took about thirty days. But if one went by sea route from Canton to Kedah via Malayu it took more than one hundred days.

 

The predecessor of Chi-tu might be Kan-tuo-li (干陀利). According to the Liang-shu, the king’s family name of Kan-tuo-li is Qu-tan (瞿曇), same as of Chi-tu’s king.

The name of ‘Kan-tuo-li’ is originally comes from ‘Kalinga’ the east coast of India. Kalinga was pronounced as ‘Kadaram’ by Tamil and ‘Kalah’ or ‘Kala’ by the Sanskrit language. ‘Kadaram’ became ‘Kadara’ and ‘Kandari’ and later Chinese pronounced as ‘Kan-tuo-li’. G. Coedès insists that ‘Kan-tuo-li’ located in the Sumatra Island and he has many followers, but they can not exactly identify the real location. Kan-tuo-li should be old Kedah, from where the above mentioned ‘Route-B’ started.
As above mentioned, G. Coedès admitted the close relation between Chi-tu and old Kedah, where was called ‘Red Earth’ by Indian merchants.
Historically, Kha-la-tan (
訶羅旦) might have been taken over by Kan-tuo-li (干陀利) around the middle of the fifth century, but one hundred years later Tan-tan (丹丹) emerged as a successor to Ho-lo-tan (Kelan-tan). And then Chi-tu appeared as the champion of ‘B-route’ to send the envoy to the Sui Dynasty.

Even thought Tan-tan remained as an independent state, Tan-tan had disadvantage to procure the western goods, because access to Kedah from Kelantan was geologically inconvenient compared with Pattani and Songkhla.

 

More importantly, Lang-ya-su (狼牙須=Langkasuka) ,which sent its embassies during 515568 disappeared. Presumably Langkasuka, the former champion of ‘C-route’ was taken over by the ‘Kedah clan’, namely Kan-tuo-li, and on their behalf Chi-tu emerged.
Conclusion
The reason why Kan-tuo-li was taken over by Chi-tu is not clear but perhaps Kan-tuo-li took over Langkasuka and change its name to Chi-tu. Kan-tuo-li was a big country dominating ‘B-route’, from Kedah to the east coast of the Peninsula, so it could not be cherished easily.
The exact location of Chi-tu is not identified yet. Most historians identify the location of Langkasuka as Pattani, so the location of Chi-tu cannot be found forever. But the location of Langkasuka is identified at Nakhon Si Thammarat or its vicinity that of Chi-tu should be Songkhla or Pattani on the east coast of the Malay Peninsula and on the west coast, Kedah might be the real capital.

 


According to the
Xin Tang Shu (新唐書) the location of Chi-tu is apparently at the north of Tan-tan and Tan-tan was without doubt former Kelantan. Chi-tu was finally merged with Śrīvijaya in the middle of the seventh century. Śrīvijaya (Shih-li-fo-shi) became the only one tributary country to the Tang from the Malay Peninsula.

Source

http://www7.plala.or.jp/seareview/newpage6Sri2011Chaiya.html

 

the Yuan Dynasty

(1271 – 1368 AD)

with its capital in Beijing. Casting of coins during the Yuan reign was limited due to the predominant used of paper money made of cotton and mulberry bark paper.

KERAMIK KERAJAAN TIONGKOK YANG DITEMUKAN DI INDONESIA(BAGIAN KE 5)

INI CUPLIKAN INFO DARI MUSEUM LELUHUR INDONESIA WANLI

INFO LENGKAP DAPAT DILIHAT ECARA LANGSUNG DIMUSEUM TERSEBUT. KHUSUS UNTUK KOLEKTOR BONAFIDE SAJA BUKAN UNTUK PEDAGANG

BILA BERMINAT HUBUNGGI  EMAIL

iwansuwandy@gmail.com

The Sung Ceramic History Collections

*

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy , MHA

 

Private Limited E.Book In CD-Rom Edition

Special for Senior Collectors And Historian

Copyright @ 2014

Sung Dragon Pklate found West Java

(Collection Dr Iwan)

 

 

Sung Pottery and Porcelain

The statement that during the Sung period “ the reins of government were more accurely held over a unified , though diminished China”, is false for during this time there was internal confklict , intrigue and constant threats from the north which finally ended in conquest and flight.

General Chao KUang-yin (called Tai-tsu) attacked the Khitan Tartars in the Northeast and they reacted by taking some territory while to the Northwest the kingdom of Hsia fought both sides ,

The Ch’ing Pi Ts’ang ( 1595)

 

The Po W’u Yao Lan ( 1621-1627 )

Tha T’ao Shuo ( 1774) which incorporates given the former works and others.

The Cheng-te’ C’en T’ao Lu(1815) which also covers much of the same ground , and which has to do with the famous potteries at Ching-te’ Che’ng in the Ch’ang nan district east of Po Yang Lake in Kiangsi province , given its same by Ching Te’ ( 1004-1007) and which in the 19th century was commanded by the Emperor Yung Che’ng to make reproductions of Sung wares for which purpose specimens were down from the Imperial Palace Collections.

 

Another alliance was made between the Mongols and the Chinese to fight the Chins and the promise was mde that Honan would remain to the Chinese but a quarrel led to the Mongolian conquet south until the last Sung emperor cast himself into the sea in despair and Kublai Khan became emperor of all China and musch more in1280

(Warren E.Cox,1970)

 

 

 

 

Ching Pa’i ware

Ch’ing-pai Ware

960-1368

Ch’ing-pai (bluish-white)—also called ying ch’ing (shadow blue)—refers to a type of popular early porcelain. It was created in the late tenth century from a fine white paste covered with a thin, lustrous glaze that ranged in color between light blue and white.

First made at Ch’ing-te-chen in Kiangsi province, it was eventually manufactured at several southeastern kiln sites in Kiangsi, Chekiang, Hunan, Hupeh, Fukien, and Kwangtung provinces.Ch’ing-pai porcelain led to the introduction of blue-and-white, and from the tenth century on Ch’ing-te-chen would remain the center of porcelain production for China and much of the world.

Ch’ing-pai wares were immensely popular from Northern Sung (960-1127) through the Yuan dynasty (1280-1368). Objects ranged from crudely fashioned grave goods to exquisite eating utensils.

The highly plastic clay body allowed the creation of light, thin walled vessels with complex shapes that often incorporated molded, carved, and appliqué décor. The cool, bluish tint is accounted for in part by the reducing atmosphere given by the fuel, a locally abundant pine tree. While the new and exquisite shapes, with their subtle, pale-blue glazes were appreciated throughout China’s middle and upper classes and in several foreign markets,ch’ing-pai was not greatly revered at court. Be this as it may, ch’ing-pai wares have been excavated from numerous tombs and kiln sites throughout China, the central plains, Inner Mongolia, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East.

 

 

 

 


Wine Cup and Stand


Small Bowl


Wine Ewer and Basin

 

 

           

 

 

 

 

Sung Dynasty Ceramics
960-1279

Chinese ceramics of the Sung Dynasty (960-1279) constitute perhaps the foremost expression of ceramic art, not only in China but in all the world. During the Sung period, a unity of the essential components fundamental to the art: vessel shape, potting techniques, glaze, decoration, firing processes, and aesthetic theory were all combined in a high standard of excellence.

In general, the shapes of Sung dynasty are simple and sedate by comparison to what preceded them and what was to follow. Likewise, the glazes tend to be monochromatic and subtle, a fluid, integral part of the form of the vessel they cover, with a depth of color and texture that invites the spectator to both touch and contemplate.

Sung aesthetic sophistication was matched by an incredible inventiveness, which led to a variety of classic wares, usually associated with a specific region of China. These included the court-patronized Lung-ch’uan celadons, Kuan and Ju porcelains, Ting ware, Northern celadons, as well as the more pedestrian Tz’u-chou ware, Ch’ing-pai ware, and the compelling varieties of Chün and Chien stoneware. Several of these regional ceramic wares were so valued during their day that they were used as tribute and yearly taxes to the imperial court. In terms of technical expertise, inventiveness, and aesthetic perfection of glaze and shape, the Sung period stands unrivaled for the quality of its ceramic ware.

 

 

 

 


Pear-shaped Bottle


Bowl


Jar and Cover

 

 

           

Sung Dynasty Tea Bowls

Also called Jian Tenomko


11th-13th centuries

From the tenth through thirteenth centuries, the demand for brownish-black glazed tea bowls increased tremendously as Fujianese tea and tea drinking customs spread throughout Chinese society. It is interesting to note that the major tea producing provinces of Fujian and Kiangsi each had important kiln districts specializing in the production of black ware.

The introduction of Fujianese tea to the Northern Sung court (960-1127) brought with it a taste for the rich, lustrous, black-glazed stonewares from the Chien kilns. This ware was distinctive for its glaze effects known as “hare’s-fur” and “oil-spot” that occurred naturally during firing. The Chi-chou kilns in Kiangsi were especially known for their tea bowls which featured a variety of stenciled, splashed, brushed, and resist techniques in their innovative glazes. Northern kilns including Ting and Tz’u-chou also produced black ware tea bowls for a large audience.

 

 


Tea Bowl


Tea Bowl


Tea Bowl

   
 

 

 
       
 
 

Chün Ware
11th-15th centuries

Chün ware was produced during Sung (960 – 1279) at Yu-hsien country in Honan province. The thick, velvety glaze appears in light blue, lavender blue, light green and blue with purple splashes. The key ingredient in Chün glaze is copper oxide fired in a reduction kiln. Most Chün shapes are simple and self-contained. Their aesthetic appeal is rooted in their rich, deep, opalescent glazes.

These dark bodied stonewares were produced at several kiln complexes in Honan province including Lin-ju and the characters of their bodies and glazes vary considerably. The best early examples of Chün have fine-grained, light grey bodies with graceful shapes and delicate blue glazes. By late Northern Sung and onward, splashes of crimson or purple color were deliberately induced with the addition of copper-rich compounds to the glaze. While the Northern Sung emperor Hui Tsung (r. 1100-25) ordered vast amounts of this attractive stoneware, it was not an official court ware.

 

 

 

 


Ewer


Lidded Jar


Bowl


Narcissus Bowl

 

           

 

 

 
 

Kuan Ware
12th-13th centuries

The Kuan kilns were operated by the Sung imperial court in present day Kaifeng and Hangchou. At the beginning, their limited output was intended exclusively for the court. With its high iron content, Kuan clay is dark while its thick translucent glaze is a subtle pale blue-gray. A distinguishing feature of this refined ware is the crackle pattern of its glaze, which was purposely induced during the cooling process. The crackled glazes undoubtedly appealed to the refined antiquarian taste of the scholar class as well as the Sung court. Kuan ware was grouped by later connoisseurs as one of the five so-called “official court wares” of the Sung dynasty. Like Lung-ch’uan celadon, Kuan ware was greatly admired by the Ch’ing court during the eighteenth century and it was imitated in porcelain at the imperial workshops at Ching-te-chen.

 

 

 

 


Celadon Vase, one of a pair


Dish

 

       

 

 

 

Tz’u-chou Type Ceramics
960-1600

Tz’u-chou is a term used to classify a wide range of northern Chinese stonewares made principally in Hopeh, Honan, Shansi, and Shantung provinces between the Sung and Ming dynasties (960-1644). Tz’u-chou arose from the tradition of T’ang dynasty (618-906) white wares, but coarse local clays required the use of a creamy white slip to mask the dark color of the buff-grey body. This white slip is the distinguishing characteristic of Tz’u-chou ceramics which consisted primarily of inexpensive wares for everyday use.

Most examples make some use of black-and-white decoration featuring floral designs. Using the white surface as a ground distinct from both the darker clay body and exterior clear glaze, Tz’u-chou potters developed an astonishing variety of decorative techniques, over twenty in all. Some basic methods included black-and-brown painting on white slip, white or black slip with deeply carved decoration that exposed the clay body (cut-glaze technique), black slip sgraffiato designs on white slip, incised and stamped decoration, green lead glaze, and the earliest use of enamel overglaze decoration.

The success and longevity of Tz’u-chou wares can be attributed to their middle class popularity and regional economic base. Sturdily potted and utilitarian, they did not depend heavily upon court patronage or export revenues like other Chinese ceramic wares.

 

 

 

 


Vase


Meiping Bottle


Ovoid Bottle

 

 

           

 

Source

http://archive.artsmia.org

more info look CD The Yuan Ceramic History Collections

The Yuan (元)government

inherited the ‘maritime custom system’,

so the individual state could trade with the custom officers at the major ports of China.
At the beginning of the Ming
(明) Dynasty,

the first emperor Hongwudi (洪武帝) resumed the tributary system.

Then so-called ’San-fo-chi’ appeared to the Ming court.

This San-fo-chi came from Palembang.

At that time Palembang was a vassal state of Java (the Majapahit kingdom) and Java killed the envoy from the Ming court at Palembang.

Hongwudi realized that he was cheated by the rulers of Palembang and accepted the situation.This ‘faked San-fo-chi

The end

Copyright @ 2014

Strangely the art of Sung China is not martial but rather poetic and transparential , not lacking in strength of the willow which bends before the storm that breaks the oaks ; having the strength of the soil rather than that of the broad –swords.

It was so close to nature that it did not seem so much to copy nature as to be a very part of it. This art was not so much due to any one group r to patronage as it was lived by almoy everyone.

I think that critics often try to explain a great flowering of art by some glibly caught phse of history which the artist of the day , perhaps living more apart than might be supposed , had never heard of.

A tree snows no nterest if one of its braches is broken off ; it goes right on growing and eventually the open space fills in. So it that war diplay does not affect people

Strangely the art of Sung China is not martial but other poetic and transcendental , not lacking in strenght but with the strength of the willow which bends before the storm that breaks the oaks ; having the strength of the soil rather than that of the broad swords .

It was so close to nature that it did not seem so much to copy nature so to be a very part of it. This art wa not so much due to a group or to patronage as it was lived by almost everyone.

I think that critics often try to explain a great flowering of the art by some glibly caught phase of history which the artists of the day , perhaps living more apart than might be supposed had never heard of.

A tree shows no interest if one of its branches is broken off; it goes right on growing and eventually the open space fill in. So it is thatwar simply does not affect some people.

Another very vital fact must understood before one can understand Sung art and that is theFar Easterner before be a though fighter and at the same time a sensitive soul.

The good fencer hols his foil cupped in his hand gently as though he were holding a third , not to let it ger away but not tocrush it. An old Chinese saying goes, “ He who knows the cherry blossom bough can best handle the sword”

We man of America suffer more than any others from masculine-comples; we feel that a real man should enjoy baseball , whisky and poker rather than fencing , wine and art.

A real man is not supposedto take his women too seriously at least in talk with his companions . Before Worls war I it was considered sissy to wear a wrist watch or carry a cane until expedience and necessity dixtated the use of both.

Yhis manly wager seems xchildish to the Chinese for the Chinese man knows his own qualities of courage and in his country life is held cheaply. Thus it was possible for many artists in the troubles Sung tme to think philosophies and spend time searching for little beauties of nature without any idea of having to prove themselves worthy or masculine.

More info you can read and look at the chronological info at the next page.

(Warren E.Cox , 1970)

Celadon plate illustration

Source

The Study Of Sung Shape

 

 

 

 

Song Porcelain

The Song Dynasty saw the introduction of many new folk kilns ceramics form and Imperial Court’s involvement in the production of ceramics for the palace use.

Song porcelain ware is an epitome of aesthetic perfection.  Generations of potters have drawn and will continue to draw inspirations from Song ceramics creations.  The elegance of the shape of the vessels achieved was superb.  The aesthetic beauty of jade -like celadon glaze of ru/guan/longquan reached unsurpassed perfection and delicacy.  The icy bluish beauty Qingbai glaze has enchanted generations of porcelain collectors.  The curved/impressed decorations of Ding and Yaozhou wares reigned supreme.

The ingenuity and creativity of the Cizhou and Jizhou potters was also amazing.  They were able to overcome the limitations of poor quality raw material for porcelain making and came out with innovative and aesthetically wonderful products.  The use of white slip to whiten the body and further using it as a decorative element for sgraffiato design was brilliant.  Building on the foundation of the celadon underglaze iron-pigment brown/black decoration of the earlier era, the cizhou kilns fully developed the underglaze iron-pigment motif on white ground.  It became a main-stream product until it was overtaken by blue and white in the Ming dynasty and marginalised in the Qing Dynasty.   The jizhou potters were able to work on a dark and a lighter colour glaze to achieve great products such as the tortoise’s shell/tiger’s fur effect and paper cut motifs.

The potential of the copper oxide was finally realised in the dazzling beauty of rainbow-like purplish/red splashes on blue ground of Jun wares.  The ever inexhaustible potential of iron-pigment for amazing decorative effect was proudly displayed in the form of the temmoku hares’ fur and oil spots.

It was also a period of commercial liberalisation and huge growth in overseas trade which was encouraged by the imperial court as a source of substantial tax revenue.  An important development was the large number of kilns that were set up in the coastal region in Guangdong and Fujian to produce porcelains for the Southeast Asia market.  The coastal kilns made use of their proximity to the port, Guangdong Guangzhou during the Tan/Song period and Fujian Quanzhou during the Southern Song period to produce lower end copies of Yue, Longquan celadon, Jingdezhen Qingbai and Jian temmoku wares to meet overseas demand. For more on Guangdong and Fujian trade ceramics, please read below:

Tang/Song Guangdong trade ceramics

Song/Yuan Fujian trade ceramics

Celadon cup

Illustration source

 

Song Jun, Ru and guan wares

In the area of ceramics production, an important development was the setting up of official kilns to produce ceramics for the Imperial palace.  During the Northern Song period, Jun and Ru wares , both a form of celadon, were produced.

The Jun kilns at Baguadong (°ËØÔ¶´£©and Juntai £¨¾ų̂£©were located in Yu county£¨ÓíÏØ£© in Henan.  The Jun kiln used iron and copper oxides to fire an opacified bluish glaze with red or purplish splashes.  Vessels included flower pots, washers, dishes, censor, bowls, zun and etc.  Some of the flower pots/stands  have number (1-10) carved on their base.  It has been established that the number is an indication of the size.  Some vessels also have inscription such as fenghua (·î»ª£©¡¡and sheng fu¡¡£¨Ê¡·û£©.  [Guan Jun is still a controversial subject with some experts questioning the Northern Song attribution.]

Folk kilns in Henan also produced Jun wares but the number of Song/Jin wares excavated were few.  The best Jun from the folk kiln were produced at Liu Jiamen (Áõ¼ÒÃÅÒ¤£©¡£

Ru wares were produced in Baofeng Qingliangsi £¨±¦·áÇåÁ¹Ë£©¡¡in Henan. They usually have a light sky-blue colour with tiny spur marks on the outer base. Vessel forms consisted of mainly dishes, washers, bowls and some archaic zun vase, lian-form censers and vases. Some vessels also have the inscription fenghua¡¡£¨·î»ª£©.

During the Southern Song Period, two officially operated kilns were built at Xiuneisi and Jiaotanxia with the former in operation first. They consisted of jade-like thick which powdered bluish or yellowish colour tone.  They have iron black body with majority having crackled glaze.  The best have very thick multi-layered glaze and biscuit think body.

 

For more on the guanwares, please read : Song Guan Wares .

 

Yue/Longquan greenware (celadon)

During the Northern Song period, Yue ware was still an important greenware. The products of this period is characterised by fine incised motifs covering floral, bird, phoenix, dragon and human motif. A form of more deeply curved combined with incised style of decoration was introduced during the Mid Northern Song Period and continued to be used during the rest of the Northern Song Period.  Yue greenwares essential ceased by early Southern Song period.

Longquan of the Northern Song essentially copied the Yue curved/combed motifs.  Longquan developed its famous powder¡¡green £Û·ÛÇà£Ýnd mei zi qing (plum green) [÷×ÓÇà£Ýglaze towards the end of Southern Song period.  The ware is characterised by multi-layered glaze application with jade like quality. It is arguably the greatest achievement of all green glaze wares.   Longquan potters also produced some guan-type black body wares during the late southern Song period.

The curved/combed motifs longquan motif was widely adopted by the Fujian kilns during the late Northern Song/early Southern Song period.  It was an important export item and was termed Tongan type greenware or Juko (shuko seiji) £ÛÖé¹âÇà´É£Ýgreenware in Japan. Shuko was a Japanese monk who was known for his preference for Tongan type greenware for tea ceremony.

For more on Longquan celadon, please read: Longquan Celadon

For more on Longquan influenced Fujian greenware, please read: Fujian Trade Ceramics

Yaozhou Greenware (Ò«ÖÞÒ¤£©

Yaozhou established itself as the greatest Northern Celadon (greenware) production centre during the Northern Song Period.  The most famous was the Huangbao £¨»Æ±¤£©site at Tongchuan Shanxi (Í­´¨¡¡ÉÂÎ÷£© . But the kiln sites included Chenluzhen¡¡³Â¯Õò£©, Lidipo £¨Á¢µØÆ£©and Shangdian¡¡£¨Éϵ꣩.  Yaozhou greenware was famous for the curved motif with strong 3 dimensional visual effect.  An interesting characteristic of Yaozhou wares is the ginger-yellow scotched marks on the base and at the footring. After Mid Northern Song, elaborate impressed motifs were introduced and gradually became the more dorminent products.  The impressed motifs were varied and consisted of flowers, dragon, phoenix, fish, makara, flying fairies, infants and etc.  Yaozhou greenware continued to be produced during the Jin period and gradually ceased during the Yuan period.  During the Jin period, an important Yue bai £ÛÔ°ףÝ(moon-white) glaze was introduced.

Yaozhou type greenwares were also produced in Henan kilns such as those in  Linru £¨ÁÙÈ꣩£¬Xinan Cheng Guan ((а²³Ç¹ØÒ¤£©¡¡and Baofeng¡¡£¨±¦·á£©.  They are very similar to the Yaozhou production but are generally of poorer quality.

For more on Yaozhou greenware, please read: Yaozhou Celadon

 

Ding ware (¶¨Ò¤£©

Ding kiln was located in Jiancicun (½§´Å´å£©¡¡in Quyang county¡¡£¨ÇúÑôÏØ£©.  The kiln started production during the Tang period and achieved great fame during the Northern Song and Jin period for its ivory white glaze and finely curved and later even more famous impressed motifs. It was at one point an important tribute ware to the Imperial court during the Northern Song period.

One of the most important contributions of the Ding potters was the invention of the inverted firing Method.  It was subsequently adopted by many kilns including Jingdezhen.¡¡This method enabled more pieces to be fired in the kiln.  It however required the removal of glaze at the rim.

Important Ding type white wares were made in Pingding (ƽ¶¨£©and Jiexiu£¨½éÐÝ£©in shanxi £¨É½Î÷£©¡¡province.

For more on Ding ware, please read: Ding ware

Qingbai (Yingqing) ware

Qingbai meaning bluish white ware, was invented in Jingdezhen during the Northern Song period.  The best Qingbai wares were produced in Hutian kilns (ºþÌïÒ¤£©¡¡near Jingdezhen. The curved motif on Northern Qingbai wares was excellent.  The pooling of the bluish glaze in curved area of the motif enhance and bring out the profile of the motif nicely.  Impressed motifs were popular during the Southern Song and Yuan Period.  The glaze became more whitish during Southern Song and gradually became more opaque¡¡especially in the Yuan Dynasty.

Qingbai wares in British Museum

Qingbai was an enormously popular product and were produced in numerous kilns in Jiangxi in areas around Jingdezhen, Nanfeng and Jizhou and also provinces such as Anhui, Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong.

Qingbai wares were exported overseas in large volume during the Song/Yuan period.

For more on Qingbai ware, please read: Qingbai (Yingqing) wares

 

Cizhou ware

Cizhou kilns are located in Guantai £¨Ò‹Ì¨£©and Pengcheng £¨Åí³Ç£©area in Hebei.  Its main products consisted of whiteware, blackware and wares with underglaze iron black/brown decoration on white ground.  The iron pigment painted decoration first appeared in late 3 Kingdom period and some rare examples were made by the Yue kilns.   But it was only during the Song period that it was popularised by the cizhou and cizhou type kilns and was produced even to this day.  The white glaze was able to show off the iron brown decoration distinctively and attractively.

Other famous  decorative types included incised/curved and sgraffito motif.¡¡¡¡

There are numerous other kilns located in Hebei, Henan (some famous ones such as Dangyangyu kiln [ÐÞÎäµ±ÑôÓøÒ¤]£¬Hebiji kiln [ÌÀÒõº×±Ú¼¯Ò¤]£¬pa chu kiln [ÓíÏØ°Ç´åÒ¤]£¬Dengfeng kiln [µÇ·âÒ¤]£©, Shanxi yaozhou kiln¡¡(Ò«ÖÞÒ¤£©, Ningxia Lingwu kiln (ÁéÎäÒ¤£©,Inner Mongolia Chifeng kiln (³à·åÒ¤£©£¬ Shanxi Jie xiu and ping ding kiln (½éÐÝÒ¤£¬Æ½¶¨Ò¤£©, Shandong, Anhui, Jiangxi jizhou kiln£¨¼ªÖÞÒ¤£©and Guandong which produced similar wares.  There are definitely some local stylistic decorative differences and also in terms of shape/form and glaze and paste  appearance.  Yet one can still discern that they are unmistakably cizhou in character especially in terms of the decorative techniques.  Hence, they are widely termed as cizhou type wares.

Dangyangyu kiln (ÐÞÎäµ±ÑôÓøÒ¤)in Henan also produced a famous marbled ware. It is also termed wood grain pattern, pheasant’s wing pattern or feather pattern.  Other Henan kilns producing such product included Qingliangsi in Baofeng £¨±¦·áÇåÁ¹Ë£©and Chengguan in Xinan(а²³Ç¹Ø£©

For more on Cizhou ware, please read: Cizhou wares

Overglaze enamelled Wares

The overglaze enamelled red, green and yellow motif on white glaze ware was an important new decorative type introduced during the Song period.  Most extant pieces were from the Hebei cizhou, Henan pacun (°Ç´åÒ¤£© and Shanxi Changzhi kiln £¨³¤ÖÎÒ¤£©and shandong zibo (×Ͳ©Ò¤£©.  The decoration was drawn on the high fired white glaze vessel.  Upon completion, it went through a second low firing of about 800 degree centigrade to adhere the enamels to the white glaze surface.  The vessels consisted of mainly bowls, dishes and human figurines.  In fact, black enamel was used for the eye brow and eyes of figurines from pacun kiln.

There were further development of overglaze enamelled wares during the Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasty and subsequent became the widely known Ming/Qing wucai .

Qingbai (Yingqing) Wares

Qingbai wares were first produced during the Northern Song period.  A Northern Song official Peng Ruli.(彭汝砺)in his poem “(屯田)Sending off Xu on his Garrison mission” in Northern Song 2nd year of Zhiping (治平) (A.D. 1065) mentioned that Fuliang (where Jingdezhen was situated) made porcelain  with colour like jade (浮梁巧烧瓷,颜色比琼玖). Jiang Qi’s (蒋祈) work Tao Ji ()of Southern Song period also commented that the consumers  praised the Jingdezhen wares as Rao Yu, that is jade from Raozhou.  As it has a light bluish colour tone, the term Qingbai (ie bluish white) was used to describe such wares.  The term could be found in Song texts. The term yingqing (shadow blue) was coined during the Qing dynasty to describe this same category of wares.

Qingbai as compared with Tang/Song white  wares has the following distinct differences: the glaze is more fluid with bluish tone where the glaze accumulated and a more whitish tone if it is thin.  The glaze is more transparent with a greater degree of lustre.

The colourant of the qingbai glaze is the iron oxide in the raw materials used to make the glaze.  The glaze composition is also high in calcium oxide which enable a bluish tinge to develop when fired under reduction atmosphere. The glaze has a light yellowish tone if not properly reduced during reduction firing.

It is generally believed that Hutian was the first to produce them.  However, recent excavation revealed that Fanchang (繁昌) in Anhui (安徽) may have produced them even earlier. The popularity of Qingbai was enormous as witnessed by the production in numerous kilns in Jiangxi with areas around Jindezhen, Nanfeng and Jizhou being the key areas.  Due ot their popularity, they were also produced in other provinces, the more notable provinces were Anhui, Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong. There was also huge overseas demand with physcial traces of such wares in Japan, Southeast Asia and even found their way to West Asia and middle East region.

 

Northern Song Period

Based on archaeological findings, Jingdezhen started porcelain production during the 5 Dynasties period. The kiln sites were located in the Suburbs of the city of Jingdezhen (important sites include Hutian (湖田), Yangmeiting (杨梅亭) and Huangnitou (黄泥)) and in the South River area  Xianghu (湘湖) and  Baihuwan (白虎湾).  During this period, the kilns produced mainly Yue type celadon and white wares.   Products consisted of mainly bowls and dishes and ewers. During firing, the bowls and dishes were stacked using clay spurs as separators.

The kilns switched to production of white and Qingbai wares during the Northern Song period.  The early Northern Song wares were fired on spurs and spurs marks could be found on the lip of the foot.  Professor Liu Xinyuan of Jingdezhen Museum of Ceramic History,  in an article written in the magazine wen wu in 1980 noted that among the deposits of sherds in Hutian kiln sites of early Northern Song, the glaze in most still showed yellowish tinge.

Only from the middle Northern Song period onward (2nd quarter of 11th century onward) that the colour became a jade like light bluish tinge.  The most distinctive features is best illustrated in the bowls.  It has taller foot and a smaller footring diameter.  The base is thick and support the weight of the vessel when placed on a disc during firing.  The wall of the bowls were thin.  They were trimmed on a turning wheel after throwing on the potter’s wheel.  They were either plain or decorated with lightly carved/incised floral motif.  A distinctive feature of the earlier pieces were the short dots left by a combing tool.

 
 

The lightly carved floral motif and the distinctive short combed dots.  It has the typical tall foot.This bowl was recovered from a Northern Song wreck in Indonesia

 

 
 

A bowl with lotus-like petals.  The potting is thin and the from elegant.  It usually comes in a set with varying sizes.

There are also greater variety of vessels including bowls, dishes, ewers/warmers, tea cups/stands, censers, pillows, cover boxes, chess boxes and all sorts of figurines.

 

Ewer with the bowl was mainly produced during the Mid to late Northern Song period.  The bowl is filled with hot water which served to warm the wine in the ewer.

 

 

Late Northern Song cup with stand.  The ewer could be dated slightly later to early Southern Song

 

Southern Song Period

There were further development during the 12th Century (late Northern Song to Mid Song period).  There was effective control of the kiln reduction firing atmosphere.  A larger number of the wares showed a good bluish green and have a jade like quality.  There were more varied carved/incised decorations including chrysanthemums, lotus, waves, infants among foliage, fish and etc.  As compared with the carving of the earlier period, it is sharper and the cut deeper.

 
 

Late Song/Early Song bowl.  The carving is more elaborate and deeply cut.  As compared with the earlier period, the foot is also shorter. It was fired sitting a clay disc on the outer base.  A brown patch is usually visible as a result.

 

 
 

Early Southern Song Qingbai bowl with carved waves and lotus motif.  It is more shallow and a popular form of the Southern Song period

The Nanhai shipwreck dated to the early southern Song period also carried certain quantity of Jingdezhen fine qingbai wares.  The bowls and dishes are thinly potted  with  forms inspired by silver wares.

More examples of Southern Song Qingbai are shown below.

Early Southern Song meiping with carved floral motif

 

   

Southern Song dish with impressed floral motif

 

   

Late Northern/Early Southern Song cover box with the factory mark

The inverted firing in saggar was introduced during the the later part of 12th century. As a result, the mouth rim was left unglazed. This method economised and maximised the usage of kiln space.  Besides the unglazed mouth rim, the foot of the bowls and dishes also became short.  From the production point of view, it is inevitable as it enabled more vessels to be placed in the saggars.  The decorative motifs of the bowls/dishes were predominantly impressed.

 

Sherds of bowls and dishes with unglazed rim

   

Southern Song dish with impressed fish and lotus motif

The glaze from Northern Song/early Southern Song phase is more transparent.  It is is clearer with sparsely spaced bigger bubbles.  Those dated to later Song/early Yuan phase is less transparent in comparison. Under magnifying glass, the glaze shows many small bubbles.

 

Yuan Period

During the early Yuan period, the inverted method of firing was still in use.  However, the quality of the products was inferior to those of the Southern Song period. The Yuan period especially from 14th century onward is characterised by vessels which are more thickly potted.

A new glaze with reduced glaze ash proportion of 10% as compared with about 30% in Yingqing glaze was introduced. This type of lime akali glaze has a higher viscosity.  Hence, the glaze application can be thicker. The reduction in the fluxing agents also resulted in more un-melted quartz particles and some fine silica in the glaze stone remain un-dissolved. Hence, they cause scattering of light and the glaze looks opaque and matted with a softer white or white/light bluish colour tone. The term luan bai (卵白) meaning goose egg white was used to describe such colour tone.  Some quantity of luan bai glaze wares were found in the Sinan wreck dated to A.D 1323. The bowls and plates with the foot sitting on the disc.    In the earlier period, it would be technically infeasible to do so.  The lime glaze composition with its high viscosity would could an overflow of the glaze on the edge of the disc  and cause the disc to stick to the vessels upon cooling.  With the new lime akali glaze, the viscosity is lower and overflow of the glaze is less of a problem that could be contained.

During the early Yuan period (probably till about first quarter of 14th century), Qingbai glaze was still the more common glaze formula used on vessels.  After that,  Luan bai glaze became more popular.  It was commonly applied on bowls and dishes.  Due to the thick and more opaque glaze, the moulded motif inside the vessels is usually not clear and details blurred by the glaze. The more transparent Qingbai glaze was still available, but found more on vases and jars with impressed/carved motifs.   It’s  greater clarity enabled the details of the motif to show through.

   

Yuan Qingbai bowl with carved duck and reeds motif.  The more sketchily carved lotus petals  on the external wall is typical of the Yuan period

 

Early Yuan Yuhuchun vase with carved dragon motif

 

Vessels such as vases, ewers and jars/jarlets were made using parts that were formed by moulding. The body is usually decorated with moulded motif.  The use iron-brown splashes was popular on vessels for the overseas market.  The decorative element of brown splashes appeared to have been introduced as early as Northern Song period.  They were found on celadon wares produced in Guangzhou Xicun kiln.  The popularity persisted in the overseas .  This decorative form could also be found on Yuan longquan celadon wares.

Vases formed by moulded parts. Such vessels are usually more crude and intended as burial items

Yuan qingbai wares were particularly popular in the Japanese and Southeast Asia market.  There were many interesting vessels form such as vases with pedestal, various form of  flattened, gourd or pear-shaped ewere with moulded decoration.  Trails of beaded decoration were also found on some form of  jarlets.  Such forms were rarely found in the domestic market.  In the Sinan shipwreck dated about A.D 1325, a substantial quantity of the above mentioned types of qingbai wares were salvaged.

Yuan Qingbai wares found in the Sinan wreck

Many Yuan qingbai wares have also been excavated in the Philippines and Indonesia.  Below few examples were found in Indonesia.

   

Yuan Qingbai Gourd shaped ewer with a lizard like handle

 

   

This gourd shaped ewer with iron brown splashes was also formed by moulded parts. A popular items mainly manufactured for the overseas market.

 

   

Yuan Qingbai moon-shaped ewer with moulded motif

 

   

Yuan qingbai glaze ewer with elaborate impressed and moulded motif

 

   

A beautiful Yuan Qingbai lion shaped water vessel

Interesting Yuan Qingbai  vessel modeled in the form of boat with people

 

   

Interesting Yuan Qingbai  cover box with applique decoration of human on horse and lotus

 

   

A typical Shufu Luanbai glaze bowl with thick and more opaque glaze

The Sinan wreck also carried small quantity of qingbai glaze saucers with iron-brown painted motif. There was also an example of incised motif covered by a splash of copper red.  This early experimentation with iron-brown painted motif did not gain much popularity.  But the experience and skill gained were not in vain.  Subsequent change of medium to cobalt blue and copper red proved to be immensely popular.

Yuan Qingbai dish with iron-brown painted motif

 

Yuan Qingbai dish with incised motif covered by splash of copper red

 

Qingbai wares from Guandong and Fujian

During the Northern Song period, Guangzhou was the main port for export of Chinese goods to overseas markets.  Many kilns in Chaozhou and Guangzhou regions were in operation during this period.  A significant quantity of the celadon and white/qingbai wares produced were targeted at the overseas clientele.  During the Southern Song period, Hangzhou became the capital of the regime.  Quanzhou in Fujian became the most important gateway for the maritime trade of the the Southern Song/Yuan period.  During this period, many kilns sprung up in the Fujian coastal region.  Again, the porcelain produced were mainly intended for the overseas market.

 

   

Song Qingbai dishes with impressed motif from a Fujian kiln

 

   
   

Yuan Qingbai bowl with impressed floral motif. Similar bowls were produced in Fujian Putian kiln

 

 

   

Northern Song Qingbai jar with carved lotus petals.  A product of Chaozhou kiln

 

   

Qingbai cover box. Such boxes were found in kilns in Fujian Nanan and also Chaozhou.  Dated to Late Northern/early Southern Song period

 

   

Qingbai ewers dated to Early Southern Song period from the Jepara shipwreck.

 

   

Fujian Dehua Qingbai wares.  They are dated to late Northern Song/early Southern Song period based  archeological and shipwreck findings. The ewer was salvaged from the Jepara shipwreck.  Qingbai wares from Dehua tends to have a very light bluish tone.  Hence, it is sometime difficult to decide whether they should be classified as white or qingbai wares.

 

Black wares

Jian (temmoku/Tianmu) ware

Jian black wares were made in Jian kilns situated in shuiji Jianyang (Ë®¼ª½¨Ñô£©in Fujian province.  Its major products were black glazed tea bowls with purplish black paste.  The most famous type had hare’s furs effect on it.  The hare’s furs are streaks which are either brownish or silvery white in colour.   Some highly priced type have bluish irridescent oil-spots of different sizes and shapes in the glaze.¡¡Those made for the palace had the inscribed chinese characters gongyu (¹©Óù£©or jinzhan £¨½øÕµ£©¡¡mark.

Tea contest was popular during the Song Dynasty.  Jian tea bowls were considered most suitable for such contest as its glossy black surface contrasted well with the white  tea.

During the Song Dynasty, the monasteries in the Tianmu mountains were frequently visit by Japanese monks who took the black tea bowls used in the monasteries with them when they returned home.  Hence black tea bowls came to be known as Tianmu (temmoku) in Japan.

Jian tea bowls were in high demand during the Song Dynasty and numerous kilns in Fujian also produced them to meet the demand.  There were also other kilns in provinces such as Zhejiang, Jizhou and sichuan which produced them.

Such bowls continued to be produced for sometime into the Yuan period.

For more information on Fujian temmoku, please read: Lianjiang shipwreck Fujian temmoku bowls

 

Jizhou ware

Jizhou kiln is situated in Yonghe £¨ÓÀºÍ£©in Ji’an £¨¼ª°²£©in Jiangxi province.  During the Southern Song period, Jizhou kiln developed a distinctive decorative technique which involved sprinkling a lighter glaze over a darker base glaze to produce the so called the tortoise shell and tiger fur effects.  They may have a dry mouldy mottled quality or could be more transparent and glossy if fired at a higher temperature.  There were many other varieties of  mottled effect.

The Jizhou potters also used paper cuttings  for decorations. The openwork stencils of cut paper was positioned on the  dark glaze surface.  A lighter glaze is then sprinkled over the whole surface.  A black design on a lighter colour mottled background is produced when the paper cutting is removed.   Some more commonly found papercut designs include plum blossom, floral spray, dragon, and phoenix.  There are also those with rhomboid patterns and 4 Chinese characters such as fu shou kang ning “¸£ÊÙ¿µŒŽ” ie  fortune, longevity, health and peace  or chang ming fu gui “³¤Ãü¸£¹ó” ie long life and prosperity.

During the late Song period, Jizhou also produced the underglaze iron-brown cizhou type painted motifs vessels.

For more on Jizhou ware, please read: Jizhou wares

 

Northern China black/brown wares

Northern kilns such as those in Henan and Hebei also produced beautiful oil spots black glaze tea bowl.  The Yaozhou and Ding black and Zijing glaze wares were also high excellent.   Henan kilns also made black wares with iron rust effect design of floral/bird and splashed design.  The black glaze was first applied and then the  design  painted over the glazed surface using iron-rich pigment.  The ware was fired at about 1300 degree centigrade and the iron pigment transformed into haematite crystals which is rust red in colour.

 

Kudat Song Shipwreck

The wreck was said to be discovered by fisherman on 15 Apr 2003.  However, based on the condition of the wreck, it is obvious that looting of the cargo had already taken place before the official announcement.   Some quantity of the ceramics from this wreck made their way to antique shops in Kota Kinabalu. The Sabah Museum gave Nanhai Marine Archaeology Sdn Bhd, a salvage company,  a permit to excavate the site. More than 800 ceramic and non-ceramic items were salvaged  from a depth of 400 metres from the Tanjung Simpang Mengayau shore at the northern tip of Borneo, close to Kudat in Sabah.  Simpang Mengayau meaning  ‘lingering junction‘ is where the South China Sea lingers and meets the Sulu Seas.  The treacherous coastline was the cause of many past shipwrecks.

 

 

Kudat wreck,  dated to the Song period, is the oldest  shipwreck discovered in Malaysian waters.  Some of the salvaged items are now on display at the Sabah museum.

I visited Sabah Museum in Aug 2011,  According to the museum short introduction of the wreck, the wreck is a Chinese merchant ship which was probably on its way to Brunei which ancient Chinese text recorded that it had diplomatic and trading relationship with China since the Song Dynasty.  The following types of ceramics were found:

  1. a)  Celadon bowls and dishes with carved motif from Tongan (同安)kiln in Fujian Province
  2. b)  Qingbai ewers and cover boxes from Fujian province
  3. c)  Celadon dishes with carved floral motif from Longquan
  4. d)  Kendis and jars from Guangdong province

After examining the ceramics artifacts on display, I am of the view that they are dated to Early Southern Song period.  Some of the Qingbai ewers , cover boxes, Fujian celadon with carved motif and Fujian cizao brown glaze kendis  are similar to those found in the Jepara shipwreck.  The celadon bowls and dishes with carved motif are from Fujian kilns, some could be produced in Tongan (同安) but we cannot preclude the possibility of other coastal kilns.  Kiln sites excavation revealed that kilns in county such as Nanan (南安), Fuqing (福清), Putian (莆田), Anxi (安溪) and  Minhou (闽侯) also produced similar style celadon wares. The dark brown kendis and jars are most likely products of Quanzhou Cizao (泉州磁灶) kiln  .

Ceramics recovered form the Kudat wreck

 

 

The ‘mercury jars’, ewers and kendis are most likely products of Cizao kiln in Quanzhou.

 

Cizao kiln kendis in Jepara wreck

Fujian celadon bowls with carved motif in Kudat wreck

Celadon bowl and dishes with carved motif from Fujian kiln

Qingbai ewers.  Similar ewers were recovered from Jepara wreck

Qingbai ewer from Fujian kiln from Jepara wreck

The large number of Fujian ceramics found in the Jepara, Nanhai 1 and Kudat wreck is testament of the importance of Quanzhou as the main port where goods were assembled and exported through the maritime trade route.   Quanzhou replaced Guangzhou as the most important port during the Southern Song period.  It maintained its prominent role during the Yuan period.  Fujian coastal region just like Guangdong during the Tang/Northern Song period, capitalised on its strategic location and built kilns to produce ceramics which copied the famous kiln such as celadon from Longquan, Qingbai from Jingdezhen and temmoku bowls from Jian kiln.  Such products targeted mainly the consumers from Southeast Asia region. However, some quantity also made their way along the mairtime trade route to places as far as India, middle East and East Africa.

Source

Mr Koh

 

Sung Ceramic From Auction

Driwan Comment

I found this type ceramic at Jambi,Palembang,west java ,tuban and west Boneo, and Makasar

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Huai-jen ware Stoneware with dark-brown glaze. Song Dynasty

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A CIZHOU-TYPE RUSSET-SPLASHED BLACKISH-BROWN-GLAZED BOWL NORTHERN SONG/JIN DYNASTY, 12TH-13TH CENTURY The rounded, conical body is covered on the interior and upper exterior with a lustrous, variegated, blackish-brown glaze that is decorated on the interior with five russet splashes, and on the exterior falls in an irregular line atop a thin brown glaze that ends irregularly above the foot to expose the granular ware that has fired to a buff color. 7 1/8 in. (18.2 cm.) diam.

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A JIZHOU PARTIALLY-GLAZED ‘WILLOW BASKET’ STONEWARE JAR SOUTHERN SONG/YUAN DYNASTY, 13TH-14TH CENTURY The unglazed exterior is finely combed with parallel lines forming concentric semi-circles on two sides and, at their longest, continuing under and across the small flat base. There is a combed band encircling the neck above a row of pointed bosses of white glaze. The rolled rim and interior are covered with a russet-mottled black glaze. 3 5/16 in. (8.4 cm.) across mouth

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Song Dynasty

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Vase with Waves China (Southern Song or Yuan Dynasty) The Cleveland Museum of Art

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A LONGQUAN CELADON ‘TWIN FISH’ DISH 12th c.

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Kendi decorated in underglaze copper red, Jingdezhen, Ming dynasty, Hongwu period (1368-1398). Height: 15.3 cm, Width: 16 cm. C.54-1937. Sir Percival David Gift. © V Images.

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Porcelain flask decorated in underglaze blue with dragon design, China, Ming dynasty, ca. 1400-1430. Height: 13 in, Diameter: 8.5 in. 554-1878. © V Images.

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Vase, porcelain decorated in underglaze blue, China, Qing dynasty, Yongzheng mark and period, 1723-1735. Height: 52 cm. C.286-1910. © V Images.

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Cizhou-Vase in Mei-ping-Form. | North China / Province Hebei, Jin-Era 12. century

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Cizhou-Vase in Mei-ping-Form. | North China / Province Hebei, Jin-Era 12. century

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A rare green ‘jun’ ‘lotus bud’ water pot. Song dynasty. photo Sotheby’s

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Jizhou ware porcelain bowl with speckle pattern, Song Dynasty

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Ewer, Northern Song dynasty 11th-12th century; Yaozhou ware. Image from The Metropolitan Museum of Art

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Vase (meiping) with inscription ‘Fine wine with delicate aroma’. Yuan-Ming dynasty, 1350-1400. Longquan kilns, south China. Stoneware with olive green (celadon) glaze. Height: 47 cm. FE.34-1972. E. V. Lee Gift. © V Images.

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Jian Temmoku bowls (Jian Zhan)

 

Jian temmoku bowls were prized by tea connoisseurs during the Song Dynasty.  However, with changes to the tea drinking habits, it lost favour subsequently and awareness and knowledge of its eminent stature was erased from the Chinese memory with the passage of time. During the late Qing/Republican period, there was a revival of interest in these black glaze bowls as one category of antique Chinese ceramics for overseas collectors   Many of the antique ceramics, with some as early as the Neolithic period, were from ancient tombs/graves and kiln sites.  Many of the black glaze bowls that surfaced in the Shanghai and Beijing antique markets were defective bowls from kiln sites.  According to the Jianou chronicles (建欧县志) dated 18th year of Republican era  ie 1929 A.D,antique dealers  paid the villagers to illegally dig up Jian kiln black bowls and transport  them to Shanghai or Japan. 

James Marshall Plumer, an American who served as a custom officer in Fuzhou in Fujian, got wind that the bowls originated from Shuji (水吉) in Jianyang (建阳)in Minbei (Northern Fujian).  He made a trip there in 1935 and collected numerous sherds and kiln furnitures such as clay separator and saggars.  He became a Chinese ceramics scholar and was noted for his study on Jian temmoku bowls.  

 

Origin of the term Jian Zhan and Temmoku

The term Jian Zhan () first appeared in Japanese written sources during the early 14th century.   Zhan 盏)is a chinese word which means a small bowl during ancient time. Many writings related to Jian zhan mistook it to mean bowls from Jianyang as Shuiji where the kilns were located is now part of Jianyang county. But that only happened during the 20th century.  Prior to that, Shuiji came under the jurisdiction of Jianou (建欧) county.  In 207 A.D of the Eastern Han period, Jianou, known as Jianan (建安), was set up as a county.  It was elevated to prefecture status subsequently and renamed as Jianzhou (建州) in 621 A.D of the Tang era.  Cai Xiang (蔡襄) in his “Record of Tea”, Cha lu (), wrote : “.. The tea bowls made at Jianan have purplish black glaze with hare’s fur pattern. The body is slightly thicker and so retains the heat well.”  Hence, the term Jian Zhan is more likely refer to zhan from Jianan or Jianzhou.   However, in line with the Song convention of naming famous ceramics after the prefecture that they were made, such as Ding or Yue wares, it is most appropriate to understand it as meaning Jianzhou zhan.

Nowadays, it is common to refer to Jian Zhan as Temmoku (Tenmoku) bowls.  According to the Qing chronicle “Da Qing Yi Tong Zhi”  (大清一统志)”, Tianmu mountain (Tenmoku in Japanese), located in present day Zhejiang Linan city (临安市), had many zen sect temples during the Song/Yuan period.  Many Japanese monks went there to study and practice Zen Buddhism.  When returning to Japan, they brought back with them black glaze tea bowls which included those from Jianzhou and other kilns, which they termed Tenmoku bowls (天目碗)ie bowls from Tianmu mountian. Tea drinking is an effective means to stay awake during meditation. 

In the Japanese work (禅林小歌dated 1394 – 1427 A.D, there appeared to be distinction between various types of Jian zhan and other types of tea bowls such as  Fuzhou zhan  (福州) and tenmoku.  However, subsequently the term tenmoku was used loosely to refer to all types of black/brown tea bowls.  

Tianmu mountain in Linan city located west of  Hangzhou

Tea competition and Jian Zhan

Tea from Fujian Fuzhou and Jianzhou were mentioned in Tang Lu Yu’s treatise on tea (陆羽茶经).  By the Northern Song Dynasty, Jianzhou tea, ie Jian cha (建茶) achieved so much fame for its quality that in 977 A.D, Bei Yuan Yu Cha Yuan (北苑御茶园), an officially managed imperial  tea plantation was established in Jianzhou (present day Jianou city).  The tea leaves gone through the process of powdering, steaming and baking. After which, they were packed in cake form before sending to the palace.   

Cai Xiang (1012 – 1048 A.D) ), a native of Xianyou (仙游) in Fujian, was once  in charge and supervised the official Beiyuan tea plantation.  During the stint in Jianzhou, he gained deep knowledge of a leisure activity called tea competition enjoyed by the locals.  He became an ardent convert.  Using his influence as a high ranking court official, he introduced the art of Fujian tea competition to the imperial court.   In his  treatise “Record of Tea”, Cai Xiang ranked  a type of white Jiancha called Dragon Pheonix tea (Longfeng tea 龙凤茶) and Jian purplish black glaze bowl with hare’s fur pattern as the best for tea competition. Through his active promotion, tea competition became a popular and noble activity of the imperial court and the literati class.  This activity gained a further boost during the late Northern Song Emperor Huizong’s reign ( AD 1101-1125).  He was a great connoisseur of the tea culture and displayed his in-depth understanding in a twelve-chapter dissertation “Discussion of Tea in the Daguan period ” (Da Guan cha lun 观茶录 ).  He too advocated Jian hare’s fur tea bowls as the best for tea competition.  The competition was judged based on certain criteria, such as the taste, fragrance, colour of the tea (white superior to yellowish tone).  During the contest,  the tea was whisked to white froth  The tea should stay well-mix and the first to show traces of residue loss was declared the loser. 

Tea competitions became the favourite past time of the rich and poor in many areas in China. Due to popular demand, Jian kilns produced large quantity of tea bowls during the Song period.  For those common folks who could not afford Jian Zhan, they could avail themselves of cheaper version of tea bowls produced in other provinces and numerous other Fujian kilns.  

 

Origin, dating and characteristics of Jian Zhan

Shuiji, a market town in present day Jianyang,was the location where the ancient Jian kilns were found.  Since 1960, 4 official archaeological excavations, ie in 1960, 1977, 1990 and 1991,  were carried out in Shuiji.  Kilns were discovered in small villages in:

  • Luhuaping (芦花坪) – celadon and black glaze sherds
  • Niupilun (牛皮仑)–   celadon and black glaze sherds
  • Daluhoumen (大路后) –  black glaze, small quantity celadon and blue and white sherds
  • Yuangtoukeng(源头坑) – black glaze sherds 
  • Anweishan (庵尾山) –  celadon and black glaze sherds
  • Shuiweilan (水尾) – black glaze sherds
  • Yingzhanggan (营长乾– black glaze and qingbai sherds
  • Qililan (七里) .– black glaze sherds

 

Based on archaelogical evidence, small scale celadon wares were produced during late Tang/5 Dynasty period in kilns located at sites such as  Luhuaping (芦花坪), Niupilun (牛皮仑) and Anweishan (庵尾山).  The wares consisting of bowls, plates, jars, ewers, cover boxes and etc.  The vessels which are generally rough and stylistically similar to the celebrated yue wares. The glaze is generally uneven and the lower portion of the external wall of the vessel is unglaze. The vessels were fired with protection of saggars.

By late 5 Dynasty/Early Northern Song, the Jian potters started to produce two types of shallow bowls with slightly in-curving rim.   The lower external wall and foot is unglaze.  The glaze is thin and black/dark brown in colour. The bowl is quite thinly potted with a slight protrusion on the inner base.  Below the rim, the wall is of relatively even thickness.  The paste is greyish or greyish brown.  Such bowls were recovered from the kiln in Anweishan (庵尾山).  The bowl was fired upright in a saggar.

Precursor of the typical Jian wares

Tao Gu (陶穀) (903 – 970 A.D) in his work Qingyilu (清异) wrote that among the tea bowls made in Min (Fujian), there are those decorated with partridge-feather mottles.  His work has often been quoted to back the dating of Jian tea bowls to 5 Dynasty/early Northern Song period.   It gives the impression that by late 5 Dynasty/early Northern Song, Jian potters were already producing the celebrated Jian zhan.  However, based on archaeological evidence, the bowls of late 5 Dynasty/Early Song period are generally rough as compared with the mature products of mid Northern Song onward.  Extant tea bowls with partridge-feather mottles are found in bowls which were stylistically  produced at least from mid Northern Song period onward.  In fact, the authenticity of Qingyilu is now being questioned by some Chinese scholars.  Some suggested that it was a fictitious work of late Northern Song period.

Based on the archaeological findings, the typical Jian tea bowls were produced from the Mid Northern Song (perhaps from 2nd quarter of 11th century) to late Southern Song period. Jian kilns also produced small quantity of  black glaze cups, bowl-shaped lamps and bo-shaoed bowls. There are at least 8 different types of tea bowls in 3 sizes that were produced during the duration.  

From the bowls recovered from the kilns, it is clear that type 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8 and 8 were found in large quantity.  Type 1 with a conical form and an indent near the rim is the most classical form which is usually associated with the celebrated Jian Zhan.  Based on Jian bowls recovered from graves, this form became the dominant form from the late Northern Song period onward.  In fact this served as a prototype which was widely copied by potters from other kilns. Compared with those from other kilns, the typical Jian bowl has a thicker and lustrous glaze.  The paste is usually purplish black and more dense.  (It should be noted some especially the small size bowls have greyish or redish brown paste.  This is because they were placed in locations  which received uneven or lower heat while firing in the kiln). The unglaze lower portion is carefully finished.  It appears smooth and usually do not show shaving marks when trimming the external wall.  The wall of the bowl thickens as it descends towards the foot. The base is thick and the square cut foot is neat and the outer base sits within a shallow inner footring.   

   
   
   
   
   

Some examples of Jian tea bowls

For tea  bowls sent as tribute to the palace, there are at least a portion which is marked with Gongyu (供御) ie tribute or Jinzhan (进盏) meaning to present bowl.  The characters are either incised or impressed.  They were found in the kilns dated mid Northern Song to Southern Song. 

   

Besides Gongyu and Jinzhan mark, there are also others incised with chinese characters of surname/name of the potter/or kiln owner or Chinese character/chinese numeral which could indicate location which item was to be place in the kiln.

   

Bowls with glaze decorated with hare’s fur marking or  partridge feather mottles were highly prized by the Song tea culture connoisseurs.  Many Song literati made reference to them in their poems and commentary. Hare’s fur markings are silvery or rustic streaks which are found on the interior and exterior wall of the lustrous black glaze bowl.  According to Nigel Wood in his book “Chinese Glazes”, once the glaze melted, a layer of thin iron-rich droplets coalesced to form a thin layer within the glaze.  Some of the iron-rich droplets were brought ot the surface by bubbles and run down the sides of the bowl under the influence of gravity.  The iron oxide in these streaks crystalised out into silvery tone if under reduction or rustic tone if under oxidisation atmosphere.  

   

Hare’s fur bowl with rustic streaks

   

Hare’s fur sherd  with silvery streaks 

   

 

As regard Partridge feather’ glaze,  in the past there were debate on whether the markings actually refers to fine markings on the back of the partridge or large light-coloured spots on its breast.  Most argued that it cannot be the fine markings on the back as some other types of bird  also have similar marking.  On the other hand, large light-coloured spots is unique to a type of partridge in Fujian.  This is now the more widely accepted meaning for partridge feather mottles.  In 1988 a  shard with 66 carefully placed white glaze spots was excavated from the Shuiweilan (水尾)  kiln.  The base has a incised gong yu mark  suggesting that it was originally intended for tribute.  This is now acknowledged as partridge feather glaze. It make sense of a Northern Song poet’s description of a Jian bowl having markings that appear ‘like melting snow on dark water.

   

A Fujian partridge with white spots on the breast

Jian sherd with white spots and gongyu mark

In the Japanese collections, there are some Jian Zhan with silvery or rustic oil-spots (termed Yuteki in Japanese). In DaDe Temple, Kyoto in Japan there is a Jian Zhan with oil-spots.   The silvery oil-spots are large, the result of several oil-spots congealed into bigger spots during firing.  Indeed, they resemble the partridge spots.  Those with smaller oil-spots are also classified as partridge feather type although strictly speaking the similarity is less convincing.

   

 

 

Oil spots Tenmoku in Japanese collection. The spots are smaller as compared with that from Dade temple

 

Oil spots tenmoku bowls are scarce.  According to Nigel Wood : “It happened occasionally that kiln temperatures began to fall while the glazes were still boiling, thereby fixing the iron-rich spots before they could run down into streaks. … The effect was copied in north China during the the Song and Jin period,  using a more reliable technique that involved the application of an iron-rich (and perhaps magnetite-based) slip beneath an ordinary black temmoku glaze. The success of this approach has meant that northern oil spot temmokus are less uncommon than the jian originals.”    His comments is important and rectify the erroneous explanations in some past published text that Jian hare’s fur and oil spots glaze involves the application of an iron-rich slip.

There are 4 extremely rare tenmoku bowls with yohen glaze in the Japanese collections.   The term Yohen means dazzling and brilliant kiln transmutation.  The  clusters of brown-colored spots of various sizes are either surrounded by light blue or deep blue or golden iridescent film. 

In the past, no known example of Yohen was found outside Japan.  Few years ago, a broken piece was found in Hangzhou in a location near the imperial palace.

   
   

Yohen temmoku found in Hangzhou

By the late Southern Song period, Jian potters also manufactured qingbai wares with carved or impressed motif.  One of the kiln at Yingzhanggan (营长乾) has a layer of qingbai sherds above Jian zhan sherds layer.  This indicated that Jian kiln was facing stiff competition from Jingdezhen which produced Qingbai wares.  The decline popularity of Jian Zhan could also be linked to the decline in popularity of tea competition. To ensure their survival, some kilns were forced to branch out and  produce the increasingly more popular Qingbai wares.  Latest by early Yuan period, Jian kilns ceased production.

 

 Temmoku bowls from other Fujian kilns

To meet the hugh domestic and overseas demand for temmoku bowls, they were also produced in large quantity in other kilns in Fujian, mainly in Jianyan (建阳), Wuyishan (武夷山), Songxi (松溪), Guangze (), Jianou (建瓯), Pucheng (蒲城), Nanping (南平) , Changting (长汀), Fuqing (), Minhou (闽侯) and Ningde (宁德).  Most of the sites produced a mix of celadon, qingbai and black wares.  For temmoku bowls, the dominant form produced were similar or variants of the Jian conical bowl with the indent near the rim.  

Among the sites, those at Wuyishan Yulinting (武夷山遇林亭), Nanping Chayang (南平茶洋)  and Fuzhou Dongzhang (福州东张) were large in scale and were found in overseas  especially Japan.  

Wuyishan Yulinting (武夷山遇林亭) produced an interesting form with decoration in gold.  In most instances, the decorations have faded and only traces could be seen.  The motif includes dragon phoenix, crane, pine, bamboo, prunus, flowers and orchid.   There were also those with auspicious wordings or landscape.  In some past ceramics publications, such bowls have been erroneously attributed to Jian kiln. Bowls from this kiln have mainly  greyish to greyish white paste.

A bowl with traces of gold decoration of auspicious phrase “寿山福海” connoting longevity

The medium size temmoku bowls from Nanping Chayang (南平茶洋) is distinguishable by a thin horizontal ridge where the foot meet the wall.  This feature appears to be unique to this kiln. The shaving marks are usually clearly seen on the unglaze lower external wall.  

   

A medium size (12 cm dia. ) bowl from Nanping Chayang kiln

In the 1980s, local residents recovered a large number of small Temmoku tea bowls from a wreck at Bai Jiao (白礁) in Fujian Lianjiang Dinghai (连江定海).  The Fujian ceramic experts observed that many of the bowls were similar to those produced at Fuqing Dongzhang (请东张) and Minhou Nanyu (闽侯南屿) and dated them to Southern Song period. Dong Zhang kiln complex was large and comparable in size to that at the Jian complex.  They produced large quantities of temmoku and celadon bowls.  In the Japanese work (禅林小歌dated 1394 – 1427 A.D, a type of tea bowl  called Fuzhou zhan (福州) was mentioned.  During the Song/Yuan period, Fuqing and Minhou came under the jurisdiction of Fuzhou.  Hence, Fuzhou zhan most probably included tea bowls produced in those two counties.  In ancient sites in Japan Fukuoka and Kamakura, there were numerous similar type of tea bowls recovered and were dated to mid 12th to first half of 13th century.  Many Dongzhang bowls were also recovered from ancients sites in the coastal Fujian region.   

After studying the large number of small tea bowls from the Lianjiang wreck in my collection, it is hard to confirm with certainty the actual kiln of production. Those from Dongzhang, Minhou Nanyu (闽侯南屿) and Ningde Feiluan (宁德飞鸾) appear similar.  They share the characteristics of having a casual finishing with poorly formed foot and shaving marks.  The profile of the conical bowl with the indent at the rim could vary to a large degree.  The lower wall could descent more gradually or steeply to the foot.  The glaze is more thinly applied and large number show a thinner layer of glaze especially at the lower wall near the foot.  Some of the bowls also have bluish white or rustic hare’s fur markings but are not well-defined and clear compared to those from the Jian Kiln.  The colour of the glaze ranges from black, black with rustic patches, brown, tea-dust or rustic .

Examples from Lianjiang wreck showing the different profile of the conical bowls

Examples from Lianjiang wreck.  Below one shows traces of hare’s fur markings

 

Some examples of temmoku bowls from the  Min Hou, Fuqing and Ningfei kilns are shown below.

 

 

Written by : NK Koh 

 

 

Compare with yuan celadon at the next page

Dr Iwan Comment

I upload this CD-Rom after I found some Song ware from West Java.

To more now I upload the info from my other research

The Chinese ancestor Song

Read and Look at the next page

If the collectors want to get this CD-Rom

Please contact me via email

iwansuwandy@gmail.com

donnot forget to upload you ID copy and the home address

this important to protect from

internet hijact.

Southern Sung Dynasty Ceramic

 

 

 

 

Emperor china during

. 960 AD to 1279 AD Song and Liao and Jin Dynasty Emperors

       

Emperor Song Taizu

Emperor Song Taizong

Emperor Song Huizong

Emperor Song Gaozong

 

 

 


China was unified again by

the Song Dynasty

(960 – 1279).

The Song dynasty produced a complex series of coins. Song emperors used many reign titles and different calligraphy styles were used in the coins.

 

 

 

 

 

This is a guide to the coins of

the Northern Sung Dynasty

(AD 960 to 1126),

the coin uncommon and rare.

Dr Iwan Notes

The Nothern Song found many than the Southern Song Coins

 

The Sung Dynasty, established in AD 960,

saw relative stability in China, although conflict with the Tartars and Mongols continued. In AD 1127 the northern provinces were lost to them

and

the capital had to be moved from

K’ai-feng Fu (Pien-liang) in the north

To

Lin-an Fu (Hangchou) in the south.

We now refer to the period before the move as the Northern Sung and after the move as Southern Sung.

This is a complex series, with nine Emperors using dozens of reign titles and many inscription and calligraphy variations which defined dates and mints. If the variations were catalogued, they would number in the thousands. Unfortunately the key to understanding them no longer exists..

Song Dynasty,

Is Many Armor Leaves (Iron Sheet) One Kind Of Iron Armor Which Connects With The Rawhide Or The Armor Nail Becomes. It Protects The Whole Body Nearly, For China Ancient Armor’s Apex.

AD960-AD1279



Northern Song Dynasty

 

 

Emperor Taizu – Song Dynasty

 

[ ] Emperor Taizu [Tai-tsu] , the first emperor

 

[ ]Emperor Taizong

 

 

[ ]Emperor Zhengzong

[ ] Emperor Renzong

[ ]Yinzong

[ ]Shenzong

[ ]Zhezong

[ ]Huizong

[ ]Qinzong

 

Due to many North and south Sung Coins found in Indonesia were the history fact that North Sung Empire had many trading to the Indonesian kingdom starting from the later srivijaya and the kingdom after that after the Sung empewor had helped srivijaya and another kingdom from the Tamil Indian chola king occupation Indonesia, and all the Indonesian Kingdom sent tribute to Sung empires that is why the north sung cash coin were upload completey for better wto learn with more detailed information

 

 

 

OUTLINE OF THE BRONZE COINS

At the standard in use since the T’ang, the Northern Sung monetary system was based on full weight bronze 1 cash averaging 3.5 grams, 2 cash averaging 7 grams cast sporadically after AD 1093, and on a few occasions, usually during times of war, bronze 3 and 10 cash fiduciary coins cast to the 2 and 3 cash standard. In addition to bronze coins, fiduciary iron coins were also cast through much of this period.

AD 960 to 1041.

The only bronze northern song coins were full-weight 1 cash.

 

1101

In the reign Hwei-tsung (1101-1126) the terribale mistake was made of misunderstanding the Chin or Nurchen Tartarsto help against the Kjitan Tartars which they did and then promptly took over over all their Capital of Nanking.

(Warren E.Cox,1970)

1127

In 1127 Hwei-tsung took over Hang Chou. Close on the heels of the Chins came the Mongols under the great Jnghiz Khan in 1214 and his son Ogodai was left heir to whole northern section at his death in 1127.

(Warren E.Cox,1970)

 

1030

The Sanghyang Tapak or also called Jayabhupati inscription, dated 952 saka (1030 CE). Displayed at National Museum of Indonesia, Jakarta.

 

Discovered in Pancalikan, Bantar Muncang, Cibadak, Sukabumi, West Java.

 

 

 

The inscription was edicted by Jayabhupati, king of Sunda kingdom

that declared forbidden (conservation?) lands east of Sanghyang Tapak, that forbade people from catching fish in the river and wetlands in this area.

 

 

 

 

 

AD 1041.

Fiduciary 3 cash (S-505) of about 7 grams and 29 mm. This was the earliest North Sung issue higher than a 1 cash. As a fiduciary issue it proved unpopular and subject to counterfeiting and

in AD 1059

was devalued to 2 cash, consistent with the weight.

 

Out of this defeat, however, emerged the reign of Airlangga, founder of Java’s first empire.

Reputedly the son of a Balinese king and a Javanese princess, he was able to bring east and central Java, as well as Bali, under a relatively united regime, though this probably meant that he was able to keep up a sustained intimidation of regional lords, rather than that he ruled closely.

His capital was at Kahuripan in the lower reaches of the Brantas and his seaport, Hujung Galah, was probably close to the site of modern Surabaya.

On his deathbed in 1049,

Airlangga

between his two sons, one taking the lower reaches of the Brantas as ruler of a kingdom known as Janggala, the other establishing a new capital in Panjalu (later Kediri) and ruling a kingdom called Daha. Hardly any information on either kingdom has survived, but two hundred years later, when records are once more available, the division was still politically significant.

By the early 13th century, Kediri had conquered Janggala, but in 1222, Kediri itself was overthrown by a usurper, Ken Angrok, who established his capital at Singhasari. Singhasari’s greatest ruler was Kertanegara, who presided over a time of rapid development in Javanese culture

 

AD 1070.

Fiduciary bronze 10 cash (S-538) of 7.2 grams and 30 mm were issued to raise funds for the Western Wars. As with the earlier fiduciary issues, these were unpopular and subject to counterfeiting and were devalued to 2 cash at the war’s end. Iron 10 cash were also issued at this time.

 

 

AD 1093.

Full-weight 2 cash of about 7.0 grams and 29 mm. (S-575) were introduced as a regular part of the currency, but only issued sporadically.

AD 1102.

Fiduciary 10 cash (S-621) were cast in an attempt to introduce them as a regular part of the coinage. At about 11 grams and 31 mm these contained 3 cash worth of metal and were devalued to value 3 cash in AD 1111.

AD 1107.

A full weight 10 cash was issued (S-630) at about 27 grams and 50 mm, but was withdrawn within a year. These appear to have been hoarded, and used as a cheap source of metal for counterfeiting the fiduciary 10 cash issues still circulating from the issue of AD 1102.

 

 

OUTLINE OF THE IRON COINS

The earliest northern Song iron coins

consisted of non-fiduciary 1/10 cash. Schjoth (page 28) records: “In the 2nd year of Ching-te (AD 1005) large iron coins were cast in the two localities of Chia-ting Fu and Chiung-chou in Szechuan, value one copper cash or ten small iron cash. These all circulated jointly and gave much satisfaction.”

The large iron coins, of bronze 1 cash value, seem to be S-472 (10.83 grams, 35 mm). We believe

the “small iron cash”

valued at 1/10th of a copper cash are the well known iron issues of bronze cash size and weight which start with the T’ai-p’ing (S-462) issues of AD 976-984. This would explain a passage where Schjoth records Mr. Hu, in AD 978, paid for copying some sacred classics with

120 strings of iron money. Recording payment specifically in iron money would not be necessary unless iron and copper cash were valued differently. This establishes iron at about 1/10th the value of copper, a figure very important to understanding other iron issues. The larger iron coin (S-472), at about 11 grams, was fiduciary with only about 0.3 cash worth of iron.

A careful analysis of the coins, as well as the literary evidence, suggests the following sequence:

AD 978. Non-fiduciary 1/10 cash iron coins are first cast. It is possible that earlier specimens may one day come to light.

AD 990. Non-fiduciary 1/10 cash iron coins cease to be cast, but continue to circulate until at least AD 1005.

AD 1004 (possibly a little earlier). Fiduciary iron 1 cash ware introduced (S-472) at 11 grams, 35 mm and issued sporadically throughout the Northern Sung period but at ever-reducing weights and sizes.

AD 1017. The standard for iron 1 cash is reduced to about 7 grams, 28 mm (S-483).

AD 1023. The size of iron 1 cash is reduced to about 25 mm, but the weight remains at about 7.0 grams (S-487).

AD 1070. Fiduciary iron 10 cash (S-542a) of 35 mm and variable weight between 7.5 and 11 grams are issued to finance the Western Wars. At the end of the war these are devalued to 2 cash.

AD 1093. Iron 2 cash (S-580) introduced at the same standard as the 10 cash of AD 1070, but prove an unsuccessful experiment and by the end of AD 1094 are trading at scrap iron prices (about 0.4 cash).

AD 1101. The weights of iron 1 cash become variable (S-615) averaging about 5.75 grams but specimens between 3.5 and 7 grams are encountered. The size remains consistent at about 25 mm.

AD 1111. Iron 2 cash (29 mm, 7-10 grams) (S-643) and 3 cash (32 mm, 9-11 grams) are cast but again faile to be accepted.

 

 

THE NATURE OF THE FIDUCIARY ISSUES

When we were first writing this site, the issuing and later devaluations of fiduciary coins appeared somewhat random, but it quickly became obvious this was not the case.

All of the iron coins, with the exception of the early 1/10 cash issues were fiduciary. Fiduciary 1 cash iron coins were accepted throughout this period, but all attempts at higher denominations were rejected.

It appears that almost all fiduciary bronze coins, and most fiduciary iron over 1 cash, were only cast during times of war or other emergencies and afterwards the bronze coins were devalued to denominations consistent with their size and weight, while iron coins were demonetized and withdrawn from circulation.

Fiduciary bronze was always cast to standards consistent with lower denominations, allowing them to be devalued later and still fit into the pre-existing coinage system. This shows planning, suggesting they were cast with the full intent of a future devaluation. (The same is not true of fiduciary iron coins).

 

 

INSCRIPTION VARIETIES

Northern Sung coins present a complex series of inscription variations which, while easily catalogued, are poorly understood. Date and mint codes are probably hidden in these variations, but it is possible we will never understand them.

 

CALLIGRAPHY STYLES

Schjoth’s introduction to Northern Sung coinage (page 27) says: “As regards the style of writing, the coins in the ‘seal’ writing come first, followed by those in the clerkly or orthodox writing, and ultimately finishing up with the ‘running’ hand, or ‘grass-character’ style of writing.”

By using “or” he is saying “clerkly” and “orthodox” are one script style, “running hand” and “grass-character” are a second. Seal script is the third style. A quick examination of the coins shows his statement of only three styles of calligraphy are correct.

 

  • “SEAL” –

Zhong he tong bao@

a very formal style of writing. Rounded characters with a fixed form and all details of each character included. The differences between coins are minor. There is no real Western equivalent, but type set block capital letters come closest.

 

  • “ORTHODOX” –

Chong he tong bao

Ta ting tung pao

also referred to as “clerkly”. Angular characters with a generally square or rectangular appearance in which most details are made up of distinct either straight or slightly curved stokes. The general layout of a character is fixed, but small details can be left out. From coin to coin there can be significant differences. The closest Western equivalent is handwritten small-case printing.

 

  • “GRASS” –

Chung hua yung bao@

Yuan feng tong bao@

Compare the same coin in seal script

 

Northern Song ZhiDao YuanBao Grass script US $6.00@

 

 

 

 

Compare with the very rare

Li script

Jing Kang Tong Bao

 

 

Northern Song dynasty, 960-1127,

Jing Kang Tong Bao, 1126, iron 1 cash, H16.518, S-669, Li script, aVF $180.00 sold 7/4/2011

 

also referred to as “running hand”. Flowing characters on which several details of a character can be represented by a single wavy or jagged line. A form of shorthand in which a character can show major differences from coin to coin. This is distinctly like Western handwriting (as opposed to hand printing).

Confusion throughout the general listings, such as for S-633-637 (page 33) where he states the type exists in both “clerkly” and “orthodox” script leads us to believe Schjoth did not write this part of the catalogue. It must have been written by someone working from his rough notes in which must the terms have been used interchangeably.

We relied on Schjoth’s drawings and descriptions to determine the calligraphy style of most issues, but the drawings are not always accurate. Some of the drawings show coins with a mix of orthodox and grass characters, in which cases we list the coin by the style of the 12 o’clock character. If actual specimens confirm this mixing of types, we will comment on them later.

 

INSCRIPTION ENDINGS

In his introduction to the Northern Sung coinage, Schjoth (page 27) writes “It will be noted that the Yuan-paos, implying the ‘opening’ or ‘beginning’ currency are placed before the T’ung-paos, implying the principle of the ‘flowing’ currency.”

A simple examination of the coins shows no such relationship exists. There is also a third ending,”Chung-pao”, which Schjoth has ignored in this passage. We have noted the following pattern in the use of these endings:

AD 960 to 989 –

all coins use “T’UNG PAO”.

AD 990 to 1007 –

all coins use “YUAN-PAO”.

AD 1008-1016 –

both “T’UNG PAO” and “YUAN-PAO” during the same reign title.

 

 

 

AD 1041 –

Chung ning chung pao

a third ending of “CHUNG-PAO” was introduced.

AD 1017-1041 –

only one ending was used during any reign title, but it could be either “T’UNG PAO”, “YUAN-PAO” or (after AD 1041) “CHUNG-PAO.

AD 1053-1126 –

no evident pattern. Anywhere from one to three endings used in any reign title. In the cases where only one was used, it could be any of the three.

At this time we cannot comment of the significance of these endings, but there must be one. Coins of some reign titles are very rare and it is possible new types may turn up which will help establish a more significant pattern.

 

 

INSCRIPTION ORIENTATIONS

Northern Sung coins occur with inscriptions reading either

@

TOP, BOTTOM, RIGHT, LEFT

Tai ping tung bao

or

@

TOP, RIGHT, BOTTOM, LEFT.

Grass script Northern Song Dynasty, Sheng Song Yuan Bao 1101-1106A.D.

1cash “Knotted Sheng” – Price 55 USD

 

 

Other example

Seal script Yua yao yuan bao@

Orthodox script Tong Seng Yuan bao

Both orientations occur throughout and some issues can be found either way. We have not yet been able to determine any significance of these two orientations.

 

 

 

 

 

 

DATE

TITLE

under
23
mm

23-26
mm

27-30
mm

31-35
mm

over 35
mm

968-975

KAI-PAO

 

Sung yuan tong bao

3.2 grams

976-984

T’AI-P’ING

@

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.1 grams@

990-994

SHUN-HUA

@

 

@

3.2 grams

995-998

CHIH-TAO yuan pao

@

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.5 grams

998-1004

HSIEN-P’ING Yuan Pao

 

@

3.6 grams

1004-1007

CHING-TE yuan pao

@

3.5 grams

1008-1016

HSIANG-FU

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3.7 grams

1017-1021

T’IEN-SHI

 

@

3.2 grams

1023-1031

T’IEN-SHENG

@

3.7 grams

1032-1033

MING-TAO@

3.9 grams

1034-1037

CHING-YU@

3.7 grams

1038-1039

PAO-YUAN

huang yu tong pao @

 

 

3.6 grams

1040

K’ANG-TING

3.3 grams

1041-1048

CH’ING-LI

3.3 grams

7.2 grams

1049-1053

HUANG-YU

2.7 grams

1054-1055

CHIH-HO

@

3.7 grams

1056-1063

CHIA-YU yun pao

3.5 grams

1064-1067

CHIH-P’ING yuan pao@

3.6 grams

1068-1077

HSI-NING@

3.5 grams@

7.2 grams@

1078-1085

YUAN-FENG@

3.3 grams@

7.0 grams

1086-1093

YUAN-YU@

3.2 grams

7.8 grams

1094-1097

SHAO-SHENG@

3.7 grams

7.0 grams
@

1098-1100

YUAN-FU@

1.7 grams

3.2 grams

7.4 grams

1101

CHIEN-CHUNG

Shen shung yuan pau

2.0 grams

3.6 grams@

6.5 grams

1102-1106

CH’UNG-NING@

2.7 grams

10.3 grams

1107-1110

TA KUAN@

3.85 grams

?? grams

23.5 grams

1111-1117

CHENG-HO@

3.3 grams2

7.2 grams

1118

CHUNG-HO

4.9 grams

1119-1125

HSUAN-HO

3.4 grams

6.1 grams

6.7 grams@

1126

CHING-K’ANG

7.3 grams

 

1280

We materialist can perhas graps the greatnesof time throught the reports of Marco Polo who vist the Chinese country in 1280 in which he tells the city of Hang Chou with his canal bridges , it is said , by 12.000 stone bridges, its hundreds , literally of hot water baths , its many markets , the great lake covered with pleasure boats and the streets thronged with busy people.

He tells of the good lives of the merchants and the craftsmen , and speak s of the fact that no person carried arms , a wondrous thing to an Italian of that day.

Little did the roll of distant thunder disturb them and they made the merry and productive , and among their products was pottery valued quite as highly as jade and bronze. The wares as we known them were no longer always laid away in tombs.

Wooden , paper , and clay figures long ago fallen to dust in many places were us for this purpose, much that we have I the precious inheritance of ancient families and the wasters cast aside t the kilns.

Thus when one looks at a Sung vase one often sees the purest Chinese taste , expressed by by an inspired artist of a great age and cherished and held clear for well-high a thousand years by generation aftergeneration of sensibly sensitive people.

But even the Wasters from these inspiration of the artists as studio sketches sometime show of freshness not always preserved in afinished painting.

The Chinse themselves haves always loved the ware of Sung and we can turn to their book of our information . Of these the best known are

The Cho Keng In (1368) a miscellany on art

The Ko Ku Yao Lun ( 1387) 2nd edition 1459.

The album of Hsiang yuan-p’ien (1561)

The Tsung She’ng Pa Chien (1591)

The Ch’ing Pi Ts’ang ( 1595)

The Po W’u Yao Lan ( 1621-1627 )

Tha T’ao Shuo ( 1774) which incorporates given the former works and others.

The Cheng-te’ C’en T’ao Lu(1815) which also covers much of the same ground , and which has to do with the famous potteries at Ching-te’ Che’ng in the Ch’ang nan district east of Po Yang Lake in Kiangsi province , given its same by Ching Te’ ( 1004-1007) and which in the 19th century was commanded by the Emperor Yung Che’ng to make reproductions of Sung wares for which purpose specimens were down from the Imperial Palace Collections.

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The Cho Keng In (1368) a miscellany on art

Landscape Painting in China and Italy
during the late 13th Century

Marco Polo is known in the East and the West as the first European to write his exciting adventures of China. His experiences are described in a book called ‘The Travels of Marco Polo, A Venetian in the Thirteenth century’ the text is a description, of remarkable places and things, in the Eastern parts of the world. His journey in 1271 to China happened at a time of great change for the people in China and Italy.

I will use his travels as a backdrop to consider how the changes were affecting artistic production at the time, for the artists back in Italy, and those in China. During this time the Mongolians were ruling China and it was called the Yuan Dynasty. The artists that I shall focus on all lived in or around Soochow a city known as the Venice of the East. These artists were known as The Four Great Masters of the Yuan Dynasty. They are Huan Kung-Wang, Wang Meng, Wu Chen, and Ni Tsan together they wrote the Wen-Jen system of landscape painting that instructs the artist to work on his own inner journey of self expression.

I will also focus on Marco Polo’s Renaissance Italy and two of the most famous Italian artists of his time. I will begin with Ambrogio Lorenzetti known as the first westerner to paint a landscape painting. He was commissioned in 1337 by the government of Sienna, the Great Council of the Republic of Sienna. The work is called Allegory of the Good and Bad government and its Effects on the City and the Countryside.

Allegory of the Good and Bad government and its Effects on the City and the Countryside.By Ambrogio Lorenzetti 1337

Allegory of the Good and Bad government and its Effects on the City and the Countryside.By Ambrogio Lorenzetti 1337

My second artist Giotto di Bondone is considered to be the first artist to bring landscape backgrounds and emotion to the stories in his frescoes. He received many commissions to paint for the Catholic Church. I will focus my attention on his frescoes of the life of St Francis of Assisi.

This was a time of great political and economic change in both countries, and by discussing the art works of these artists the different ways of responding to the Social and political pressures will be examined and the findings shown.

In the East and the West a new spiritual awakening was also being experienced by the artists as paintings of nature and landscapes were executed for the first time in Italy and in a fresh new way in China.

My interest in this subject stems from having been a silk haute couturier and silk trader in the Venice of the East Soochow from 1974 until 1990. The embroidery that I commissioned in Soochow was also based on landscapes.

Landscape embroidery

Venice of the East and the West

Marco Polo was born into a very wealthy Italian family in Venice in 1254 at a time when the political power and prestige of Venice was greatly increasing. When Marco Polo was three years old his father and uncles sold the family’s assets in Constantinople, invested in jewels and set off for China on the silk route.

They met the Mongolian Emperor Kublai Khan 1 214-1 294 in Peking who was extremely interested in western politics and the church. His mother Sorghaghtani Beki was a Christian who had taught him sound administration. He was willing to try Christianity as a means of holding together his vast empire. He asked many questions on the teachings of Jesus.

He wanted their opinion on which branch of Christianity united the people and achieved the most good. The Kublai Khan sent them back to Italy requesting that the Pope send one hundred priests to China. But years of Crusades, and scheming cardinals had left the Catholic church short of good men. The Pope sent three.

On his father’s return to Venice, Marco Polo was told that in a few months {it would be three years} they would be leaving to return to China. He was now fourteen and one of the rich young men of the town, Marco Polo describes the young men in Venice In his own words;

“who paraded through the city like peacocks with tight fitting hose, stripped silk doublets embroidered in real gold thread, with fancifully decorated belts, slashed sleeves tied at points by ribbons with puffs of white linen, and red jewelled caps pulled low over one ear, and long hair tied in a ribbon” 1.

As Marco Polo walked around Venice he would observe the marvels of the hard working artisans. These artists were not known by name and given no social privileges. Even the designer of the breathtakingly beautiful mosaics of St Marks Basilica is not known.

“There were busy workshops everywhere. There were potteries and studios producing exquisite porcelain There were leather factories, iron founders and boatyards silk weavers jewelers and goldsmiths. The mosaicists were skilfully piecing fragments together of coloured marble, held together by paste made of lime and powered brick.” 2

This was a blossoming economy trading with Europe and the East and fast becoming politically powerful. Marco Polo’s ability for social anthropology would later be capitalized on by the Kublai Khan who would employ Marco Polo to travel China to observe and report on the trade, and on the political activities of his Chinese subjects.

Venice was considered the most beautiful and ostentatious town in Italy with her canals lined with palaces of exquisite marble decoration, with the Palaces filled with art works and treasures of every kind. The rich started to collect the most impressive paintings in their palaces and churches; and decorate their walls and themselves in the most beautiful and rare imported gold embroidered silk textiles.

Soochow in China is also known as the Venice of the East. It is situated South East of Peking, in the Chiang-nan region which is not only considered to be the most scenic and climatically comfortable , but is also economically in the richest part of China. It is a town of waterways, trade and commerce. One of her main crafts is silk weaving and embroidery, and the Imperial Court textiles were designed and made here. Trade with the west has a long history, and these best quality silks, often embellished with real gold embroidery, were chosen for export.

Soochow had the most beautiful walled gardens of all China. A little known fact is that outside the town, up in the mountains are landscapes of breathtaking scenery. Soochow has a long history of being the home of the most famous politician artists, who were also philosophers, poets and writers, the wealthy educated elite, the aristocrats of China. Soochow under the Yuan Dynasty of the Mongolian Gengis Khan, had undergone vast changes the wealthy had become poor and the poor starving or dead, the town taxed and raped of her valuables, and her gardens in ruins. This was the state in which Marco Polo found Soochow on his visit there. His chief point of interest was the rhubarb, which was then, and still is, one of the main sources of trade in West Kansu.

The situation of the painters in these two cultures at the time of Marco Polo’s journey.

When Marco Polo arrived in China the most violent conqueror in all history, the millions-murdering Gengis Khan had died. It was he who had banned the Chinese politician-artists from court life, and sent them back to Soochow. His grandson the Kublai Khan was now ruling China, all the infrastructures of good government were in decline and he invited the politician-artists to return to court.

They had been through a period of humbling, a time of poverty, physical hardship and philosophical training, few chose to return to a life of political power. They were experiencing a new external and inner spiritual freedom that resulted in the rules and regulations of painting undergoing vast changes.

“Understanding the achievements of the Yuan masters then is as crucial to the study of later Chinese painting as is understanding the Renaissance to the study of painting.”3

It was also a period of intense cultural creativity in the arts and a new door had been opened for the uneducated or amateur artist. Only the wealthy elite had painted before: they had believed it was an activity which was only valuable as a form of aristocratic self-cultivation. Their paintings were kept as national treasures and viewing of the scrolls was only for the aristocrats. Landscape Painting, nature and images of nature were now given greater importance in the late Yuan Dynasty. The Four Great Masters who led this change took refuge in and around Soochow. This time of less than 40 years 1 31 4-1 354, was one of new individualism and innovation. They were hermits high in the mountains where they communed with nature, using this crisis time to think write and paint a time of self development.

The situation of artists in Italy was very different from the Chinese artists. In Italy they had always been considered as the simple craftsmen of the lower classes working in guilds, without special merit and little attention was paid to the person’s name or any creative work the individual may have achieved.

The changing economic times of state and catholic church wealth, and new political powerful parties, brought the opportunity to impress and control the people.

Patronage by the church and state became the new way and a new door opened for the Italian artists. As few people could read, the art works were intended to educate and politically control them. The new door was open for talented artists, they could become influential and wealthy and the artists name could become famous in Italy.

The western artist was however not free to paint his own choice of subject. That would be dictated by the patron and if at any time he did not please his patron he could fall out of favour and possibly lose his reputation and therefore his ability to win commissions and earn his income.

China The Four Great Masters of the Yuan.

Returning to China the Four Great Masters they were recognized as men of courage and humility. They were friends who loved a debate and discussion over a glass of wine. Although on different spiritual paths they practiced the art of communicating on a philosophical level composing and adding their own insightful writings in poem form to the sides of their scroll paintings which were worked on silk, and fine hand made paper and painted with freshly ground black red and turquoise inks.

Huan Kung-Wang

Huan Kung-Wang (1269-1354) is known as the Impressionist artist, He painted evocations of the landscape with calm sensitive strokes. He was a scholar poet philosopher artist and musician. He was born 30 miles northeast of Soochow in Ch’ang-shu, at seven he was considered a child prodigy and was adopted, he passed easily the difficult Imperial examinations. Then he started his career with the Government in Soochow. While investigating irregularities in tax collection, he was implicated in a fraud case and imprisoned. Upon his release he became a professional diviner, wearing Taoist clothes, inferring his government career was now over.

In 1334 In Soochow he opened a Hall of Three Doctrines incorporating Taoism in its original philosophical form and some elements of Confucianism, and Ch’an Buddhism. The main study was of Hsing-Ming which is man’s inborn qualities and his destiny. Taoism in the Six Dynasties time had stimulated the idea of landscape painting and the idea of communing with nature.

In Huang Kung-wang’s last years he lived in the Fu-ch’un mountains west of Hangchow, where he did two of his most celebrated works at the age of seventy-two.The Stone Cliff at the pond of Heaven it was painted near Soochow on Mount Hua. ‘Dwelling in the  ‘Fu-ch’un ‘Mountains,  it was painted on a long hand scroll. It is one of the most influential landscape paintings in all of China’s history.

Huan Kung-Wang wrote the thirty six ‘Secrets of Landscape Paintings’ here is number thirteen.

‘Carry around a sketching brush in a leather bag, then when you see in some scenic place a tree that is strange and unique, you can copy it’s appearance then as a record. It will have an extraordinary sense of growing life. Climb a tall building and gaze at the spirit resonance of the vast firmament. Look at the clouds they have the appearance of mountaintops! When the ancients speak of Heaven opening forth pictures, this is what they mean’.4

Wang Meng

Wang Meng was known for his imaginary and prophetic art work. He was born in 1308 and died in prison in 1385. He was the grandson ofChao Meng-fu, the leading artist of the earlier Yuan days.

Wang Meng’s poetry was passionate and spontaneous his writings extremely critical of the laws and rules of bad government he was brilliantly able to express his philosophy in his own style of painting and poetry.

Impressed by his skill Hung-Wu, who became the Ming Emperor in 1368, invited Wang Meng to go to his retreat hideaway in Huang-hao-shan and this is the mountain often seen in his paintings. In 1360, at the age of 52, Wang Meng came down to live in Soochow rejoining the literary and artistic crowd. Having lived with the future Emperor, he was aware of his violent and controlling personality he realised that if he was made Emperor he could bring a bloody purge; which happened when most of the notable literati of Soochow were accused of being traitors and were put to death in 1385.

Wang Meng’s paintings understandably show feelings of resentment and anger. In 1366 at a great gathering of notable literati of Soochow he painted for his host ‘Dwelling in the Ch’ing-pien Mountains.  We see the tiny hermit figure meditating at the bottom of the dark over whelming rocky mountain creating a heavy brooding prophetic sense of tragedy. These are his instructions on nature painting explaining how to express ones feelings.

“THEREFORE WHEN IT COMES FROM HAPPINESS & JOY THE BRANCHES ARE CLEAR-CUT & SLENDER & THE FLOWERS POISED & CHARMING; WHEN IT COMES FROM WORRY & SORRY, THE BRANCHES ARE SPARE & BARE & THE FLOWERS HAGGARD & CHILLED. WHEN IT COMES FROM RESENTMENT & ANGER, THE BRANCHES ARE ANTIQUE & ECCENTRIC THE FLOWERS, WILD & VIGOROUS”.
WHEN FEELINGS ARE DEPLETED MOUNTAINS LACK COLOUR: 5

Wu Chen

Wu Chen (1280-1 354 ) the third great master was considered to be a Naturalistic artist. He loved living in the mountains, a natural hermit in the same way as the Italian St Francis of Assisi, his simple easy style focused on a more naturalistic records of topography and of man, animals, birds, and fish in nature, with small touches of humour in his paintings and writings.

Wu Chen’s painting of  Two junipers dated 1328 show trees full of survival strength with twists of growth that have been challenged by the stormy windy weather. I believe they express Wu Chen’s own response to the physical and mental storms of life. How he has allowed life to sculpt him, but not to stop his growth by accepting whatever challenge heaven had thrown at him.

In his painting ‘Fisherman he shows a man who is very aware of the time and his place in the landscape but who makes an informed decision to change direction. The tree bends over the water as if trying to capture and keep him, as he uses all his strength to return home. It is accompanied by this poem entitled Fisherman’s Song.

TO THE WEST OF THE VILLAGE OF RED LEAVES,
THE LAST LIGHT OF THE DAY IS LINGERING.
BY THE SAND BANK OF THE GOLDEN REEDS,
THE FAINT VESTIGE OF THE MOON JUST APPEARS.
SO LIGHT-HEARTEDLY PULL THE OAR, AND LET’S RETURN;
HANG UP THE FISHING ROD, AND FISH NO MORE.

Ni Tsan

Ni Tsan (1301-1374) is the last of the four and the best known. He was recognised as a spiritual artist, with a bland subtle painting style which is easily recognised.

At the age of twenty seven on the sudden death of an older brother he became heir to the family fortune. He built a great library filling it with rare books and paintings. Famous and wealthy scholars came from all over China, they would drink wine and compose poems. He was proud and arrogant and extremely rude to those who he considered did not merit his friendship. He figures in many stories mostly about his obsession for cleanliness. This could be considered an outward sign of inner turmoil of consciousness.

One story tells how Ni spends the night with a famous courtesan Chao Mai-erh but because he passes the whole time in making her bathe over and over, the sun raises without any “dreams of Mount Wu” having occurred and Ni pays her for nothing.

At 40 years of age he started to change his life with the process of freeing himself from his wealth, political and social influence by carefully giving all his property and assets away and by breaking the ties with his debauched life.

Ni Tsan’s style of painting like his life’s assets had become less and less. He now lived by wandering in a boat on rivers, he paints abstracted landscapes with vast empty spaces. Paintings without people or exotic pagodas, or imposing mountains, and the shorelines have become less adorned. His style is clearly shown in ‘Woods and Valleys of  Yu-Shan’ a few bare trees and a hut in an austere landscape where the calm silence is undisturbed by Man.Ni Tsanalthough now leading a hermit life, continued to visit Soochow to discuss and write with his three friends about the new ways they were thinking and painting. Together they wrote: The Wen-Jen Painting System.

The Wen-Jen Painting System,

Written by The Four Great Masters Huan Kung Wang, Wang Meng, Wu Chen, Ni Tsan

  1. Individuality of expression the style mirrors the character of the artist.
  2. The inseparable nature of painting and calligraphy as expressed in the written picture and union of extensive inscriptions with picture. 3. Disinterest in the appearances of nature allied to the demand for a written equivalent to the natural form.
  3. Suppression of the decorative character of painting and hence a lack of interest in striking compositions.

The main achievement of these Yuan innovators is their concern with freely painting from the heart mind and soul as an expression of where the artist stood in his world. They must convey their own inner truth by painting in a way they had developed to express their own inner eye, the aim was to be free from the art critics and the cultural influences of their time. The four Great Masters paintings were not to be discussed as decorative or historical pieces. These were four men who shaped the pattern of the arts in China. The Wen -Jen painting system of the Yuan literati then and still now forms the theory of Chinese landscape painting.

The Italian Artists

Back In the Italy of Marco Polo’s childhood artists and craftsmen had not been known by name and had no influence or position in society. The greatly improved economy was the catalyst for change. Now we have the sort-after celebrity artist who was patronised by the wealthy Catholic Church, heads of State, and by the newly emerging prosperous powerful political bodies.

Giotto di Bondone

Giotto di Bondone was born around 1266 in a town called Colle he was from a poor rural family of peasant origins, and died age 70 in 1336. One story goes that Cimabue saw him sketching sheep and invited him to his studio, Cimabue became his mentor and gave him the tools and the platform to receive commissions. It is also thought he learned a great deal that from artist Roman Pietro Cavallini. In the Divine Comedy written by the Italian poet Dante he mentions Giotto, in the context of how earthly glory measured against eternity passes more quickly than a blinking eye; the book is about a journey which begins in a dark wood and near the end sees out of the wood, a lady picking flowers with which her whole path is embroidered.

Giotto was the first western artist to open up a new sense of space. His figures were placed in a spatial context for the first time. This was to lead him to receiving a vast amount of Church commissions for painting frescoes all over Italy.

In a sense Giotto was the master of the whole school of painting in Italy. His influence was that he changed the character of the Florentine school of painting and determined it’s direction during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century’.

Fresco is one of the most important techniques of painting. In the thirteenth century this type of painting was done by spreading a layer of plaster called arriccio on the wall. The artist then traced his design with a red ochre colour called spinopia, then over this was spread by his assistant another thin transparent layer called plaster finish, then came the artists colours as it came into contact with the fresh lime and the air, the colour dried and stained the plaster and became inseparable from the wall. Later Giotto developed the process of a life size drawing being made first on paper, tiny holes were then punched on the lines and then the cartoon was pressed against the wall for the carbon powder to be pressed over the holes to leave an outline on the wall. This is the same process I used for my silk embroidery in Soochow. I would draw and paint the designs and my assistant would prick the waxed paper.

Giotto was commissioned to paint scenes from St Francis of Assisi’s life. Giotto first studied the life of St Francis, who had chosen a hermit life in a forest in a small shack he made himself from the materials in the forest. Giotto’s admiration for St Francis is shown in the way he choses to paint him as a strong bold hero. Giotto brought life and emotion to the people’s faces he painted, just as St Francis did with his gentle loving and humorous personality.

Giorgio Vasari in 1 511 wrote of Giotto, painters owe to Giotto the same debt they owe to nature, which constantly serves them as a model and whose finest and most beautiful aspects they are striving to reproduce and imitate.

When Giotto painted his backgrounds they were no longer all gold, in the Byzantine style, they were well researched and full of delightful details that explained the story. Giotto had a great ability to respond to his commissions and with his studious nature of thinking things through before he began, he was able to paint so the viewer most of whom were illiterate had an opportunity to understand the spiritual message.

This was a far more approachable treatment of spiritual images than any artist before him. As we can see in Saint Francis Preaching to the birds.

In 1220 on a trip to Venice St Francis had stopped for a break in the countryside just outside the city, as he taught the joy of knowing the love of Jesus the marsh birds sang along with him. His joy and passion for nature was often expressed: when finding an abundant field of flowers, or seeing animals and birds, he would sing and thank God for everything. This was a main part of the St Francis legend his love of all creation, including trees, the earth, and the sky. Giotto’s frescoes of St Francis are amongst the first paintings that include landscape, with their trees, mountains, skies, and clouds.

Giotto is considered to be the greatest of all Italian Gothic painters, because he was the one who made the break with the stiff conventions of the Byzantine style of painting. He chose his own creative path of visionary art building on his past experiences of sketching nature.

He was extremely studious always going for new ideas to nature herself and so he could rightly claim to have had nature rather than any master as his teacher.

In this painting of St. ‘Francis Stigmatization of St Francis is the vision spoken of by St Francis to his faithful assistant brother Massero, when Jesus appeared to him under the guise of a crucifiedSeraph.The angel impressed the stigmata of the cross on St Francis. The Seraph angel has 6 wings, and Giotto’s fresco is the only one I know to have painted correctly the number of wings on a Seraph angel.

Giotto’s landscape and city backgrounds of his frescoes were a totally new way of Italian realistic expression seen here in ‘Renunciation of Worldly Goods [fig 8.] In this painting When St Francis preached to the Venicians to change their lives to leave behind their most valued possessions, their wealth and political power and to take up humanity and humility for a simple life in nature, few followed.

I believe Giotto’s greatest accomplishments was his ability to create people that expressed emotion in their faces. In this story of ‘Renunciation of Worldly Goods’it is easy to read because of the communication of strong emotions through facial expressions and body language it shows St Francis semi nude in the act of stripping, visually making his point of giving up wealth and political influence, perhaps the first performance artist!

‘Many accounts tell of Giotto’s integrity and love of life and his great sense of wit and humour. His people included nudes the first to be seen in an Italian painting.’

Giotto also shared his great sense of humour with his important patron the King of Naples.

‘When Robert the King of Naples was with him one day enjoying Giotto’s company as he painted, the King said “Giotto, if I Were you I would leave off painting for a while now as it’s too hot.”

He replied “And so would I, If I were you”!!!

 

 

 

 

Ambrogio Lorenzetti

Ambrogio Lorenzetti was born in 1285 and died with his artist brother Pietro, in Sienna of the Black Death of 1 348 along with most of the artists of Sienna. He was especially influenced by the paintings of Giotto di Bondone.

Ambrogio Lorenzetti created the Allegory of the Good and Bad government and it’s Effects on the City and the Countryside, as the first landscape in European painting his highly complex composition for the promotes the image of the government defining what good and bad government can do.

It is to be seen in the Palazzo Pubblico in Sienna Italy. It was commissioned by the government of Nine, these were the merchants and bankers who governed the city for about seventy years from 1287-1355. This was one of the most happiest times for the Republic of Sienna. A time of affluence, when the whole city was enriched with works of art.

The painting shows this time in a variety of symbolic ways. The very long fresco is in two parts the effects of bad government and the effects of good Government, my focus is on the good government. This second part focuses on a richly dressed man on his horse leaving the city of Sienna. He rides into the freedom of the wide open landscape. He symbolises the good government that has brought freedom from fear of the city’s external attack, and freedom from internal fear as all the city’s criminals have been hung. The tradespeople are working happily, the women dance and sing, and a marriage is taking place, weddings and dancing symbolising peace and love.

In the background detail of the fresco are small figures riding through the peaceful countryside in the landscape, inferring that the bandits have all been hanged by the good government; whereas in the Chinese landscape paintings a small learned figure living peacefully in nature infers that the person is free from political power.

Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s allegorical fresco painting of Good and Bad Government is a commissioned political manifesto of his day. His keen observation of people’s lives and activities echo Marco Polo’s social anthropological abilities.

Artists challenged and changed.

The thirteenth century was a time of political and economic challenge and change. The response of the aristocratic intellectual artists of China was to accept this humbling time.

To accept the teaching of Confucius when government is bad it is time to head for the hills, and the teaching of Lao Tse to empty themselves spiritually.

Although Gengis Khan had expelled them from the Mongolian Government and his grandson had invited them back, they had made a decision. They would no longer be controlled by the Government of the day to be instructed where to go and what to do.

They had time and freedom to paint as they wished, they now knew because of the difficult times they had experienced that this was above wealth, power and political status. The Four Great Masters accepted this creative hermit lifestyle. As the desires for political power and wealth diminished and as their ability to respond to each other in communication and encouragement grew, a way opened for them to go deeper into their own Journey as artists.

In Italy the challenge and change for the artists was very different.

This was an exciting trading time for the Italians busily importing and exporting, establishing their trading on the silk route with China.

Now was a new time of international economic affluence for the Catholic Church and the governmental political parties who started to recognise the worth of artists and how to capitalise and market the influence of the celebrity personality artist.

Now the way was open for the talented artist to receive commissions from rich patrons and he could become famous and wealthy, but under these conditions he was completely controlled by the Church and state.

Footnotes

  1. William Marsden, F .R.S &C. with a map The travels of Marco Polo a Venetian in the Thirteenth century. being a description. by that early traveler. of remarkable places &things.inthe Eastern parts of the world. Translated from the Italian, with notes .[ Cox & Baylis London & Printed for the author in 1818.] pg. 237
  2. William Marsden, The Travels of Marco Polo 1818 pg 236
  3. Sherman E.Lee & Wai-Kam Ho Chinese Art Under the Mongols: The Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368)[ The Cleveland Museum of Art Cleveland 1968] pg 3 4.T’aoTsung-i, Huan Kung-Wang’s Secrets of Landscape Paintings preserved in the miscellany Cho-ken lu, Lpublished in China in 1366] a collection of thirty -two short notes. pg 87
  4. James Cahill. Chinese Painting [The world Publishing company London 1960] (including Huan Kung-Wang ‘Secrets of Landscape Paintings) the following relevant to the theory and practice of painting in the Yuan period. page 148.
  5. James Cahill Chinese Painting [The world Publishing company London 1960 ]pg 144
  6. James Cahill. Hills beyond a River [The World Publishing Company London 1976] pg 114
  7. James Cahill. Hills beyond a River [The World Publishing Company London 1976 ]pg 115
  8. James Cahill Hills beyond a River( Wen-Jen painting)[ The World Publishing London 1976 ]pg 238 and pg 51
  9. Giorgio Vasari Lives of The Artists vol 1. [Penguin Books Ltd London 1987] pg 57

1 2. Bruno Dozzini Giotto The legend of St.Francis in the Assisi Basilica. [Editrice Minerva Italy 1992.]

  1. Giorgio Vasari Lives of The Artists vol 1. [Penguin Books Ltd London 1987] pg 61
  2. Giorgio Vasari Lives of The Artists vol 1. [Penguin Books Ltd London 1987] pg 68

Bibliography

Bartoli Mesy and Barara Latini with illustrations by Monica Verdiani Explore & discover Siena. [pub by Betti editrice Siena 2001]

Benedetto L.F The Travels of Marco Polo, design by Keith Martin Krampen [ pub Andre Deutsch Ltd Holland 1931] with 25 illustrations in full colour from a fifteenth century manuscript in the Bibliotheque Nationale,Paris.

Bruce Cole. Giotto & Florentine Painting 1 280-1 375 [ pub by Harper and Row Publishers New York 1976.]

Dozzini Bruno Author Giotto The legend of St Francis in the Assisi Basilica [Pub Editrice Minerva 1992]. (most of Giotto’s paintings are from here) Cahill James Hills beyond a River [pub The World Publishing Company London 1976] (including-7 illustrations)

Cahill James Chinese Painting [pub The world Publishing company London1960]

Cahill James Confucian Elements in the theory of Painting [pub by A, Wright Standford New York1960]

Cahill James Fantastics & Eccentrics in Chinese Painting [pub by New York Publishers 1967]

Clark Kenneth Landscape into Art [pub by Readers Union London1953 ] Cunningham Lawrence Brother Francis An Anthology of writings by and about St Francis of Assisi Edited by Lawrence Cunningham, [ Published by Pyramid for our Sunday Visitor, inc. London]

Dalrympole Bruce major Clarence In the footsteps of Marco Polo A journey overland from Simla to Pekin [William Blackwood and Sons London 1 906 ] Fremantle Richard Florentine Gothic painters from Giotto to Masaccio.A guide to painting in & near Florence 1 300 to 1450. [Published by Martin Secker & Warburg London 1975]

Dubosc Jean Pierre Mostra d’arte Chinese Exhibition Cat.[pub by Palazzo Ducale Venice 1954 ]

Hayden Maginnis B.J Painting in the Age of Giotto A Historical Revaluation [Pub The Pennsylvania State University Press Pennsylvania 1997]

Keith Elizabeth Eastern Windows An artist journey of China [ pub Hutchinson and co ltd London 1928.] (2 wood cuts of Soochow)

Hook Brian The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of China [ published by Cambridge University Press London 1982. ]

Marsden William,F.R.S&C. with a map The travels of Marco Polo a Venetian in the Thirteenth century, being a description,by that early traveller,of remarkable places & things,in the Eastern parts of the world. Translated from the Italian, with notes [ Published by Cox & Baylis & Printed for the author London in 1 81 8. ] Manuel Komroff Contemporaries of Marco Polo [pub Jonathan Cape London1928.]

Munson Ultica & Williams Masters of Landscape East & West Exhibition [ Cat Ultica 1 963 Proctor Institute ]

Mariacher Di Giovanni Testi Mosaici Di San Marco [pub Ardo edition d’arte Italy 1992]

Osborne Richard Philosophy for beginners [Pub Writers and Readers Publishing, Inc. London 1992]

Osvald Siren Chinese Painting Leading Masters and Principals, 7 vols [pub by London publishers 1956-58 ]

Perkins Dorothy Encyclopaedia of China ,[ pub by Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers London 1999.]

Sherman Lee and Wai-Kam Art Under the Mongols:The Yuan Dynasty (1279- 1368) [Pub House Chinese by The Cleveland Museum of Art Cleveland 1968] De Carle Arthur Sowerby Nature in Chinese Art [ Published by The John Day Company London 1 940 ]

Sherman Lee Literati & Professionals four Ming Painters [ pub by CMA Bulletin L 111 Jan 1 966 ]

Toynbee Arnold Half the World the history & culture of China & Japan [Pub by Thames and Hudson, London 1973. ]

Muller Joseph-Emile The Little Library of Art [published Methuen & Co Ltd London 1945.]

Wang Jia- Nan, Cai- Xiaoli, Dawn Young, A Complete Oriental Painting Course [Published by Aurum Press London 1997.]

Waley Arthur The Travels of an Alchemist:The journey of the Taoist Ch’ang Ch’un from China to the Hindukush at the summons of Chingiz Khan. [ pub by George Routledge & sons Ltd London 1931.]

Weyhe 2000 years of Silk Weaving [pub in New York 1 944 ]

Wu Hsiu Ching-hsia, Kuan lun-hua,Chueh-chu Poems on Chinese Paintings. [ 1 824 Shanghai 1947 reprint ]

Youde Edward and Herbert Franz Schuman Economic Structure of The Yuan Dynasty [pub by Harvard University Press Harvard 1956 ]

Acknowledgments

Acknowledgments are due to the curators and administrative staff of the following galleries and museums, art dealers , library’s and web sites. The Palazzo Pubblico and the Civic Museum of Siena; St Marks in Venice Italy; The British Library and The Victoria and Albert Museum, and library and The City and Guilds School of Art, and library. The British Museum; The Courtauld Institute, London; Soochow Institute of Embroidery; China. and The Art Museum, Hong Kong; Friends of the Arts, Hong Kong; Plum Blossoms Gallery, Hong Kong; The Art Museum, Beijing; The Art Museum, Shanghai; The Chinese Art Museum, Taiwan; Royal Ontario Museum of Art, Toronto Canada. Web Gallery of Art. Web museum Paris.

Source

jennylewisartist

The Ko Ku Yao Lun ( 1387) 2nd edition 1459.

THE ART OF THE BOOK IN CHINA

From June 13-15, 2005, the Percival David Foundation for Chinese Art (PDF) held its 23rd Colloquy. As Colin Bundy, Director of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, explained in his opening remarks, the PDF is one of the little-known treasures of the University of London, associated with the Department of Art and Archaeology.[1] It has held an annual/biennial Colloquy on selected aspects of Chinese art, archaeology and connoisseurship since 1970, and published a corresponding series of proceedings in substantial, peer-edited volumes.

The subject of this year’s colloquy was unprecedented for the Foundation, which is more used to addressing its attention to porcelain, bronzes, Chinese decorative style and so on – the more traditional facets of academic art history. As a matter of fact, the colloquy was all but unprecedented full-stop.

Europe has certainly never seen an academic gathering devoted to the material culture of the Chinese book with this number of presentations, all of a remarkably high standard – three days, six plenary sessions, twenty presentations.

It was both exhilarating and exhausting. Stacey Pierson, tireless organizer on behalf of the PDF and curator of the Foundation’s collections, expected seventy people, including presenters, to attend. In the event, about 90 participants registered and she suspects that there were gate-crashers.

Hanshan Tang Books produced a special list of one hundred and fifty related titles in response to the colloquy. We printed one hundred copies and had disappointed scholars clamouring for more.[2]

Curation of the colloquy’s programme was the responsibility of Craig Clunas, Percival David Professor of Chinese Art and Archaeology, and Ming Wilson, Senior Curator in the Asian Department at the V&A.

The latter provided intelligent continuity throughout the colloquy as well as herself presenting a full paper. Sadly, Clunas was unable to be physically present due to a serious, debilitating bout of flu. From his sickbed he composed an introductory address, read by Stacey Pierson.

Clunas is known for an approach to art history that is informed by contemporary critical theory, and he and his fellow convenor’s agenda for this colloquy reflected such engagements. Apart from the famous ceramics of its founder’s collection, the PDF also holds a small collection of his Chinese books, including a number of some rarity and interest.[3] As Clunas pointed out, Sir Percival David’s sole publication, Chinese Connoisseurship, is, in fact, a book about a book, a translation with commentary, which Sir Percival based on the text of an early Ming period edition he acquired in 1942, the Ge Gu Yao Lun of Cao Zhao.[4] 

 

Clunas implicitly signalled pertinent theoretical aspects of Sir Percival’s moment of authorship – its self-referential, intertextual and transcultural character – and, at the same time, he highlighted and made concrete the vital importance of the colloquy’s goal: giving scholarly attention to the art of the book per se, as a necessary contribution to our general understanding of material culture.

More specifically, Clunas reminded contributors that their focus was not so much the ‘art’ of the book (as if some books are ‘art’ and others are not) but the Chinese book’s ‘artifactuality.’ He wanted to hear papers on, ‘the diverse ecology of the book in China,’ and called for new engagements of Chinese print culture with what is still a Eurocentric tradition of book history.

He asked that participants reassess the idea of a ‘golden age’ of Chinese printing, both the ‘pedestalization’ of Song period editions and the predominance of the late Ming period for illustrated work.

He required us to extend our connoisseurship to the Qing period and beyond. Finally, he asked the colloquy to break down some of the questionable distinctions between book as manuscript and book as print object, a relationship that plays out very differently, East and West. In response, significant contributions to all these issues and more were provided by the many speakers. Clearly, some contributions will be of greater interest to antiquarian booksellers and collectors than others, and the following remarks will tend to expand on those contributions.

The first papers of the colloquy addressed a couple of underlying themes, the relationship of manuscripts to printed books and the influence of one form on the other, especially the influence of Chinese calligraphic and orthographic traditions on the design and production of printed matter.

Professor Maggie Bickford of Brown University, however, raised a question concerning the bibliographic classification of illustrated manuscripts. In art history such items are often treated like paintings, their texts bracketed for the purposes of appreciation and interpretation. Bickford pointed to an early tradition which categorized such items – often in scroll form – as books, conveyors of information intended to be read rather than simply gazed upon, enjoyed and absorbed as visual art.

Martin Heijdra of the Gest Library, Princeton (one of the West’s great collections of fine and rare Chinese material) and Chen Hongyan from the National Library of China both addressed Chinese calligraphy and its role in book design. Calligraphy is China’s highest visual art, a practice, simultaneously, of writing pure and simple, and also, as it were, of ‘old mastery.’

Calligraphy in China is much much more than thecraft of beautiful writing that it is, chiefly, in the West. The characteristics of this art derive from the Chinese system of writing, a source of perpetual and often delusional fascination for people in the West. Its characters, ‘spelt’ out in integral, more or less regular-sized units, represent what we call words or, at least, significant parts of words.

Cultures that use the Chinese system need thousands of distinct characters to compose their texts, make their inscriptions, and produce their books. The handwriting – calligraphy – which constitutes a manuscript has different regularities and rhythms compared with its western counterparts.

In brief, these are more richly developed in visual terms, and examples are valued because of their association with great artist-scholars. The effect of these conditions on book design and production are contradictory and paradoxical. The forms of characters in books printed from carved woodblocks may be valued because of their association with a hero of calligraphic culture or, in rare cases, because they were actually written out by their author-artist as a model for the block carver(s).

On the other hand, the necessity for consistency of print design when using an ‘font’ of thousands of characters requires a narrowing of the range of what we would call typographic variety. There are less than half a dozen Chinese ‘book faces,’ if we discount the insignificant variations produced by carvers, or by other media of production. Chen Hongyan’s presentation concentrated on calligraphy’s artistic contribution to the book in China, citing examples of direct intervention by author-artists.

Martin Heijdra took on the subject from a more detached and analytical perspective, giving us important new ways of characterizing the typographic design of Chinese books and, in fact, pointing out that the relationship of this design to calligraphy has made it difficult for Chinese connoisseurs to appreciate and make use of typographic distinctions, because,

for example, certain character forms in books must be praised and assessed for a calligraphic aesthetic that runs counter to a comparatively down-graded print aesthetic.

Perhaps it is necessary to recall, even in this context, that antiquarian Chinese print culture differs from that of the West in at least one absolutely fundamental aspect. Until the introduction of modern printing techniques in the nineteenth century, the dominant form of Chinese book was printed from woodblocks, each carved with the reverse relief representation of the equivalent of an entire opening.

The culture that invented moveable type (traditionally attributed to Bi Sheng 990-1051) did not deploy it, other than exceptionally, until it became socio-economically viable to do so, after the introduction of lithography. Western missionary printing of Chinese texts (albeit chiefly Christian texts) constitutes the advent of typography as such, in our planet’s other centre of culture. SOAS’s Professor of Chinese History, Tim Barrett, exposed a few of the extraordinary ironies of this situation. For example, he proposed that for westerners to think of Gutenberg as the inventor of printing is rather as if we thought of Diesel as the inventor of the train.

That would imply that James Watt, the steam-driven industrial revolution, and the rail-transport manifestation of a messy, long-outmoded technology might be forgotten or discounted. Woodblock printing in China was the engine of a worldwide cultural revolution and yet this fact is still, in real sense, invisible to us in the West.[5] Its influence is still difficult for us to properly gauge. When Rowan Watson of the V&A was asked, from his expert Western print history perspective, to explain why there was no comparable European tradition of full-page, full-opening woodblock printed books, no clear insights emerged from an otherwise enlightening gallop through ‘the long fifteenth century.’

It is a shame to be unable to do more than cite some of the colloquy’s presentations without giving them due comment and context. Thankfully, the proceedings will be published and its readers will be able to pursue in greater detail what I can only list. Frances Wood of the

British Library gave a talk on the early history of the British Museum/British Library collections, revealing some of the mysteries behind the acquisition and cataloguing of early Chinese items which should be provenanced but for which Library records are, perhaps inevitably, somewhat problematic and mysterious.

Kevin McLoughlin spoke on images of Guanyin – the Bodhisattva of Compassion – in 17th-century illustrated works, and Anne Farrer took on the relationship between book illustration and sheet printing in the early 18th century, contributing to the further study of one of the glories of illustrated colour printing in China, the Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, a marvellous book – parts of which are not uncommon in the West – with a spectacularly difficult publication history. In a three-paper session where books and objects came into explicit relationship, Peter Lam of the Chinese University of Hong Kong spoke about the illustration of ceramic techniques in books about China’s most famous kiln site, Jingdezhen.

Ming Wilson gave us fantastical insights into the fantasies of connoisseurs who produced books about objects – jades in her case – that never existed but which Chinese culture needed to document as if they did exist. Philip Hu took us to an extreme of the book as material object in a fine exposition on books made, literally, of jade. These are chiefly court-commissioned memorial tomes, but they can be extensive and they do evoke the question, ‘When is a book not a book?’ To complete the list of papers that I feel guilty not to comment on properly, there was a fine presentation by Wang Chenghua on an important moment of printing using collotype illustrations in the early 20th century. This was for mass-produced publications which significantly documented and popularized Chinese art in a manner that also contributed to a sense of national identity at the time. Finally, Yuan Xiyang gave us a brief history of modern Chinese book design in its crucial formative period from 1919-1937.

A significant number of the presentations emerged from the contemporary critical academy in the United States. These were, generally speaking characterized by a theoretically-informed approach capable of relating the specifics of print culture to history, sociology and even politics.

This is welcome in the context of Chinese studies, where scholarship has often been somewhat unworldly. The colloquy seemed, in a sense, to follow on from the publication of four significant monographs in the field, and two of their authors were present.[6] 

Cynthia Brokaw spoke on commercial book production in the ’19th-century hinterland,’ while Robert Hegel addressed a specific case of illustrated fiction from the Ming-Qing transition period. Brokaw’s co-edited book, Printing and Book Culture in Late Imperial China – apart from further work of her own and of Hegel’s – contains essays by two other colloquy participants.

Joseph McDermott spoke on the high cultural regard of the Chinese for all things inscribed. This regard is manifested socially in the formation of grassroots associations of ordinary people, who join and volunteer to collect and respectfully dispose of waste paper that is written on.

Tim Brook and Kathlyn Liscomb both addressed illustrated works, the first as a historian trying to make out what was being represented in the panoramic illustrations produced for published records of Buddhist monasteries in Ming period Nanjing; while Liscomb brought forward questions concerning the representation of literary figures as culture heroes, and what this signified for different sectors of Chinese society.

Julia Murray spoke about a particular imperial-sponsored illustrated text in ‘The Provenance and Evolution of Jiao Hong’s Yangzheng Tujie,’ a paper that combined analysis of the function and positioning of this printed instrument of imperial edification with the more historical critical aspects of connoisseurship such as occasionally concern even the pragmatics of bookselling.

It was Sören Edgren of the Princeton-based, Research Library Group-led Chinese Rare Books Project, who provided us with the presentation most likely both to goad booksellers and get their juices flowing, since he was speaking directly to questions of the authentication and dating of Chinese rare books.

Many of the actual examples he discussed are virtually inaccessible or all but beyond the dreams of avarice. Edgren is primarily concerned with what the Chinese call ‘shanben’ (fine editions).

Such books are very rarely seen in the West, even more rarely traded, and they are not, generally speaking, exportable from mainland China. In this part of the world, we are now fortunate if we are able to handle what the Chinese call ‘putong guji’ (ordinary early editions), which may occasionally, however, include examples of Qing period illustrated material.

This can be attractive and collectable, even for bibliophiles who do not read Chinese. Edgren’s remarks on authentication and dating are, nonetheless, generally applicable, quite apart from the shock and amusement they are able to provoke. In broad terms, the connoisseurship of Chinese books strongly resembles that of the West.

Careful research, attention to sources of information and standards of description – all of these are vital. Edgren is deeply involved with the issues of providing transcultural standards for bibliographic and physical description and any associated research. The Chinese tradition in the field is sketchier and less well-defined than it is for us, more dependent on the personal authority of scholars and collectors than on attention to the material itself. By this, I mean that provenance and associated supporting text, in the form of colophons and inscriptions, can, in the Chinese context, count for as much in valuing (in both senses) a book as, for example, the presence or absence of a cover page (Chinese equivalent of title page) or the correspondence of a particular exemplar with previous bibliographic records (with or, more likely, without physical description). In China the connoisseur/collector had a large measure of control over the fate of rare editions. Perhaps this is best illustrated by Edgren’s answer to a question from the floor. ‘What about binding? Wouldn’t a study of the history of Chinese binding assist with provenance and dating?’ Initially, Edgren answered with a simple, ‘No.’ Of course, there is a history of binding in China with dateable techniques and, in rare cases, dateable use of materials. However, generally speaking, the binding of a Chinese book was and is a moveable feast, even more so in China than in the West. Collectors are less likely to be concerned about preserving an old binding. They would prefer to protect or restore a binding to enhance or set off the text and its printing. This and the fact that Chinese bindings are much easier both to disassemble and reproduce, gives them far less value for authentication.

What is certain is that we share, with all peoples, a genuine and pragmatic sense of the value of fine, early books, and this translates to both connoisseurship and commerce. As such, it also translates to venality and deceptive practices that interfere with, precisely, the aims of scholarship underlying this PDF Colloquy. Edgren gave us some extraordinary examples of what were clearly fraud and also other practices that might seem fraudulent to us but are less clearly dishonest in their specific cultural context. On the one hand, the integrity of a copy is clearly damaged and a fraudulent attempt is made to disguise this fact for the purposes of trading or exchanging the copy. In other cases – arguably more common in China than in the West – efforts are made by collectors and others to restore the integrity of a text, for honest reasons that may, nonetheless, go unnoticed or disregarded. Examples of the latter practice can be highly elaborate, the equivalent of scholarly textual skin-grafting, or extraordinary, super-human feats of facsimile reproduction. Back in the realm of the forger, Chinese bibliographic deception can be both spectacular and amusing. Edgren showed a slide with a wonderful example of a not uncommon practice. The character for ‘End,’ or ‘Finis’ may be added to the physically final leaf of a damaged copy. In the example Edgren showed, the dissembler had gone on to cover the added character with a seal impression and an artificial burn mark to render it still legible but plausibly obscured by accidents of ownership and wear. In an even more elaborate case, a dishonest dealer holding volumes three, four and five of a properly twelve-volume work was able, because of the nature of the Chinese script, to change the characters for ‘3’, ‘4’ and ‘5’ in the book’s headings to words meaning ‘first,’ ‘second’ and ‘last.’

The overall message of the colloquy was an energetic and enlightening call to engage with the scholarship and material culture of the Chinese book. Whilst fully according with these aims and sentiments, Edgren explicitly raised another, related warning cry, familiar to booksellers and their clients. Take a good close look at that example of material culture in front of you. ‘Buyer Beware!’

John Cayley

Source

hanshan

The album of Hsiang yuan-p’ien (1561)

Look ming ceramic history2

 

 

 

 

 

The Tsung She’ng Pa Chien (1591)

Portrait of Huang Tao-chou’ 1644-1645
Hanging scroll, ink and color on silk
121.5 x 94.2 cm. (47 7/8 x 37 1/8 in.)
Inscription: 
‘Portrait of Minister Huang Shih-chai (Tao-chou), respectfully painted by Tseng Ch’ing of P’u-t’ien.’
Artist’s seal:
P’o-ch’en

Tseng Ch’ing (1564-1647), tzu P’o-ch’en, was born in P’u-t’ien, Fukien province, but at least from 1607 onward he lived and worked as a painter of portraits in the vicinity of Nanking. [A painting done jointly with the Nanking master Hu Tsung-hsin in 1607 is recorded in Lu Hsin-yuan: Jang-li-kuan Kuo-yen Lu, 1892, chapter 27, p. 17a. Tseng Ch’ing consistently referred to himself as from Fukien, but it should be noted that the T’ung-hsiang Hsien-chih, quoted in the Che-chiang T’ung-chih p. 3253, says that Tseng’s father was from Min or Fukien but later moved to Ch’ing-chen, near Chia-hsing in Chekiang province, where Tseng Ch’ing may thus have been born. In either case, nothing is known at present about the first forty-three years of Tseng’s life. Tseng’s tzu, Po-ch’en, literally means ‘Wave Official’ and was used originally by Chuang-tzu to refer to those in charge of aquatic creatures; it later came to mean a Minister of Yen Wang, Ruler of Purgatory. The meaning it held for Tseng Ch’ing is still unknown.] According to the Wu-tsa-tsu, ‘He used the brush with not the slightest vulgarity. His portraits are as large as two or more feet and as small as several inches, all of them exceedingly lifelike. Relying on his skills he wandered the four quarters, amassing as much as a thousand in gold.’ [Quoted in the very useful booklet on Tseng Ch’ing by Chou Chi-yin: Tseng Ch’ing de Hsiao hsiang Hua, Beijing, 1981, p. 15.] His patrons included some men who served as officials but a majority were members of the burgeoning middle class, some of the best-known artists, famous scholars, and major land-owners of the period. Tseng’s social relations with these patrons thus varied greatly, and it seems that in some contexts he was considered a friend. In most cases, however, he was regarded more as a superb technician, and his various biographers have thus concentrated mainly on description and analysis of his techniques and approach to portrait painting.

According to the Wu-sheng Shih-shih, ‘…His manner and style were cultivated and disciplined, and his moral outlook most admirable. Wherever he went, he would use divination to decide on a dwelling place, which would have an encircling verandah and inner rooms and be placed in an ethereal environment, and everywhere he painted portraits ….’[ Wu-sheng Shih-shih, Hua-shih Ts’ung-shu edition, volume 2, p. 1029.] This account suggests that Tseng travelled a good deal, moving from city to city and town to town, in each of which he would establish a more or less temporary .headquarters where he would meet with clients and work on their portraits.

‘In portraiture there are two schools. In one, strong ink is used for the bones (the linear structure) , and after the ink structure is complete, color is applied, selecting facial coloring on the basis of the age (of the sitter), his spirit already being embodied within the ink structure. This is the school of Tseng P’o-ch’en of Min (Fukien) …. ‘[Chang Keng: Kuo-ch’ao Hua-cheng Lu, Hua-shih Ts-ung-shu edition, volume 3, p. 1286.] An excellent example of this subtle approach is Tseng’s ‘Portrait of Wang Shih-min,’ painted in 1616 when Wang was home in mourning for his wife, hence the Buddhist garb and pose. Wang’s youth—he was then 24 years of age—and his sensitive nature are clearly visible in the facial depiction, manifested mainly by line but also color, while the garment and posture are suggestive of Wang’s position in society. As was noted by the 17th century T’u-hui Pao-chien Hsu-tsuan, ‘… While obtaining spirit via brush and ink, (Tseng) matched this to the drapery patterns, in everything using what was appropriate…’[T’u-hui Pao-chien, Hua-shih Ts’ung-shu edition, volume 2, p. 869.] Some early critics in fact were taken as much by Tseng’s ability to suggest the social and economic status of his patrons as by the miraculous verisimilitude of their faces in his portraits: ‘…Capturing images like a mirror, he wonderously embodied their spirit and emotion. Applying color deeply and richly, his dotted pupils engendered a sense of life. Whether painted on paper or silk, the gaze (of his sitters), their frowns and smiles, are shockingly lifelike …The dignity of carriages and caps (ie., officials), the refinement of hills and valleys (ie., scholarly recluses), the cultivation of the womens’ quarters, and traces of what is transcendant (ie., Buddhists and Taoists) are all transmitted in his drawing. Beauty and ugliness are only in the (outer) appearance, while when face-to-face (with one of his portraits), heart and soul are comprehended and both oneself and the other are forgotten …’ [Wu-sheng shih-shih, op.cit., p. 1029-30.]

The same text goes on to note of Tseng Ch’ ing’ s technique: ‘…To each of his portrait images wash was applied in several tens of layers, and only when he had created a personality did he stop. That he walks alone in the groves of art, influencing everyone both near and far, is not by chance.’ [Ibid.]  This description of Tseng’s approach, which accords with that given above, may be contrasted with that of the second school of portraiture mentioned by Chang Keng: ‘…In the second school, light ink is used for the outline and tracing the general position of the Five Sense Organs (ear, eye, nose, mouth, and body), and then everything is washed with opaque color. This is the school method of Kiangnan painters, and Master Tseng was familiar with it…’[Chang Keng, op.cit., p. 1286-87.] Tseng Ch’ing is often held to have been influenced by the Western style of painting known through the efforts of the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), who settled in Nanking in 1599 and opened a church displaying painted and sculpted images in 1605. Oil paintings were done with thickly applied, non-translucent pigments, and the Chinese use of fen-ts’ai washes, to which color and lead-white had been added, were an approximation of that almost three-dimensional and certainly opaque effect. This so-called Kiangnan school style is perhaps best represented today by the numerous low quality anonymous Ch’ing dynasty portraits of equally anonymous ancestors. Tseng Ch’ing’s major innovation, then, was to apply the translucent washes of traditional Chinese portraiture in multiple graded overlays that acted to model faces in terms of light and shadow without obscuring the underlying brushwork that was held to convey character and personality.

Tseng Ch’ing is said to have trained a son and over forty disciples in the art of portraiture and some of these must have assisted him during his later years. According to Chang Tzu-yu, one of these students, ‘…During his late years his eyes were unable to focus on details. For a monk at the Ox-head Temple (in Nanking) he painted a portrait of the eighty-first abbot and then died..’[Quoted in Chou Chi-yin, op.cit., p. 14.] At least by 1624 Tseng had begun to work in cooperation with other artists, who would add appropriate backgrounds to figures painted by Tseng, and by the end of his life we must assume that others were contributing even to the main subjects of the paintings. Tseng’s inscription on ‘Hu Erh-tsao’ of 1624 does not make mention of such assistance but the complexity of the natural environment greater than in any other work done by Tseng alone—suggests that he was in fact aided by someone more experienced than he in painting landscapes.

The same conclusion can be reached about the present ‘Portrait of Huang Tao-chou,’ which was painted when Tseng Ch’ing was about eighty years old and only two or so years before he died. Huang Tao-chou (1585-1646), an important scholar and official, is here portrayed rather formally, wearing his court hat while seated frontally in a large chair with his hands folded symmetrically within his sleeves. The garden setting features chrysanthemums, which were likely intended to call to mind the poet T’ao Ch’ien (365-427), who resigned after only 83 days in office and lived the rest of his days cultivating flowers as well as poetry and music in private life. Tseng’s almost contemporaneous portrait of the sickly Shao Mi (1592?-1652), who eventually sucumbed to a lung disease, uses these same props to suggest a life apart from the world of official cares.

Huang Tao-chou, however, was not in any position to think about cultivating either flowers or his moral character, for at the time this portrait was painted he faced a crisis that would result in the downfall of his dynasty and his execution by the victors. Huang had been an important member of the reformist Tung-lin political party and in 1640 he had been flogged at court and imprisoned before suffering the additional punishment of being banished. Although Huang was invited to return to court in 1642, he declined and began to lecture on philosophy in Fukien, his native province. A portrait of Huang was painted two days before his fifty-nineth birthday, March 7, 1644, by Tseng Ch’ing, presumably while both were in Fukien. Huang here is dressed rather casually, and, seated behind an imposing rock, he seems almost in hiding. On April 25th Peking fell to the rebel Li Tzu-ch’eng, a new court was established in Nanking and the emperor recalled Huang Tao-chou to office, appointing him on October 19, 1644, to the presidency of the Board of Ceremonies. After arriving in the new capital early in 1645, Huang discovered that the newly formed government was under the control of Ma Shih-ying (1591-1646/7) and that his own authority was only nominal; he therefore left the city again on March 19th and thus was not present when Nanking fell to the Ch’ing army on June 19th.

Although the present painting is not dated by inscription, Tseng Ch’ing gives Huang’s official title as shang-shu or Minister, rank 2a in the civil bureaucracy, the post he gained in mid-October of 1644. Tseng Ch’ing may have returned from Fukien to Nanking with Huang Tao-chou, and the painting could have been done during the journey, but it seems more likely that the portrait was done in Nanking, during the early months of 1645, before Huang left the unhappy city again. [A portrait of Huang Tao-chou waiting at the palace gate for the early morning imperial audience was painted by Ts’ao Yen in spring of 1645; see Shen-chou Ta-kuan volume 2 and Liang Chang-chu: T’ui-an So-ts’ang Chin-shih Shu-hua Pa, 1845, chapter 17, pp. 19a-20a.] In comparison to the portrait of a year earlier, Huang is portrayed here as being larger and more forceful, as was appropriate considering the public nature of his responsibilities. No longer a teacher, and more exposed in every way, Huang also seems more inner directed, more protective of himself, and this too seems natural considering the continuous strife and turmoil that characterized political life in Nanking at that time, even in face of the oncoming Manchu armies. Huang was captured in 1645 and remained steadfast to the end, refusing to abandon his loyalty to the Ming and attempting to starve himself before being executed. Some part of his admirable character and will are manifest in the present portrait, and we too can conclude about Tseng Ch’ing that ‘it is not by chance that he walks alone in the groves of art

Source

kaikodo

KERAMIK KERAJAAN TIONGKOK YANG DITEMUKAN DI INDONESIA(BAGIAN KE 4)

INI CUPLIKAN INFO YANG LENGKAP DAPAT DILIHAT DI MUSEUM LELUHUR INDONESIA WANLI. CUPLIKAN INI TANPA ILUSTRASI.

The Tang Ceramic History Collections

Created By

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Private Limited E-Book In CD-rom Edition

Special For senior Collectors and Historian

Copyright @ 2014

*Tang Horse (coll Dr Iwan)

 

*King Ganesha Teracota

( Collection Dr Iwan)

 

INTRODUCTIONS

The Map Of Indonesian Archiphelago

Swarnadwipa means the gold Land,also called Andalas Islandbecaue due to Tambo Minangkabau they came from Andalucia

This island with the famous port Lobu Tua (barus) exist since 3000 years BC with their Barus talc or camphor which used to mummification during pharaos

Also from the Yew record known Ophir mountain at Pasaman West sumatera where the gold mining from the Minangkabau Kingdom which export from the old port inderagiri, Barus and Pedir.Then in this island in Chinese record exist the bigger empire Srivijaya which called San Fo shi

 

Java Dwipa or The Rice Land which called Labadiu by Ptelomeus.

At this island found Argyre City (the city of silver) may be this the old Sunda Kingdom or Salaknegara ,

Chinese Wang Yuan record told that the java coin made from silver and Tin.

The Rome Monk Ordorico de Pordone told that the Java kingdom palace full with gold,silver and jewellary.

At This island very famous many kingdom like Tarumanegara,Old Mataram.Sunda,Singosari,Kediri,Majaphit,walisongo,Islamic mataram and Madura Kingdom.

The island of ocean goddest , from Chinese record Tai Ping huan yu chi was called Chin Li Pi Si or nusa kencana and also called pulo chung ( the island of ujung tanah) in Malaya,In this island very famous Kutai and the Tanjungpura kingdom.

.

The small island called Lesser Sunda.Bali was the best landscape island and many traveler visit this island since Rsi Markandiya in 8 th Century.In this lesser sunda island there were the famous Horse,and there the bali and Lombok kingdom there.

 

 

The Arabs called the Sulawesi with Sholibis name ..
Sulawesi name supposedly comes from the word ‘ Sula ‘ which means island and ‘ iron ‘ . Sulawesi Island is the largest since the first bessi ( iron ) , so it is not surprising Ussu and around the lake Matana containing iron and Nikkel .

The Dutch call this island by the name of Celebes .

The island has been inhabited by humans since 30,000 years ago as evidenced by the presence of ancient relics on the island . For example, the location of prehistoric stone age Besoa Valley

 

.

Maluku has a real name ” Jazirah al – Mulk ” which means a collection / royal peninsula consisting of small kingdoms . Maluku is known as the Thousand Island region and socio-cultural diversity and abundant natural resources .


In 4000 years ago

in the kingdom of Egypt , Pharaoh 12th dynasty , Sesoteris III . Through the data regarding the transaction Egyptian archaeologists in importing incense , ebony , incense , ivory , from the mysterious land where ” Punt ” is derived .

Although archaeological support is lacking, the country ” baboons ” can be identified after Giorgio Buccellati find a container that contains objects such as clove in the middle Euphrates .

In the period 1700 BC ,

the cloves are just in the Maluku islands , Indonesia . In the Middle Ages ( around 1600 AD ) clove spice once one of the most popular and expensive in Europe , exceeding the price of gold .
In addition to cloves , spices from the Moluccas is the fruit of Nutmeg . Fruit Nutmeg ( Myristica fragrans ) tree is a plant form that is derived from the Banda Islands , Maluku .

 

Papua is the second largest island in the world . At around the year 200 AD , Geography expert named Ptolamy LABADIOS call it by name .

At the end of the year 500 AD ,

the Chinese author named Ghau Yu TUNGKI Kua gives the name ,

and by the end of the year 600 AD , the kingdom of Srivijaya Papua naming using JANGGI name . Tidore give a name to this island and its inhabitants as PAPA – UA that has changed the title into PAPUA .

In the 18th century BC , the rulers of Srivijaya empire , sending offerings to the Chinese empire . In the offering would be some birds of paradise , which is believed to be a bird of paradise garden that is native of Papua .

With a strong fleet Sriwijaya visit Maluku and Papua to trade spices – spices , perfume – perfume , pearls and feathers of birds of Paradise .

 

 

In the early centuries AD

began the relationship between the Euro, Indian and Chinese empire with Indonesian, Malaysian and other Asian country

What .When,Where and How were the relationship ?

Who were the Euro,Chinese and Indian eminent People an Leaders that influenced the development of the kingdom in Indonesia and Malaysia at the beginning of the first century until the advent of the kingdom of Srivijaya?
Information relating to the above must be known by all generations now especially the young generations in order to take a good examples to be imitated and prevent recurrence of the things that are not good or bad in the present and future

Look carefully the informations below

Learn from the past

Alam Terkembang Menjadi Guru

Jakarta,February 2014

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

 

 

PROLOGUE

 

 

ORIGINAL Tang Horse

TANG DYNASTY

The Tang dynasty is considered by many people to be the golden age of Chinese civilization. Its emperors presided over one of the greatest periods of Chinese art, culture and diplomacy.

Under the Tangs, China dominated the Far East in a generally amicable and peaceful way; Silk Road trade flourished; Christianity was introduced to China; and Buddhism become so well entrenched that the reproduction of Buddhist texts led to the invention of block printing and calendars.

The Tang Dynasty was centered in Chang’an, a city established by the Han dynasty on the ruins of Emperor Qin Shi Huang’s capital of Xian and developed by Sui emperor Wen Tu. Under the Tangs, Chang’an became a thriving metropolis and center of international trade filled with merchants, foreign traders, missionaries from numerous religions, acrobats, artists and entertainers.

It was the largest city in Asia, perhaps the world, with a population of around two million people at a time when no city in Europe had a population of more than a few hundred thousand.

The city was linked to the rest of China through a network of canals and toll roads which brought more riches and taxes into Chang’an.

The Tang dynasty is often regarded as the classical period of Chinese civilization. It was a relatively peaceful phase in Chinese history.

The other major power center during the Tang Dynasty was Baghdad, the home of the Muslim Abbasid dynasty.

Robust trade between the two empires took place on the Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Road. Important ports included present-day Guangzhou in China and present-day Basra in Iraq. In the ninth century an estimated 10,000 foreign traders and merchants lived in Guangzhou, many of them Arabs and Persians.

There is some debate as to when the Tang dynasty began. Most historians argue that it was inaugurated by a Sui official named Li Yuan (later known as Gaozu) who took power after the last Sui emperor was assassinated in 618. The Tangs had Turkic influences and a little Turkish blood.

Websites and Resources

Good Websites and Sources: Wikipedia ; Google Book: China’s Golden Age: Everday Life in the Tang Dynasty by Charles Bennbooks.google.com/books ; Warring States Project Warring States Project Empress Wuwomeninworldhistory.com ;

Good Websites and Sources on Tang Culture: Metropolitan Museum of Art metmuseum.org ; Tang Poems etext.lib.virginia.edu; Tang Horses persiancarpetguide.com China Vista chinavista.com : Links in this Website: CHINA CERAMICSfactsanddetails.com/china ; CHINESE PAINTING factsanddetails.com/china

Links in this Website: IMPERIAL CHINA factsanddetails.com ; CHINESE ART FROM THE GREAT DYNASTIESfactsanddetails.com/china ; CHINESE DYNASTIES Factsanddetails.com/China ; COURT LIFE AND EMPERORSFactsanddetails.com/China ; MANDARINS IN CHINA Factsanddetails.com/China ; EUNUCHS IN CHINA Factsanddetails.com/China ; SHANG DYNASTY (2200-1700 B.C.) AND XIA DYNASTY Factsanddetails.com/China ; ZHOU (CHOU) DYNASTY (1100-221 B.C.)Factsanddetails.com/China ; EMPEROR QIN AND THE QIN DYNASTY (221-206 B.C.) Factsanddetails.com/China ; HAN DYNASTY (206 B.C.-A.D. 220) Factsanddetails.com/China ; TANG DYNASTY (A.D. 690-907) Factsanddetails.com/China ; SONG DYNASTY (960-1279) Factsanddetails.com/China ; YUAN (MONGOL) DYNASTY (1215-1368) ; MING DYNASTY (1368-1644)Factsanddetails.com/China ; QING (MANCHU) DYNASTY (1644-1911) Factsanddetails.com/China ; THEMES IN CHINESE HISTORYFactsanddetails.com/China ; CHINESE FIRSTS–GUNPOWDER, MACHINES, FOODS AND CHAIRS Factsanddetails.com/China ; CHINESE FIRSTS–PAPER, MONEY, ASTRONOMY, CLOCKS Factsanddetails.com/China ; GREAT WALL OF CHINAFactsanddetails.com/China ; SILK ROAD factsanddetails.com ; MARITIME SILK ROAD factsanddetails.com ; SILK ROAD HISTORY AND EXPLORERS factsanddetails.com ;

Good Websites and Sources on Early Chinese History: 1) Ancient China Life ancientchinalife.com ; 2) Ancient China for School Kids elibrary.sd71.bc.ca/subject_resources ; 3) Oriental Style ourorient.com ; 4) Chinese Text Projectchinese.dsturgeon.net ; 5) Minnesota State University site mnsu.edu/emuseum/prehistory ; 6) ChinaVoc.com ChinaVoc.com ; 7) Early Medieval China Journal languages.ufl.edu/EMC ; 8) History of China history-of-china.com ; 9) U.S.C. Educationusc.edu/libraries/archives Books: Cambridge History of Ancient China edited by Michael Loewe and Edward Shaughnessy (1999, Cambridge University Press); The Culture and Civilization of China, a massive, multi-volume series, (Yale University Press);Mysteries of Ancient China: New Discoveries from the Early Dynasties by Jessica Rawson (British Museum, 1996)

Good Chinese History Websites: 1) Chaos Group of University of Maryland chaos.umd.edu/history/toc ; 2) Brooklyn College siteacademic.brooklyn.cuny.edu ; 3) Wikipedia article on the History of China Wikipedia 4) China Knowledge chinaknowledge.de ; 5) China History Forum chinahistoryforum.com ; 6) Gutenberg.org e-book gutenberg.org/files ; 7 ) WWW VL: History Chinavlib.iue.it/history/asia

Look carefully the original Tang Horse and compare with the repro at the next page

 

 

 

 

TANG CERAMIC REPRO

 

 


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Antique Vintage Asian Tang Jade Horse Statue

 

tang horse sculptures | Antique Vintage Asian Tang Jade Horse Statue by Hild4 on Etsy

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tang horse sculptures | Tang Dynasty Horse, (8th century) Quality Lost Wax Bronze Statue …

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tang horse sculptures | Mid-Century Italian Majolica Tang-Style Horse Sculpture at 1stdibs

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tang horse sculptures | Noble Chinese Tang Bronze Horse Statue 9 ” W

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tang horse sculptures | 126: Tang Dynasty Replica Alabaster Horse Sculpture: : Lot 126

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tang horse sculptures | LARGE WHITE TANG HORSE STATUE

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tang horse sculptures | Tico Decorations,kitchenware,home decor & Gifts Tang Horse Statue

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tang horse sculptures | Sculptures,China Wholesale Sculptures-(Page 46)

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Huge bronze tang horse, antique sculpture, han chinese

 

tang horse sculptures | … 詳細資料: HUGE BRONZE TANG HORSE, ANTIQUE

 

 

 

ORIGINAL TANG CERAMIC

Antique Chinese Ceramics

John Fairman

 

A tomb figure depicting a Turkic caravan woman rousing her camel while nursing. It is earthenware with unfired colouring and from the Tang dynasty.

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Vase Meiping en porcelaine de type Jun Chine, fin de la dynastie Song-début de la dynastie Jin, XIII E siècle – Sotheby’s

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Tang Dynasty

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Tang Dynasty Pottery Horse 618-906 A.D.

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Song Dynasty Amphora (960 to 1279 AD)

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11th century stonewar body of incense burner, missing rim and foot, Cizhou ware. Song dynasty China.

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A black earthenware stem cup Neolithic Period, Longshan Culture Estimate:

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Jar with Dragons, Chinese, Shang Dynasty

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Vase with Waves China (Southern Song or Yuan Dynasty) The Cleveland Museum of Art

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Ovoid Bottle DATE: late 12th century MEDIUM: Huai-jen ware Stoneware with dark-brown glaze and “cut-glaze” decoration

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Han Dynasrty

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The Seven-Storey Joint Pottery Granary Tower

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Central watchtower [China] (1984.397) | Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art

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HISTORY

Tang Dynasty Rule and Achievements

The Tang dynasty (A.D. 618-907), with its capital at Chang’an, is regarded by historians as a high point in Chinese civilization– equal, or even superior, to the Han period. Its territory, acquired through the military exploits of its early rulers, was greater than that of the Han. Stimulated by contact with India and the Middle East, the empire saw a flowering of creativity in many fields. Buddhism, originating in India around the time of Confucius, flourished during the Tang period, becoming thoroughly sinicized and a permanent part of Chinese traditional culture. [Source: The Library of Congress]

“Block printing was invented, making the written word available to vastly greater audiences. The Tang period was the golden age of literature and art.

A government system supported by a large class of Confucian literati selected through civil service examinations was perfected under Tang rule. This competitive procedure was designed to draw the best talents into government. But perhaps an even greater consideration for the Tang rulers, aware that imperial dependence on powerful aristocratic families and warlords would have destabilizing consequences, was to create a body of career officials having no autonomous territorial or functional power base.

As it turned out, these scholar-officials acquired status in their local communities, family ties, and shared values that connected them to the imperial court. From Tang times until the closing days of the Qing empire in 1911, scholarofficials functioned often as intermediaries between the grassroots level and the government. [Ibid]

“By the middle of the eighth century A.D., Tang power had ebbed. Domestic economic instability and military defeat in 751 by Arabs at Talas, in Central Asia, marked the beginning of five centuries of steady military decline for the Chinese empire. Misrule, court intrigues, economic exploitation, and popular rebellions weakened the empire, making it possible for northern invaders to terminate the dynasty in 907. The next half-century saw the fragmentation of China into five northern dynasties and ten southern kingdoms. [Ibid]

 

 

 

 

Tang Emperors

Tang Taizong, the second emperor of the Tang Dynasty, is one the most admired Chinese leaders and is known for his love of art. He so admired the calligrapher Wang His-chi he took his famous work Preface to the Gathering at the Orchid Pavilion with him to his grave.

The most famous Tang ruler was Minghuang (685-761), who was also known as the “Radiant Emperor.” He developed Chang’an into a center of art and culture. His court drew scholars and artists from all over Asia

The Tang dynasty had its share of corrupt, incompetent and decadent leaders. One 8th century Tang emperor spent nearly all of his time hunting and kept 5,000 chows and a staff of 10,000 huntsmen. The ninth Tang emperor was so distracted by a concubine named Yang Guifei it led to the catastrophe of 755.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Empress Wu Zetian


Empress Wu Empress Wu Ze Tian, the first female ruler in Chinese history, usurped the throne in 690 and is credited by many historians with founding the Tang Dynasty.

 

The daughter of a Shanxi lumber dealer, she grew up in Shaanxi and was briefly a nun before she worked her way up to empress from a low-ranking concubine. Regarded as a tyrant, she reportedly killed many of her rivals and changed the name of the dynasty from Tang to Chou (or Zhou) although it was changed back after she died.

Empress Wu Zetian was the only female emperor in Chinese history. Her story has intrigued many in China, and has been the subject of a TV series.

She expanded China, improved international relations and trade, raised the status of women and encouraged the arts. Under her rule great works of art such as Buddhist statuary, mounted dolls playing musical instruments, gold and silverworks, ceramics and glassware were produced. She reportedly had her own harem of men and is famous for being tactful with her husbands.. She was killed in a palace coup in A.D. 710 AD.

Wu Zetain had high-level female officials working under her. In September 2013, the BBC reported: “The ancient tomb of a female politician in China, described as the country’s “female prime minister”, has been discovered, Chinese media say. The tomb of Shangguan Wan’er, who lived from 664-710 AD, was recently found in Shaanxi province. Archaeologists confirmed the tomb was hers this week. She was a famous politician and poet and a trusted aide of Wu Zetian. The grave was discovered near an airport in Xianyang, Shaanxi province, reports said. A badly damaged epitaph on the tomb helped archaeologists confirm that the tomb was Shangguan Wan’er’s. Experts described the discovery as one of “major significance”, even though it had been subject to “large-scale damage”. “The roof had completely collapsed, the four walls were damaged, and all the tiles on the floor had been lifted up,”

 

 

Geng Qinggang, an archaeology research associate in Shaanxi, told Chinese media. “Hence, we think it must have been subject to large-scale, organised damage… quite possibly damage organised by officials,” he said. [Source: BBC News, September 12, 2013]

Tang Power and Leadership

The T’ang dynasty was the most militarily powerful of all the dynasties. It expanded the Chinese empire across the Great Wall of China and beyond the Himalayas. At its height, it administered much of present-day China and exerted control or received tributes from a dozen other kingdoms, including those in Korea, Tibet, Mongolia, Japan, Indonesia and most of Southeast Asia.

The Tang didn’t build walls. They were skilled at dealing with the Central Asian tribes that challenged them, knowing when to use diplomacy and when to go to war. The fact they were part Turkish, the ethnicity of many of the Central Asian tribes that threatened them, also helped

The Tangs ruled with a pyramidal administration system consisting of the Emperor, and three main ministries at the top. Underneath them were nine courts and six advisory boards. To discourage warlordism and establish regional power bases, China itself was broken down into 300 prefectures and 1,500 counties, a system which persists to this day.

Advances to the West by the Tang Dynasty were slowed by the Turks in the late 7th century. In 751, in the Battle of Talas, Tang Chinese forces attempting to extend the Chinese empire into Central Asia were annihilated by a Muslim army not far from Samarkand in present-day Uzbekistan. The defeat kept the Chinese out of Central Asia and opened up Central Asia and Western China to Islam.

Openness and Ideas in the Tang Dynasty

The Tang emperors were known for their openness to new ideas about art, religion, philosophy and music that were brought in by foreigners who flowed into China along the Silk Road trade routes.

 

Unlike most Chinese dynasties which tried to cut off their empire from influences from the outside world, the Tang ruling families tolerated outsiders and members of variety of religious sects.

Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen of the Theater Academy Helsinki wrote: “Changan, with its approximately one million inhabitants, was a well organised cosmopolitan city, where international embassies and traders had their own, designated quarters. The city bustled with Central Asian horsemen, international traders, many in their national costumes, as well as elegant beauties with tiny, painted lips, all of them immortalised in the Tang-period terracotta statuettes. The terracotta figurines also give enlightening information about the many forms of music, dance, mimes and other entertainment which were in vogue during that time.” [Source:Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen, Asian Traditional Theater and Dance website, Theater Academy Helsinki]

Taoists, Confucian scholars, Nestorian Christian missionaries, Zoroastrian priests and Buddhist monks, among them ones who helped found Zen Buddhism in Japan, all felt comfortable in Tang era China and practiced and to certain degrees proselytized their religions.

 

 

 

New inventions from the T’ang dynasty included the magnetic compass, gunpowder, the abacus, printing, and cataract surgery. Silks, porcelain and art were traded for spices, ivory and other goods along the Silk Road caravan routes. Sea routes took Chinese goods as far away as Africa and the Middle East.

Cosmopolitan culture flourished. Tens of thousands of foreigners lived in major Chinese cities.

Women held high government offices, played polo with men and wore men’s clothes. Chinese intermarried with nomadic peoples. Foreigners such as Turks rose to high positions in the civil service and the military.The economy changed a great deal in the Tang and Song dynasties, going from what was basically a subsistence economy to one in which peasantry was active in local and long-distance trade and non-food crops such as silk were produced on a large scale.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Religion and Buddhism in the Tang Dynasty


Tang Buddhist sculpture Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen of the Theater Academy Helsinki wrote: “Buddhism, brought from India via Central Asia, became the dominant religion. Nestorian Christianity, Manichaeism and later Islam were also practised. During liberal times they lived peacefully side by side with the traditional indigenous belief systems and ideologies, Taoism and Confucianism. In the visual arts the pan-Asian Buddhist style was combined with the refinement of Tang court elegance. Tang China was open to outside influences and the trade routes brought to Changan monks, scholars, artists, musicians and dancers from all over the then known world.” [Source:Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen, Asian Traditional Theater and Dance website, Theater Academy Helsinki]

During the 6th century Chinese Buddhism was consolidated and standardized. Great schools were founded that boasted thousands of disciples. Schools with royal patrons built huge monasteries. Between A.D. 476 and 540 the number temples rose from 6,500 to 30,900 and the number of monks and nuns grew from 80,000 to 200,000 (out of a population of 50 million).

Buddhism reached its height in the Tang Dynasty. Doctrines were refined. Schools expanded. The Pure Land School and the worship of Amitabha became widespread. Many Tang emperors were Buddhists, or at least nominally favorable to Buddhism. Some great Chinese poets from the period were monks.

In A.D. 629, the Chinese monk Hsuan Tsang left the Tang dynasty capital and traveled west—on foot, on horseback and by camel and elephant—to India and returned in A.D. 645 with 700 Buddhist texts from which Chinese deepened their understanding of Buddhism. Hsuan Tsang is remembered as a great scholar for his translations from Sanskrit to Chinese but also for his descriptions of the places he visited—the great Silk Road cities of Kashgar and Samarkand and the great stone Buddhas in Bamiyan, Afghanistan. His trip was the inspiration of the for Journey to the West, widely regarded as one of the great novels of Chinese literature. [Book: “Ultimate Journey, Retracing the Path of an Ancient Buddhist Monk Who Crossed Asia in Search of Enlightenment” by Richard Bernstein (Alfred A. Knopf)]

Towards the end of the Tang dynasty, Chinese emperors began to favor Taoism over Buddhism;. monks and nuns were secularized; temples and libraries were destroyed. Buddhism remained overshadowed by Taoism and Confucianism until it experienced a revival in the 11th century.

Battle of Talas

As China became strong during the Tang dynasty it began expanding westward, for the most part relying more on diplomatic skills than military might to achieve its goals. The strategy worked well until one Chinese viceroy went too far and ordered the murder of the khan of the Tashkent Turks.

In 751 an alliance of enraged Turks, opportunist Arabs and Tibetans maneuvered a Chinese force into the Talas Valley in present-day Kazakhstan and Kyrzgzstan. In the ensuing battle—the Battle of Talas—the Chinese were routed and forced back across the Tian Shan. Tibetans moving up from the south were driven out of the Tarim basin by Uighur Turks, allies of the Tang. The Uighars have been in the region ever since.

The Battle of Talas, ended Chinese ambitions in Central Asia. After the battle, the Turk, Arab and Tibetans splintered and instability was the rule in Central Asia until the 9th century when the Samanid dynasty rose up.

 

 

 

End of Tang Dynasty

The humiliations that resulted form the annihilation of the Tang forces at the Battle of Talas destabalized the Tang dynasty by showing its weaknesses and opening it up to rebellions from powerful generals.

During the Tang dynasty arts and ideas flourished when record rice harvest were being recorded, but the entire dynasty began to collapse when the rising population began to outstrip the food supply. An Arab traveler to China at end of the Tang dynasty wrote that “Chinese law permits the eating of human flesh, and this flesh is sold publically in markets” as a means of providing enough food

The Tang dynasty was greatly weakened when a powerful general named An Lushan drove the Tang emperor from the capital in 755. Even though An was killed in 757, the rebellion continues until 763 at a cost of perhaps a millions deaths. In much of the late 8th century the Tang Dynasty wa sin decline.

In the 9th century disputes within the court grew more acrimonious and the Tang dynasty weakened further. Invaders from the north destroyed the Tang dynasty in 907, and China once again was thrown into a period of anarchy and disunity that lasted this time for about a half a century.

 

 

Culture During the Tang Dynasty


Tang sleeve dancer The Tang Dynasty was a golden age for the Chinese arts. Landscape painting and bronze sculpture (Tang horses) were perfected and famous poets wrote verse.

Chinese acrobatics and dance also took off. Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen of the Theater Academy Helsinki wrote: “Literature, the visual arts, and music flourished and the theatrical arts were evolving towards their present forms. The most influential capital of the dynasty was Changan (C’hang-an) (currently Xi’an, Hsi-an) in Central China. During the Tang dynasty it was the world’s biggest metropolis. A vast network of caravan routes, generally known as the Silk Road, connected Changan with Central Asia, India, Persia and finally with the Mediterranean world. The influence of Tang culture spread to Korea as well as to Japan, where two of its capitals, Nara and Kyoto, were built according to the city plan of Changan.” [Source:Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen, Asian Traditional Theater and Dance website, Theater Academy Helsinki]

Chinese poetry reached its zenith in the Tang dynasty. Poets often sat beneath the moon and drank wine from cups floated on rivers and composed poems like: “The sun beyond the mountain glows/ The Yellow River seaward flows/ But if you desire a grander sight/ The you must scale a greater height.” Poets sometimes played a game in which a cup was placed in a stream and a poet had to compose a poem before the cup floated by. If he failed he had to consume a glass of wine.

Famous Tang dynasty poets include Tu Fu (Du Fu, 712-70), Li Po (701-62,) Wang Wei (701-761), Li Bai, Bo Juyi, Li You and Huang Tingjian. Tu Fu poems inspired many Chinese painters. Xue Tao was a famous female poet. Wang Wei was a poet-painter who said “there are paintings in his poems and poems in his paintings.” See Literature

In the Tang Dynasty dances and music styles from outside of China were incorporated into Chinese dance and Chinese styles were passed onto other parts of the world, particularly Korea and Japan. Hundreds of young men and women were trained in dance and music at a school called the Academy of the Pear Garden. Tang poets wrote of “the dance of the rainbow skirt and feathered jacket” and described how dancers used their long silk sleeves to accentuate their hand movements. This kind of sleeve dancing was also depicted in sculptures and Buddhist cave art from teh Tang period.

Gambling was also popular. A crackdown on gambling included penalties of 100 lashes and death and forced tenure in the army.

Art During the Tang Dynasty

Ideas and art flowed into China on the Silk Road along with commercial goods during the Tang period. Art produced in China at this time reveals influences from Persia, India, Mongolia, Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East. Tang sculptures combined the sensuality of Indian and Persian art and the strength of the Tang empire itself.

 

Art critic Julie Salamon wrote in the New York Times, that artists in the Tang dynasty “absorbed influences from all over the world, synthesized them and a created a new multiethnic Chinese culture.”

Tang funerary vessels often contained figures of merchants. warriors, grooms, musicians and dancers. There are some works that have Hellenistic influences that came via Bactria in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Some Buddhas of immense size were produced.

None of the tombs of the Tang emperors have been opened but some tombs of the royal family members have excavated, Most of them were thoroughly looted. The most important finds are murals and paintings in lacquer. They contain delightful images of court life.

Proto-porcelain evolved during the Tang dynasty. It was made by mixing clay with quartz and the mineral feldspar to make a hard, smooth-surfaced vessel. Feldspar was mixed with small amounts of iron to produce an olive-green glaze.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Tang Horses

Tang horses are among the most famous works of Chinese art. Made from ceramic, some are glazed in blue, green amber and have elaborate saddle blankets and tasseled bridles. Other are made of unglazed ceramic and thereby look more modern like a Rodin statute. The horses are often in frantic positions: with their heads raises and nostrils flared, or twisting around to get at something on their backs. Many had a grooved channel running the length of the arched neck, where a real horsehair mane was placed, and had a hole in their rear for a horsehair tail. Most are only around 15 inches tall.

Chinese art specialist J.J. Lally told the New York Times, “Tang horses are the most widely popular image of Chinese art because they are immediately accessible to everyone. You don’t have to read the Tang dynasty was a moment in Chinese art when there was a strong move toward realism and strong decorative impulse. Horses imported from the Near East were precious. In Tang China, the horse was the emblem of wealth and power. They are meant to embody rank and speed.”

The Chinese used horses as far back as the Shang dynasty (1600 to 1100 B.C.) but these were mainly strong, draft animals. Later they began importing horses from Central Asia and Middle East. By the Tang dynasty horses were favorite subjects of not only artists but also poets and composers. The inspiration for the many of Tang horses were Tall horses, the heavenly horses from Central Asia introduced to China in the first century B.C.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Varieties of Tang Horses

Some of the most treasured Tang horses were glazed in cobalt blue. Gallery owner Khalil Rizk told the New York Times, “Only 5 percent of Tang horses have blue glaze.

Cobalt was put on during the last firing. Cobalt was a treasured commodity imported from the Middle East; it was more valuable than gold. Its use means the horse was for someone of the highest rank.”

 

Describing a relatively ordinary Tang horse that sold for $266,500 at a Christie’s auction, Wendy Moonan wrote in the New York Times, “Unglazed, it had its head lowered toward its left foreleg, which was slightly raised.”

One extraordinary glazed Tang pieces depicts a kneeling man with a horse’s head. The expression on the horse’s head is sensitive. Tang artist also made some extraordinarily beautiful ceramic animals, including a glazed earthenware camel carrying a troupe of musicians.

The highest price ever paid for ceramics and/or a Chinese work of art was $6.1 million for a Tang dynasty horse sold by the British Rail Pension Fund to a Japanese dealer at Sotheby’s in London in December 1989. Collectors like Tang horses because they can be dated with some certainty using thermoluminescnece testing.

Tang Buddhist Sculpture

The periods of Chinese Buddhist art closely parallel the phases the Buddhist religion went through in China Works that appeared in the 5th and 6th centuries were very free and individualistic. In the Tang period the art became more mature and robust, with Buddhist figures featuring graceful lines and curves. In the 10th to 13th century Buddist art became more refined. After that it was rooted in tradition and lacked innovation.

Wonderful 6th and 7th century Buddhist sculptures have been unearthed in northern China along the Silk Road in Gansu and Ningxia. This include a big-nosed clay representation of a Buddha disciple; a granite carving of Avalokitesvara, a popular Buddhist deity; and a bronze figure of a dancing Sogidian. Many of the work bears influences from Persia and Central Asia. The Sogdians were a Persian culture centered around Samarkand

A relief a Buddha flanked by two bodhisattvas and a life-size bodhisattva feature extraordinary detail and expression. Souren Melikian wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “A seated Buddha that was once enthroned represents a classical moment of its art. The perfect proportions project a sense of harmony and the expression of imperious illumination speaks of a powerful , self confident art. A figure in motion is unique in the art of China, with its knees very slightly flexed lifting the light drape adhering to the body.”

Tang dynasty figures are known for their provocative poses. Those that were painted are known for their soft colors and patterns.

Tang Dynasty Painting

During the Tang Dynasty ( both figure painting and landscape painting reached great heights of maturity and beauty. Forms were carefully drawn and rich colors applied in painting that were later called “gold and blue-green landscapes.” This style was supplanted by the technique of applying washes of monochrome ink that captured images in abbreviated, suggestive forms.

During the late Tang dynasty (907-960) bird, flower and animal painting were especially valued. There were two major schools of this style of painting: 1) rich and opulent and 2) “untrammeled mode of natural wilderness.” Unfortunately, few works from the Tang period remain.

Lovely murals were discovered in the tomb of Princess Yongtain, the granddaughter of Empress Wu Zetiab (624?-705) on the outskirts of Xian. One shows a lady-in-waiting holding a nyoi stick while another lady holds glassware. It is similar to tomb art found in Japan. A painting on silk cloth dated to the A.D. mid-8th century found in the tomb of a rich family in the Astana tombs near Urumqi in western China depicts a noblewoman with rouge cheeks deep in concentration as she plays go.

Famous Tang dynasty paintings include Zhou Fang’s Palace Ladies Wearing Flowered Headdresses, a study of several beautiful, plump women having their hair done; Wei Xian’s The Harmonious Family Life of an Eminent Recluse, a Five Dynasties portrait of a father teaching his son in a pavilion surrounded by jagged mountains; and Han Huang’s Five Oxen, an amusing depiction of a five fat oxen.

Wang Wei (701-761) is a legendary Tang dynasty painter and poet who said “there are paintings his poems and poems in his paintings.”

Tang-Era Arab Shipwreck

In the 1998 sea cumcumber divers working in the Gelesa Straight found some coral-encrusted ceramics, and further scraping away revealed a 9th century Arab dhow laden with 60,000 handmade ceramics and some pieces of gold and silver. Much of the cargo was made of up cheap, mass-produced, Chinese-made bowls, known as Changsa bowls, placed n large storage jars. There was also ink pots, spices jars of various sizes and ewers. [Source: Simon Worrall, National Geographic, June 2009]

The destination of the ship appeared to be Middle East, meaning that ship was traveling the maritime Silk Road. Many of the bowls were decorated with geometric decorations and Koranic motifs that were clearly intended for Middle Eastern market. This implied she objects were made to order for Middle Eastern customers.

The dhow was almost 20 meters long. It resembled a kind of sailing dhow still used in Oman called a baitl qarib. Built of African and Indian wood, it had a raked prow and stern and was fitted with square sails and made of planks sewn together with coconut husks fiber.

Significance of the Tang-Era Arab Shipwreck

Sonia Kolesnikov-Jessop wrote in the New York Times, “For more than a decade, archaeologists and historians have been studying the contents of a ninth-century Arab dhow that was discovered in 1998 off Indonesia’s Belitung Island. The sea-cucumber divers who found the wreck had no idea it eventually would be considered one of the most important maritime discoveries of the late 20th century. The dhow was carrying a rich cargo “ 60,000 ceramic pieces and an array of gold and silver works “ and its discovery has confirmed how significant trade was along a maritime silk road between Tang Dynasty China and Abbasid Iraq. It also has revealed how China was mass-producing trade goods even then and customizing them to suit the tastes of clients in West Asia. [Source: Sonia Kolesnikov-Jessop, New York Times, March 7, 2011]

‘shipwrecked: Tang Treasures and Monsoon Winds,” an exhibition that opened at the ArtScience Museum in Singapore in 2011 and was put together by the Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery and Smithsonian Institution in Washington, featured amny artifacts from the belitung shipwreck. “This exhibition tells us a story about an extraordinary moment in globalization,” Julian Raby, director of the Smithsonian’s Freer Gallery of Art and Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, told the New York Times. “It brings to life the tale of Sinbad sailing to China to make his fortune. It shows us that the world in the ninth century was not as fragmented as we assumed. There were two great export powers: the Tang in the east and the Abbasid based in Baghdad.”

Until the Belitung find, historians had thought that Tang China traded primarily through the land routes of Central Asia, mainly on the Silk Road. Ancient records told of Persian fleets sailing the Southeast Asian seas but no wrecks had been found, until the Belitung dhow. Its cargo confirmed that a huge volume of trade was taking place along a maritime route, said Heidi Tan, a curator at the Asian Civilisations Museum and a co-curator of the exhibition.

Mr. Raby said: “The size of the find gives us a sense of two things: a sense of China as a country already producing things on an industrialized scale and also a China that is no longer producing ceramics to bury.” He was referring to the production of burial pottery like camels and horses, which was banned in the late eighth century. “Instead, kilns looked for other markets and they started producing tableware and they built an export market.”

Artifacts from the Tang-Era Arab Shipwreck

‘shipwrecked: Tang Treasures and Monsoon Winds” featured only 450 of the 60,000 objects found in the shipwreck but the rows of similar bowls that were displayed underscored the importance and size of the find.

 

 

Sonia Kolesnikov-Jessop wrote in the New York Times, ‘stacked in the dhow, hundreds of tall stoneware jars each held more than a hundred nested Changsha bowls “ named after the Changsha kilns in Hunan where they were produced. Of the thousands of hand-painted pieces, almost all carry one of a few set patterns, but these were copied by many hands, resulting in an impression of huge variety.

Not all of the ceramics were mass-produced. Among the most interesting pieces in the exhibition is an extremely rare dish, one of three found in the wreck, with floral lozenge motifs surrounded by sprigs of foliage. They are believed to be the earliest known complete Chinese blue-and-white ceramics.

Ms. Tan, the curator, said: “It demonstrates that the Chinese potters were already experimenting with imported cobalt blue from Iraq, which they applied as underglaze painted decoration, some 500 years earlier than the famous blue and white porcelain of the 14th century.” At the time of the dhow’s discovery, cobalt-blue pigments had been found only in the Middle East, not yet in China, said Alan Chong, director of the Asian Civilisations Museum.

Aside from the rare ceramics, the haul also contained gold and silver objects, some of which Mr. Raby of the Smithsonian described as “of the very best quality you can see, clearly of imperial quality,” adding, “so we believe these were possible diplomatic gifts.” The form and decorative motifs of an octagonal gold cup “ musicians and dancers with long hair and billowing robes “suggest Central Asian metal wares. Mr. Raby said it was believed to be the largest known such gold cup from Tang China, even upstaging, he added, one of the great treasures of Tang gold and silver work: the so-called Hejiacun Hoard, found in what had been one of the southern suburbs of the Tang capital of Xian.

Tang Image Sources: 1) Tang Camel. Ohio State University; 2) Empresss Wu, AllPosters.com ; 3) Tang map, St. Marin edu ; 4) Tang Buddist sculpture, Metropolitan Museum of Art; 5) Sleeve dance, McClung Museum ; 6) Tang horses, Antiques and Art Online;

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, National Geographic, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, Lonely Planet Guides, Compton’s Encyclopedia and various books and other publications.

© 2008 Jeffrey Hays

Last updated August 2013

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

US$ 3600

 

 

For more knowledge about Tang Dynasty and relation with Indonesian Ancestor read and look theinfo below

(Dr Iwan)

The Chinese And Indonesian Ancestors

The Chinese Kapitan Indonesia history Collections

Part Two C

EARLY PRE COLONIAL ERA

THE INDONESIAN EMMITEN ANCESTORS RELIC

DURING ERA BEFORE SRIVIJAYA

Created By

Dr iwan Suwandy,MHA

COPYRIGHT @ 2014

 

 

INTRODUCTIONS

The Map Of Indonesian Archiphelago

Swarnadwipa means the gold Land,also called Andalas Islandbecaue due to Tambo Minangkabau they came from Andalucia

This island with the famous port Lobu Tua (barus) exist since 3000 years BC with their Barus talc or camphor which used to mummification during pharaos

Also from the Yew record known Ophir mountain at Pasaman West sumatera where the gold mining from the Minangkabau Kingdom which export from the old port inderagiri, Barus and Pedir.Then in this island in Chinese record exist the bigger empire Srivijaya which called San Fo shi

 

Java Dwipa or The Rice Land which called Labadiu by Ptelomeus.

At this island found Argyre City (the city of silver) may be this the old Sunda Kingdom or Salaknegara ,

Chinese Wang Yuan record told that the java coin made from silver and Tin.

The Rome Monk Ordorico de Pordone told that the Java kingdom palace full with gold,silver and jewellary.

At This island very famous many kingdom like Tarumanegara,Old Mataram.Sunda,Singosari,Kediri,Majaphit,walisongo,Islamic mataram and Madura Kingdom.

The island of ocean goddest , from Chinese record Tai Png huan yu chi was called Chin Li Pi Si or nusa kencana and also called pulo chung ( the island of ujung tanah) in Malaya,In this island very famous Kutai and the Tanjungpura kingdom.

.

The small island called Lesser Sunda.Bali was the best landscape island and many traveler visit this island since Rsi Markandiya in 8 th Century.In this lesser sunda island there were the famous Horse,and there the bali and Lombok kingdom there.

 

 

The Arabs called the Sulawesi with Sholibis name ..
Sulawesi name supposedly comes from the word ‘ Sula ‘ which means island and ‘ iron ‘ . Sulawesi Island is the largest since the first bessi ( iron ) , so it is not surprising Ussu and around the lake Matana containing iron and Nikkel .

The Dutch call this island by the name of Celebes .

The island has been inhabited by humans since 30,000 years ago as evidenced by the presence of ancient relics on the island . For example, the location of prehistoric stone age Besoa Valley

 

.

Maluku has a real name ” Jazirah al – Mulk ” which means a collection / royal peninsula consisting of small kingdoms . Maluku is known as the Thousand Island region and socio-cultural diversity and abundant natural resources .


In 4000 years ago

in the kingdom of Egypt , Pharaoh 12th dynasty , Sesoteris III . Through the data regarding the transaction Egyptian archaeologists in importing incense , ebony , incense , ivory , from the mysterious land where ” Punt ” is derived .

Although archaeological support is lacking, the country ” baboons ” can be identified after Giorgio Buccellati find a container that contains objects such as clove in the middle Euphrates .

In the period 1700 BC ,

the cloves are just in the Maluku islands , Indonesia . In the Middle Ages ( around 1600 AD ) clove spice once one of the most popular and expensive in Europe , exceeding the price of gold .
In addition to cloves , spices from the Moluccas is the fruit of Nutmeg . Fruit Nutmeg ( Myristica fragrans ) tree is a plant form that is derived from the Banda Islands , Maluku .

 

Papua is the second largest island in the world . At around the year 200 AD , Geography expert named Ptolamy LABADIOS call it by name .

At the end of the year 500 AD ,

the Chinese author named Ghau Yu TUNGKI Kua gives the name ,

and by the end of the year 600 AD , the kingdom of Srivijaya Papua naming using JANGGI name . Tidore give a name to this island and its inhabitants as PAPA – UA that has changed the title into PAPUA .

In the 18th century BC , the rulers of Srivijaya empire , sending offerings to the Chinese empire . In the offering would be some birds of paradise , which is believed to be a bird of paradise garden that is native of Papua .

With a strong fleet Sriwijaya visit Maluku and Papua to trade spices – spices , perfume – perfume , pearls and feathers of birds of Paradise .

 

 

 

In the early centuries AD

began the relationship between the Euro, Indian and Chinese empire with Indonesian, Malaysian and other Asian country

What .When,Where and How were the relationship ?

Who were the Euro,Chinese and Indian eminent People an Leaders that influenced the development of the kingdom in Indonesia and Malaysia at the beginning of the first century until the advent of the kingdom of Srivijaya?
Information relating to the above must be known by all generations now especially the young generations in order to take a good examples to be imitated and prevent recurrence of the things that are not good or bad in the present and future

Look carefully the informations below

Learn from the past

Alam Terkembang Menjadi Guru

Jakarta,February 2014

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

 

 

 

2 BC

The Godawaya shipwreck treasure at Sri lanka

Galle port Srilanka

with its splendid natural harbour was an important port in days of yore being reputed as a trade centre due to its location just 12 miles away from international sea routes.

Many sunken ships have been found here according to the UNESCO Pacific Zone’s marine archaeological centre in Galle Fort.

There are as many as 26 places that need to be surveyed here which have a history dating back a hundred years. Along the coast in the Galle

and Ambalangoda areas

more than 100 wrecks of ships are reported have been found already. According to divers it is a new world which is the happy breeding grounds for fish.

R K Somadasa de Silva of Hikkaduwa,

a diver of repute had this to say on these findings

 

Galle port Srilanka

with its splendid natural harbour was an important port in days of yore being reputed as a trade centre due to its location just 12 miles away from international sea routes.

 

 

Many sunken ships have been found here according to the UNESCO Pacific Zone’s marine archaeological centre in Galle Fort.

There are as many as 26 places that need to be surveyed here which have a history dating back a hundred years. Along the coast in the Galle

and Ambalangoda areas

more than 100 wrecks of ships are reported have been found already. According to divers it is a new world which is the happy breeding grounds for fish.

R K Somadasa de Silva of Hikkaduwa,

a diver of repute had this to say on these findings.

“I have over 30 years experience as a diver having dived in seas off Germany and England. I have more than 5000 hours of diving experience

and I run an international diving school

 

 

 

 

at the Coral Sands Hotel in Hikkaduwa.

Some shipwrecks in the Galle area are over 500 years old and full of archaeological value. Some organized groups use dynamite to get at treasures in ships sunk between Galle and Ambalangoda.”

 

Some steps have to be taken by marine archaeologists to save these treasures from vandals, he said.

 

An ancient clay pot retrieved from the seas off Godawaya in Ambalantota

 

Somadasa inspecting the remains an undersea wreck

 

A bell retrieved from the ocean floor

Ambalagoda srilanka art

 

The ambaguan south india srilanka art had many realted with Indonesian Hindu art at Bali

 

 

Diplomatic relations between Rome and South India are known by historian in 2 BC

.1st Century

2 AD

St Thomas ,

one of the disciples Of Jesus Christ came to India in 52 AD,

landed

at Kodungallur (Mallyankara)

in Kerala,

 

preached

Gospel

and

conveated thousand of Christian faith.

St.Thomas, referred to as Didymus, in the Gospel of St.John is one of the twelve disciples of Jesus Christ. He is one of the prime witnesses to the resurrection of Jesus.

St Thomas is one of the prime witnesses to the resurrection of Jesus

The Great Famine of 843 (90 AD)

 

 

The monsoons

are a series of winds that bring in moist clouds that drench the areas of India and SoutheastA picture of the onset dates of Monsoons in the Indian Subcontinent. These did not occur in the year 843 (90 AD).Asia in rain during the Summer.

These weather patterns are very sensitive and vulnerable to changes in the environment. In the summer of the year 843 (90 AD)

the monsoons did not arrive in Southeast Asia and the people of Nan as well as Srivijaya fell into famine.

 

At the same time the deserts of Northern Sinica began to send great sandstorms further outside the desert than they had ever reached before, which also chocked many of the river valleys of Sinica.

The death that ensued was massive and amplified even more so by the fact that it came at the end of a time of long and sustained peace between the powers of East Asia.

The only areas that were rather uneffected by these developments were the Indonesian islands of Srivijaya, which many of the wealthier members of their society fled to after leaving the continent, as well as the Easternmost areas of the Second Han Dynasty and the Japanese Colonies.

The Srivijaya were, for the most part, to far for people from Sinica to reach them.

 

 

 

The dying people of what was Song and Tang moved East.

The death that surrounded the people of Sinica was so great that it became the topic of the first novel story of a young boy losing his parents to a long move to the the city of Shanghai to find food and a future.

These new cities were started on routes moving to the East grew into trading centers once the rains returned and the Western areas were suitable for repopulation. .

The move to retake the Mongolian parts of North Asia by the Japanese was met without resistance by the leadership of Mongolia who would greet any occupier who could offer them food

The World around the Indian Ocean after the Great Famine of 843 (90 AD).

Red: Maurya Empire, Orange: Roman Empire, Green: Srivijaya Empire, Light Blue: Parthian Empire, Blue: Ethiopian Kingdom, Purple: Satavahana Kingdom most no defenses on their borders with the retreat of the soldiers back to the islands.

Srivijaya was however of a firm diplomatic ground with the other Empires.

The next movement in the Asian Continent in response to the monsoons was in the country that was most effected by monsoon cycle, India.

The Indians began a campaign of migration in search of food and money. What reserves the successful Maurya Empire had went to these ships that began to explore the Indian Ocean and to control it so that they can gain food from more fertile areas.

The first move was made by a wealthy family from around the Andhra Coast.

The second branch of the Indian exploration for food went to the islands of the Srivijaya Empire

The First King of Satavahana

 

The Kingdom of Satavahana 

 

was established in a rebellion to the Maurya rulers.

The earlier civil war which resulted in a major blow to some of the more independent minded clans solidified the Maurya Dynasty but came at the expense of other clans like the Satavahana.

 

Among these was the Sungas which later immigrated to the Srivijaya Empire, and in many ways aided them in exposing the weaknesses and possible routes of invasion of the Peninsula.

The desire to take the lands of any other Empire was a source of support for these radicals in some parts of India.

They would be even more angered at the developments in Srivijaya, an Empire which had been taunting the Indians with threats and embargoes on their trade and even going so far as to attack the Indian Coast directly

 

 

 

The Sātavāhanas were one of the first Indian states to issue coins struck with their rulers embossed.

Any money that could be extracted from the traveling people was, the inability of them to leave after they ran out of money led many to settle around the richest person who could orchestrate the movement of food.

 

During the Han dynasty,

occupied Vietnam (Chaio Chih) received ships travelling to China from Java, Burma, Iran and the Roman empire. Khmers and Indians were living in major centres. Overseas trade was controlled by the Chinese.
Nguyen Khac Vien, Vietnam: a long history, p..24-25

A Han dynasty dragon bowl excavated in Indonesia is strikingly similar to one excavated in Guangzhou.
Maritime Silk Route 1996, p.69

 

Dr Iwan Notes

I seen at Jakarta Indonesia National Central Museum some Han dynasty Ceramic, and in my collections I have found some artifact of Han dynasty plate from west java, and artifact eathern jar fom west borneo, also

one Han dynasty cash coin found at Bali.

 

 

 

 

 

Menhir Sang Hyang Heuleut

This site found near the Pulosari Mout at Padeglang area Bantam province West Java.

The people there said that this Menhir were they husband and wife ancestor

Situs Sang Hyang Dengdek

Sanghyang Dengdek ”Sang Hyang Dengdek” or other name “ Prabu Jayasati Wisesa” were the menhir of the man and Sanghyang Heuleut or “Mas Ratu Lenglang Jagad” was the the women menhir

The people there belief this menhir will made the people who visit the Menhir be success , the Menhir also named “Arca Kisemar” which made everybody who look this Menhir became the intersesting human and everybody will like them

Dr Iwan Visit Sang Hyang Dendek in 2005

From the toll road Jakarta-merak

after toll cibitung

Then toll ciujung bridge

About 30 km

Turn left

Out of the toll road Serang east gate

And

we met the banten capital city serang

 

 

 

Serang tempo dulu

 

 

Serang city now

 

We met

the Indonesian Police Banten Headqauter

Then

Banten Gouvenor Office at Serang city

 

 

 

 

 

 

Out of Serang City about 3 km

we can visit Banten Girang location

Across the cibanten river with

 

the bridge across cibanten river

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

at the front

Museum banten girang

 

 

Turn left met the old cibanten river site

At this site we can seen

 

the old stone at the cibanten river

 

And turn right

the Banten Girang location ex excavation

and I still found there

Artifact of

the Yuan qingpai ewer

and fish celadon bowl artifact

 

 

 

 

 

and

 

then went to Padeglang city about 30 km from serang

.

 

 

desa Sang Hyang Dengdek 31 km dari kota padeglang

.

Dat Cipurut village

Sang Hyang Dengdek village ,saketi about   61 km from Serang City

 

 

 

Situs Batu Goong – Citaman

 

 

 

near ancient telaga

 

 

 

Kingdom of Salakapura

Start in 130 A.D

 

 

after that I visit banten lama

and found very rare dragon overglazed red Bowl

 

Read the complete info at Banten Kingdom history Collections

at a small village named Pandegelang

from a guy named Aki Tirem,an Indian.

He was a village’s chief.

 

 

 

Then came Dewawarman, an Indian trader

which marry Aki Tirem daughter.

When Aki tirem died, Dewawarman hold the power and later built a Kingdom named Salakanagara(from old Sundannese Salaka means Silver and Nagara means country) or Rajaapura samoe says this

what Phtolomeus called Argyre.

Dalanagar reign in Westren Java from 200-362

List of Salaka Nagara Kings:

King .Dewawarman I until VIII

Salakanagara Kingdom was the Earliest First Kingdom In Indonesia

The Early Ancestor was

Aki Tirem

and the First King was

Dewawarman

the Indian envoy to Java and then He merried to

Larasati Pohaci (the daughter of Aki Tirem),

Then Dewawarman as the King with named

“Prabhu Dharmalokapala Dewawarman Haji Raksagapurasagara” .

 

 

 

 

 

2nd Century

130-150 AD

.

Rudradaman I (r. 130–150) was a Saka ruler from the Western Kshatrapas dynasty.

He was the grandson of the celebrated Sah[1] 

king Chastana.

 

Rudradaman I was instrumental in the decline of the Satavahana Empire.

after he became the king and then strengthened his kingdom. During his reign he married a Hindu woman and converted to

Hinduism[2] 

 

 

192 AD

 

Wang Yun (137–192),[1] 

courtesy name Zishi,

was a Minister over the Masses 

 

 

 

under 

 

 

Emperor Xian 

in the late Eastern Han Dynasty.

 

 

During Wang Yun’s time,

the emperors were mere puppets under the power of eunuchs and warlords.

In 192, Wang Yun plotted and successfully staged

Lü Bu‘s

assassination of 

 

Dong Zhuo,

the tyrannical warlord in power.

 

However,

Dong Zhuo’s former subjects soon led a coup,

 

in which

 

Wang Yun along with most of his family were executed.

194 AD

Towards the end of the Han Dynasty,

 

 Sun Ce,

the eldest son of

 

the warlord Sun Jian,

 

 

and his followers borrowed troops from

 

the warlord Yuan Shu

and embarked on a series of military conquests

 

 in the Jiangdong

and Wu regions between 194 and 199,

 

 

 

 

 

seizing several territories previously occupied by

warlords such as 

 

Liu Yao, 

 

 

Liu Yao was an official in the Jiangdong region during the late Eastern Han Dynasty and Three Kingdoms era of China. He ruled for a brief period of time before Sun Ce invaded and conquered his territory, and his Chinese style name was Zhengli .

Unfortunately, Liu Yao was not a good military commander despite being a good administrator.

When Sun Ce attacked him, many his advisors correctly suggested to him that he should name Taishi Ci as the commander-in-chief of his force to defend themselves against Sun Ce, but Liu Yao refused, fearing that Taishi Ci was a fugitive who had just joined him, and his reputation would be tarnished for favoritism, since he was very good friend with Taishi Ci.

The mistake proved to be fatal for Liu Yao and his defeat was generally the same as described in the Romance of Three Kingdoms, and Liu Yao soon died at the age of 42 after fled to Dantu .

After Taishi Ci surrendered to Sun Ce and sent to ask the surrender of Liu Yao’s remaining force, Liu Yao’s son agreed and more than ten thousand begun their service to Sun Ce, with Liu Yao’s son eventually rose in ranks in later eras under Sun Quan.

 

Yan Baihu 

 

and 

 

Wang Lang

 

Wang Lang (onyomi: Ō Rō) is one of the rulers of the Wu Territory.

He, along with Yan Baihu and Liu Yao, was defeated by Sun Ce and he fled to Wei where he served as a high-ranking official.

 

196 AD

Sun Ce broke off relations with

Yuan Shu around 196-197

after the latter declared himself emperor —

an act deemed as treason against 

Emperor Xian, the figurehead ruler of the Han Dynasty.

The warlord Cao Cao, who was the de facto head of government in the Han imperial court, asked Emperor Xian

to grant Sun Ce the title of

“Marquis of Wu” (吳侯).

Page 1 of 2, showing 50 records out of 79 total, starting on record 1, ending on 50

Lot 206 – China. Zhou dynasty. 1122-255 BC AE Cicada money. 3.7 gr. – 39x 20 mm. EF

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Lot 207 – China Zhou Dynasty. 1122-255 BC. AE primitive money. A decorated ring in the centre, 3 concave discs. 9,4 gr. – 58×35 mm. EF. R

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Lot 208 – China Zhou Dynasty. 1122-255 BC. AE primitive “Fish shape money”. 7.1 gr. – 82×16 mm. EF

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Lot 209 – China Zhou Dynasty. 1122-255 BC. AE “Bridge money”. Primitive V shape money. 10.7 gr. – 126 x 48 mm. EF

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Lot 210 – China. Warring states period. State of Yan. 400-200 BC. Ming Knife money. O:\ Ming. R.\ Zuo Cun (var.). AE 12.9 gr. 133 x 24.4…

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Lot 211 – China. Warring states period. State of Yan. 400-200 BC. Ming Knife money. O:\ Ming. R:\ Yi. AE 14.7 gr. 138 x 16 mm. Hartill…

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Lot 212 – China. Warring states period. State of Yan. 400-200 BC. Ming Knife money. O:\ Ming. AE 10.9 gr. 137 x 17 mm. Hartill 4,41 var. EF

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Lot 213 – China. Warring states period. State of Chu. 400-220 BC.Ant Nose money. O:\ Ghost face. AE 0,51 gr. – 13mm.

Starting price: € 40 

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Lot 214 – China. Warring states period. State of Zhao. 350-250 BC. AE Spade money. O:\ Ping Yin. 3,4 gr. – 41×25 mm. Hartill 3.366. EF

Starting price: € 75 
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Lot 215 – China. Warring states period. State of Zhao. 350-250 BC. AE Spade money. O:\ Ping Yin. 5,6 gr. – 43×26 mm. Hartill 3.366. EF

Starting price: € 75 
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Lot 216 – China. Western Han Dynasty. 206 BC-25 AD. AE Ban Liang. O:\ Lian Ban. Reverse var. 2.6 gr.-24 mm. EF. R

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Lot 217 – China. Eastern Han Dynasty. 25-226 AD. AE 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu zhu. Half moon mark below hole in obverse. 3.1 gr. – 26 mm. Hartill…

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Lot 218 – China. Western Han Dynasty. 206 BC-25 AD. AE 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu zhu (var.). 2 dots and 2 lines in obverse. 1.6 gr. 19,9 mm. aEF

Starting price: € 45 
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Lot 219 – China. Western Han Dynasty. 206 BC-25 AD. AE 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu zhu (var.). 2 lines in obverse. 1.7 gr. 22.82 mm. VF

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Lot 220 – China. Western Han Dynasty. 206 BC-25 AD. AE 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu zhu (var.). 2 lines incusedin in obverse. 2.7 gr. 25.72 mm. EF

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Lot 221 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 50 (12 Zhu). O:\ Da Quan Wu Shi. R:\ Lines (var.). 5.8 gr. – 27,5 mm. Hartill 9.1 var….

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Lot 222 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 50 (12 Zhu). O:\ Da Quan Wu Shi. R:\ Lines (var.). 6.0 gr. – 25,7 mm. Hartill 9.1. VF

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Lot 223 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 50 (12 Zhu). O:\ Da Quan Wu Shi. R:\ Lines radiating from corners of hole. 3.2 gr. -…

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Lot 224 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 1 (1 Zhu). O:\ Xiao Quan Zhi Yi. 15,07 mm – 0,5 gr. Hartill 9.14. EF

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Lot 225 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 10 (3 Zhu). O:\ Yao Quan Yi Shi. 16.65 mm – 2.2 gr. Hartill 9.15. RR. F/VF

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Lot 226 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 1 (1 Zhu). O:\ Xiao Quan Zhi Yi. 15,30 mm – 2,1 gr. Hartill 9.14. VF

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Lot 227 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 40 (9 Zhu). O:\ Zhuang Quan Si Shi 4,20 gr. – 23,32 mm Hartill 9.18. RRR. VF

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Lot 228 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Huo Quan (5 Zhu). O:\ Huo Quan. 22.4 mm – 1.4 gr. Hartill 9.32. VF+

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Lot 229 – China. Wei Dynasty. Emperor Wen. 535-556 AD. 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu Zhu. Stout outer rim, inner rim only by the “wu”. 1.7 gr. – 23.20…

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Lot 230 – China. Wei Dynasty. Emperor Wen. 535-556 AD. 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu Zhu. Stout outer rim, inner rim only by the “wu”. 2.5 gr. – 24.5…

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Lot 231 – China. Wei Dynasty. Emperor Wen. 535-556 AD. 5 Zhu. O:\ Wu Zhu. Stout outer rim, inner rim only by the “wu”. 2.4 gr. – 23.6…

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Lot 232 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 50 (12 Zhu). O:\ Da Quan Wu Shi. 4.9 gr. – 25.1 mm. Hartill 9.1. VF+

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Lot 233 – China. Wang Mang- 7-23 AD. AE Value of 20 (5 Zhu). O:\ You Quan Er Shi. 18.25 mm – 2.9 gr. Hartill 9.16. RR F/VF

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Lot 234 – China. Three kingdoms. Kingdom of Wu. 222-280 AD. AE Value of 1000. O:\ Da Quan Dang Qian. 26,14 mm – 3.4 gr. Hartill 11.33….

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Lot 235 – China. Three kingdoms. Kingdom of Shu. 221-265 AD. AE 100 Wu Zhu. O:\ Zhi Bai Zu Zhu. R:\ Er. 25,77 mm – 3.5 gr. Hartill 11.1…

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Lot 236 – China. Wei Dynasty. Emperor Xiao Zhuang. 528-534 AD. AE 5 Zhu. 529 AD. O:\ Yong An Wu Zhu. Rosette hole. 2.1 gr.-23.11 mm….

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Lot 237 – China. The 10 kingdoms period. Shu Kingdom. 907-925 AD. Emperor Wang Yan. AE Cash. 919-925 AD. O:\ Xian Kang yuan bao. R:\…

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Lot 238 – China. The 10 kingdoms period. Kingdom of Min. 909-945 AD. Emperor Wang Shenzhi. Lead Cash. Fujian area. From 922 AD. O:\ Kai…

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Lot 239 – China. Southern Han/Chu Area. 900-971 AD. Lead Cash. O:\ Kai Yuan tong bao R:\ Bao si. 2.5 gr.-22.10 mm. Hartill 15.148 var….

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Lot 240 – China. Tang Dynasty. 618-907 AD. Kai Yuan. Late Type. 732-907 AD. O:\ Kai Yuan tong bao. 3.6 gr.-24 mm. Hartill 14.8. EF

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Lot 241 – China. Tang Dynasty. HUICHANG. 845-846 AD. Kai Yuan. Xingyuan, Shaanxi. O:\ AEKai Yuan tong bao. R:\ Xing. 3.9 gr.-23.86 mm….

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Lot 242 – China. The 10 kingdoms period. Southern Tang Kingdom. 937-975 AD. Emperor Li Yu. AE Kai Yuan. 961-978 AD. O:\ Kai yuan tong…

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Source

deamoneta

 

 

3rd Century

The Satavahanas In the 3rd century CE the empire was split into smaller states

 

According to the data of China Koying were trading in the 3rd century AD

 

200

Sun Ce was assassinated in the summer of 200 and was succeeded by his younger brother,

 Sun Quan.

Sun Quan, like his elder brother, also paid nominal allegiance to Emperor Xian while maintaining autonomous rule over the Wu territories

 

208 AD

In 208, Sun Quan allied with the warlord Liu Bei and they combined forces to defeat Cao Cao at the Battle of Red Cliffs.

218 AD

Sun Quan and Liu Bei maintained their alliance against Cao Cao after the battle for the next ten years or so, despite having some territorial disputes over Jing Province

 

 

219 AD

In 219, Sun Quan severed ties with Liu Bei when he sent his general Lü Meng to invade Liu’s territories in Jing Province.

 Guan Yu, who was defending Liu Bei’s assets in Jing Province, was captured and executed by Sun Quan’s forces.

After that, the boundaries of Sun Quan’s domain extended from beyond the Jiangdong region to include the southern part of Jing Province, which covered roughly present-day Hunan and parts of Hubei.

 

220 AD

In 220, Cao Cao’s son and successor, Cao Pi, ended the Han Dynasty by forcing Emperor Xian to abdicate in his favour and established the state of Cao Wei.

Sun Quan agreed to submit to Wei and was granted the title of a vassal king — “King of Wu” (吳王) — by Cao Pi.

221 AD

A year later, Liu Bei declared himself emperor and founded the state of Shu Han

 

222 AD

In 222, Liu Bei launched a military campaign against Sun Quan to take back Jing Province and avenge Guan Yu,

leading to the Battle of Xiaoting.

However, Liu Bei suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Sun Quan’s general Lu Xun and was forced to retreat to Baidicheng, where he died a year later.

Liu Bei’s successor,

 Liu Shan,

and his regent,

 Zhuge Liang,

made peace with Sun Quan later and reaffirmed their previous alliance.

 

 

Sun Quan

declared independence from Wei in 222,

but continued to rule as “King of Wu” until 229, when he declared himself “Emperor of Wu”. His legitimacy was recognised by Shu.

 

Old Malay Kingdom in Jambi


In Jambi area there are three old Malay kingdoms ,

namely , Koying , Tupo , and Kantoli .

Koying kingdom found in China notes made ​​by K’ang – and Wan – chen tai of

 

the Wu dynasty ( 222-208 )

about the country Koying .

According to the data of China Koying were trading in the 3rd century AD

Pasemah

also in South Sumatra and Lampung Ranau area

has found indications of trading activities undertaken by Tonkin or Tongkin and Vietnam or Fu – nan in the same century . Instead of tiles Han dynasty ( 2nd century BC to 2nd century AD ) found in a particular region of Sumatra .

 

 

The possibility of the spread of various countries in Central Sumatra to Palembang in South and north of the River Tungkal described by Obdeyn ( 1942 ) , but the picture was standing there Koying country .

 

If true Koying located east Tupo or Thu – po , Tchu – po , Chu – po and his position at the mouth of the confluence of two rivers , then there are two places so the Muara Sabak Zabaq , Djaba , Java , Java and Muara Tembesi or Fo – ts’I , San – fo – tsi ‘ , Che – li -fo – che before seroang up in Jambi tchan – pie , Sanfin , Melayur , Moloyu , Malalyu .

 

Thus as if displacement Ancient Malay kingdom of Srivijaya pre – shift from west to east following the Gulf Wen silting caused by sediment carried by the river , especially the Batang Tembesi .

Direct trade relations occurred in trade with countries outside around the Gulf and the Strait of Malacca Wen will most likely be around the country Koying Alam Kerinci .

 

Dr Iwan Note

At Kerinci Sungai Penuh city in 1985, when visit with my whole family I found

the Ancient Chinese brass statue

 

 

 

 

222-223 AD

Sun Quan ruled for over 20 years and his long reign resulted in stability in southern China. During his reign, Wu engaged Wei in numerous wars, including

the battles of Ruxu (222–223)

228 AD

The battle of Shiting (228)

234 AD

The Battle Of Hefei (234).

However, Wu never managed to gain any territory north of the Yangtze River while Wei also never succeeded in conquering the lands south of the Yangtze.

241

 Sun Deng, died in 241

242 AD

A succession struggle broke out between Sun Quan’s sons in the later part of his reign — Sun Quan instated Sun He as the crown prince in 242 after his former heir apparent, Sun Deng, died in 241, but Sun He soon became involved in a rivalry with his younger brother, Sun Ba.

 

The conflict resulted in the emergence of two rivalling factions, each supporting either Sun He or Sun Ba, in Sun Quan’s imperial court.

 

Sun Quan eventually deposed

Sun He and forced

Sun Ba to commit suicide,

while Lu Xun and many other ministers who took either Sun He’s or Sun Ba’s side in the struggle met with unhappy ends. Sun Quan appointed his youngest son, 

Sun Liang,

as the crown prince after the incident

252 AD

Sun Quan died in 252 and was succeeded by Sun Liang, with Zhuge Ke and Sun Jun serving as regents.

253 AD

In 253, Zhuge Ke was assassinated in a coup launched by Sun Jun, and the state power of Wu fell into Sun Jun’s hands and was passed on to his cousin, Sun Chen,

255 AD

 

after Sun Chen death. During Sun Liang’s reign,

  rebellions broke out in the Wei commandery of Shouchun (around present-day Shou County, Anhui) in 255

 

257-258 AD

The Rebellion 257-258.

Sun Jun and Sun Chen led Wu forces to support the rebels in the first and second rebellions respectively in the hope of making some territorial gains in Wei, but both revolts were suppressed and the Wu forces retreated after suffering much losses.

 

258 AD

Sun Liang was deposed in 258

by Sun Chen,

 

who installed 

 

Sun Xiu,

another son of Sun Quan, on the throne.

 

Sun Xiu

killed Sun Chen later in

The Sun Xiu coup

with the help of 

Zhang Bu and Ding Feng

 

264 AD

Sun Xiu died of illness in 264

, a year after 

Shu was quenquer By Wei

 

At the time, Wu was experiencing internal turmoil because rebellions had broken out in Jiaozhi (交趾) in the south.

The ministers Puyang Xing, Wan Yu and Zhang Bu 

decided to install Sun He’s son,

 Sun Hao, on the throne.

 

 

In the beginning of Sun Hao’s reign,

the emperor reduced taxes, gave relief to the poor, and granted freedom to a large number of palace maids.

However, Sun Hao gradually became more cruel and superstitious and started indulging in wine and women instead of finding ways to revive his declining state.

Sun Hao’s tyranny caused widespread anger and hatred towards him in Wu, but it was due to

the efforts of officials such as

 Lu Kai and Lu Kang 

that Wu was able to remain relatively stable and peaceful.

265

 

In 265, Sima Yan ended the state of Cao Wei by forcing its last ruler, Cao Huan, to abdicate in his favour, and then established the Jin Dynasty.

275

In 275, Jin forces led by Du Yu, Wang Jun and others attacked Wu from six directions.

Sun Hao attempted to put up resistance by sending his armies to fight the Jin invaders, but the Wu forces suffered several consecutive defeats and even the Wu chancellor, Zhang Ti, was killed in action.

280

Seeing that Wu was doomed to fall, Sun Hao surrendered to the Jin Dynasty in 280, marking the end of Wu and the reunification of China at the end of the Three Kingdoms period.

 

 

Jin Dynasty

(265–420),

 

There are two main divisions in the history of the Dynasty, the first being Western Jin (ch: 西晉, 265–316) and the second Eastern Jin (ch: 東晉 317–420). Western Jin was founded by Sima Yan, with its capital at Luoyang, while Eastern Jin was begun by Sima Rui, with its capital at Jiankang

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Western Jin

 (ch: 西晉, 265–316)

Sima Yan

Emperor Wu Di

Capital Luoyang

 

 

 

.

In 285,

 

The emperor Diocletian (r. 284–305)

 

partitioned the Roman Empire’s administration into eastern and western halves.[3] 

Mark the transitional period during which the Roman Empire’s

 east and west 

divided

 

290 AD

Emperor Sima zhong(Hui Di)

 

 

 

4th Century

301 AD

Sima Lun

307 AD

 

Sima chi

(Emperor Huai)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Emperor of Jin: After the Fall of LuoyangIn

311 Luoyang fell to Han Zhao forces, and Emperor Huai was captured.

 

313

 

Sima Ye(Min Di)

 

 

 

Eastern Jin

 (ch: 東晉 317–420).

 

Sima rui

 

Capital Jiankang

 

In early 318,

 

Han Zhao’s emperor Liu Cong executed Emperor Min, and three months later, news arrived in Jiankang.

 

 

By 320,

 

Emperor Yuan’s relationship with Wang Dun was at a breaking point, as Wang Dun had grown more and more arrogant and controlling of the western provinces.

Emperor Yuan feared him

Between 324 and 330

,Constantine I (r. 306–337)

transferred the main capital from Rome to Byzantium, later known as Constantinople (“City of Constantine”) andNova Roma (“New Rome”).[n 1] 

 

375 AD

About Koying (Old Malay Kingdom Jambi)

this country is also included in the T’ung – tien encyclopedia written by Tu – yu ( 375-812 ) and copied by Ma – tu – an- lin in the encyclopedia Wen- hsien – t’ung – k’ao .

 

 

 

 

 

Explained that in the kingdom there Koying volcano and its position

in the east 5000 li Chu – po ( Jambi )

 

 

For the First time

in 1984

I visit jambi from Padang City

 

by my Toyota landcruiser BJ 40 diesel

like this

 

and near muara bulian I met

the kubu people

 

 

and with the hepng of my friend Drg Ali Hanfiah

I with my wifw Lily,and two son albert and Anton

went to candi muara Jambi starting from

the river at jambi city at the back of Police sectors

by boat across the river from Jambi

 

The first time visit

 

at the candi still seen the durian and langsat tree on the candi

 

 

 

 

And

the second visit with my son Albert and Dr Sjafrizal by road

 

with Daihatsu Feroza new car I bring from Jakarta to Bajubang

where Albert starting work at Pertamina oil explorations there and met his friend Heru and senior Mr Bambang in 1999

From the back of jambi sultanate palace

We wen to

the village rantau panjang

 

then across the bridge to

Candi muara Jambi

 

 

Museum candi muara jambi

 

 

Women statue

 

 

 

I have seen the dog statue at the museum candi muara jambi,and then in surabaya street antique market in Jakarta I f0und that statue artifact

 

 

Makara at candi Kedaton

 

 

Many small candi there

 

 

 

265

Sima shao

Emperor Ming of Jin (晋明帝/晉明帝, pinyin Jìn Míngdì, Wade-Giles Chin Ming-ti) (299 – 18 October 325), personal name Sima Shao(司馬紹), courtesy name Daoji (道畿), was an emperor of the Eastern Jin Dynasty (265-420).

 

Empress Yu’s father Yu Chen (庾琛) was the governor of Kuaiji Commandery (會稽, roughmodern Shaoxing, Zhejiang),

and later served on the staff of Sima Rui the Prince of Langye (laterEmperor Yuan) when Sima Rui was posted at Jianye.

She was considered kind and beautiful, and Sima Rui took her to be his son Sima Shao’s wife empress Yu

 

Emperor Ming only ruled briefly and died in 326.

Initially, he left a balance of power between high level officials that he entrusted the four-year-old Crown Prince Yan (who succeeded to the throne as Emperor Cheng) with,

but after Empress Yu was honored as Empress Dowager Yu, she was encouraged by these officials to be regent, and soon Yu Liang became alone the most powerful official of the empire.

 

During sima shao brief reign (323-325),

 

he led the weakened Jin out of domination by the warlord Wang Dun, but at his early death, the empire was left to his young son

 Emperor Cheng(sima Yan),

 

and the fragile balance of power that he created was soon broken, leading to the Su Jun Disturbance and weakening the Jin state even further.

The imperial princes Sima Zong (司馬宗) the Prince of Nandun and Sima Yang (司馬) the Prince of Xiyang, all of whom were powerful during Emperor Ming’s reign but who had been removed from powerful positions under Empress Dowager Yu’s regency.

 

 

 

 

In winter 326,

he accused Sima Zong of treason and killed him, demoted Sima Yang, and exiled Yu Yin. This led to the people losing confidence in him

 

327

In 327, Yu Liang further resolved on separating Su, then the governor of Liyang Commandery (歷陽, roughly modern Chaohu, Anhui) from his troops, and he promoted Su to be the minister of agriculture—a post that did not involve commanding troops.

 

Su saw his intent and declared a rebellion, with Zu’s assistance.

 

328

Yu Liang initially thought that Su could be easily defeated, but instead Su quickly arrived at the capital early 328 and captured it.

Yu Liang was forced to flee. Meanwhile, Su pillaged the capital, and it was said that even Empress Dowager Yu’s servant girls became spoils for his troops.

Further, it was said that Su himself “humiliated” Empress Dowager Yu—although the method of humiliation was not specified in history. She died in distress and fear.

Her son Emperor Cheng would become Su’s captive for months before other provincial generals would converge on Jiankang and defeat Su.

Mid-4th century –

 

 Wang Xizhi makes a portion of a letter from the Feng Ju album. Six Dynasties period.

 

 

It is now kept at National Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China.

 

 

 

 

 

358

Salakanagara later replace by

Tarumanegara dynasty

Jayasingawarman,

the founder of

Tarumanegara was the son in law of King adalah Dewawarman VIII.

 

 

Rajatapura

was the capital of salakanagara from

363 AD

and still as the center of government from Dewawarman I – Dewawarman VIII.

Jayasingawarman, the founder of Tarumanegara was the son in law of King adalah Dewawarman VIII.

 

THE ADVENTURE OF Dr IWAN TO CANDI JIWA WEST KRAWANG

I.August,16Th.2000

In this day with my loving Toyota Hardtop Lancruiser BJ 40, I went alone to Rengasdengklok to look at the historic house where Bung Karno and Bug Hata were” Keep ” by the young man 55 years ago inorder to aksed them to proclaimed the Indonesian Independent there (the complete story look at the Indonesian Independent war collections and Bung Hatta Collections in this blog or in my old bl9oc hhtp”//www.uniquecoleetion.wordpress.com-auth)

 

 

Very difficult to found the road to the Candi “Jiwa” (Ancient Soul -BudhishTemple), after enter the Rengasdengklok ,from the Jakarta Cikampek Toll Road, at West Cikampek I foun dthe sign

,then tern left and after the railways t’s turn to the right,

I came to the very crowded market

Then the turn right until at then of that market

,turn left near the small river, I drive straight until arrived the sign

, the Jiwa Temple at the right circa 40 km in very bad road,with very small arrow directions of Candi Jiwa , then turn to the right about 500 m.

 

I enter the broken candi Jiwa, and with the helping of the native peoples there I have seen other borken candi, they talled me about 24 candi beside Candi Jiwa there.

 

All the candi built frome “Bata” sands break.

At the small camp’s house there ,I saw the project map,and some artifact founding, like same small sand Tablet with Buddish’s relief ,and a broken earthenweare vessels (Kendi),and small jarlets(buli-buli) and some new ceramics, they said until now they still studied the earliest Candi which ever found in Java circa three or four century AD much older than the Ancient mataram kindom of Java, may be this candi built by the Ancient Tarumanegara Kingdom, no Ancient coins and Chinese ceramic found there. I took the adventure after read te magazine story about Mr Abu Ridho from National Centre Museum and Mrs Sumirah Adyatman of Adam Malik museum,s curator ever came there too.

  1. August.15th 2010

After ten years , I am asking my son Anton to take me with my wife with his Toyota Kinjang Innova to adventure agains to Rengas Dengklok in order to comemorate the 65 years of Indonesian Indenpent day.

After that we went to “Candi Jiwa “to look the progress of that Candi renovations, because I have read in Kompas Newspaper a week ago,that some foriegn’s arkeologist had found athe human skull and skelletons ,very long diameters about two meters long body-head with their ancient gold necklage and sword.

The Road still same but before the raillways ,there atre the new flyt over bridge wich made the road more closer, and still turn right strait to the Rengas Dengklok market but I didnnot met the Historic House anymore,

after arrive the market still the same turn to the right until the end of market near river turn left but the road more best with cement beton and smoe asphalt betons to cadi Jiwa, now there have two candi almost finished ,one cadi Jiwa and near that candi, new candi Blondongan are still in renovations ,

 

please look my profile at two candi Jiwa at Batujaya krawang west Java

 

This time I with my wife Lily and My son Anto, have made some interesting pictures of some artifact found

  • The picture of the candi Jiwan and Blondongan

 

2) The letest artifact have just founds, very pity the Ancient Gold were bring abroad by the archeoligt to studies .

3) the older foundings’s artifact.

(1) Eathenware Budhist Tablet astifact

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(2) Earthenware Jar Kendi artifact

 

 

 

(3) Eatherware Jarlet buli-buli artfact

(4) other old artifact finding

 

Batujaya Museum

 

 

 

in small museums near candi Jiwa

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

379 AD

 

 

Under 

 

Theodosius I (r. 379–395),

 Christianity became the Empire’s official state religion and others such asRoman polytheism were proscribed.

And finally,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

5th CENTURY

 

 Southern and Northern Dynasties

(420–589).

 

Two wooden sculptures from China, created in about the 3rd of 4th centuries BC. are among the earliest known human figures in Chinese art. They represent attendants buried with the dead.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

6th CENTURY

 

Gujarat trader

The Chinese records

give a graphic picture of the long trade routes across their country,

 

 

around the south of the Gobi desert,

to the Oxus River,

 

 

into

Parthia

and on to

Mesopotamia.

An alternate route was by sea from

Canton,

around

the Malay peninsula

 

 

 

 

, pass

the southern tip of India

and into

the Persian Gulf.

Yule writes, “At this time, (early fifth century)

the Euphrates

was navigable

as high as Hira,

a city lying

southwest of ancient Babylon …

 

and the ships of India and China were constantly to be seen moored before the houses of the town.”38

The Chinese either turned their goods,

 

chiefly silks,

over to the Arabs here, or over to the Parthians at the Oxus River, the latter then bringing them to Hira.

 

There they were transshipped around

the Arabian peninsula,

up

the Red Sea

to

 

Solomon’s Ezion-geber

Or

the Aelana (modern Akabah) of the Romans;

from there

caravans carried them

 

to

Petra, the great market city,

 

to sell them to

the western traders.

Ancient Chinese traders

 

 

 

 

502 AD

The Nothern Wei lost power to the Southern Liang dynasty with capital Nanking (502-557AD) and Buddh’sm came strongly there by sea through the straight of Malacca.

The art which reprented this religion was the much affected by the Maruya dynasty of the 3rd century B.C.With it came the great winged Lions and also the fluted columns.

(Warren E.Cox , 1970)

 

During

 

the reign of

 

Justinian I (r. 527–565),

the Empire reached its greatest extent after reconquering much of the historically Roman western Mediterraneancoast, including north Africa, Italy, and Rome itself, which it held for two more centuries.

During

the reign of

 

 Maurice (r. 582–602),

 

the Empire’s eastern frontier was expanded and the north stabilised.

 

However, his assassination caused a two-decade-long war with 

 

 

Sassanid Persia

 which exhausted the Empire’s resources and contributed to major territorial losses during the Muslim conquests of the 7th century.

 

Dr Iwan Noteas

In 2011 I found

The Queen Sasanid silver coin

in Bukittinggi west Sumatra

The Iran  Sasanid kindom during

Empress Puran 7th Century,

bring by Gujarat Trader during Srivijaya empire in Indonesia and they had trading with the Minangkabau marchant at Mingkabau Kingdom (Pagaruyung),( The first report found in Indonesia-auth,anoher report from Rusia)

 

 

 

The Chinese Kapitan Indonesia history Collections

Part Two C

EARLY PRE COLONIAL ERA

THE CHINESE EMPEROR AND KING CHOLA DURING THE RISE AND FALL OF SRIVIJAYA EMPIRE

Created By

Dr iwan Suwandy,MHA

COPYRIGHT @ 2014

 

 

 

 

6th Century

Around the year 500,

Srivijayan roots began to develop around present day

 Palembang, 

Sumatra,

in modern Indonesia.

The empire was organised in three main zones — the estuarine capital region centred on Palembang, the Musi River basin which served as hinterland and rival estuarine areas capable of forming rival power centres.

The areas upstream of the Musi River were rich in various commodities valuable to Chinese traders.[16] 

The capital was administered directly by the ruler while the hinterland remained under its own local datus or chiefs, who were organized into a network of alliances with the Srivijaya maharaja or king. Force was the dominant element in the empire’s relations with rival river systems such as Batang Hari, centred in Jambi

 

6th Century

Around the year 500,

Srivijayan roots began to develop around present day

 Palembang, 

Sumatra,

in modern Indonesia.

The empire was organised in three main zones — the estuarine capital region centred on Palembang, the Musi River basin which served as hinterland and rival estuarine areas capable of forming rival power centres.

The areas upstream of the Musi River were rich in various commodities valuable to Chinese traders.[16] 

The capital was administered directly by the ruler while the hinterland remained under its own local datus or chiefs, who were organized into a network of alliances with the Srivijaya maharaja or king. Force was the dominant element in the empire’s relations with rival river systems such as Batang Hari, centred in Jambi

5th Century

According to the Chinese annals, Funan and Pan-pan were known where Mahāyāna Buddhism flourished since the fifth century and contributed to China in the field of Buddhism

.So, when the Srivijaya, the Tang court gave them the name of ‘室利佛逝Shi-li-fo-shi).

This name includes the Buddha (佛).

This means special treatment for Srivijaya.

 

545 AD

Abdullah ayah Nabi Muhammad lahir tahun 545 AD

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

570 AD

Penyerangan tentara bergajah (Abrahab)

17 Agustus 570 AD

Nabi Besar Muhammad S.A.W lahir , subuh senin, 12 Rabi’ul awal

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

  1. Muhammad SAW lahir di Mekah Al-Mukarammah pada hari Senin 12 Rabi’ul Awal, bertepatan dengan 20 April 571 M pada tahun Gajah

(sumber :sanggapramana.)

575-576 AD

Ibu Nabi Muhammad S.A.W , Siti Aminah meninggal

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

578 AD

Nenek Nabi Muhammad S.A.W , Abdul Muthalib wafat.

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

580 – 590 AD

Harb-ul-Fijar ( Perang Pelanggaran Kesucian)

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

 

581 AD

Lahir Ibnu Chattab

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

595 AD

Perjalan Nabi Muhammad S.A.W yang kedua kalinya ke Syria mengikuti pamannya Abu Thalib, bertemu dengan rahib Nasrani Gregius.

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

Nabi Muhammad bin Abdullah ketika berusia 12 tahun, untuk pertama kalinya melakukan perjalanan niaga (dagang) ke Syiria bersama pamannya, Abu Thalib

Sumber

madawis

600 AD

Lahir Abi bin Abi Thalib

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

 

 

 

 

 

605 AD

Orang Quraisji memperbaiki Ka’abah , Nabi Muhammad S.A.W diangkat jadi Hakim

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

 

610 AD

Permulaan turun Wahyu(kepada nabi Muhammad S.A.W)

(Almanak Muhammadiyah 1959)

Sumber

google ekplorasi

 

In 6th century

when the decline of Tarumanegara Kingdom,

rise the srivijaya kingdom

589 -618 AD

In 589 AD China was again united for a short period until 618 AD. This loosely known as the Sui Period (581- 617 AD) and may be thought of so far   as we we are not concerned as a continuation of the Six dynasty.

The Territory of te first Great Tang emperor s after they conquest extended into Tibet and Turkestan and intercourse with the West was extensive. It waduring this time that Wu Tao-Tzu , the greates of Chinese painters lived.

 

Woodblock printing was extensivelydeveloped , Much of the classic literature and poetery was written , and the famous Li Tai Po lived who , like our Poe , drank heavely and wrote well.

Ever since the conquest of Alexander the great intoIndia   and the formation of Greco-Bactrian states North West of India , communications between China and Westren Asia had been continius.

The drapery of     all uddhistic figures is really Greek as are also the feautures of many aand the poses. In examination of Many Tang pattern will disclose Greek origins or at least Wsetren Asian ones.

Portraiture in the figures is not the first frequent just as it was not in Greece but during the Tang period a revolt against the principle occurred just in Rome, although the portraits were pretty much confined to pottery rather than wood , stone , or bronze.

Most early Tang paintings were not of areligipous nature and symmetrical in design as well as conventional in treatment. Only during early Tang part of the masterful landscape and animal painting commence.

The Chinese were close observers of distance and could render aerial perspective better than may western artist but they were more interested   in design , in catching the struggle of tree brach against the privailing wind . In the movement of the wind at the treatment of painting ., that the water be flowing or rippling or full or water life and spirit ,.

In other words the transition from the static qualities of Buddhistic art were cast aside during this time and an interest in movement and life was assumed which has not been lonce since.

The technique of painting had been improved and we find Tang ware usually whiter light gray , and reddish. Thus the mere color of the body is no final criterion of period. It ws generally thinner , in the samller pieces specially .

The old lightly fired pigment , red , black , white and rarely blue and green were continued , though sparingly. The most usual glaze is transparent vecause it was not well assoviated with the biscuit.

The Chinese didot larn how to govern crackle until the end of the Sung period and some Tang glazed not crackled at all though this is rare and was only luck.

This glaze is simply a refined type of th old alkaline lead glazed of an times and the same greens , browns, amber tones, etc. were used a little more purified and brighter. Quite rarely cobalt was added to make a blue but no manganese was ever consciously employed and it occurs only by accident insome of the brown , some of which have a purple cast.

This is arrange for the blue was undoubtedly learned from the Bear East where the purple also hads been used for thousamds of years. Many splased , dripped and running effects were employed perhaps because the glaze tended to act that way and the Chinese mde use if its characteristics rather than tried to curb them.

However.that the glazes could be comtrolled by the used incised outlines may be seen by the beautifull pillow ware. It is interesting to note that glazed had first been employed in the Nrat Rast because the wares were porous and were thus aided   in being liquid-light here it because the ware were let the glaze just splash over the edge and come part way brown on the body.

In China the Han ware were denser and did not need glaze inside but the bottom carefully so as yo initate Metal. We see the first near Eastren Shipping of the glaze short of the foot-rim in the Six dynasty times and now it becomes problem prevelent

(Warren E.Cox , 1970)

 

Wu Tao-Tzu , the greates of Chinese painters lived.

a Tang dynasty painter famous for his murals: Wu Tao-tzu. Having just finished a wall-painting, he suddenly clapped his hands and a gate in the painting opened.

Wu Tao-tzu entered into his art, the gate closing behind him, and he was never seen again. The Myth of Wu Tao-tzu (1967), is the story of what happened to him in there

Source

svenlindqvist.

Li Tai Po Poem

 

Dr Iwan Comment

I think the collector wil tired to read oll Warren E. Cox info because very detailed but you must kow to became expert, we will seen some collections found by Mr Koh and compare with Dr Iwan Collection found in west Java and Banten area.

Chinese export ceramics with islamic koran inscription first appeared on Tang Changsha wares.

 

The Persian and Arab traders played a key role in the shipment of Chinese products along the ancient overland and maritime trade routes.

There were large community of Persian and Arabs in cities such as Guangzhou and Quanzhou during Tang Dynasty.  Ancient ceramics such as Yue, Xing and Changsha wares had been excavated in ancient sites such Fustat in Eygpt,  Basra and Siraf in the Middle East.   Many of the shapes and motifs found on those export wares drew their inspiration from Middle Eastern wares.

 

The Tang cargo from the Belitugn shipwreck was purchased by the Singapore Government and some of the fineness pieces are now on display at the Singapore Marina Sands ArtScience Museum.   The wrecked ship called a dhow  is of Middle Eastern design, and is quoted as the first physical proof of Persian/Arab direct involvement in shipment of Chinese goods along the maritime trade route.   After the the Tang period,  Chinese ceramics with Islamic inscriptions were apparently not produced.  It resurfaced again during the Zhengde period (early 16th century)  and formed part of the decoration for blue and white wares.  Many of such items were ordered by Eunuchs who embraced Islam.  Islamic inscription constituting part or whole of the design, in underglaze blue or overglaze enameled form, was particularly popular during the 17th/18th century and could be found in collections in the  Islamic world such as Indonesia, India and Turkey.

Changsha jar with Islamic koran inscription “there is no god but God” .  Translated in Chinese as “万物无主,唯有真主

The symbolic significance of the motif on the bowl  intrigues me.  The shape and fine paste pointed to a 18th century dating for the bowl and is a product of Jingdezhen kiln. 

 

 

I was very happy when I finally found an article entitled “Some Chinese Islamic “Magic Square” Porcelain” in the book “Studies in Chinese Ceramics” by Prof. Cheng Te-kun. 

 

He learnt from a Singapore collector Mr Tan Yeok Seong that a group of Chinese export wares decorated with Islamic inscriptions and magic square surfaced in the Singapore antique market in 1969 and were eagerly snapped up by local collectors.  Such items appeared to be rather rare and we could hardly  find one in the antique market nowadays.

 

In his article, Prof. Cheng discussed the significance and the origin of the magic square and also the meaning of the inscriptions.   He did research on a porcelain plate with the magic square encircled by bands on of inscriptions, similar to my bowl  in terms of design layout, which was presented to Queen Mary of UK when she visited Hyderabad of India in 1906 A.D. 

 

It was a treasure of Golconda Fort. The plate was subsequently housed in the Victoria and Albert Museum.   The plate was a product of Jingdezhen kiln and dated to the 18th century.  The verses found in the bands on the inner wall of the plate were verses from the Koran and some Islamic prayer books. 

 

He enlisted the help of Dr. Hassan Javadi from the University of Teheran to decipher the inscriptions.  There were mistakes in the  writing as can expected.  The Chinese potter who wrote the inscriptions did not know the Arabic language and simply copied the text from some samples. 

 

In the case of the plate, Dr. Hassan was still able to decipher  majority of the inscriptions.  For eg. the first band near the rim was from verses 256 and 275(2) from the Koran.  It reads :”(In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate God,) there is no god but He, the Living, the Everlasting.  Slumber seizes Him not, neither sleep: to Him belongs all that is in the heavens and the earth.  Who is there that shall intercede with Him save by His leave? He knows what lies before them and what is after them, and they comprehend not anything of His knowledge save such as He wills.  His throne comprises the heavens and earth; the preserving of them oppresses Him not: He is the All-high and the All-glorious”.

Surrounding the square, there are inscriptions which is translated as follows: “There is no man like Ali (Cousin of Mohamed).  There is no sword like Zulfakar (his sword)”.

The square is sub-divided into 16 small squares.   Each has 2 digit number in black.  The magic square in the plate is of the order 4.  There are 4 squares either vertically, horizontally or diagonally.  The sum of the number in any of the direction added up to the same amount.  In the case of that on the plate, it added up to 194.

The magic square originated from China. 

 

According the the ancient Chinese literature dating to about 650BC,  During the time of  the mythical  king Yu (), there was a great flood.  He  tried to channel the water out to sea where then emerged a turtle from the river Luo.  It’s shell has a 3 by 3 grid pattern with  circular dots of numbers.    The sum of the numbers in each row, column and diagonal added up to 15.  It is  the number of days in each of the 24 cycles of theChinese solar year.  

 

The square was called the Lo Shu or “scroll of the river”.   The magic square  pattern is said to be used by the ancient  people in controlling the river.

During the ancient time, magic squares were believed to possess astrological and divinatory qualities, their usage ensuring longevity and prevention of diseases. Magic squares were known to Islamic mathematicians, possibly as early as the 7th century, when the Arabs came in contact with Indian culture, and learned Indian mathematics and astronomy. It has also been suggested that the idea came via China.

For more on the Magic square, please read this.

According to Prof. Schuyler Cammann of the University of Philadephia,  the magic square was used to express symbolically the essence of Islamic thinking in cosmology.  The magic square is considered to be a model of the universe and is said to be a graphic illustrations of the Islamic concept that Allah is both the Source and the Destination of all things.

Those plates and bowls with the magic square were used as medicine bowls in the Islamic world.   The koran inscriptions and the magic square is believed to impart magical power to ward off evil.  Such bowls and plates were previously treasured heirloom.  After passing down for generations, the significance were forgotten by most of their descendants and many were sold as antiques to eager collectors.

Most of the inscriptions contained many mistakes and even in highly corrupted form beyond recognition.  For my bowl, I would appreciate if any reader would let me know if they could decipher any of the texts.

Eastern Han to Sui Period

Mature greenware was finally produced near the end of Eastern Han Dynasty.  The main decorative techniques used were incising, luting of molded motif.  It was also popular to shape the vessels in animal forms.  Another distinctive vessel is jar with multiple smaller jars on top of the big jar.

Major milestones in the history of porcelain production during the Eastern Han to Sui period included:

  • An experimental form of under-glaze iron-pigment decoration was introduced during the late 3 kingdom period.  It was more widely use on Eastern Jin vessels but mainly painted in splashes/dots/lines to beautify the vessels.
  • Black glaze ware was introduced  in the Eastern Han but production was small even during the Jin period.
  • Use of kiln furniture such as props, disc setter and 3-prongs spurs introduced during the Han Dynasty
  • Improvement made to the dragon kiln at least by the 3 kingdom period. 

Excavations showed that vessels placed at the further end of the firing chamber were generally under-fired prior during Han and earlier.  This was because lesser head could reach the area.  To improve on the situation, during the 3 kingdom period, stoking holes were provided along the upper wall of the firing chamber.  If more heat was required, woods were thrown in through those holes to provide more heat.  Such improvement had also enabled longer dragon kilns to be built and as a result more vessels fired in one session.

  • Use of saggars to protect the vessels during firing.  During the excavation of the kiln in Luohu (罗湖) in Jiangxi (江西), cylindrical saggars were found to be in use at least since the Eastern Jin period.  Some bowls and plates with lotus carvings on the external wall were found sticking to the saggars. For vessels such as bowls and plates, usually 3 to 6 were stacked in placed in the saggars.  For bigger vessel, each occupied one saggar.  Sometimes, to maximise on usage of space in the firing chamber, smaller vessels were placed in vessel such as jar.
  • application of slip to improve the surface of the vessels was introduced in Wuzhou (婺洲) kiln at least by the Western Jin period
  • The earliest white wares was found in the tomb of  Fan Cui (范粹) dated A.D 575 ie during the Bei Qi () (Northern Dynasties period).  By Sui dynasty,more mature white wares were produced.

Greenware Production

Mature porcelain was finally produced in the Zhejiang province near the end of Eastern Han Dynasty after about 2000 years from the appearance of proto-porcelain in Shang Dynasty.  Xiangying (湘阴) in Hunan (湖南), Fengcheng (丰城) in Jiangxi (江西)and Yixing ()in Jiangsu () were areas which had porcelain production during the Han Dynasty.

The potters were able to achieve a good grayish green and smooth glaze.  It showed good control of kiln firing.  The porcelains were fired in dragon kilns (also sometime called serpentine or scorpion kiln).  Kiln furniture such as trumpet, cylindrical shaped props, 3-prongs spurs and disc shaped setters were found in the firing chamber of the ancient Han kilns.  The use of props was a technological improvement. 

In the past, many of the vessels such as jars showed sign of under-firing on lower portion of vessels.  This was because the vessels were placed directly on the floor of the firing chamber.  As heat travel upward, the lower portion of the vessels received less heat and could not be fired to the required temperature.  By placing the vessels on a disc setter which rested on top of the props, the vessels were raised higher.  The disc setter was to ensure that any running of the glaze would not resulted in the vessels adhering to the prop.  The 3 prongs spur were used as separator for stacking of bowls/plates.

The production continued to flourish during the 3 Kingdoms to the 6 dynasties period.  The centre of production was Shangyu in Zhejiang.  The utilitarian vessels most frequently associated with this period are in animal-form: such as sheep and lion shape candle stands, lamps which looked like bears,  frog-shaped water-droppers and bird shape cups,.  They are  both artistic and functional.  There were also  large number of funerary wares such as model granaries , stoves, wells, mills were produced.

The Eastern Jin and north/south dynasties was a period of upheavals and the economy suffered.  The ceramic industry was adversely affected.  Shangyu was reduced from a booming production centre to an area with few scattered small kilns.  The kilns produced mainly bowls, dishes, cups with ears, cup stands, alms bowls, jars, ewers, inkstones, chicken head ewers and other wares for daily use.

The decorative motifs include circular bands and iron brown painted spots.  Those impressed diamond bands were hardly used by Eastern Jin.

The term “old yue ware” was used to refer zhejiang greenware of Eastern Han to 6 dynasties. This is  to distinguished them from the Yue wares of Tang/ Song.

For more on old Yue wares, please read this article: Pre Tang Yue wares

Two other important Zhejiang greenware  production sites were Ou kiln (瓯窑) in Wenzhou (温州) and Wuzhou (婺洲) in Jinhua (). The distinctive feature of wuzhou greenware is its more light whitish green glaze.  For greenware from Wuzhou, a lay of slip is usually detectable below the green glaze.

Another notable site is Nan Shan (南山) kiln in Yixing () in Southern Jiangsu province. It was an extension of the Zhejiang greenware as Jiangsu is just next to Zhejiang. The glaze from Nanshan kiln generally have crackles and tends to flake easily.

Greenwares from 3 Kingdom/Jin period were also excavated in tombs in Jiangxi.  They possessed some distinctive local characteristics such as a pea-green thin glaze or runny dark brown glaze.  However,  no kilns sites of the period have yet to be located.  However, Southern Dynasties Luo Hu kiln (罗湖) in Feng Cheng(丰城) in Jiangxi was discovered in 1977.  Most have a rice yellowish colour   There were small quantity with some with greenish or greenish yellow colour glaze.  Glaze flakings and crackled glaze is a common feature.  Fengcheng is located in ancient Tang Dynasty Hongzhou (洪洲) and is believed to be the location of the Hongzhou kiln mentioned in Lu Yu’s (陆羽) treatise on tea ().

Six dynasties greenware sites were also discovered in Huai an kiln (怀安) in Fuzhou and cizao (磁灶) kiln in Jinjiang (晋江) county.  Both are located in Fujian province.  The paste is grayish white and the glaze is usually yellowish green in colour.  The glaze tends to develop crackles and flakes easily. Another important site was Xiang yin (湘阴) in Hunan province which served as the foundation for subsequent production of Changsha wares.

In Northern China, Northern Dynasty era kiln sites producing greenware have been discovered in Shandong (), Shanxi (山西) , Hebei (河北) and Henan (河南). Two examples from Henan Anyang Xiangzhou(安阳相州) and Gongyi Baihe (义白河) kiln are shown below.

 

Henan Gongyi Bai He kiln (Northern Wei Period)

 
 

A distinctive feature of vessels from the North/South Dynasties was the strong influence of Buddhism as reflected in the vessels with lotus motif and a form of buddhist stylised flower called bao xiang hua (宝相花) and Ren Dong(忍冬), ie honeysuckle motif. The most prominent vessel of the North Dynasties was the magnificent jar with body in lotus form.  It is heavily potted with light grayish or greyish brown paste.  The glaze is transparent and glassy.  One kiln producing such wares was discovered at Zhai li kiln (寨里窑) in zi bo (淄博) in Shandong province.

 

Greenware (Celadon) with iron-brown painted motif

In 1983,at Nanjing (南京) Yuhuatai (雨花台), a celadon Jar with cover was recovered from a tomb.  The tomb dated between the Three Kingdom to early Jin Period   The body of the jar was applied with a slip before application of  the glaze.  The glaze is  brownish in color.  From the various characteristics, it is widely believed to be a product of Wuzhou (婺洲) kiln in Central Zhejiang.  It was decorated with luted animal-face mask and buddha figure.   The iron-brown motif included drawing some celestial beings.  It is the earliest record of underglaze iron-brown decoration.

Black Glaze wares

Black glaze wares were discovered in East Han tombs in Anhui, Hubei and  Zhejiang Shangyu (上虞) Zhang zi shan kiln (帐子山窑), Deqing (德清二都乡黄角山窑).  The kilns in Deqing produced mainly coarser bigger size black glaze jars and urns.  The glaze is thick with crazing and tends to flake.  Zhang zi shan kiln in Shangyu produced both greenwares and black glaze wares.  There were more variety of black glaze wares including bowls, washers, jars and hu vases.  Generally, the paste of the black glaze wares is more coarse.   Black glaze also used iron oxide as colorant for the glaze.  However, the content is higher than that for greenware and ranges from 4 to 9%.  Both the greenwares and black glaze wares were fired simultaneously in the same kiln.

During the Six Dynasties, Deqing became the main centre for the production of black glaze wares. It also produced greenwares.   The most striking examples were those Deqing chicken-head black glaze wares of the Jin period.  Black glaze wares produced before Tang were comparatively low in volume.  The mainstream production was greenwares.

Northern Dynasty/Sui White Glaze wares

The earliest documented white wares were found  in the tomb of Fan cui (范粹) dated 575 A.D (North Dynasty Bei Qi () and located in Anyang, Henan.  There are those with fine or coarse body.  They have a layer of white slip to whiten the body.  The glaze  is transparent and finely crackled with tinge of yellow or green.

Recent archaeological findings in Henan ancient Northern Wei Loyang city site indicated that the earliest white ware may be produced as early as early part of 6th century.  Some of the white wares were probably produced in Henan kilns such as Anyang Xiangzhou(安阳相州) and Gongyi Baihe (义白河).  In Baihe kiln, the stacking method was used for firing wares. Kiln wastage shows that white cup was placed on the top of green wares.  Hence, the spur marks are seen on green wares and not the white ones.  The white wares are more thinnly potted and the paste more whitish in colour.

 

The early white wares still show clear greenish tone in the area where glaze pooled

 

Spur marks are found on the interior of green wares

 

By Sui Dynasty, the quality of white wares have improved and quite a number were discovered in Sui tombs.  The degree of whiteness has further improved. For example those from the Tomb of Li Jingxun (李静训) dated A.D 608 were fine and they have glaze white with hardly any trace of green/yellow.

Sui vessels were varied consisting of bowls, cups, vases , guan, candle stand, tripod censer, ewers and etc.  Some striking examples of  ewers have head head spout/dragon head handle and elephant head spout/dragon head handle.

In 1982 in the region between Hebei Lin cheng (临城) and Ne qiu (内丘), a Sui period kiln site that produced white wares was discovered at Jia cun (贾村).  The shards included those with light grayish paste covered with white slip and others with white paste without the need for white slip.  These were the early Xing wares.  The quality of white wares from the Xing kilns were the best and it reached its greatest fame during the the Tang dynasty.

 
 
 

 

Henan Ceramics wares (河南陶瓷)

 

Tang/5 Dynasty Period

During the Tang Dynasty, kilns in Northern China produced both Celadon and White wares.  In the area of lead glazed wares, there were tremendous progress made, the greatest achievement being the magnificent Tang Sancai wares. In Henan region, the number of kilns producing ceramics also increased.   Some of those kilns had long production history and continued to produce ceramics till the Yuan/Ming period.

 

 

Yellow Glazed wares

A type of yellow glaze celadon wares was especially popular during this period.  Some of the more notable kilns producing such wares are Jiaxian Huangdao (郏县黄道窑), Gongyi Huangye (义黄冶窑), Xinmi Xiguan (新密西关窑), Dengfeng Zhudong (登封朱洞窑), Yuzhou Changzhuang (禹州苌庄窑) and etc.

   

Two examples from Dengfeng kiln.  The ewer on the left has impressed straw-mat motif.  This was a popular treatment on Tang ewers with yellow or yellowish green glaze

Black/brown Glazed wares

Many kilns of the period also produced black, brownish black and teadust wares.  An interesting variation was the addition of  splashes of a whitish or whitish blue glaze over the ground glaze.  The Chinese called it hua you (花釉)Many of the Chinese experts believe such wares were the precursor of Song Jun wares.  Typical shapes with such glazes included drum, jar and plates.   The most famous kilns producing such wares were Lushan Dudian (鲁山段店窑) and Jiaxian Huangdao (郏县黄道窑) 

 Other kilns which also produced them were Dengfeng Zhudong (登封朱洞窑) and Yuzhou Changzhuang (禹州苌庄窑) and etc.

   

The splashes could be an opaque powdery white colour.  If fired at a higher temperature, it intermingled well with the ground glaze.  Some has a shiny , more transparent bluish white as can been seen in above.

Lushan Huayou ci (鲁山花釉瓷) drum and Beijing Palace Museum

White wares

Besides the typical white glaze wares, some kilns also produced white wares which used various decorative techniques.  A notable type was high fired white glaze with splashes of copper green.  They were especially popular during the Tang/5 Dynasty period. During the 5 Dynasty/Song period, instead of green splashes, green stylised floral motif were drawn on the vessel.  Some of the notable kilns producing such wares were Xinmi Xiguan (新密西关窑), Dengfeng Quyang (登封曲阳窑), Lushan Dudian (鲁山段店窑) and Anyang Beiqi (安阳北齐窑).

   

Anyang Beiqi kiln 5 Dynasty white glaze gourd-shaped vase and jar with handle decorated with green splashes

Dengfeng Zhudong kiln dish decorated with floral-like motif.  Most probably dated to 5 Dynasty/Northern Song

 

 

Xinmi Xiguan (新密西关窑) also introduced a form of white ware with stamped pearl-like ground and incised motif during the late Tang period.  Such wares gained much popularity during the Northern Song period and were produced in a number of kilns, the most famous being Dengfeng Quhe kiln (登封曲阳窑).

Another interesting type which was first noted in Yaozhou kilns were unglazed plates with the area around the rim coated with star-shaped black glaze and inner base with abstract floral like motif.  This particular type could still be found during the Song period in Some Henan kilns. There were also some censer like or probably oil lamp vessels decorated with black/brown motif.  They were found in kiln in Dengfeng Zhudong (登封朱洞窑).

   
   

Tang Sancai wares

Great development were made in the area of lead glazed wares.  Besides version of lead glaze white wares with splashes of green, the kilns in Gongyi (previously called Gongxian)  Huang Ye (义黄冶) and Gongyi Baihe (义白河) further developed the decorative techniques with multi-coloured glazes called Tang Sancai or Tang Tri-colour. 

The term is rather misleading as the number of colours can vary from 1 to more than 3.  The colours included white, green, blue, black, brown, amber and dark brown. 

The vessel which is coated with a white slip was first fired to around 1000 degree centigrade.  It is then glazed and fired at a lower temperature of about 800 degree centigrade. 

Vessels included daily utensils such as plates, bowls, jars, censer and figurines of court official, servants, ladies, camels, horses and models of building.  The figurines and models of building were essentially made for elaborate burial purposes. 

So far, very few kiln wastage of large figurines have been excavated.   It is generally believed that there could be other kilns that produced such items. The daily utensils may be of practical usage and were exported overseas in limited quantity and had been found in countries in Middle East, Japan and Indonesia.

Duck shaped pot in the Henan Museum

Tang Sancai Court servants in Loyang Museum

 

Gongyi kilns also made an interesting type of marbled wares.  It involved a process of inter-mixing two types of clay which is grayish white and brownish in colour respectively.  The end result is an interesting tree-like grain or cloud like design.

Tang Marbled vessel in Shanghai Museum

 

Another variation employed the application of thin layers of such marbled clay on different part of the vessel.  There is also another type of marbled glazed ware called Jiaoyu (绞釉) by the Chinese (lower fragment of below picture).  The term is used as it has the appearance of intermingling of two coloured glaze.

 

Tang Marbled  pillow vessel in Shanghai Museum.

 

Tang Blue and white wares

Another technical breakthrough was the production of high fired underglaze cobalt blue and white.  Some blue and white sherds have been discovered in Gongyi Baihe kiln (义白河窑). They consisted of simple geometric and floral design.  The composition of the blue and white wares showed clear Persian influence as can been seen on the 3 dishes found in the Belitung shipwreck.

Dish from the Belitung Tang Shipwreck

The Gongyi kilns also produced some vessels such as the below bowls with blue or blue and yellow motifs.  There were previously some confusions over the classification of such wares.  Some thought they were also a form of blue and white.  It has now been confirmed that those were low fired lead-glazed wares.

   

Examples of lead glaze with blue motif

 

Kilns from other Provinces producing similar wares

In identifying ceramics in Henan, it is necessary to know that there are much similarity between them an