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THE FIRST INDONESIAN CYBERMUSEUM
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SELAMAT DATANG DI GEDUNG UTAMA “MERDEKA
Showcase :
The KUT Kenya Uganda Tanganyika Collections Exhibition
Frame One :
The KUT Collections(Dr Iwan PrivateCollections)
1.Postal History
1)British East africa
2)KUT british rule
(1) kenya
a) from mombasa city
b) From Nairobi
(2) Uganda
(3) Tanganyika
3.Independent
(1) Kenya
(2) Uganda
(3) Tanganyika (now Tanzania)
2.Numismatic
3.Pictures
1)Kenya
2)Uganda
3)Tanganyika(Tanzania)
4.Travelling Around
Frame Two:
The KUT Historic Collections
I.Postal History
1.British East Africa
Postage stamps and postal history of East Africa and Uganda Protectorates
East Africa and Uganda Protectorates was the name used by the combined
postal service of the protectorates of British East Africa and
Uganda between 1 April 1903 and 22 July 1920.
On 23 July 1920 British East Africa became a Crown Colony of Kenya, with the exception of a coastal strip which remained a protectorate
.[1] Stamps were then inscribed “KENYA AND UGANDA”
The administration issued postage stamps with the profile of King Edward VII and inscribed “EAST AFRICA AND UGANDA PROTECTORATES” in 1903. The same basic design was used throughout the period, with new watermark and colours in 1904 and 1907, respectively, and the substitution of King George V in 1912. The 6c stamp was surcharged 4c in 1919.
While the lower-denomination stamps are common, stamps of up to 500 rupees were sold, primarily for use as revenue stamps. Postal usages of the higher values are scarce and valuable.
East Africa and Uganda Protectorates 1912 five rupees stamp
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East Africa and Uganda Protectorates 1912 ten rupees stamp
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Postal stationery
East Africa and Uganda one anna wrapper used 23 September 1901, postmarked “MALINDI E.A.PROTECTORATE”, addressed to Germany
The postal administration of East Africa and Uganda issued post paid envelopes, registration envelopes, wrappers, postcards and a telegram sheet. The designs of the imprints on registrations envelopes, newspaper wrappers and postcards were similar to that used on the stamps.[2][3]
A total of four post paid envelopes were issued, the stamp imprint on all was oval with the head of king. A one anna envelope was issued in 1904, a six cent envelope was issued in 1907 and finally a 6 cent and a 10 cent envelope was issued with the head of King George in 1912.[2][3]
Including different sizes, a total of eleven registration envelopes have been identified as having been issued; three during the reign of Edward VII and eight during the reign of George V.[2][3]
Three different wrappers with the Edward VII design were produced and two with George V.[2][3]
A total of 12 postcards are known to have been issued; eight during the reign of Edward VII and four during the reign of George V.[2][3]
One unusual item of postal stationery item, issued in 1903, was a telegram sheet with a one rupee stamp imprint. The design of the stamp was hexagonal with the head of Edward VII in a circle in the centre.[2][3]
2.KUT British rule
Postage stamps and postal history of Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika
George VI with lion, 1938.
Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika (KUT) is the name on British postage stamps made for use in the royal colonies of Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika. The stamps were circulated between 1935 and 1963 by the joint postal service of the three colonies, the East African Posts and Telecommunications Administration.[1] Even after independence, the new separate nations continued to use the KUT stamps, and they remained valid for postage until 1977.[2]
Philatelists usually classify the 1921-1927 postal issues of “Kenya and Uganda” and “East Africa and Uganda Protectorates” under the KUT rubric, but the first issues spelling out all the names of the colonies came in 1935, in the form of common design commemoratives for the Silver Jubilee of King George V as well as a definitive series featuring a profile of the king and local scenes. The definitives included a dramatic departure from the usual engraved stamps of the period; the 10c and £1 stamp were typographed and had a silhouette of a lion, with color combinations of black/yellow and black/red, respectively.
The same designs were reissued in 1938 with a profile of George VI. Wartime exigencies forced the use of surcharges on four South African stamps in 1941 and 1942, but after the war the usual common types (Peace Issue, Silver Wedding Issue, etc.) resumed. A definitive series, with new designs, was issued in 1954 for Queen Elizabeth, and in 1958 a pair of commemoratives marked the 100th anniversary of the discovery of the Great Lakes of Africa by Burton and Speke.
A new definitive series in 1960 used simpler and more symbolic designs, and was followed in 1963 by three sets of commemoratives. At this point postal service was taken over by the East African Common Services Organization, which issued commemoratives for the 1964 Summer Olympics inscribed “Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika, Zanzibar”, even though they were never actually used in Zanzibar. After Tanganyika merged with Zanzibar to form Tanzania, subsequent stamps were inscribed “Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania”
, with the three names being listed in randomly varying orders.[3]
These stamps were issued in parallel with stamps from each of the newly-independent nations. The Common Services Organization continued to issue various commemoratives, at the rate of about 10-12 per year, until early in 1976.
3.Postage stamps and postal history of Tanganyika
1922 G.E.A. overprinted 10- orange stamp of Tanganyika
This is a survey of the postage stamps and postal history of the Tanganyika under British mandate.
First stamps
The first postage stamps of Tanganyika were stamps of the East Africa and Uganda Protectorates overprinted “G.E.A.” (for German East Africa), used in 1921 and 1922. These are superficially identical to the last occupation issues of German East Africa, but the presence of the “Crown and Script CA” watermark shows they were issued after the civil administration took over from the military, and are thus properly considered the first issues of Tanganyika.
Resource Page for Tanzania Stamps and Tanzania Postal History
GERMAN POSTAL AGENCY IN LAMU
A German postal agency was established in Lamu on 27 February 1885. German stamps were used by the agency and these can only be identified by the postmark.
GERMAN EAST AFRICA
The colony of German East Africa was established on 4 October 1890. The area of colony included mainland Tanganyika, Burundi and Rwanda. From 4 October 1890 till 30 June 1893 only German stamps were used in the colony. On 1 July 1893 stamps were issued for the colony.
On the outbreak of World War I, the Germans began making raids into British East Africa, Uganda, Congo, Nyasaland, Northern Rhodesia and Mozambique. An attempted British landing at Tanga between 2 and 5 November 1914 was repulsed by the Germans. German East Africa stamps continued to be used in the area controlled by the Germans until they finally surrendered on 26 November 1918.
The colony was broken up by the Treaty of Versailles. The north-western area was given to Belgium as Ruanda-Urundi. The Kionga Triangle, an small area south of the Rovuma River, was given to Portugal to become part of Mozambique. The remainder went to Britain, which named it Tanganyika.
MAFIA ISLAND
Mafia Island was captured by the British in January 1915. At first letters were allowed to be sent unstamped but on 14 January 1915 stamps were made available by handstamping German East Africa stamps “G.R. MAFIA” in two lines. More stamps were made available in May 1915 by overprinting German East Africa stamps “G. R. POST 6 CENTS MAFIA” in four lines. In September 1915 German East Africa fiscal stamps were handstamped with “O.H.B.M.S. Mafia” in a circle. In addition to these, stamps of the Indian Expeditionary Forces (India overprinted I.E.F.) were additionally overprinted “G. R. POST MAFIA” (September 1915) or “G. R. Post MAFIA” (October 1916) in three lines.
BRITISH OCCUPATION OF GERMAN EAST AFRICA
The offensive by the Allied force started in March 1916 from British East Africa, mainly by Indian troops. On 20 May 1916 the Nyasaland-Rhodesian Field Force began their offensive from Nyasaland. In the areas occupied by the Allied troops the civilian population were able to send mail through the Indian Army postal service using Indian stamps overprinted “I.E.F.”.
Some post office reverted to civilian control on 1 June 1917. Initially stamps of East Africa and Uganda were made available; then from October 1917 East Africa and Uganda stamps overprinted “G.E.A.” were made available. In 1921 stamps of Kenya and Uganda were overprinted “G.E.A.”. The last field post office to come under civlian control was on 15 March 1919.
Sometime during 1914-18 the British produced Parodies of the German East Africa yacht issue overprinted “G.E.A BRITISH OCCUPATION”.
In 1922 the colony became the British Mandated Territory of Tanganyika.
NYASALAND RHODESIAN FIELD FORCE
The Nyasaland Rhodesian Field Force, under the command of Brigadier General Edward Northey, began their offensive in East Africa on 20 May 1916. Northey’s force crossed into German East Africa on 25 May 1916. On May 30 they had occupied Neu Langenburg. On June 6 they captured Neu Utengulc. Alt Langenburg was occupied on June 13. Ubena was captured on June 30.
The troops could send normal letters without stamps via the field post office. If there was any additional postage required it required payment. At first unoverprinted Nyasaland stamps were used. Later at the request of Brigadier General Northey, to the Governor of Nyasaland, Nyasaland stamps were overprinted “N.F.” Northey had requested the overprint to be “N.F.F.” and the telegraph operator omitted one “F.” when sending the request to the Governor. Correspondence written by Northey clearly shows that he was an enthusiastic stamp collector. There is no evidence that these stamps were really needed. However the overprinting was sanctioned by the Governor of Nyasaland and the stamps were used for posting letters.
These stamps were only available for use by troops of the Nyasaland Rhodesian Field Forces. Sale of these stamps in large quantities, for dealing purposes, was forbidden. The stamps were available only from Field Post Offices of the Nyasaland Rhodesian Field Force. Most of these offices were in German East Africa. The Nyasaland Rhodesian Field Force also had FPOs in Nyasaland and in Portuguese East Africa. The stamps were not available at any civilian post office or for civilian use.
MANDATED TERRITORY OF TANGANYIKA
In 1922 the former German colony became the British Mandated Territory of Tanganyika. Separate issues of stamps were in use till 1 January 1933. From this day Tanganyika joined the East African Postal Administration and used stamps inscribed “Kenya Uganda and Tanganyika”.
REPUBLIC OF TANGANYIKA
On 9 December 1961 Tanganyika became an indepentant republic and commenced to issue its own stamps.
INDIAN POST OFFICE IN ZANZIBAR
An Indian post office was opened in Zanzibar in November 1868 and closed on 1 April 1869
Stamps of India were used in Zanzibar from 1 October 1875 to 10 November 1895
FRENCH POST OFFICE IN ZANZIBAR
A French post office was opened in Zanzibar in January 1889. French stamps were used initially. In 1894 specific stamps were issued for use from this post office. French stamps are also know used during 1903 and 1904. The office was closed on 31 July 1904.
GERMAN POSTAL AGENCY IN ZANZIBAR
German stamps were used by a German postal agency which was open between 27 August 1890 and 31 July 1891.
PROTECTORATE OF ZANZIBAR
In 1895 Zanzibar became a British Protectorate.
INDEPENDENT ZANZIBAR
Zanzibar received its independence and became a constitutional monarchy under the Sultan, Sayyid Jamshid bin Abdullah, on 10 December 1963.
REPUBLIC OF ZANZIBAR
The Sultan and the democratically elected government were overthrown in the Zanzibar Revolution on 12 January 1964. When the post offices opened on 14 January 1964 the stamps on sale had the portrait of the Sultan obliterated by a manuscript cross. On 17 January 1964 stamps were issued which had been handstamped “JAMHURI 1964”
All Zanzibar stamps were withdrawn from post office from 1 January 1968 and were replaced by Tanzania stamps. Zanzibar stamps remained valid for use in Zanzibar for a short time.
UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANGANYIKA AND ZANZIBAR
The United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was formed on 26 April 1964
UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA
On 29 October 1964 the republic was renamed as Tanzania
Later issues
In 1922, the government issued a series of 19 stamps inscribed “TANGANYIKA“, featuring the head of a giraffe, denominated in cents, shillings and pounds (100 cents to a shilling, 20 shillings to a pound), with several colour changes in 1925.
This was followed in 1927 by a second series of 16 values in a more conventional design with a profile of King George V and inscribed “MANDATED TERRITORY OF TANGANYIKA“.
In 1927, Tanganyika entered the Customs Union of Kenya and Uganda, as well as the East African Postal Union. Between 1935 and 1961, stamps of the combined postal administration (East African Posts and Telecommunications Administration) known as “Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika” were in use.
Independence
Shortly after independence in 1961, the new state of Tanganyika issued a series of commemorative stamps inscribed “TANGANYIKA“.
This was followed by a final commemorative issue on December 9, 1962, with four stamps inscribed “JAMHURI YA TANGANYIKA” to commemorate the foundation of the republic.
Tanganyika ceased to exist as a nation in 1964, when it was loosely united with Zanzibar, to form the nation of Tanzania. Stamps of the combined postal administration remained valid until well after the formation of Tanzania
KUT Independent
1) Kenya
This is a survey of the postage stamps and postal history of Kenya.
First stamps
The first stamps of independent Kenya were issued on 12 December 1963. Before that the territory used the stamps of Kenya and Uganda and Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika
2) Uganda
This is a survey of the postage stamps and postal history of Uganda.
Uganda is a landlocked country in East Africa. It is bordered on the east by Kenya, on the north by Sudan, on the west by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, on the southwest by Rwanda, and on the south by Tanzania. The southern part of the country includes a substantial portion of Lake Victoria, which is also bordered by Kenya and Tanzania.
First stamps
The first stamps of independent Uganda were issued on 9 October 1962. Before that the territory used the stamps of Kenya and Uganda and Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika
3)TANGANYIKA (TANZANIA)
Postage stamps and postal history of Tanzania(before Tanganyika)
1-shilling stamp of 1965, used at Shinyanga probably in 1968. Note that the postmark still gives “Tanganyika” as country name.
5-shilling stamp of 1980 depicting lion and cubs, used in 1985.
The story of the postage stamps and postal history of Tanzania begins with German East Africa, which was occupied by British forces during World War I. After the war, the territory was named Tanganyika and issued stamps under that name until after a union with Zanzibar in 1964.
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First stamps
The first issue of Tanzania proper was a set of four commemorative stamps marking the union, issued 7 July 1964. Inscribed “UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANGANYIKA & ZANZIBAR”, two values depict a map of the coast from Tanga to Dar-es-Salaam along with Zanzibar and Pemba, while other two show hands holding a torch and spear.
Later issues
The first definitive series was issued 9 December 1965, and consisted of a set of 14 values ranging from 5 cents to 20 shillings, depicting a variety of scenes, symbols, and wildlife.
The stamps of Tanzania were also valid in Kenya and Uganda (until 1976), and so Tanzania did not typically issue its own commemoratives. A definitives series issued 9 December 1967 featured various fish, and series of 15 stamps from 3 December 1973 depicted butterflies. Four of these values were surcharged 17 November 1975.
In 1976 and 1977, Tanzania issued eight commemorative sets that shared design with the stamps of Kenya, and after that it issued its own designs.
Recent stamps
Stamp-issuing policy was relatively restrained in the 1980s, with about 7-8 special issues each year, typically of four stamps each, and a definitive series of mammals in 1980, but by the end of the decade the postal administration had begun putting out large numbers of issues aimed solely at stamp collectors, with averages of over 100 types annually. Tanzania is a client of the Inter-Governmental Philatelic Corporation
IIKenya Uganda Tanganyika Historic
1.Kenya
Kenyan prehistory
Recent finds near Lake Turkana indicate that hominids like Australopithecus anamensis lived in the area which is now Kenya from around 4.1 million years ago.[1] More recently, discoveries in the Tugen Hills dated to approximately 6 million years ago precipitated the naming of a new species, the Orrorin tugenensis.
Early Kenyan civilizations
Cushitic language-speaking people from northern Africa moved into the area that is now Kenya beginning around 2000 BCE.[2] Arab traders began frequenting the Kenya coast around the 1st century CE (Common Era). Kenya’s proximity to the Arabian Peninsula invited trade and later colonization. Between the first and the fifth centuries CE, Greek merchants from Egypt had some stake in the trade.[3] About 500 CE, traders from the Persian Gulf, southern India and Indonesia made contact with East Africa.[4] Trade led to establishment of commercial posts.[5] Eventually, these commercial posts became Arab and Persian city-states along the coast. By the 8th century these city-states tended to have rulers that had accepted Islam.[6] Muslim traders had little incentive to go beyond the coast into the interior of Africa. The goods they sought—gold from the mines of Rhodesia, ivory, slaves, tortoise shell and rhinoceros horn—could more conveniently be gathered by local people in the interior and sold to the traders at the coasts during seasonal markets.[7] During the first millennium CE, Nilotic and Bantu peoples moved into the region, and the latter now comprise three-quarters of Kenya’s population. Swahili, a Bantu language with many Arabic loan words, developed as a lingua franca for trade between the different peoples.[8] A Swahili culture developed in the towns, notably Pate, Malindi, and Mombasa.
The Portuguese arrived in 1498, with a powerful navy. The goal was not settlement but the establishment of naval bases that would give Portugal control of the Indian Ocean. After decades of small-scale conflict the Portuguese were defeated in Kenya by Arabs from Oman. Under Seyyid Said, the Omani sultan who moved his capital to Zanzibar in the early 19th century, the Arabs created long-distance trade routes into the interior. The dry reaches of the north were lightly inhabited by seminomadic pastoralists. In the south, pastoralists and cultivators bartered goods and competed for land as long-distance caravan routes linked them to the Kenya coast on the east and the kingdoms of Uganda on the west. Arab, Shirazi, and coastal African cultures produced an Islamic Swahili people trading in a variety of up-country commodities, including slaves.[9]
Colonial history
The Portuguese were the first Europeans to explore the region of current-day Kenya, Vasco da Gama having visited Mombasa in 1498. Gama’s voyage was successful in reaching India and this permitted the Portuguese to trade with the Far East directly by sea, thus challenging older trading networks of mixed land and sea routes, such as the Spice trade routes that utilized the Persian Gulf, Red Sea and caravans to reach the eastern Mediterranean. The Republic of Venice had gained control over much of the trade routes between Europe and Asia. After traditional land routes to India had been closed by the Ottoman Turks, Portugal hoped to use the sea route pioneered by Gama to break the once Venetian trading monopoly. Portuguese rule in East Africa focused mainly on a coastal strip centred in Mombasa. The Portuguese presence in East Africa officially began after 1505, when flagships under the command of Don Francisco de Almeida conquered Kilwa, an island located in what is now southern Tanzania.[10]
The Portuguese presence in East Africa served the purpose of control trade within the Indian Ocean and secure the sea routes linking Europe to Asia. Portuguese naval vessels were very disruptive to the commerce of Portugal’s enemies within the western Indian Ocean and were able to demand high tariffs on items transported through the sea given their strategic control of ports and shipping lanes. The construction of Fort Jesus in Mombasa in 1593 was meant to solidify Portuguese hegemony in the region, but their influence was clipped by the English, Dutch and Omani Arab incursions into the region during the 17th century. The Omani Arabs posed the most direct challenge to Portuguese influence in East Africa and besieged Portuguese fortresses, openly attacked naval vessels and expelled the remaining Portuguese from the Kenyan and Tanzanian coasts by 1730. By this time the Portuguese Empire had already lost its interest on the spice trade sea route because of the decreasing profitability of that business. Portuguese-ruled territories, ports and settlements remained active to the south, in Mozambique, until 1975.
Omani Arab colonization of the Kenyan and Tanzanian coasts brought the once independent city-states under closer foreign scrutiny and domination than was experienced during the Portuguese period. Like their predecessors, the Omani Arabs were primarily able only to control the coastal areas, not the interior. However, the creation of clove plantations, intensification of the slave trade and relocation of the Omani capital to Zanzibar in 1839 by Seyyid Said had the effect of consolidating the Omani power in the region. Arab governance of all the major ports along the East African coast continued until British interests aimed particularly at ending the slave trade and creation of a wage-labour system began to put pressure on Omani rule. By the late nineteenth century, the slave trade on the open seas had been completely outlawed by the British and the Omani Arabs had little ability to resist the Royal Navy’s ability to enforce the directive. The Omani presence continued in Zanzibar and Pemba until the 1964 revolution, but the official Omani Arab presence in Kenya was checked by German and British seizure of key ports and creation of crucial trade alliances with influential local leaders in the 1880s. Nevertheless, the Omani Arab legacy in East Africa is currently found through their numerous descendants found along the coast that can directly trace ancestry to Oman and are typically the wealthiest and most politically influential members of the Kenyan coastal community.[11]
1850-1920
The first Christian mission was founded on August 25, 1846, by Dr. Johann Ludwig Krapf, a German sponsored by the Church Missionary Society of England.[12] He established a station among the Mijikenda on the coast. He later translated the Bible into Swahili.[11]
By 1850 European explorers had begun mapping the interior.[13] Three developments encouraged European interest in East Africa in the fist half of the nineteenth century.[14] First, was the emergence of the island of Zanzibar, located off the east coast of Africa.[15] Zanzibar became a base from which trade and exploration of the African mainland could be mounted.[16] By 1840, to protect the interests of the various nationals doing business in Zanzibar, consul offices had been opened by the British, French, Germans and Americans. In 1859, the tonnage of foreign shipping calling at Zanzibar had reached 19,000 tons.[17] By 1879, the tonnage of this shipping had reached 89,000 tons. The second development spurring European interest in Africa was the growing European demand for products of Africa including ivory and cloves. Thirdly, British interest in East Africa was first stimulated by their desire to abolish the slave trade.[18] Later in the century, British interest in East Africa would be stimulated by German competition, and in 1887 the Imperial British East Africa Company, a private concern, leased from Seyyid Said his mainland holdings, a 10-mile (16-km)-wide strip of land along the coast. In 1895 the British government took over and claimed the interior as far west as Lake Naivasha; it set up the East Africa Protectorate. The border was extended to Uganda in 1902, and in 1920 the enlarged protectorate, except for the original coastal strip, which remained a protectorate, became a crown colony. With the beginning of colonial rule in 1895, the Rift Valley and the surrounding Highlands became the enclave of white immigrants engaged in large-scale coffee farming dependent on mostly Kikuyu labor. This area’s fertile land has always made it the site of migration and conflict. There were no significant mineral resources—none of the gold or diamonds that attracted so many to South Africa.
Imperial Germany set up a protectorate over the Sultan of Zanzibar’s coastal possessions in 1885, followed by the arrival of Sir William Mackinnon‘s British East Africa Company (BEAC) in 1888, after the company had received a royal charter and concessionary rights to the Kenya coast from the Sultan of Zanzibar for a 50-year period. Incipient imperial rivalry was forestalled when Germany handed its coastal holdings to Britain in 1890, in exchange for German control over the coast of Tanganyika. The colonial takeover met occasionally with some strong local resistance: Waiyaki Wa Hinga, a Kikuyu chief who ruled Dagoretti who had signed a treaty with Frederick Lugard of the BEAC, having been subject to considerable harassment, burnt down Lugard’s fort in 1890. Waiyaki was abducted two years later by the British and killed.[11]
Following severe financial difficulties of the British East Africa Company, the British government on July 1, 1895 established direct rule through the East African Protectorate, subsequently opening (1902) the fertile highlands to white settlers.
Railways
A key to the development of Kenya’s interior was the construction, started in 1895, of a railway from Mombasa to Kisumu, on Lake Victoria, completed in 1901. This was to be the first piece of the Uganda Railway. The British government had decided, primarily for strategic reasons, to build a railway linking Mombasa with the British protectorate of Uganda. A major feat of engineering, the “Uganda railway” (that is the railway inside Kenya leading to Uganda) was completed in 1903 and was a decisive event in modernizing the area. As governor of Kenya, Sir Percy Girouard was instrumental in initiating railway extension policy that led to construction of the Nairobi-Thika and Konza-Magadi railways.[19]
Some 32,000 workers were imported from British India to do the manual labour. Many stayed, as did most of the Indian traders and small businessmen who saw opportunity in the opening up of the interior of Kenya. Rapid economic development was seen as necessary to make the railway pay, and since the African population was accustomed to subsistence rather than export agriculture, the government decided to encourage European settlement in the fertile highlands, which had small African populations. The railway opened up the interior, not only to the European farmers, missionaries, and administrators, but also to systematic government programs to attack slavery, witchcraft, disease, and famine. The Africans saw witchcraft as a powerful influence on their lives and frequently took violent action against suspected witches. To control this aggression, the British colonial administration passed laws, beginning in 1909, which made the practice of witchcraft illegal. These laws gave the local population a legal, nonviolent way to stem the activities of witches.[20]
By the time the railway was built, military resistance by the African population to the original British takeover had petered out. However new grievances were being generated by the process of European settlement. Governor Percy Girouard is associated with the debacle of the Second Maasai Agreement of 1911, which led to their forceful removal from the fertile Laikipia plateau to semi-arid Ngong. To make way for the Europeans (largely Britons and whites from South Africans), the Masai were restricted to the southern Loieta plains in 1913. The Kikuyu claimed some of the land reserved for Europeans and continued to feel that they had been deprived of their inheritance.
In the initial stage of colonial rule, the administration relied on traditional communicators, usually chiefs. When colonial rule was established and efficiency was sought, partly because of settler pressure, newly educated younger men were associated with old chiefs in local Native Councils.[21]
In building the railway the British had to confront strong local opposition, especially from Koitalel Arap Samoei, a diviner and Nandi leader who prophesied that a black snake would tear through Nandi land spitting fire, which was seen later as the railway line. For ten years he fought against the builders of the railway line and train. The settlers were partly allowed in 1907 a voice in government through the Legislative Council, a European organization to which some were appointed and others elected. But since most of the powers remained in the hands of the Governor, the settlers started lobbying to transform Kenya in a Crown Colony, which meant more powers for the settlers. They obtained this goal in 1920, making the Council more representative of European settlers; but Africans were excluded from direct political participation until 1944, when the first of them was admitted in the Council.[21]
1914-1939
Kenya became a military base for the British in the First World War (1914–1918), as efforts to subdue the German colony to the south were frustrated. At the outbreak of war in August 1914, the governors of British East Africa (as the Protectorate was generally known) and German East Africa agreed a truce in an attempt to keep the young colonies out of direct hostilities. However Lt Col Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck took command of the German military forces, determined to tie down as many British resources as possible. Completely cut off from Germany, von Lettow conducted an effective guerilla warfare campaign, living off the land, capturing British supplies, and remaining undefeated. He eventually surrendered in Zambia eleven days after the Armistice was signed in 1918. To chase von Lettow the British deployed Indian Army troops from India and then needed large numbers of porters to overcome the formidable logistics of transporting supplies far into the interior by foot. The Carrier Corps was formed and ultimately mobilised over 400,000 Africans, contributing to their long-term politicisation.[21]
Before the war African political focus was diffuse, but after the war an immediate hardship caused by new taxes and reduced wages and new settlers threatening African land led to new movements. The experiences gained by Africans in the war coupled with the creation of the white-settler-dominated Kenya Crown Colony, gave rise to considerable political activity in the 1920s which culminated in Archdeacon Owen’s “Piny Owacho” (Voice of the People) movement and the “Young Kikuyu Association” (renamed the “East African Association”) started in 1921 by Harry Thuku (1895–1970), which gave a sense of nationalism to many Kikuyu and advocated civil disobedience. From the 1920s, the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA) focused on unifying the Kikuyu into one geographic polity, but its project was undermined by controversies over ritual tribute, land allocation, the ban on female circumcision, and support for Thuku.
Most political activity between the wars was local, and this succeeded most among the Luo of Kenya, where progressive young leaders became senior chiefs. By the later 1930s government began to intrude on ordinary Africans through marketing controls, stricter educational supervision, and land changes. Traditional chiefs became irrelevant and younger men became communicators by training in the missionary churches and civil service. Pressure on ordinary Kenyans by governments in a hurry to modernize in the 1930s to 1950s enabled the mass political parties to acquire support for “centrally” focused movements, but even these often relied on local communicators.[22]
During the early part of the 20th century, the interior central highlands were settled by British and other European farmers, who became wealthy farming coffee and tea.[23] By the 1930s, approximately 30,000 white settlers lived in the area and gained a political voice because of their contribution to the market economy. The area was already home to over a million members of the Kikuyu tribe, most of whom had no land claims in European terms, and lived as itinerant farmers. To protect their interests, the settlers banned the growing of coffee, introduced a hut tax, and the landless were granted less and less land in exchange for their labour. A massive exodus to the cities ensued as their ability to provide a living from the land dwindled.[21]
Representation
Kenya became a locus of resettlement of young, upper-class British officers after the war, giving a strong aristocratic tone to the white settlers. If they had ₤1000 in assets they could get a free 1,000 acres (4 km2); the goal of the government was to speed up modernization and economic growth. They set up coffee plantations, which required expensive machinery, a stable labour force, and four years to start growing crops. The veterans did escape democracy and taxation in Britain, but they failed in their efforts to gain control of the colony. The upper-class bias in migration policy meant that whites would always be a small minority. Many of them left after independence.[24]
Power remained concentrated in the governor’s hands; weak legislative and executive councils made up of official appointees were created in 1906. The European settlers were allowed to elect representatives to the Legislative Council in 1920, when the colony was established. The white settlers, 30,000 strong, sought “responsible government,” in which they would have a voice. They opposed similar demands by the far more numerous Indian community. The European settlers gained representation for themselves and minimized representation on the Legislative Council for Indians and Arabs. The government appointed a European to represent African interests on the Council. In the “Devonshire declaration” of 1923 the Colonial Office declared that the interests of the Africans (comprising over 95% of the population) must be paramount—achieving that goal took four decades.
Second World War
In the Second World War (1939–45) Kenya became an important British military base for successful campaigns against Italy in the Italian Somaliland and Ethiopia. The war brought money and an opportunity for military service for 98,000 men, called “askaris”. The war stimulated African nationalism. After the war, African ex-servicemen sought to maintain the socioeconomic gains they had accrued through service in the King’s African Rifles (KAR). Looking for middle-class employment and social privileges, they challenged existing relationships within the colonial state. For the most part, veterans did not participate in national politics, believing that their aspirations could best be achieved within the confines of colonial society. The social and economic connotations of KAR service, combined with the massive wartime expansion of Kenyan defense forces, created a new class of modernized Africans with distinctive characteristics and interests. These socioeconomic perceptions proved powerful after the war.[25]
Rural trends
British officials sought to modernise Kikuyu farming in the Murang’a District 1920-45. Relying on concepts of trusteeship and scientific management, they imposed a number of changes in crop production and agrarian techniques, claiming to promote conservation and “betterment” of farming in the colonial tribal reserves. While criticized as backward by British officials and white settlers, African farming proved resilient, and Kikuyu farmers engaged in widespread resistance to the colonial state’s agrarian reforms.[26]
Modernisation was accelerated by the Second World War. Among the Luo the larger agricultural production unit was the patriarch’s extended family, mainly divided into a special assignment team led by the patriarch, and the teams of his wives, who, together with their children, worked their own lots on a regular basis. This stage of development was no longer strictly traditional, but still largely self-sufficient with little contact with the broader market. Pressures of overpopulation and the prospects of cash crops, already in evidence by 1945, made this subsistence economic system increasingly obsolete and accelerated a movement to commercial agriculture and emigration to cities. The Limitation of Action Act in 1968 sought to modernize traditional land ownership and use; the act has produced unintended consequences, with new conflicts raised over land ownership and social status.[27]
Political mobilisation
As a reaction to their exclusion from political representation, the Kikuyu people, the most subject to pressure by the settlers, founded in 1921 Kenya’s first African political protest movement, the Young Kikuyu Association, led by Harry Thuku. In 1944 Thuku founded and was first chairman of the multi-tribal Kenya African Study Union (KASU), which in 1946 became the Kenya African Union (KAU). It was an African nationalist organization that demanded access to white-owned land. KAU acted as a constituency association for the first black member of Kenya’s legislative council, Eliud Mathu, who had been nominated in 1944 by the governor after consulting élite African opinion. The KAU soon became dominated by the Kikuyu, the African group most affected by the European presence and the most politically active. In 1947 Jomo Kenyatta, former president of the moderate Kikuyu Central Association, became president of the more aggressive KAU to demand a greater political voice for Africans.
In response to the rising pressures the British Colonial Office broadened the membership of the Legislative Council and increased its role. By 1952 a multiracial pattern of quotas allowed for 14 European, 1 Arab, and 6 Asian elected members, together with an additional 6 African and 1 Arab member chosen by the governor. The council of ministers became the principal instrument of government in 1954.
Mau-Mau Rising
A key watershed came from 1952 to 1956, during the “Mau Mau Uprising“, an armed local movement directed principally against the colonial government and the European settlers. It was the largest and most successful such movement in British Africa, but it was not emulated by the other colonies. The protest was supported almost exclusively by the Kikuyu, despite issues of land rights and anti-European, anti-Western appeals designed to attract other groups. The Mau Mau movement was also a bitter internal struggle among the Kikuyu. Harry Thuku said in 1952, “To-day we, the Kikuyu, stand ashamed and looked upon as hopeless people in the eyes of other races and before the Government. Why? Because of the crimes perpetrated by Mau Mau and because the Kikuyu have made themselves Mau Mau.” The British killed over 4000, and the Mau Mau many more, as the assassinations and killings on all sides reflecting the ferocity of the movement and the ruthlessness with which the British suppressed it.[28] Kenyatta denied he was a leader of the Mau Mau but was convicted at trial and was sent to prison in 1953, gaining his freedom in 1961. To support its military campaign of counter-insurgency the colonial government embarked on agrarian reforms that stripped white settlers of many of their former protections; for example, Africans were for the first time allowed to grow coffee, the major cash crop. Thuku was one of the first Kikuyu to win a coffee license, and in 1959 he became the first African board member of the Kenya Planters Coffee Union.
Constitutional debates
After the suppression of the Mau Mau rising, the British provided for the election of the six African members to the Legislative Council under a weighted franchise based on education. The new colonial constitution of 1958 increased African representation, but African nationalists began to demand a democratic franchise on the principle of “one man, one vote.” However, Europeans and Asians, because of their minority position, feared the effects of universal suffrage.
At a conference held in 1960 in London, agreement was reached between the African members and the English settlers of the New Kenya Group, led by Michael Blundell. However many whites rejected the New Kenya Group and condemned the London agreement, because it moved away from racial quotas and toward independence. Following the agreement a new African party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), with the slogan “Uhuru,” or “Freedom,” was formed under the leadership of Kikuyu leader James S. Gichuru and labor leader Tom Mboya. Mboya was a major figure from 1951 until his death in 1969. He was praised as nonethnic or antitribal, and attacked as an instrument of Western capitalism. Mboya as General Secretary of the Kenya Federation of Labor and a leader in the Kenya African National Union before and after independence skillfully managed the tribal factor in Kenyan economic and political life to succeed as a Luo in a predominantly Kikuyu movement.[29] A split in KANU produced the breakaway rival party, the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), led by R. Ngala and M. Muliro. In the elections of February 1961, KANU won 19 of the 33 African seats while KADU won 11 (twenty seats were reserved by quota for Europeans, Asians, and Arabs). Kenyatta was finally released in August and became president of KANU in October.
In 1959, nationalist leader Tom Mboya began a program, funded by Americans, of sending talented youth to the United States for higher education. There was no university in Kenya at the time, but colonial officials opposed the program anyway. The next year Senator John F. Kennedy helped fund the program, which trained some 70% of the top leaders of the new nation, including the first African woman to win the Nobel Peace Prize, environmentalist Wangari Maathai.[30]
Independence
In 1962 a KANU-KADU coalition government, including both Kenyatta and Ngala, was formed. The 1962 constitution established a bicameral legislature consisting of a 117-member House of Representatives and a 41-member Senate. The country was divided into 7 semi-autonomous regions, each with its own regional assembly. The quota principle of reserved seats for non-Africans was abandoned, and open elections were held in May 1963. KADU gained control of the assemblies in the Rift Valley, Coast, and Western regions. KANU won majorities in the Senate and House of Representatives, and in the assemblies in the Central, Eastern, and Nyanza regions.[31] Kenya now achieved internal self-government with Jomo Kenyatta as its first prime minister. The British and KANU agreed, over KADU protests, to constitutional changes in October 1963 strengthening the central government. Kenya became independent on Dec. 12, 1963 (1963 Constitution of Kenya). In 1964 Kenya became a republic, and constitutional changes further centralized the government.[32]
The British government bought out the white settlers and they mostly left Kenya. The Indian minority dominated retail business in the cities and most towns, but was deeply distrusted by the Africans. As a result 120,000 of the 176,000 Indians kept their old British passports rather than become citizens of an independent Kenya; large numbers left Kenya, most of them headed to Britain.[32]
Kenyatta regime: 1963-1978
Once in power Kenyatta swerved from radical nationalism to conservative bourgeois politics. The plantations formerly owned by white settlers were broken up and given to farmers, with the Kikuyu the favoured recipients, along with their allies the Embu and the Meru. By 1978 most of the country’s wealth and power was in the hands of the organisation which grouped these three tribes: the Gikuyu-Embu-Meru Association (GEMA), together comprising 30% of the population. At the same time the Kikuyu, with Kenyatta’s support, spread beyond their traditional territorial homelands and repossessed lands “stolen by the whites” – even when these had previously belonged to other groups. The other groups, a 70% majority, were outraged, setting up long-term ethnic animosities.[33]
The minority party, the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), representing a coalition of small tribes that had feared dominance by larger ones, dissolved itself voluntarily in 1964 and former members joined KANU. KANU was the only party 1964-1966 when a faction broke away as the Kenya People’s Union (KPU). It was led by Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, a former vice president and Luo elder. KPU advocated a more “scientific” route to socialism—criticizing the slow progress in land redistribution and employment opportunities—as well as a realignment of foreign policy in favour of the Soviet Union. In June 1969 Tom Mboya, a Luo member of the government considered a potential successor to Kenyatta, was assassinated. Hostility between Kikuyu and Luo was heightened, and after riots broke out in Luo country KPU was banned. The government used a variety of political and economic measures to harass the KPU and its prospective and actual members. KPU branches were unable to register, KPU meetings were prevented, and civil servants and politicians suffered severe economic and political consequences for joining the KPU. Kenya thereby became a one-party state under KANU.[34]
Ignoring his suppression of the opposition and continued factionalism within KANU the imposition of one-party rule allowed Mzee (“Old Man”) Kenyatta, who had led the country since independence, claimed he achieved “political stability.” Underlying social tensions were evident, however. Kenya’s very rapid population growth rate and considerable rural to urban migration were in large part responsible for high unemployment and disorder in the cities. There also was much resentment by blacks at the privileged economic position in the country of Asians and Europeans.
At Kenyatta’s death (August 22, 1978), Vice President Daniel arap Moi became interim President. On October 14, Moi became President formally after he was elected head of KANU and designated its sole nominee. In June 1982, the National Assembly amended the constitution, making Kenya officially a one-party state. On August 1 members of the Kenyan Air Force launched an attempted coup, which was quickly suppressed by Loyalist forces led by the Army, the General Service Unit (GSU) — paramilitary wing of the police — and later the regular police, but not without civilian casualties.[35]
Foreign policies
Independent Kenya, although officially non-aligned, adopted a pro-Western stance.[36] Kenya worked unsuccessfully for East African union; the proposal to unite Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda did not win approval. However, the three nations did form a loose East African Community (EAC) in 1967, that maintained the customs union and some common services that they had shared under British rule. The EAC collapsed in 1977 and it was officially dissolved in 1984. Kenya’s relations with Somalia deteriorated over the problem of Somalis in the North Eastern Province who tried to secede and were supported by Somalia. In 1968, however, Kenya and Somalia agreed to restore normal relations, and the Somali rebellion effectively ended.[35]
Moi regime, 1978-2002
Kenyatta died in 1978 and was succeeded by Daniel Arap Moi (b. 1924) who ruled as President 1978-2002. Moi, a member of the Kalenjin ethnic group, quickly consolidated his position and governed in an authoritarian and corrupt manner. By 1986, Moi had concentrated all the power – and most of its attendant economic benefits – into the hands of his Kalenjin tribe and of a handful of allies from minority groups.[35]
In mid-1982 lower-level air force personnel backed by university students attempted a coup to oust Moi. It failed and was followed by looting of Asian-owned stores by Nairobi’s poor blacks and by attacks on Asian population. Robert Ouko, the senior Luo in Moi’s cabinet, was appointed to expose corruption at high levels but was murdered a few months later. Moi’s closest associate was implicated in Ouko’s murder; Moi dismissed him but not before his remaining Luo support had evaporated. Germany recalled its ambassador to protest the “increasing brutality” of the regime, and foreign donors pressed Moi to allow other parties, which was done in December 1991 through a constitutional amendment.[35]
Multi-party politics
After local and foreign pressure, in December 1991, parliament repealed the one-party section of the constitution. The Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) emerged as the leading opposition to KANU, and dozens of leading KANU figures switched parties. But FORD, led by Oginga Odinga (1911–1994), a Luo, and Kenneth Matiba, a Kikuyu, split into two ethnically based factions. In the first open presidential elections in a quarter century, in December 1992, Moi won with 37% of the vote, Matiba received 26%, Mwai Kibaki (of the mostly Kikuyu Democratic Party) 19%, and Odinga 18%. In the Assembly, KANU won 97 of the 188 seats at stake. Moi’s government in 1993 agreed to economic reforms long urged by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which restored enough aid for Kenya to service its $7.5 billion foreign debt.[35]
Obstructing the press both before and after the 1992 elections, Moi continually maintained that multiparty politics would only promote tribal conflict. His own regime depended upon exploitation of inter-group hatreds. Under Moi, the apparatus of clientage and control was underpinned by the system of powerful provincial commissioners, each with a bureaucratic hierarchy based on chiefs (and their police) that was more powerful than the elected members of parliament. Elected local councils lost most of their power, and the provincial bosses were answerable only to the central government, which in turn was dominated by the president. The emergence of mass opposition in 1990-91 and demands for constitutional reform were met by rallies against pluralism. The regime leaned on the support of the Kalenjin and incited the Maasai against the Kiyuku. Government politicians denounced the Kiyuku as traitors, obstructed their registration as voters, and threatened them with dispossession. In 1993 and after, mass evictions of Kiyuku took place, often with the direct involvement of army, police, and game rangers. Armed clashes and many casualties, including deaths, resulted.[37]
Further liberalisation in November 1997 allowed the expansion of political parties from 11 to 26. President Moi won re-election as President in the December 1997 elections, and his KANU Party narrowly retained its parliamentary majority.
Moi ruled using a strategic mixture of ethnic favoritism, state repression, and marginalization of opposition forces. He utilized detention and torture, looted public finances, and appropriated land and other property. Moi sponsored irregular army units that attacked the Luo, Luhya, and Kikuyu communities, and he disclaimed responsibility by assigning the violence to ethnic clashes arising from a land dispute.[38] Beginning in 1998, Moi engaged in a carefully calculated strategy to manage the presidential succession in his and his party’s favor. Faced with the challenge of a new, multiethnic political coalition, Moi shifted the axis of the 2002 electoral contest from ethnicity to the politics of generational conflict. The strategy backfired, ripping his party wide open and resulting in its humiliating defeat of his candidate, Kenyatta’s son, in the December 2002 general elections.[39]
21st century
Constitutionally barred from running in the December 2002 presidential elections, Moi unsuccessfully promoted Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya’s first President, as his successor. A rainbow coalition of opposition parties routed the ruling KANU party, and its leader, Moi’s former vice-president Mwai Kibaki, was elected President by a large majority.
On 27 December 2002 by 62% the voters overwhelmingly elected members of the National Rainbow Coalition (NaRC) to parliament and NaRC candidate Mwai Kibaki (1931- ) to the presidency. Voters rejected the Kenya African National Union’s (KANU) presidential candidate, Uhuru Kenyatta, the handpicked candidate of outgoing president Moi. International and local observers reported the 2002 elections to be generally more fair and less violent than those of both 1992 and 1997. His strong showing allowed Kibaki to choose a strong cabinet, to seek international support, and to balance power within the NaRC.
Kenya witnessed a spectacular economic recovery, helped by a favourable international environment. The annual rate of growth improved from -1.6% in 2002 to 2.6% by 2004, 3.4% in 2005, and 5.5% in 2007. However, social inequalities also increased; the economic benefits went disproportionately to the already well-off (especially to the Kikuyu); corruption reached new depths, matching some of the excesses of the Moi years. Social conditions deteriorated for ordinary Kenyans, who faced a growing wave of routine crime in urban areas; pitched battles between ethnic groups fighting for land; and a feud between the police and the Mungiki sect, which left over 120 people dead in May–November 2007 alone.[33]
Once regarded as the world’s “most optimistic,” Kibaki’s regime quickly lost much of its power because it became too closely linked with the discredited Moi forces. The continuity between Kibaki and Moi set the stage for the self-destruction of Kibaki’s National Rainbow Coalition, which was dominated by Kikuyus. The western Luo and Kalenjin groups, demanding greater autonomy, backed Raila Amolo Odinga (1945- ) and his Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).[40]
In the December 2007 elections, Odinga, the candidate of the ODM, attacked the failures of the Kibaki regime. The ODM charged the Kikuyu have grabbed everything and all the other tribes have lost; that Kibaki had betrayed his promises for change; that crime and violence were out of control, and that economic growth was not bringing any benefits to the ordinary citizen. In the December 2007 elections the ODM won a landslide for Parliament, but the counting of votes for president was rigged by the government which proclaimed Kibaki had been re-elected.
“Majimboism” was a philosophy that emerged in the 1950s, meaning federalism or regionalism in Swahili, and it was intended to protect local rights, especially regarding land ownership. Today “majimboism” is code for certain areas of the country to be reserved for specific ethnic groups, fueling the kind of ethnic cleansing that has swept the country since the election. Majimboism has always had a strong following in the Rift Valley, the epicenter of the recent violence, where many locals have long believed that their land was stolen by outsiders. The December 2007 election was in part a referendum on majimboism. It pitted today’s majimboists, represented by Odinga, who campaigned for regionalism, against Kibaki, who stood for the status quo of a highly centralized government that has delivered considerable economic growth but has repeatedly displayed the problems of too much power concentrated in too few hands — corruption, aloofness, favoritism and its flip side, marginalization. In the town of Londiani in the Rift Valley, Kikuyu traders settled decades ago. In February, 2008, hundreds of Kalenjin raiders poured down from the nearby scruffy hills and burned a Kikuyu school. Three hundred thousand members of the Kikuyu community were displaced from Rift Valley province.[41] Kikuyus quickly took revenge, organizing into gangs armed with iron bars and table legs and hunting down Luos and Kalenjins in Kikuyu-dominated areas like Nakuru. “We are achieving our own perverse version of majimboism,” wrote one of Kenya’s leading columnists, Macharia Gaitho.[42]
On April 17, 2008, Raila Odinga, from Orange Democratic Movement, a candidate of Kenyan presidential election, 2007 was sworn as Prime Minister of Kenya, after more than forty years of the abolition of office
Social change
Fertility decline
Between 1980 and 2000 total fertility in Kenya fell by about 40%, from some eight births per woman to around five. During the same period, fertility in Uganda declined by less than 10%. The difference was due primarily to greater contraceptive use in Kenya, though in Uganda there was also a reduction in pathological sterility. The Demographic and Health Surveys carried out every five years show that women in Kenya wanted fewer children than those in Uganda and that in Uganda there was also a greater unmet need for contraception. These differences may be attributed, in part at least, to the divergent paths of economic development followed by the two countries since independence and to the Kenya government’s active promotion of family planning, which the Uganda government did not promote until 1995.[43]
Luo
The Luo population of the southwest had enjoyed an advantageous position during the late colonial and early independence periods of the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s, particularly in terms of the prominence of its modern elite compared to those of other groups. However the Luo lost prominence due to the success of Kikuyu and related groups (Embu and Meru) in gaining and exercising political power during the Jomo Kenyatta era (1963–1978). While measurements of poverty and health by the early 2000s showed the Luo disadvantaged relative to other Kenyans, the growing presence of non-Luo in the professions reflected a dilution of Luo professionals due to the arrival of others rather than an absolute decline in the Luo numbers.[44]
2.Uganda
History of Uganda
Uganda before 1900
The earliest human inhabitants in a contemporary Uganda were hunter-gathers. Remnants of these people are today to be found among the pygmies in western Uganda. Between approximately 2500 to 1500 years ago, Bantu speaking populations from central and western Africa migrated and occupied most of the southern parts of the country. This culture was part of the Urewe, or early eastern Bantu cultural complex. The migrants brought with them agriculture, ironworking skills and new ideas of social and political organization, that by the fifteenth or sixteenth century resulted in the development of centralized kingdoms, including the kingdoms of Buganda, Bunyoro-Kitara and Ankole.
Nilotic people, including Luo and Ateker entered the area from the north probably beginning about AD 1000. They were cattle herders and subsistence farmers who settled mainly the northern and eastern parts of the country. Some Luo invaded the area of Bunyoro and assimilated with the Bantu there, establishing the Babiito dynasty of the current Omukama (ruler) of Bunyoro-Kitara in the mid second millennium AD. Luo migration proceeded until the 16th century, with some Luo settling amid Bantu people in Eastern Uganda, and proceeding to the western shores of Lake Victoria in Kenya and Tanzania. The Ateker (Karimojong and Teso peoples) settled in the north-eastern and eastern parts of the country, and some fused with the Luo in the area north of lake Kyoga.
When Arab traders and slavers moved inland from their enclaves along the Indian Ocean coast of East Africa and reached the interior of Uganda in the 1830s, they found several kingdoms with well-developed political institutions. These traders and slavers were followed in the 1860s by British explorers and abolitionists searching for the source of the Nile River and to end slavery. Protestant missionaries entered the country in 1877, followed by Catholic missionaries in 1879.
Colonial Uganda
In 1888, control of the emerging British “sphere of interest” in East Africa was assigned by royal charter to William Mackinnon‘s Imperial British East Africa Company, an arrangement strengthened in 1890 by an Anglo-German agreement confirming British dominance over Kenya and Uganda. The high cost of occupying the territory caused the company to withdraw in 1893, and its administrative functions were taken over by a British commissioner. In 1894, the Kingdom of Uganda was placed under a formal British protectorate.
Early independent Uganda
Britain granted independence to Uganda in 1962, and the first elections were held on 1 March 1961. Benedicto Kiwanuka of the Democratic Party became the first Chief Minister. Uganda became a republic the following year, maintaining its Commonwealth membership.
In succeeding years, supporters of a centralized state vied with those in favor of a loose federation and a strong role for tribally-based local kingdoms. Political maneuvering climaxed in February 1966, when Prime Minister Milton Obote suspended the constitution and assumed all government powers, removing the positions of president and vice president. In September 1967, a new constitution proclaimed Uganda a republic, gave the president even greater powers, and abolished the traditional kingdoms.
Uganda under Amin
On 25 January 1971, Obote’s government was ousted in a military coup led by armed forces commander Idi Amin Dada. Amin declared himself ‘president,’ dissolved the parliament, and amended the constitution to give himself absolute power.
Idi Amin’s eight-year rule produced economic decline, social disintegration, and massive human rights violations. The Acholi and Langi ethnic groups were particular objects of Amin’s political persecution because they had supported Obote and made up a large part of the army. In 1978, the International Commission of Jurists estimated that more than 100,000 Ugandans had been murdered during Amin’s reign of terror; some authorities place the figure as high as 300,000—a statistic cited at the end of the 2006 movie The Last King of Scotland, which chronicled part of Amin’s dictatorship.
A border altercation involving Ugandan exiles who had a camp close to the Ugandan border of Mutukula resulted into an attack by the Uganda army into Tanzania. In October 1978, Tanzanian armed forces repulsed an incursion of Amin’s troops into Tanzanian territory. The Tanzanian army, backed by Ugandan exiles waged a war of liberation against Amin’s troops and the Libyan soldiers sent to help him. On 11 April 1979, Kampala was captured, and Amin fled with his remaining forces.
Uganda since 1979
Main article: Uganda since 1979
After Amin’s removal, the Uganda National Liberation Front formed an interim government with Yusuf Lule as president and Jeremiah Lucas Opira as the Secretary General of the UNLF. This government adopted a ministerial system of administration and created a quasi-parliamentary organ known as the National Consultative Commission (NCC). The NCC and the Lule cabinet reflected widely differing political views. In June 1979, following a dispute over the extent of presidential powers, the NCC replaced Lule with Godfrey Binaisa. In a continuing dispute over the powers of the interim presidency, Binaisa was removed in May 1980. Thereafter, Uganda was ruled by a military commission chaired by Paulo Muwanga. The December 1980 elections returned the UPC to power under the leadership of President Milton Obote, with Muwanga serving as vice president. Under Obote, the security forces had one of the world’s worst human rights records. In their efforts to stamp out an insurgency led by Yoweri Museveni‘s National Resistance Army (NRA), they laid waste to a substantial section of the country, especially in the Luwero area north of Kampala.
Obote ruled until 27 July 1985, when an army brigade, composed mostly of ethnic Acholi troops and commanded by Lt. Gen. Bazilio Olara-Okello, took Kampala and proclaimed a military government. Obote fled to exile in Zambia. The new regime, headed by former defense force commander Gen. Tito Okello (no relation to Lt. Gen. Olara-Okello), opened negotiations with Museveni’s insurgent forces and pledged to improve respect for human rights, end tribal rivalry, and conduct free and fair elections. In the meantime, massive human rights violations continued as the Okello government carried out a brutal counterinsurgency in an attempt to destroy the NRA’s support.
Negotiations between the Okello government and the NRA were conducted in Nairobi in the fall of 1985, with Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi seeking a cease-fire and a coalition government in Uganda. Although agreeing in late 1985 to a cease-fire, the NRA continued fighting, and seized Kampala and the country in late January 1986, forcing Okello’s forces to flee north into Sudan. Museveni’s forces organized a government with Museveni as president.
Since assuming power, the government dominated by the political grouping created by Museveni and his followers, the National Resistance Movement (NRM or the “Movement”), has largely put an end to the human rights abuses of earlier governments, initiated substantial political liberalization and general press freedom, and instituted broad economic reforms after consultation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and donor governments.
In northern areas such as Acholiland, there has been armed resistance against the government since 1986. Acholi based rebel groups include the Uganda People’s Democratic Army and the Holy Spirit Movement. Currently, the only remaining rebel group is the Lord’s Resistance Army headed by Joseph Kony, which has carried out widespread abduction of children to serve as soldiers or sex slaves.
In 1996, Uganda was a key supporter of the overthrow of Zairean President Mobutu Sese Seko in the First Congo War in favor of rebel leader Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Between 1998 and 2003, the Ugandan army was involved in the Second Congo War in the renamed Democratic Republic of the Congo and the government continues to support rebel groups such as the Movement for the Liberation of Congo and some factions of the Rally for Congolese Democracy.
In August 2005, Parliament voted to change the constitution to lift presidential term limits, allowing Museveni to run for a third term if he wishes to do so. In a referendum in July, 2005, 92.5% supported restoring multiparty politics, thereby scrapping the no-party or “movement” system. Kizza Besigye, Museveni’s political rival, returned from exile in October 2005, and was a presidential candidate for the 2006 elections. In the same month, Milton Obote died in South Africa. Museveni won the February 2006 presidential election.
In 2009, the Anti-Homosexuality Bill was proposed and under consideration.[1] It was proposed on 13 October 2009 by Member of Parliament David Bahati and would, if enacted, broaden the criminalization of homosexuality in Uganda, including introducing the death penalty for people who have previous convictions, who are HIV-positive, or who engage in sexual acts with those under 18,[2] introducing extradition for those engaging in same-sex sexual relations outside Uganda, and penalising individuals, companies, media organizations, or NGOs who support LGBT rights.
3.Tanganyika
Tanganyika(now Tanzania)
Flag of Deutsch-Ostafrika (1885-1919)
Flag of Tanganyika (1919-1961)
Flag of the Republic of Tanganyika 1961–64
The nation Tanzania consists of the mainland part, formerly called Tanganyika, and the islands of Zanzibar. Note that since 1996, the capital has been at Dodoma.
Tanganyika was an East African territory lying between the Indian Ocean and the largest of the African great lakes: Lake Victoria, Lake Malawi and Lake Tanganyika. From 9 December 1961 to 26 April 1964 it was also an independent state. Once part of the colony of German East Africa (German: Deutsch-Ostafrika), it comprised today’s Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania with the exclusion of Zanzibar. After World War I the parts that are today’s Rwanda and Burundi became a League of Nations mandate governed by Belgium. The major part, however, came under British military rule and was transferred to Britain under the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. This was confirmed by a League of Nations Mandate in 1922, later becoming a United Nations Trust Territory. Britain changed the name to the Tanganyika Territory.
On 9 December 1961 Tanganyika became independent as a Commonwealth Realm, and on 9 December 1962 it became the Republic of Tanganyika within the Commonwealth of Nations. In 1964, it joined with the islands of Zanzibar to form the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, later in the year changed to the United Republic of Tanzania.
Although Tanganyika still exists within Tanzania, the name is no longer used formally for the territory. These days the name Tanganyika is used almost exclusively to refer to the lake.
//
History
The name ‘Tanganyika’ is derived from the Swahili words tanga meaning ‘sail’ and nyika meaning an ‘uninhabited plain’ or ‘wilderness’. At its simplest it might therefore be understood as a description of the lake — ‘sail in the wilderness’.[1]
As European explorers and colonialists penetrated the African interior from Zanzibar in the second half of the 19th century, to Europeans Tanganyika came to mean, informally, the country around the lake, chiefly on the eastern side. In 1885 Germany declared that it intended to establish a protectorate, named German East Africa in the area, under the leadership of Carl Peters. When the Sultan of Zanzibar objected, German warships threatened to bombard his palace. Britain and Germany then agreed to divide the mainland into spheres of influence, and the Sultan was forced to acquiesce. After charges of brutality in the repression of the Maji Maji Rebellion of 1905, and reform under the leadership of Bernhard Dernburg in 1907, the colony became a model of colonial efficiency and commanded extraordinary loyalty among the indigenous peoples during the First World War. The German educational programme for native Africans, including elementary, secondary and vocational schools, was particularly notable, with standards unmatched elsewhere in tropical Africa[2][3].
After the defeat of Germany in 1918 in World War I, under the Treaty of Versailles German East Africa was divided among the victorious powers, with the largest segment being transferred to British control (except Rwanda and Burundi which went to Belgium, and the small Kionga Triangle which went to Portuguese Mozambique). A new name was needed, and Tanganyika was adopted by the British for all of its part of the territory of German East Africa.
In 1927, Tanganyika entered the Customs Union of Kenya and Uganda, as well as the East African Postal Union, later the East African Posts and Telecommunications Administration. Cooperation expanded with those countries in a number of ways, leading to the establishment of the East African High Commission (1948–1961) and the East African Common Services Organisation (1961–1967), forerunners of the East African Community. The country held its first elections in 1958 and 1959. The following year it was granted internal self-government and fresh elections were held. Both elections were won by the Tanganyika African National Union, which led the country to independence in December 1961. The following year a presidential election was held, with TANU leader Julius Nyerere emerging victorious.
Tanganyika ceased to exist as a nation in 1964, when it was loosely united with Zanzibar, to form the nation of Tanzania.[4]
the end @ copyright Dr Iwan Suwandy 2010