THE RAREST COLLECTIONS OF THE WORLD

THIS THE SAMPLE OF E BOOK INCD_ROM,THE COMPLETE CD EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER,PLEASE SUBSCRIVE VIA COMMENT

 

Rarest Gems

The world’s rarest gem is believed to be painite, a gem that most have never heard of. The painite is orangish or reddish brown and was first discovered in Burma in the ’50s. Within the last couple of years, the source of the two original painite crystals was discovered and now a few hundred faceted stones exist. A more well-known (but still very rare) gem is the red diamond

 

 Meteorites are rare and wondrous things, fragments of worlds other than our own.

The weight of gold that has been mined on Earth far exceeds the total weight of all meteorites in the world’s collections. Among the rarest of meteorites are pallasites, in which translucent yellow or green crystals of the gem mineral olivine occur embedded in crystalline nickel-iron metal.

Photo by Iris Langheinrich, pallasite slice on display in the Window on Our World, click image to enlarge.

In their raw state, pallasite meteorites are far from attractive. Their exteriors are blackened by the intense heat of entry through Earth’s atmosphere, or rusted by centuries embedded in soil. But cut into thin slices they can be stunningly beautiful.

Their structure is unlike anything found on Earth, but perhaps resembles what lies deep beneath our feet. The Earth has an iron core surrounded by a thick layer, the mantle, composed of olivine. Pallasite meteorites are from the core-mantle boundary of a small rocky planet that formed very early in the solar system but was later destroyed by planetary collision. These windows into another world give us a tantalizing glimpse of the deep interior of our own planet.

This particular pallasite slice, 46cm wide by 35cm high and weighing 3.45kg, is from a large meteorite found 150km northwest of the town of Seymchan, in the Magadan district of north-eastern Siberia. It was acquired by the Ulster Museum in 2009 and is on display on the upper level of Window on our World. More meteorites are on display in the Origins gallery of the Nature Zone

Rarest Signature

He may have done a lot of writing, but with only 6 of them in existence William Shakespeare’ s signature is one of the rarest of all and is valued somewhere around $3 million dollars.

 

‘Georgie Boy’ &  ‘Motherdear’

 

Collecting seems to bring out that primitive instinct for the hunt in some of its devotees, who stalk their prey with skill.  – Alicia Craig Faxon

That instinct for the hunt has given a friend of mine the ability to assemble a “world class” collection of very rare stamps.  The stamps are, in fact, so rare that I will make an exception to my usual rule that all posts must relate to cars.  My friend, Mahendra Sagar has spent a lifetime hunting and acquiring the rarest stamps in the Philatelic world, called “Inverted Centers.”

These inverted centers, are stamps with the design element upside down with respect to the rest of the stamp.  Most famous of these types is the inverted Jenny,  a stamp with the printing of the plane upside down.  These errors are so rare, and so priceless, that they are pursued by only the most determined, skilled, and knowledgeable collectors.

Mahendra Sagar is such a man.  He started collecting stamps when he inherited his older brothers collection at an early age.  Now he specializes in these rarest of rare inverted centers.  His collection includes many choice stamps from other major collections, as well as some previously unknown stamps, all of which were acquired through years of auction bidding throughout the world.

The Mahendra Sagar Collection, as it is called, is one of the greatest offerings of inverted center stamps.  Portions of the proceeds from the sale of the collection will go to various charitable institutions, like Vipassana Research Institute, and Buddhist Global Relief.

Even if you are not a stamp collector, the catalogue is a brief history lesson into the world of inverted centers, and worthy of a look.  The auction house has created a special website linked here, which describes the collection in detail, and offers a printed brochure for prospective bidders.

It is one thing when a friend tells you that he is a stamp collector, but it is entirely different when you learn that his collection is “world class.”  In the car world, it would be like finding out your best friend doesn’t just own a classic car, but has a collection that rivals Ralph Lauren or Jay Leno.  You have to be impressed.

.

 

 

 the world’s rarest classic cars

louwman1.jpgA 1914 Dodge Type 30 was the initial inspiration for the Louwman Collection of classic cars and automotive art housed in the newly-constructed National Automobile Museum of the Netherlands in the Hague. Located near the Queen’s Palace, the collection dates back to 1934 when a Dutch car importer happened upon the 20-year-old Dodge that was already vintage classic. The Louwman family continued to expand over the years to its current size, boasting over 230 cars.

louwman4.jpgThe cars are divided up into sections consisting of Dawn of Motoring, Motoring, Racing and Luxury. Highlights include a 1900 Georges Richard, which is rumored to have been found in a Parisian side street and “Genevieve,” a 1904 Darracq from the 1953 film. Rare 1948 Tatra T87 and a Spatz Victoria bubble car with central tube chassis, are both designed by the legendary Hans Ledwinka.

louwman3.jpgThe collection includes an impressive range of vehicles, ranging in year and stature from 1944 Willys Jeep Model MB to a 1875 Thirion Modele N 2 Horse Drawn Steam Fire-Engine and 1922 American Lafrance Hook and Ladder Aerial Type 31/6.

louwman2.jpgConceived by architecture firm Michael Graves & Associates, the 185,000-square-foot structure with its peaked roofs and woven brick facade, consists of temporary and permanent exhibition galleries, a reception hall, an auditorium and workshops for conservation and car repairs.

Rarest Cats Dogs

Of the rarest cat breeds, the Ashera (pic. left) is the most expensive ($20K+), the Sokoke the most exotic (from the wilds of Africa), and the Egyptian Mau has the coolest history (lived with the Egyptians). As for dog breeds, the one that keeps popping up on all the “rare” lists is the Lundehund, originally bred by the Vikings to hunt Puffins. Other rare breeds include Otterhounds and Stabyhounds.

 

 

Rarest Stamps

According to Wikipedia, the most expensive item by weight and volume is the Treskilling Yellow stamp from Sweden. It has a current estimated worth of $2.3 million. Here’s what makes it so valuable: In 1858, when the currency was known as the skilling, the 3-skilling stamp (“treskilling”) was printed in blue. And an 8-skilling stamp was printed in yellow. But due to a printing error, a few 3-skilling stamps were printed in yellow.

 

 

Rarest Sea Salt

The earliest known sea salt produced by the Japanese may be the rarest of all. Called Amabito No Moshio (“Ancient Sea Salt”), unpolluted sea water is collected from the Seto-uchi inland sea, infused with seaweed to develop the “unami”, and then processed by cooking in an iron kettle, put into a centrifuge, and finally, cooked over an open fire while stirring constantly. The salt is worth over $40 per pound.

 RAREST PHOTOSHOP CREATIONS

01. Don’t Leave me Alone

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

02. Transform Your Portrait in to Zombie

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

03. Surreal ocean scape in a bottle

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

04. Simple 3D Text Effect

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

05. Seductive Digital Art

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

06. Trap Your Friends in a Jar

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

07. Beautiful Abstract Portrait

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

08. Create an Abstract Playing Card

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

09. Create an Anti-Smoking Ad

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

10. Create a Fantasy Miniature World

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

11. A Professional Cartoon Effect from a Real Photograph

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

12. Creating an Ecological Fairy Tale

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

13. Create a Beautiful Fan Surrounded by Magic Shapes, Runes and Plants

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

14. Flaming Car

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

15. The Police Officer

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

16. Powerful Human Disintegration Effect

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

17. Create a Beautiful Fantasy Angel

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

18. Creating Mechanical Horse

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

19. Create a Disturbing Scene of a Flooded Room with a Giant Hand Carrying a Fish

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

20. Underwater Vector Illustration

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

21. Create Movie Poster

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

22. Underwater 3D Text Effect

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

23. Road of Dreams

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

24. Fly High Light Effect

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

25. Texture Cube

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

26. Unique Abstract Text Effect

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

27. Create A Warm and Serene Portrait

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

28. create a Puss in Boots movie poster

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

29. Create an Exploding Light Text Effect

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

30. Create 3 Retro MP3 Players

30 Rare Outstanding Collections of Photoshop Tutorials 

<!–

BTW, you could Print Calendars online at Psprint.com

–>

 

Rarest Jeans

According to the Guinness Book of World Records, the most valuable jeans are an original pair of Levi Strauss Co 501 jeans aged over 115 years old which were sold to a collector in Japan for $60,000 through eBay in 2005. Quite rare indeed considering a new pair sells for $46.

 

 

Rarest Baseball Cards

In February 2007, a “near mint-mint” Honus Wagner sold for $2.3 million, at that point probably the highest sale for a baseball card in history. Then, in September 2007, the same card was reportedly sold again. This time for $2.8 million to a private collector. The card in question, aT206 Honus Wagner, was made by the American Tobacco Company in 1909. It has been called the “Mona Lisa of baseball cards.”

 

 

Rarest Comic Books

One of the rarest comic books still in existence in near-perfect condition is an issue of “Amazing Spider-Man #1,” rare not only because of its singularity but also because of its quality. The comic book sold for only 12 cents per copy when it was published in March 1963, and is now worth over $40K — not an exceedingly high price for comic books — but extremely rare in such pristine condition.

 

 

Rarest Real Estate

At the intersection of location, exclusivity and history you find some of the rarest pieces of real estate. With that criterion, Luxist.com blogger’s pick for the rarest piece of real estate currently on the market is Bran’s castle, the castle in Transylvania that inspired Bram Stoker’s Dracula, which is expected to fetch upwards of $135 million.

 

 

Rarest Horses

The Sorraia Horse is said to be the direct descendant of the wild Iberian horse but only 200 currently remain living in South Iberia. The Tiger Horse is a rare breed which is said to have existed in Ancient Spain and the beginning of the New World. Rare in terms of its abilities and characteristics, is the Lipizzaner (pic. left). Bred for its military prowess, one of these animals can sell for up to $100,000.

 

 

Rarest Books

There are countless rare books in the world, but by most experts’ standards the rarest of them all is the Gutenberg Bible. It was the first book ever printed back in 1456, and although several hundred copies were originally printed finding a complete first edition would net you $25-$35 million. In today’s market single pages alone go for $25K each, and several years ago just 1 volume (it’s a 2 volume set) sold for $5.5M.

 

 

 

Rarest Necklaces

In the world of rare necklaces, a couple million dollars doesn’t get you much. Even ten million dollars is cheap for these babies. The most expensive necklace may likely be one built around the Blue Empress, a rare natural blue diamond. The pear-shaped diamond weighs about 14 carats. It is set in 18k white gold and surrounded with white diamonds. It’s estimated to be worth $16 million.

 

 

 

Rarest Wine

One of the rarest bottles of wine ever sold was purchased by Christopher Forbes for a mere £105,000 ($160,000). It was an unmarked green glass bottle with the inscription of “1787 Lafitte Th. J.” (now known as Lafite and thought to be owned by Thomas Jefferson), found behind a wall in Paris.

 

 

 

Rarest Vases

In 2006, a 20-inch high blue and white Yuan Dynasty vase fetched over $2 million. That sounds rare but at the end of that year, casino owner Steve Wynn paid even more for a rare vase. The small copper red and white porcelain vase, is a 14th century Ming vase (pic. left) decorated in scrolling flowers. It is from the exceptionally rare Hongwu period and went for around $10.9 million, making it the world’s most expensive.

 

 

 

Rarest Coins

As a general rule the more rare a coin is the more it’s worth, so what’s the rarest coin ever? It’s a debatable subject as not all experts always agree, but if the Double Eagle isn’t at the top of that list it’s sure near it. Back in 2002 the only Double Eagle coin left to be in private hands (or so everybody thought) sold for $7.9 million dollars.

 

 

 

Rarest Food

Served in China for over 400 years, the primary ingredient in bird’s nest soup or “Caviar of the East” is saliva nests built by cave swifts. Among one of the most expensive animal products consumed by humans it is believed to aid digestion, raise libido, and even alleviate asthma as it is dissolved in water to create a gelatinous soup. In Hong Kong, a bowl costs up to $30. Red version can cost $10K per gram.

 

 

 

Rarest Travel Trips

What is the rarest trip? There’s no real consensus on this, but Luxist.com blogger Deidre Woodward says that the trek to summit Mount Everest still remains among the rarest trips in the world. But even this has become something that is accessible to more people. In two months and for around $60,000 you can join a group and make the attempt of a lifetime.

 THE END @ COPYRIGHT 2012

__._,_.___

 
 

The China Yuan Mongol empire History Collections

THIS THE SAMPLE OF E_BOOK IN CD_ROM ,THE COMPLETE CD WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER,PLEASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT

Goal of 710 Posts Completed. Congratulations!

100%

The best time for planning a book is while you’re doing the dishes. Agatha Christie

The Yuan Mongol Dynasty

History collections

 

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Copyright@2012

Private Limited Edition In CD-ROM

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

FORWARD

 

I hope this information in limited e-book will useable for the collectors or the writer as the basic info for their collections or for writing book and research book.

During my study I realized that the rare and very difficult cast coind were during YUAN MONGOL DYNASTY

During Yuan dynasty  for the first time issued the  cast coin with

 Mongol stye script the informations related with this type of cast coin very limited and many lack informations.

I have found only a litle of yuan dynasty  coins in Indonesia because after emperor Kublai khan sent the army to subdue Kng Kartanegara Of singosari kingdom at java and how the raden wijaya trick to sent back the Yuan mongol army back home(please read at Majapait kingdom e-book in CD-ROM)  but I never found enough info related with this cast coin.also ther ceramic art work related with this coins.

I hope all the collectors and scientist sinology will be kind to help me with their own informations especially to comment and correctios ,also upload the sample  cast coinst from Yuan mongol dynasty

I hope with this study we can know why the Yuan mongol qounquered  Chinese empire , and what kind of  numismatic collections .  Also what another ceramic

 and

art work exist during that era.

 

 

This is the whole world study as the movement to save the world heritage from china empire which many relation with South east asia country,s kingdom especially from Thailand,Vietnam and Indonesia like srivijaya kingdom,and old Java Kingdom.

For all that info ,thanks very much.

.

Jakarta 2012

The Author

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

INTRODUCTION

The brief History

 

THE YUAN (Mongol) DYNASTY (1279-1368)

 

The Mongols were the first of the northern barbarians to rule all of China. After creating an empire that stretched across the Eurasian continent and occupying northern China and Korea in the first half of the 13th century, the Mongols continued their assault on the Southern Sung. By 1276 the Southern Sung capital of Hangzhou had fallen, and in 1279 the last of the Sung loyalists perished. (Photo – Kublai Khan, Genghis Khan’s grandson and founder of the Yuan Dynasty).

    Before this, Kublai Khan, the fifth “great khan” and grandson of Genghis Khan, had moved the Mongol capital from Karakorum to Peking. In 1271 he declared himself emperor of China and named the dynasty Yuan, meaning “beginning,” to signify that this was the beginning of a long era of Mongol rule.

    In Asia, Kublai Khan continued his grandfather’s dream of world conquest. Two unsuccessful naval expeditions were launched against Japan in 1274 and 1281. Four land expeditions were sent against Annam and five against Burma. However, the Mongol conquests overseas and in Southeast Asia were neither spectacular nor were they long enduring.

Mongol rule in China lasted less than a century. The Mongols became the most hated of the barbarian rulers because they did not allow the Chinese ruling class to govern. Instead, they gave the task of governing to foreigners. Distrusting the Chinese, the Mongol rulers placed the southern Chinese at the lowest level of the four classes they created. The extent of this distrust was reflected in their provincial administration. As conquerers, they followed the Ch’in example and made the provincial governments into direct extensions of the central chancellery. This practice was continued by succeeding dynasties, resulting in a further concentration of power in the central imperial government. (Photo – Yuan Banknote with its printing plate, 1287).

 


    The Chinese despised the Mongols for refusing to adapt to Chinese culture. The Mongols kept their own language and customs. The Mongol rulers were tolerant about religions, however. Kublai Khan reportedly dabbled in many religions.

 

The Mongols and the West. The Mongols were regarded with mixed feelings in the West. Although Westerners dreaded the Mongols, the Crusaders hoped to use them in their fight against the Muslims and attempted to negotiate an alliance with them for this purpose. Friar John of Carpini and William of Rubruck were two of the better known Christian missionaries sent to establish these negotiations with the Mongol ruler. (Photo – Bailin Temple Pagoda built in 1330).

    The best account of the Mongols was left by a Venetian merchant, Marco Polo, in his `Marco Polo’s Travels’. It is an account of Polo’s travels over the long and perilous land route to China, his experience as a trusted official of Kublai Khan, and his description of China under the Mongols. Dictated in the early 14th century, the book was translated into many languages. Although much of medieval Europe did not believe Polo’s tales, some, like Christopher Columbus, were influenced by Polo’s description of the riches of the Orient.

After the death of Kublai Khan in 1294, successive weak and incompetent khans made the already hated Mongol rule intolerable. Secret societies became increasingly active, and a movement known as the Red Turbans spread throughout the north during the 1350s. In 1356 a rebel leader named Chu Yuan-chang and his peasant army captured the old capital of Nanjing. Within a decade he had won control of the economically important middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River, driving the Mongols to the north. In 1368 he declared himself the emperor Hung-wu and established his capital at Nanjing on the lower Yangtze. Later the same year he captured the Yuan capital of Peking. (Photo – Hand Cannon from the period).

    Kublai Khan (1215-94). The founder of China’s Yuan (Mongol) Dynasty was a brilliant general and statesman named Kublai Khan. He was the grandson of the great Mongol conqueror, Genghis Khan, and he was overlord of the vast Mongol Empire. The achievements of Kublai Khan were first brought to the attention of Western society in the writings of Marco Polo, the Venetian traveler who lived at the Chinese court for nearly 20 years.

Kublai Khan was born in 1215, the fourth son of Genghis Khan’s fourth son. He began to play a major role in the consolidation of Mongol power in 1251, when his brother, the emperor Mongke, resolved to complete the conquest of China. He therefore vested Kublai with responsibility for keeping order in conquered territory. After Mongke’s death in 1259, Kublai had himself proclaimed khan. During the next 20 years he completed the unification of China. He made his capital in what is now Beijing.

    Kublai’s major achievement was to reconcile China to rule by a foreign people, the Mongols, who had shown little ability at governing. His failures were a series of costly wars, including two disastrous attempts to invade Japan; they brought little benefit to China. Although he was a magnanimous ruler, Kublai’s extravagant administration slowly impoverished China; and in the 14th century the ineptitude of his successors provoked rebellions that eventually destroyed the Mongol dynasty.

 

Archibishop John of Cilician Armenia, in a painting from 1287. His dress displays a Chinese dragon, an indication of the thriving exchanges with the Mongols during the period.

 

Realet Info

About Marcopolo

 

 

 

 

 

  Marco Polo (1254-1323?)

 

In 1298 a Venetian adventurer named Marco Polo wrote a fascinating book about his travels in the Far East. Men read his accounts of Oriental riches and became eager to find sea routes to China, Japan, and the East Indies. Even Columbus, nearly 200 years later, often consulted his copy of `The Book of Ser Marco Polo‘.

    In Marco’s day the book was translated and copied by hand in several languages. After printing was introduced in the 1440s, the book was circulated even more widely. Many people thought that the book was a fable or a gross exaggeration. A few learned men believed that Marco wrote truly, however, and they spread Marco’s stories of faraway places and unknown peoples. Today geographers agree that Marco’s book is amazingly accurate.

    Marco Polo was born in the city-republic of Venice in 1254. His father and uncles were merchants who traveled to distant lands to trade. In 1269 Marco’s father, Nicolo, and his uncle Maffeo returned to Venice after being away many years. On a trading expedition they had traveled overland as far as Cathay (China). Kublai Khan, the great Mongol emperor of China, asked them to return with teachers and missionaries for his people. So they set out again in 1271, and this time they took Marco.

    From Venice the Polos sailed to Acre, in Palestine. There two monks, missionaries to China, joined them. Fearing the hard journey ahead, however, the monks soon turned back. The Polos crossed the deserts of Persia (Iran) and Afghanistan. They mounted the heights of the Pamirs, the “roof of the world,” descending to the trading cities of Kashgar (Shufu) and Yarkand (Soche). They crossed the dry stretches of The Gobi. Early in 1275 they arrived at Kublai Khan’s court at Cambaluc (Peking). At that time Marco was 21 years old.

    Polo at the Court of the Great Khan

Marco quickly became a favorite of Kublai Khan. For three years he governed busy Yangchow, a city of more than 250,000 people. He was sent on missions to far places in the empire: to Indochina, Tibet, Yunnan, and Burma. From these lands Marco brought back stories of the people and their lives.

    The Polos became wealthy in Cathay. But they began to fear that jealous men in the court would destroy them when the khan died. They asked to return to Venice. Kublai Khan refused. Then came an envoy from the khan of Persia. He asked Kublai Khan for a young Mongol princess for a bride. The Polos said that the princess’ journey should be guarded by men of experience and rank. They added that the mission would enable them to make the long-desired visit to Venice. The khan reluctantly agreed.

    Since there was danger from robbers and enemies of the khan along the overland trade routes, a great fleet of ships was built for a journey by sea. In 1292 the fleet sailed, bearing the Polos, the princess, and 600 noblemen of Cathay. They traveled southward along Indochina and the Malay Peninsula to Sumatra. Here the voyage was delayed many months.

    The ships then turned westward and visited Ceylon and India. They touched the East African coast. The voyage was hazardous, and of the 600 noblemen only 18 lived to reach Persia. The Polos and the princess were safe. When the Polos landed in Venice, they had been gone 24 years. The precious stones they brought from Cathay amazed all Venice.

Later Marco served as gentleman-captain of a ship. It was captured by forces of the rival trading city of Genoa, and he was thrown into a Genoese prison. There he wrote his book with help from another prisoner. Marco was released by the Genoese in 1299. He returned to Venice and engaged in trade. His name appears in the court records of his time in many lawsuits over property and money. He married and had three daughters. He died about 1323.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A peasant revolt started the collapsed of the Yuan Dynasty.

 ceramic collections

Art work Collections

Numismatic collections

Gold Coin

Silver Coin

Cast Coin

 

 

 

Yuan Dynasty

 

 

[ ] Genghis Khan
Portrait of Genghis Khan in his sixties, following his conquests. Painted by a Chinese artist on stretched silk.
Palace Museum, Taipei, Taiwan

 

 

[ ]TaiZong [Ogadei Khan]

 

[ ] Khubilai Khan (Shizu)[Shih-tsu] , first emperor of Yuan Dynasty

 

[ ]Queen of Khubilai Khan (Shizi)[Shih-tsu] , first empress of Yuan Dynasty

 

[ ]ChengZong [Temur Oljeitu]

 

[ ]WuZong [KhaiShan]

 

[ ]RenZong [Ayurbarwada]

 

[ ]WenZong [Tugh Temur]

 

[ ]NingZong [Renqinbar]

 

[ ]Shundi[Tohan Temur]

 

 

Yuan Dynasty

Warriors Armor ,The Yuan Dynasty Armor Has Willow Leaf Armor, To Have The Iron Round First-Class. The Hard Round Armor Inner Layer Makes With The Cowhide, The Outer Layer For The Hard Net Armor, The Armor Piece Connected Like Scale, The Arrow Cannot Penetrate, The Manufacture Is Extremely Exquisite. In Addition Has Leather Armor, The Cloth Cover First-Class. AD1271—AD1368

 

YUAN (MONGOL) DYNASTY

Emperor CH’ENG TSUNG
AD 1295-1306

reign title: YUAN-CHEN, AD 1295-1296

 

FD-1711. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “YUAN-CHEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimen) 24.2 mm, 3.08 grams.

VF   $650.00

 

There is some question in our mind about the authenticity of the specimen illustrated above. We would appreciate hearing form anyone that can give a reasonable informed opinion on it.


 

Emperor WU TSUNG
AD 1308-1311

reign title: CHIH-TA, AD 1308-1311

   

S-1098
Orthodox Script

S-1099
Mongolian Seal script

 

S-1098. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-TA T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. The size and weigh of this issues seems to vary somewhat. The last two specimens we had access two were 24.5 mm at 3.1 grams and 23.5 mm at 2.85 grams.

VG   $3.00     F   $5.00

 

S-1099, Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “TA-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in Mongol seal-writing. Reverse: blank. Average (5 specimens) 42.3 mm, 20.5 grams. These are said to have been first cast in the third year of Chih-Ta (AD 1310). These tend to be crudely cast, often with casting holes in the fields, and attractive specimens are scarce and command a premium.

F   $32.00     VF   $45.00

 

Paper money was used extensively during this period, although to the best of my knowledge only two examples of Yuan Dynasty paper money are know to still exist today.


 

Emperor HEN TSUNG
AD 1312-1320

reign title: HUANG-CH’ING, AD 1312-1313

S-1102, “CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in Mongol seal-writing. Value 2. RARE. The only specimen was have handled was VG with the top character weakly cast.

VG   $225.00

 


Emperor SHUN TI
AD 1333-1367

Shun Ti’s coins of the first two years of his reign (AD 1333 to 1334) do not have a reign title on them, but rather come YUAN TONG YUAN BAO inscription in Chinese characters.

 

reign title: CHIH-YUAN, AD 1335-1340

Shun Ti adopted the title CHIH-YUAN in AD 1335 and used it until 1340. The coin of this period are rare, and we do not have one yet available to image.

 

S-1102. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-YUAN T’UNG-PAO” in Mongolian square script. Reverse: blank. Schjoth specimen was about 28 mm, 5.08 grams.

VG   $225.00

 

reign title: CHIH-CHENG, AD 1341-1367

 

IMAGE NOT YET AVAILABLE

S-1103
Orthodox Script

S-1102
Mongolian Seal script

Shun Ti adopted the title CHIH-CHENG in AD 1341 and used it until he died in 1367. This is an interesting series, in that many of the coins have date and/or denomination indicators on them.

 

S-1103. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: “MAO” in Mongol seal script. MAO is short for HSIN MAO, indicating this coin was struck in AD 1351. The date indicator on the reverse is normally somewhat weak on these. Average (2 specimens) 25 mm, 3.55 grams.

F   $65.00     VF   $85.00

 

  S-1109. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: The number “2” written in Mongolian script above the hole, and in chinese numbers below the hole. Average (2 specimen) 28.9 mm, 6.2 grams (range 5.04 to 7.15 grams)

F   $65.00     VF   $100.00

 

S-1107. Bronze 3 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: “SSU” in Mongol seal script. SSU is short for Kuei Ssu indicating this coin was struck in AD 1353. Average (2 specimens) 30.1 mm, 8.5 grams.

F   $75.00     VF   $100.00

 

  S-1108. Bronze 3 cash. Obverse: “CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: “SHEN” in Mongol seal script. SHEN is short for PING SHEN indicating this coin was struck in AD 1356. Average (1 specimens) 34.0 mm, 11.22 grams.

F   $75.00     VF   $115.00     XF   $195.00

 

  S-1110. Bronze 3 cash. Obverse: CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: The number “3” written in Mongolian script above the hole, and in chinese numbers below the hole. Average (2 specimen) 35.5 mm, 11.55 (range 9.85 to 12.24 grams)

F   $75.00     VF   $110.00

 

S-1111. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “”CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: the denomination indicator as the Mongol seal script word for “10” above the hole. Average (two specimens) 45 mm, 22.9 grams.

F   $75.00     VF   $110.00

 


FULL IMAGE

FD-1810. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “”CHIH-CHENG T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox Chinese script. Reverse: the denomination indicator as the Mongol square script word for “10” above the hole, and the Chinese number “10” with a dot above it, below the hole. Average (1 specimen) 48 mm, 63.6 grams. The casting on this particular coin is rather crude with only partially finished rims. The specimen illustrated while grading only F for visual appearance is pretty much as cast with full original file marks on the high points.

F   $450.00

 

This type tends to be bold and well cast with high rims,
but the edges tend to be poorly finished.

 

YUAN REBELS

Pretender Emperor CH’EN YU-LIANG OF HAN
AD 1358-1363

reign title: T’ien-ting, ca. AD 1363

 

S-1124, Bronze 3 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN TING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (2 specimens) 32.5 mm, 8.89 grams.

F   $175.00     VF   $245.00

 

CHU YUAN-CHANG as the REBEL PRINCE WU
AD 1364-1367

Chu Yuan-Chang (later to become Emperor Tai Tsu, the first Emperor of the Ming Dynasty (see below)) was one of the Yuan Rebels fighting each other to see who would take control of China at the eventual fall of the Yuan Dynasty. His coins of this period bare the inscription TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO but TA-CHUNG is not actually a reign title.

I have run into some confusion over the Ta-Chung coinage, because Schjoth states that the inscription was first cast by Chu Yuan-Chang in AD 1361 when the Pao-Yuan Minting Department was set up at Nanking, however as he did not declare himself as Prince Wu until 1364, this draw into question exactly who he was minting them for between 1361 and 1364. Apparently only the 1 cash denomination was cast during this period.

In 1364, after defeating Ch’en Yu-liang of Han (another of the Yuan Rebels), and gaining control over a much larger part of China, Chu Yuan-chang declared himself the Prince Wu and adopted the reign title of Ta-ming but rather than putting the Ta-ming title on the coins he continued casting the Ta-Chung types, but now from a number of mints. In 1368 he controled enough of China to Declare himself as Emperor T’ai Tsu of the Ming Dynasty, at which time he adopted the reign title Hung-Wu.

The Ta-chung coinage tends to be somewhat crudely cast when compared to the later coins cast under the Ming Dynasty.

 

S-1127. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (5 specimens) 23.5 mm (range 23.2 to 24.0 mm), average 3.30 grams. These coins tend to be of inferior quality to the later coinage of Ming.

VG   $4.50     F   $8.50     VF   $15.00

S-1128. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “PEI-P’ING” (a mint in Chihli). Average (1 specimen) 23.5 mm, 3.44 grams. We do not have a record of a price for this type at this time.

S-1129. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “CHE” (Chekiang mint). Average (1 specimen) 23.5 mm, 2.53 grams. We do not have a record of a price for this type at this time.

 

S-1130. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimens) 29 mm, 6.11 grams.

VF   $35.00

 

S-1131. Bronze 3 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimens) 35 mm, 10.10 grams.

VF   $49.50

 

S-1132. Bronze 5 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimens) 41 mm, 17.49 grams.

VF   $42.50

 

S-1133. Bronze 5 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “YU” (Honan mint). Average (1 specimens) 40 mm, 15.41 grams.

VF   $145.00

 

  S-1134. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “SHIH” (for value 10). Average (2 specimens) 45.5 mm, 23.8 grams (these vary several grams either side of this).

VG   $65.00     F   $99.50

 

S-1135. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “SHIH CHE” (for value 10 of Chekiang mint). Average (1 specimens) 45.5 mm, 25.69 grams. We have not yet recorded a value for this type.

 

S-1136. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “TA-CHUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “SHIH CHI” (for value 10 of Shantung mint)). Average (1 specimens) 45.5 mm, 27.09 grams. We have not yet recorded a value for this type.

 

 

8198

 
Late Yuan Dynasty, Hsu Shou-hwei, “Tien Tien Tung Pao”, diameter 32mm, XF. US $ 244

US $ 280

8199

 
Late Yuan Dynasty, Chan You-liang, “Dah Yee Tung Pao”, diameter 31mm, XF.ta yee tung pao US $ 244

US $ 709

8200

 
Yuan Dynasty, “Chih Cheng Tung Pao” reverse “Chen” (2), diameter 29mm & 33mm, XF. US $ 244

US $ 560

 

 

 

 

 

The end @ copyright

Please read more e-book in CD_ROM about Ming, Qing and Republic era of China History Collections

 

 

Alyssa Milano art Photography Collections

ALYSSA MILANO

VINTAGE PICTURE COLLECTIONS

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

THIS THE SAMPLE OF COLLECTIONS IN cd-rom,THE COMPLETE cd WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER ,TO LOOK THE ILLSUTRATION SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT PLEASE

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Alyssa Milano has some Italian roots which is probably where this sexy naked body comes from. I think in the meantime, she’s undergone lots of plastic surgery to fix her face and now she’s pretty gross. But back in 1993, she had hot, fuckable body.

If you happen to not know, Alyssa Milano is an actress mostly known from TV sitcom series, such as “Charmed” or “Who The Boss?”. Nothing I’d be interested in watching, but she’s one hot ass biootch. I think she had breast implants done when she was 20, which would mean these pictures already have fake tits in them. If those are silicones, then plastic surgeon did some fucking good job on them.

IF THE COLLECTORS WANT TO LOOK ALYSSA MILANO VINTAGE ARTPHOTOGRAPHY PLASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT AND I WILL UPLOAD HER VINTAGE ARTPHOTO PICTURES

 

Hairstyle with Smoothly Angled Sides

Alyssa Milano at the “2 B Free’s Spring 2006 Collection” event on October 15th 2005 in Hollywood.
 

Moving closer to the present Alyssa could be wigging it for the day. Either way, her hair has layers about two inches from the bottom. The sides are smoothly angled to frame her face. The most important tip for this smooth look is not to forget that smoothing lotion for your ends.
 Actress Alyssa Milano was born on December 19th 1972 in Brooklyn, New York. She is well known for her role as Phoebe Halliwell in the series Charmed and Samantha Micelli in the sitcom Who’s the Boss?.
 

(Click to enlarge)

The brunette beauty with deep brown eyes and a light to tanned complexion can wear extreme short haircuts or feminine long hairstyles with luscious waves. Her style includes it all and she can play with looks to her hearts content. Since her face is heart shaped with expressive cheekbones and a wide forehead she should avoid styles that have their volume around the crown and upper face area. In her clothing she prefers a casual to elegant style and looks best in natural, earthy colors, greens, yellows and the palette of a tropical sunset.

 

You are here:

 

Alyssa Milano Hairstyles

Try on Alyssa Milano hairstyles. We provide easy “How to style” tips as well as letting you know which hairstyles will match your face shape, hair texture and hair density.

·         Alyssa Milano Hairstyle

 

 

 

This fantastic upstyle is curled and pinned to the back of the head to form this spectacular ‘do which is great for any special occasion and can be easily re-created with the right tools and products. This look is best suited for those with round face shapes.

Styling Time: 30+ minutes

·         Alyssa Milano Hairstyle

 

 

This stunning bob is cut to sit under the jaw-line with wispy layers cut through the front to frame front of the face. This simple yet sexy bob is great for those with round face shapes and easy to maintain with regular trims. Highlights are added all over for contrast and completes this style perfectly.

Styling Time: 30 minutes

·         Alyssa Milano Hairstyle

 

This classic look sit perfectly on the shoulders showing the blunt cut length with long subtle layers cut through the front for a brilliant finish to a simple style. This look is best suited for those with round face shapes and will need regular trims to maintain style.

Styling Time: 30 minutes

·         Alyssa Milano Hairstyle

 

This splendid ‘do falls over the shoulder to show off the gorgeous length and long layers which creates soft movement through the mid-lengths to ends. The middle part in this long hairstyle makes it perfect for those with round face shapes.

Styling Time: 30 minutes

·         Alyssa Milano Hairstyle

 

We love this pixie look; it’s fresh and cute and looks a treat on Alyssa. The hair has been cut with lots of wispy short layers to frame the face and accentuate Alyssa’s striking features. This style is a super option for oval face shapes and will flatter smaller features.

 

 

Alyssa Milano is wearing her hair in a simple sleek straight hairstyle, with her front strands tucked behind her ears while attending the world premiere of Walt Disney’s ‘Beverly Hills Chihuahua’ held at The El Capitan Theatre in Hollywood, California.

 

Alyssa Milano Hairstyle

 

 

 

 

 

Description

This fantastic upstyle is curled and pinned to the back of the head to form this spectacular ‘do which is great for any special occasion and can be easily re-created with the right tools and products. This look is best suited for those with round face shapes.

Type

  • Hair Category: Formal
  • Hair Length: Updo Long
  • Hair Elasticity: Curly

Suitability

  • Gender: Women
  • Face Shape: Round, Oval, Heart, and Triangular
  • Hair Density: Thin/Medium
  • Hair Texture: Fine/Medium
  •  
  • Age: Under 21, 21 – 30, 31 – 40, and 41 – 50
  • Height: Any
  • Weight: Thin/Average/Large
  • Glasses: Suits with and without

Styling

  • Styling Time: 30+ minutes
  • Styling Tip: Allow up to 2 hours styling time for hot roller setting, teasing, pinning and spraying. This long lasting style is great for all occasions and all weather conditions.

 



Premiere Of Warner Bros. “Yes Man” – Arrivals


Chicago Cubs v Los Angeles Dodgers, Game 3


Entertainment Weekly’s 6th Annual Pre-Emmy Celebration – Arrivals


79th MLB All-Star Game


33 Club Party Presented By MLB.com


NBA All-Star Pre-Game and Halftime Performances

 
NBA All-Star Saturday Night Celebrities & Performances


MAGIC Day 3


In Style Magazine And Warner Bros. Studios Golden Globe After Party


MAGIC Convention in Las Vegas – Day Two


Universal Pictures Premiere Of “The Break Up” – Arrivals


Maxim Magazine Hosts The 7th Annual Hot 100 Party

 

Alyssa Milano with Very Long Beautiful Highlighted Hair

Alyssa Milano (37) let her hair grow out for several years since her popular pixie (2003). Did it take seven years to grow this long? She hasn’t been tempted yet to return to that cut–despite its renewed popularity in 2010.

 

 
 
 

A medium hair style is the best when it accentuates facial features, lays just right and has lots of shine. All three of the medium hair styles below have these features. Sandra Bullock is the first styls. She has very long layers combined with long side swept bangs for a very shiny healthy hair style.

This style is a big favorite among women looking for a versatile medium length hair style. The ‘in your eyes’ bangs add a soft sexy look to this polished style.

The next 2 styles are worn by celebrities Scarlett Johansson and Alyssa Milano. These are not their current styles, rather they are styles from several years ago.

Charlize Theron has changed her hair style many times for various movie roles. This style features a medium length cut with very long, somewhat choppy layers. You can create the piecey look with this hair style by applying a small amount of pomade or wax to the ends of the layers. Use your fingertips to apply the pomade and be careful not to apply too much.

 

Alyssa Milano probably hasn’t worn this medium length hair style in forever. It is a simple, yet classy take on the bob hair style. The style features a deep side part with all one length blunt ends. Extra shine and highlights can make this style a big hit.

VINTAGE PICTURE

 

 

Original Vintage Photo~Alyssa Milano 8×10

 

Alyssa Milano Is All Grown Up—and in a Lather Over Fiancé Scott Wolf

 

Alyssa Milano-Phoebe

 

Alyssa Milano-Mermaid

 

Celebrity Bride Alyssa Milano

 

Alissa Milano – Charmed

 

 

Alyssa Milano, From Tomboy Child

 

Alyssa Milano as Jenny Matrix in Commando (1985)

Check out the awesome ’80s hair and duds Milano sported in the Arnold Schwarzenegger action vehicle Commando. Milano (natch) played Arnold’s kidnapped daughter Jenny.

 

 

 

Alysson Milano before Famous

 

 

ALYSSA MILANO Portrait WHOS THE BOSS VINTAGE PHOTO

 

Alyssa Milano  Tape

 

Alyssa Milano video

 

Alyssa Milano Is A Cheap Tweep!

 

 

Alyssa Milano Do Something Awards 2010

 

Celebrity Alyssa Milano Latest Hairstyle Picture Alyssa Milano Celebrity Alyssa Milano Latest Shoulder Length Hairstyle Picture Alyssa Milano Celebrity…

 

Alyssa Milano has getting hitch

 

 

THE Picture Collections

 

   
     
     

Item # : B98214
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C89296
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C89182
Who’s the Boss? ,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : 506781
New Year’s Eve , Poster
27×41 in (69×104 cm)
$19.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C87575
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C86252
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C85873
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C85858
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C85848
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C85844
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C85816
Alyssa Milano,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

   
     
     

Item # : C85257
Charmed ,
Photograph
8×10 in (25×20 cm)
photo enlargement options available
$5.99

 
 

 

Showing off her growing bump, Alyssa Milano made her arrival on the set of the new tv show, “Breaking In” on Tuesday, March 1st, 2011 in Los Angeles, California. She was seen making trips from her trailer to the nearby hair and make up stations.

Milano looked comfy in her bathrobe before changing into an all black ensemble, puffy jacket, and Uggs. Gotta be a stylish momma to be right?

The photo agency is claiming the girl in the blue coat is actress Mandy Moore but I’ve looked over the pictures over and over and it looks more like a Milano/Moore hybrid. My guess is that Milano’s character is not meant to be pregnant and this is her stand in. Though I could be totally wrong!

The Happy Madison production follows a high tech security firm that takes extreme, and often questionable, measures to sell their protection services. It stars Bret Harrison, Odette Yustman, and Christian Slater. Milano will star as the character Oz’s (Slater) ex wife.

Breaking In is set to air on the Fox Network on April 6th, 2011.

 

 

 Alyssa Milano

 

Alyssa Milano

Actor Information
Name Alyssa Jayne Milano
Birthplace Brooklyn, New York, USA
Birth date December 19th, 1972
Portrayed Phoebe Halliwell
Season Season 1 to 8
Episode(s) 178 Episodes
.

Alyssa Milano (born December 19, 1972 in Brooklyn, New York) portrayed Phoebe Halliwell throughout the entire television series, except in the unaired Season 1 premiere.

She also portrayed Pearl Russell in Season 2 as well as the characters that also had her appearance at one time, including Marshall, Paige Matthews, Cole Turner, Kaia, Mitzy Stillman, Imara and Phoenix

Biography

 

Alyssa Milano and the Book of Shadows.

Alyssa Milano is the daughter of Italian-American parents Lin, a fashion designer, and Tom M. Milano, a film music editor and boating enthusiast. She has a younger brother, Cory (born in 1982), who is also an actor. Alyssa was born in a working class neighborhood in Brooklyn and grew up in a modest house on Staten Island. One day, her babysitter, who was an aspiring dancer, dragged Alyssa along to a an open audition for the first national tour of Annie. But it was Alyssa, not the sitter, who beat out 1,500 other wanna be stage actresses to snag a role. So at the tender age of seven, with her mother in tow, Alyssa joined the tour as July, one of the orphans. After 18 months on the road, Alyssa, who had begun to garner a reputation as an energetic and charismatic young actress, left Annie to be featured in off-Broadway productions and television commercials. Then, in 1983 at age 10, she landed her breakthrough role on the new sitcom “Who’s the Boss?” (1984) as Tony Danza’s saccharine sweet daughter, Samantha Micelli, a kid whose native Brooklyn accent rivaled her TV dad’s. In order for Alyssa to accept the gig, the Milano family had to uproot and move 3,000 miles to Hollywood

 

 

 

Career

Film

  • Old Enough (1984)
  • Commando (1985)
  • Canterville Ghost, TheThe Canterville Ghost (1986)
  • Crash Course (1988)
  • Dance ’til Dawn (1988)
  • Speed Zone! (1989)
  • Little Sister (1992)
  • Where the Day Takes You (1992)
  • The Webbers (1993)
  • Conflict of Interest (1993)
  • Casualties of Love: The Long Island Lolita Story (1993)
  • Candles in the Dark (1993)
  • Confessions of a Sorority Girl (1994)
  • Double Dragon (1994)
  • Deadly Sins (1995)
  • Embrace of the Vampire (1995)
  • The Surrogate (1995)
  • Jimmy Zip (1996)
  • Poison Ivy 2: Lily (1996)
  • Fear (1996)
  • Glory Daze (1996)
  • To Brave Alaska (1996)
  • Public Enemies (1996)
  • Below Utopia (1997)
  • Hugo Pool (1997)
  • Goldrush: A Real Life Alaskan Adventure (1998)
  • Lady and the Tramp II: Scamp’s Adventure (2001)
  • Diamond Hunters (2001)
  • Buying the Cow (2002)
  • Kiss the Bride (2002)
  • Dickie Roberts: Former Child Star (2003)
  • Dinotopia: Quest for the Ruby Sunstone (2005)
  • The Blue Hour (2007)
  • Wisegal (2008)
  • Pathology (2008)
  • DC Showcase: The Spectre (2010)
  • My Girlfriend’s Boyfriend (2010)
  • Sundays at Tiffany’s (2010)
  • Hall Pass (2011)
  • New Year’s Eve (2011)
  • Alvin and the Chipmunks: Chipwrecked (2011)
  • Young Justice (2011)

Television

Regular

  • Who’s the Boss? (1984-1992)
  • Melrose Place (1997-98)
  • Charmed (1998-2006)
  • Reinventing the Wheelers (2007)
  • My Name Is Earl (2007-2008)
  • Single with Parents (2008)
  • Romantically Challenged (2010)
  • Kick Buttowski: Suburban Daredevil (2010-present)

Guest

  • Jem (1985)
  • Living Dolls (1989)
  • Série rose (1990)
  • The American Film Institute Presents: TV or Not TV? (1990)
  • The Outer Limits (1995)
  • Spin City (1997)
  • Fantasy Island (1998)
  • Family Guy (2001)
  • Spin City (2001)
  • Adventures of Jimmy Neutron: Boy Genius (2004)
  • Castle (2010)
  • Breaking In (2011)

Music

Studio albums

  • Look in My Heart (1989)
  • Alyssa (1989)
  • Locked Inside a Dream (1991)
  • Do You See Me? (1992)

Compilations

  • The Best in the World: Non-Stop Special Remix/Alyssa’s Singles (1995)
  • The Very Best of Alyssa Milano (1995)

Singles

  • “What a Feeling” (1989)
  • “Look In My Heart” (1989)
  • “Straight to the Top” (1989)
  • “I Had a Dream” (1989)
  • “Happiness” (1989)
  • “The Best in the World” (1990)
  • “I Love When We’re Together” (1990)
  • “New Sensation” (1991)
  • “Voices That Care” (1991)
  • “Do You See Me?” (1992)
  • “No Secret” (1993)

Personal Life

 

Alyssa and her husband David

Alyssa Milano has had a Dyslexia Disorder ever since she was in elementary school.

 In 2004 Milano came out and explained in a interview how she had learned to deal and work with her disorder:

“I’ve stumbled over words while reading from teleprompters. Sir John Gielgud, whom I worked with on The Canterville Ghost years ago, gave me great advice. When I asked how he memorized his monologues, he said, ‘I write them down.’ I use that method to this day. It not only familiarizes me with the words, it makes them my own.”

Milano has always been a huge fan of the Los Angeles Dodgers. In 2007 she created her own signature “Touch” line of team apparel for female baseball fans, currently available on Major League Baseball’s website, along with her own baseball blog, which began selling in 2009, through a boutique store located in Citi Field, the home of the New York Mets. She has an interest in the Los Angeles Kings, a National Hockey League team and is involved with a related clothing line. In 2008, she expanded that to NFL football, as a New York Giants fan. Since Milano is in the same hometown as NFL Network’s Rich Eisen (Staten Island), she revealed some of her family’s connections with the New York Giants while she picked the winners of NFL games for week 7 of 2008.

Milano has a collection of 8 tattoos on her body:

  • The rosary tattoo placed on her right shoulder blade shows this deep devotion for her religion.
  • The tattoo on her neck is a variation of the Bhuddist symbol for HUM and can be interpreted as a symbol for depth of wisdom and unity
  • The left wrist is the Buddhist symbol for Om which is used in many religious chants and symbolizes the essence of the universe
  • The right wrist contains a tattoo of an ouroboros, a snake biting it’s own tale that represents the circular flow of things including death and rebirth
  • On her left ankle she has an angel, which also has the initials of an ex flame
  • On her right ankle is a wraparound chain of roses, red petals and green leaves
  • Her other tattoos consist of a kneeling fairy with grass and flowers on her lower stomach
  • and Her lower back region has a sacred heart which symbolizes a zeal for life and love

Milano is a vegetarian and appears in numerous PETA advertising campaigns for vegetarianism. Outside of acting, her hobbies include photography, humanitarian work, and spending time with her three dogs and eight horses.

In 2005, she was ranked #5 in the “50 Cutest Child Stars — All Grown Up”.

Milano starded dating with the lead singer of Remy Zero, Cinjun Tate in August 1998. They were briefly married from 1 January 1999, but seperated in November 1999; they were divorced later in 2000.

She briefly dated Justin Timberlake in 2002. She has dated a number of professional athletes, including Brad Penny, Carl Pavano, Barry Zito and Russell Martin. She is currently married to CAA agent David Bugliari; the couple started dating in December 2007 and became engaged on December 18, 2008, after more than a year of dating. The couple were married on August 15, 2009 in an Italian, garden-themed ceremony at her parents’ New Jersey estate. On February 22, 2011, it was announced Milano and Bugliari are expecting their first child. Alyssa has tweeted three times about this, both from Alyssa_Milano and AlyssaDotCom:

  • I’m obsessed with my belly. I can’t stop touching it.
  • Me: I hope our baby has your eyes & athleticism. Him: I hope our baby has your nose & Internet surfing skills.

On March 14, Milano announced that she is expecting a baby boy. http://alyssa.com/ She is due around mid September 2011.

On August 31, 2011 at 9:27 a.m., Milano gave birth to her son Milo Thomas Bugliari. He weighed 7 lbs., and was 19 inches long. On his names she stated:

“Milo was named after his two grandfathers, Miller and Thomas,” she said. Milano considers the two to be “very important” in her life.

 

 

Trivia

Alyssa at one of her Touch stores

  • Alyssa has dyslexia
  • Alyssa is a Roman Catholic.
  • Alyssa is 5 feet 2 inches (157 cm) tall.
  • Alyssa loves Baseball but hated the fact that there was no baseball clothing for women. This is the reason behind her own clothing line Touch by Alyssa Milano.
  • Ariel, the Little Mermaid’s appearance was based on Alyssa Milano, who was 16 at the time.
  • She is a big fan of the LA Dodgers.
  • Alyssa is a big supporter of “Trick or Treat for UNICEF”.
  • Alyssa is a big supporter of PETA.
  • Alyssa is a vegetarian and supports it openly.
  • Her pets:-4 dogs – Lucy, Ripley, Hugo and Stella and 4 cats – Simon, Lucy, Daisy and Miles.
  • Her favorite color is red.
  • Both Alyssa and Holly married a David.
  • Dated Charmed Co-stars Brian Krause and Eric Dane.
  • Is the cousin of both Eric Lloyd and Emily Ann Lloyd.
  • Milano said she cried for two weeks after Charmed ended.
  • She is a big part of the “Help to cure AIDS” in Africa.
  • She has a best-selling exercise video in 1988 called Teen Steam.
  • Holly Marie Combs and Shannen Doherty were her bridesmaids at her wedding to Cinjun August Tate.
  • Alyssa is allergic to soy products.
  • Alyssa and Holly Combs are close friends.

 

Alyssa as Snooki

  • Alyssa Milano and Rose McGowan were both mentioned in Veronica Mars. Alyssa in season 1, Rose in season 3.
  • Alyssa states in “The Women of Charmed’ interview that Aaron Spelling called her while she was in Hawaii and asked her to be Phoebe which of course, she gladly accepted.
  • She follows all of the three other main Charmed co-stars on Twitter.
  • Alyssa and Shannen Doherty were both cast in two of Aaron Spelling’s famous TV Teen Soaps, Shannen on Beverly Hills 90210 and Alyssa on Melrose Place. Ironically, Melrose Place is a spin-off of Beverly Hills 90210.
  • Alyssa is extremely turned off by the MTV series Jersey Shore and it’s misrepresentation of Italian-American people & residents of New Jersey, she has been called the “fearless leader” of those against the show. In December 2009, in association with the website FunnyorDie.com, Alyssa created a video where she is transformed into Snooki, showing how Italians and New Jerseyans are misrepresented in the series. Alyssa has said: “My husband actually showed me the trailer on YouTube last night, and I got upset. It upset me. I was like, ‘Turn that off!’ So no, I don’t think I’ll be watching that!'”. [1]
  • In 2010, Alyssa became a spokesperson for Wen by Chaz Dean; a hair care system to prolong hair color.

The end@copyright 2012

THE END @ COPYRIGHT 2012

The Chinese Jin Tartar,Liao and Xia dynasty History Collections

THIS IS THE SAMPLE OF E-BOOK IN CD-ROM,THE COMPLETE ONE WITH FULL ILLUSTRATION EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER,PLEASE SUBSCRIBE VIA COMMENT.

The  Chinese  History collections

Part One(6)

Jin Tartar , Liao And Xin Dynasty

 

the tartar warrior painting

 

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Copyright@2012

Private Limited Edition In CD-ROM

FORWARD

I have collecting china numismatic including coins and papermoney from ancient to modern era almost 50 years, and starting to study the collections in 25 years.

At first very difficult because during President Suharto era 1966-1998 forbidden to read and collected Chinese literatures but the china numismatic could found easily with cheapest price until 1988 after the open diplomatic relationship between Indonesia and China I can found a little informations.

Since the President Gus Dur Era the Chinese overseas origin or Tionghoa ethnic became the Indonesian Ethnic nationality in the years 2000 I can found some informations and I could study in legal.but the collection very difficult to find because many chese nationality visit Indonesia and they swept all the Chinese numismatic collections.

I am starting to study the Chinese Cast coin almost 50 years, and this the report of the study consist several part.

jin emperor

This Jin Tartar Era cast coin very difficult to found in Indonesia and another country because the situations,

rare jin dynasty coin Da Ding or Ta ching  tong Bao

 and also another art work collections like

jin dynasty ceramic,

painting etc.

I hope this study can help the collectors and the scholar for their research,because this study still not complete which need more info,comment and corrections

Jakarta Mei 2012

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

INTRODUCTION

WHY NOTHER SUNG MOVER TO THE SOUTH?

THIS THE ANWERE

Invasion from the North During The Song Dynasty

 

Northern Invasion

Song Dynasty were endlessly to get the attack from the North since its inception. Liao, Xi Xia, and Jin are the three main threats faced.
Liao
 
The first time was known as the Khitan, Liao is a nomadic ethnic minorities appeared in the East China Sea. They live at the upper end of the Liao River. During the Late Tang and Five Dynasties, Yelu Abaoji circumcision tribe unite and declare himself emperor.
 
Year 927 AD, Son Abaoji, Yelu Deguang, took the throne and control of 16 prefectures in the North Yanmen Pass and with the help of Jin Shi Jingtang establish End. This marks the beginning of the Liao forces entered the Central Plains. Year 947 AD, Yelu Deguang change the Liao dynasty title.
 
To restore the lost territory in the North, Emperor Taizong of Song launched two punitive expedition but were confronted by army troops Song Liao. Since then, the Song Dynasty Liao did not dare to attack again. Year 1004 AD, Liao troops attacked the Central Plains. Song forces defeat the attackers, but approved the peace treaty with the Liao, where Song had to give 100,000 taels of silver and 200,000 rolls of silk to the Liao each year. Song emperor made fraternity and had to call the emperor of Liao woman as her aunt.

Xixia

Western Xia was a descendant of the People’s etnisyang group called Dangxiang. They established the kingdom in the region located in the North and Saanxi Ningxia, northwestern Gansu, Qinghai, northeastern, and western Inner Mongolia.

When the Western Xia managed to increase strength and power, he began attacking the Chinese border. However, the Xia was not successful because of the successful defense of officials such as Han Qi Song and Fan Zhongyan. Year 1004 AD, Song and Xia make a deal in which Xia Song acknowledges fellowship. Meanwhile, Song will give Xia 7200 taels of silver, 153,000 rolls of silk, and 30,000 every year the pound.

Jin

Jurchen nation is a tribe that is active in the northeast part of China. Year 1115 AD, Wanyan Aguda declared themselves as kasiar and use the title of the Jin Dynasty. In the history he became known as the Emperor Taizu from Jin. In 1125 AD, Jin army defeated the Liao and Song began eyeing the vast region.

In 1125 AD, Jin Song menyeran territory and launch attacks into the capital Bianjing. Song regimes seek peace with Jin, and Song agreed to greet the emperor emperor In as her uncle, gave Taiyuan, Zhongsan, and Hejian and offers 60,000 taels of gold and silver at Jin.

Year 1127 AD, Jin troops back toward the south and capture the Emperor Huizong and Qinzong along with 3,000 members of the royal family. In this history known as the “Disaster Jinkang.” As a result the Northern Song Period ends.

Song and Jin Negotiating Peace

After the disaster Jinkang, Emperor Gaozong make new capital Lin’an, started the Southern Song period. Jin began attacking troops continue into Song territory. Therefore, the Southern Song divided into supporters of the peace talks and support the defense.

General Yue Fei

General Yue Fei’s most famous fortifications. Yue Fei was a native of Xiangzhou tangyin. Yue Fei studied literature and martial arts in childhood. He became a skilled martial arts as adults. In 1112 AD, he entered the army, his mother tattooed his back with a four-letter “jing zhong bao guo” “Pay the State with the highest fidelity.” Yue have never failed to carry these words during his life.

yue fei when tattooed by his motherYue Fei was appointed commissioner in charge Tongtai recruit former rebels and the generals who solve their own problem. Forces Yue Fei is known for his application of strict military discipline. Whenever they arrived in the village, they will be camping on the roadside.

Yue troops have been many great win over Jin and managed to regain the lost territory. Jin troops are very scared to hear the name of Yue Fei and agree that “It’s easier than shaking the troops move mountains Yue Fei.”

In the year 1140 AD, Yue Fei’s forces defeat Jin forces by cutting off their hooves. Yue troops win battles one by one and reach a town called Zhuxianzhen. Yue Fei then immediately ordered his troops to immediately attack the capital of Jin in Huanglongfu (yellow dragon palace). When Yue Fei and other general anti Jin pertemnpuran fight against the enemy in a bloody, Prime Minister Qin Hui peace plan proposed by Jin and asked the Emperor Gaozong interesting Yue Fei with 12 orders issued royal succession. Qin Hui and then make false accusations and plans to kill Yue Fei.

Year 1142 AD, Song and Jin negotiate. Song became the State of Jin. Song had to pay 250,000 taels of silver and 250,000 rolls of silk in Jin every year. In 1162 AD, the Emperor Xiaozong seized power and sent an expedition to the North. Song and Jin negotiate once again. Emperor Jin Song should greet the Emperor as his young uncle. In 1206 AD, Song forces were attacked once again, the Song and Jin negotiate peace a third time. This time the Emperor had to call the emperor’s Song Jin as his old uncle.

 
READ MORE INFORMATIONS

 

LIAO DYNASTY, AD 907-1125

LIAO DYNASTY VESSEL

The Liao were a Tartar Dynasty known as the Ch’i-tan or Ki-tan Tartars, first established by T’ai Tsu in AD 907 during the period of the 5 dynasties. The dynasty lasted for 218 years until AD 1125, ruling from their capital at Beijing. For most of their existence they existed along side the Northern Sung Dynasty, in what appears to be somewhat less than peaceful co-existance.

The first Emperor of Liao did not issue any coins. There were five Emperors between AD 907 and 1031 who issued coins, but only a handful of each type is known to exist and it is unlikely any genuine examples will come on the market. We have not listed them here as it is unlikely anyone viewing this site to identify a coin will have one, but you will find information on them on page 216 of David Hartill’s book CAST CHINESE COINS. Schjoth (page 41) notes a record of the Liang Dynasty Emperor Mo, using the reign title Lung-te, issuing large numbers of coins during this period, which are likely what circulated in the Liao region for what little need the Liao people had of coins at that time.

The earliest readily available coins of Liao begin with the Emperor Hsing Tsung during his second reign title of Ch’ung Hsi after he established the first Liao central mint in Manchuria in AD 1053. The mint was not particularly skilled and most Liao coins are fairly crude, poor quality castings.

There are some differences in the dating of the Liao reign titles by Schjoth and Hartill, and we have chosen to use those given by Hartill as it is much more recent and almost certainly more reliable research.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 265 AD-581

AD Western and Eastern Jin Dynasty Emperors

       

Sima Yan

Sima Rui

Fu Jian

Sima Dewen

 

the Chin or Jin Dynasty

 (1115 – 1234 AD)

The Jin Dynasty was founded by

 

Wanyan Aguda

in Northern Manchuria.

The Jin conquered Northen China by conquering the Liao and defeating the Song Dynasty.

Liao and Song coins were used early on the Jin rule.

 In 1158,

Read more about Jin Dynasty

   

金朝 The Jin Dynasty (1115-1234), also known as the Jurchen dynasty, was founded by the Wanyan clan of the Jurchen

 

The Jin Dynasty was founded in what would become northern Manchuria by the Jurchen tribal chieftain Wanyan Aguda in 1115.

The Jurchens’ early rival was the Liao Dynasty,

 which had held sway over northern China, including Manchuria and part of the Mongol region for several centuries.

 In 1121,

the Jurchens entered into the Alliance on the Sea with the Song Dynasty and agreed to jointly invade the Liao. While the Song armies faltered, the Jurchens succeeded in driving the Liao to Central Asia.

 In 1125,

 after the death of Aguda, the Jin broke the alliance with the Song and invaded North China.

On January 9, 1127,

Jin forces ransacked Kaifeng, capital of the Northern Song Dynasty, capturing both Emperor Qinzong, and his father, Emperor Huizong, who had abdicated in panic in the face of Jin forces.

Following the fall of Kaifeng, Song forces under the leadership of the succeeding Southern Song Dynasty continued to fight for over a decade with Jin forces, eventually signing the Treaty of Shaoxing in 1141, calling for the cession of all Song land north of the Huai River to the Jin and the execution of

 

Song General Yue Fei

 

in return for peace.

 

Invasion from the North During The Song Dynasty

Northern Invasion

Song Dynasty were endlessly to get the attack from the North since its inception. Liao, Xi Xia, and Jin are the three main threats faced.

 

 

Liao

Lioa first emperor

 

The first time was known as the Khitan, Liao is a nomadic ethnic minorities appeared in the East China Sea. They live at the upper end of

 

the Liao River. During the Late Tang and Five Dynasties,

Liao River ,Liao He Guide

The Liao River is the principal river in southern Manchuria (1,345 km).

 

 

The province of Liaoning

And

 

 

 the Liaodong Peninsula derive their name from the river.

The Liao River originates as two stems in the west:

 

the Laoha He in southeastern Inner Mongolia,

 

 the Xinkai He (dry in its upper reaches except after thunderstorms) further north, and

 

 

 the Hulin He (which almost never reaches the main stem of the river) in the extreme northwest of Liaoning. The eastern stem of the river is known as

 

 the DongLiao River and rises in low mountains in central Liaoning. The two stems of the river meet

 

 

near the junction of Liaoning, Jilin and Inner Mongolia and flow across a vast plain to

 

 the Bohai Gulf.

 

Two major tributaries of the river,

 

the Hun He (“muddy river”)

 

and the Taizi He, both of which flow down from the

 

 

 Qianshan range, used to flow into the Liao River shortly before it flowed into the sea, but the Atlas of China (Beijing, Sinomaps Press, 2006) shows that while the two tributaries continue to follow their traditional route and flow into the sea at what this atlas still identifies as

 

 the “Liao River Kou”, the mouth of the Liao River, virtually all of the water of the Liao River has been diverted into

 

 the ShuangTaizi He, which flows into

 

 

Bohai Gulf about 35 kilometers to the northwest. Google Earth also shows this new pattern.

 

Several major cities are located on the Hun He, including

 

Shenyang, the provincial capital,

 

 

Fushun, farther upstream, and

 

 

Yingkou at the mouth.

 

 

Anshan is located on the southeastern edge of the basin.

The Liao River drains an area of over 232,000 square kilometres, but its mean discharge is quite small at only about 500 cubic metres per second – about one-twentieth that of

 

 

 the Pearl River.

Like the Huang He, the Liao River has an exceedingly high sediment load because many parts of it flow through powdery loess.

 

 

Yelu Abaoji circumcision tribe unite and declare himself emperor

.

Emperor Taizu of Liao – The First Emperor of the Liao Dynasty

The Emperor Taizu of Liao (辽太祖) was the first emperor of the Liao Dynasty (907-926). His given name was Abaoji (阿保机). Some sources also suggest that the surname Yelü (耶律) was adopted during his lifetime, though there is no unanimity on this point.

He was born in 872 and died in 926 in China. He had a turbulent childhood. His grandfather was killed in a conflict between tribes, and his father and uncles fled. Yelü Abaoji was hidden by his grandmother for his safety.

 

Year 927 AD,

 Son Abaoji, Yelu Deguang, took the throne and control of 16 prefectures in the North Yanmen Pass and with the help of

 

 

Jin Shi Jingtang establish End.

This marks the beginning of the Liao forces entered the Central Plains.

 

Year 947 AD,

Yelu Deguang change the Liao dynasty title

 

Emperor Xingzong of Liao – Emperor of the Liao Dynasty

 

Emperor Xingzong of Liao (辽兴宗) (1015–1054), born Yelv Zongzhen (耶律宗真), was an emperor of the Liao Dynasty. He reigned from 1031 to 1054.

Xingzong was the eldest son of Shenzong, and was made Prince in 1021 when he was six years old. He was crowned emperor when Shenzong died in 1031.

Xingzong’s reign was the beginning of the end for the Liao Dynasty. The government was corrupt and the army stated to fall apart. He attacked the Western Xia dynasty many times, and waged war upon the Song dynasty. However, the frequent wars were not looked kindly upon by his people, and there were much anger among them for the high taxes. Xingzong was also into Buddhism and spent lavishly for his own pleasure. He died in 1054.

 

.

 

To restore the lost territory in the North,

 

Emperor Taizong of Song launched two punitive expedition but were confronted by

 

army troops Song Liao.

 

Since then, the Song Dynasty Liao did not dare to attack again.

 Year 1004 AD,

Liao troops attacked the Central Plains. Song forces defeat the attackers, but approved the peace treaty with the Liao, where Song had to give

 

 

 

 

 

 

 100,000 taels of silver

 

and

 

200,000 roll of song silk to the Liao each year. Song emperor made fraternity and had to call

 

the emperor of Liao woman as her aunt.

Xixia

 

Emperor Jingzong of Western Xia – The First Emperor of the Western Xia

 

Emperor Mozhu of Western Xia – The Last Emperor of Western Xia



Western Xia was a descendant of the People’s etnis yang group called Dangxiang. They established the kingdom in the region located in the North and Saanxi Ningxia,

 

northwestern Gansu,

 

 

Qinghai,

 

northeastern, and

 

western Inner Mongolia.

When the Western Xia managed to increase strength and power, he began attacking the Chinese border. However, the Xia was not successful because of

 

 the successful defense of officials such as Han Qi Song and Fan Zhongyan.

 

Year 1004 AD,

 Song and Xia make a deal in which Xia Song acknowledges fellowship. Meanwhile, Song will give Xia 7200 taels of silver, 153,000 rolls of silk, and 30,000 every year the pound.

Jin

Jurchen nation is a tribe that is active in the northeast part of China.

Year 1115 AD,

 

Wanyan Aguda declared themselves as kasiar and use the title of the Jin Dynasty. In the history he became known as the Emperor Taizu from Jin.

 In 1125 AD,

 Jin army defeated the Liao and Song began eyeing the vast region.

 

In 1125 AD, Jin Song attacked  territory and launch attacks into

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 the capital Bianjing.

 

Song regimes seek peace with Jin, and Song agreed to greet the emperor emperor In as her uncle, gave

 

Taiyuan,

 

Zhongsan, and

 

Hejian

and offers 60,000

 

Results 1-25 of 724  

   
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Han Dynasty (BC 206-220 AD): Gold “Ban-Liang”, 23mm, 7.6g (Ding p.49 for type). About very fine. Estimate: US$200-250

Price: 1600 USD
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Wang Mang (7-23 AD): Gold “Huo Quan”, 22mm, 7.6g (Ding p.55 for type). Fine. Estimate: US$200-250

Price: 1100 USD
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Northern Song (960-1127 AD): Gold “Sheng Song Yuan Bao” in seal script, 24mm, 7.8g (Ding p.95 for type). About very fine. Estimate: US$200-250

Price: 1600 USD
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Burial Coins : Gold Uniface Burial Coins (2): “Da Tang Tong Bao”, 42mm, 2.4g; “Zhi Ping Tong Bao”, 25mm, 0.8g. Both good fine. (2pcs) Estimate: US$250-300

Price: n/a
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Burial Coins : Gold Uniface Burial Coins (2): “Song Yuan Tong Bao”, 41mm, 2.5g; “Da Guan Tong Bao”, 42mm, 3.4g. Both about very fine. (2pcs) Estimate: US$250-300

Price: n/a
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Burial Coins : Gold Burial Coin, 21mm, 2.4g. Very fine. Estimate: US$150-180

Price: n/a
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Burial Coins : Gold Burial Coins (2), 5.8g and 6.2g, possibly Ming Dynasty. Both very fine with reddish brown encrustation. (2pcs) Estimate: US$500-600

Price: n/a
 
 
 
CHINA, ANCIENT CHINESE COINS, Gold Ornament : Gold Pendant, Obv two stylised characters, Rev two stylised characters, 22mm x 28mm, 5.0g. About extremely fine. Estimate: US$150-200

Price: 180 USD
 
 
     

 

song taels of gold and silver at Jin.

 

 

Year 1127 AD,

Jin troops back toward the south and capture

 

the Emperor Huizong and

 

 Qinzong

along with 3,000 members of the royal family. In this history known as

 

the “Disaster Jinkang.” As a result the Northern Song Period ends.

Read more info

Invasion from the North During The Song Dynasty

Northern Invasion

Song Dynasty were endlessly to get the attack from the North since its inception. Liao, Xi Xia, and Jin are the three main threats faced.

 

 

 

Liao

 

The first time was known as the Khitan, Liao is a nomadic ethnic minorities appeared in the East China Sea. They live at the upper end of the Liao River. During the Late Tang and Five Dynasties, Yelu Abaoji circumcision tribe unite and declare himself emperor.

 

Year 927 AD, Son Abaoji, Yelu Deguang, took the throne and control of 16 prefectures in the North Yanmen Pass and with the help of Jin Shi Jingtang establish End. This marks the beginning of the Liao forces entered the Central Plains. Year 947 AD, Yelu Deguang change the Liao dynasty title.

 

To restore the lost territory in the North, Emperor Taizong of Song launched two punitive expedition but were confronted by army troops Song Liao. Since then, the Song Dynasty Liao did not dare to attack again. Year 1004 AD, Liao troops attacked the Central Plains. Song forces defeat the attackers, but approved the peace treaty with the Liao, where Song had to give 100,000 taels of silver and 200,000 rolls of silk to the Liao each year. Song emperor made fraternity and had to call the emperor of Liao woman as her aunt.

Xixia

Western Xia was a descendant of the People’s etnisyang group called Dangxiang. They established the kingdom in the region located in the North and Saanxi Ningxia, northwestern Gansu, Qinghai, northeastern, and western Inner Mongolia.

When the Western Xia managed to increase strength and power, he began attacking the Chinese border. However, the Xia was not successful because of the successful defense of officials such as Han Qi Song and Fan Zhongyan. Year 1004 AD, Song and Xia make a deal in which Xia Song acknowledges fellowship. Meanwhile, Song will give Xia 7200 taels of silver, 153,000 rolls of silk, and 30,000 every year the pound.

Jin

Jurchen nation is a tribe that is active in the northeast part of China. Year 1115 AD, Wanyan Aguda declared themselves as kasiar and use the title of the Jin Dynasty. In the history he became known as the Emperor Taizu from Jin. In 1125 AD, Jin army defeated the Liao and Song began eyeing the vast region.

In 1125 AD, Jin Song menyeran territory and launch attacks into the capital Bianjing. Song regimes seek peace with Jin, and Song agreed to greet the emperor emperor In as her uncle, gave Taiyuan, Zhongsan, and Hejian and offers 60,000 taels of gold and silver at Jin.

Year 1127 AD, Jin troops back toward the south and capture the Emperor Huizong and Qinzong along with 3,000 members of the royal family. In this history known as the “Disaster Jinkang.” As a result the Northern Song Period ends.

Song and Jin Negotiating Peace

After the disaster Jinkang, Emperor Gaozong make new capital Lin’an, started the Southern Song period. Jin began attacking troops continue into Song territory. Therefore, the Southern Song divided into supporters of the peace talks and support the defense.

 

 

 

General Yue Fei
General Yue Fei’s most famous fortifications. Yue Fei was a native of Xiangzhou tangyin. Yue Fei studied literature and martial arts in childhood. He became a skilled martial arts as adults. In 1112 AD, he entered the army,

 

 his mother tattooed his back with a four-letter “jing zhong bao guo” “Pay the State with the highest fidelity.” Yue have never failed to carry these words during his life.

 

yue fei when tattooed by his mother

Yue Fei was appointed commissioner in charge Tongtai recruit former rebels and the generals who solve their own problem. Forces Yue Fei is known for his application of strict military discipline. Whenever they arrived in the village, they will be camping on the roadside.

Yue troops have been many great win over Jin and managed to regain the lost territory. Jin troops are very scared to hear the name of Yue Fei and agree that “It’s easier than shaking the troops move mountains Yue Fei.”

In the year 1140 AD,

Yue Fei’s forces defeat Jin forces by cutting off their hooves. Yue troops win battles one by one and reach a town called

 

Zhuxianzhen.

 Yue Fei then immediately ordered his troops to immediately attack

 

the capital of Jin in Huanglongfu (yellow dragon palace).

When Yue Fei and other general against Jin battles  fight against the enemy in a bloody,

 

Prime Minister Qin Hui

 peace plan proposed by Jin

 and asked

 

 

 

the Emperor Gaozong of Nothern song

interesting Yue Fei with 12 orders issued royal succession.

Qin Hui and then make false accusations and plans to kill Yue Fei.

Year 1142 AD,

Song and Jin negotiate. Song became the State of Jin. Song had to pay 250,000 taels of silver and 250,000 rolls of silk in Jin every year.

 

 

 

 In 1162 AD,

 

the Emperor Xiaozong

seized power and sent an expedition to the North. Song and Jin negotiate once again.

 

Emperor Jin Song should greet the Emperor as his young uncle.

 

In 1206 AD,

 

Song forces were attacked once again Jin, the Song and Jin negotiate peace a third time. This time the Emperor had to call the emperor’s Song Jin as his old uncle.
Song and Jin Negotiating Peace

 

After the disaster Jinkang, Emperor Gaozong make

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 new song  capital Lin’an,

started the Southern Song period. Jin began attacking troops continue into Song territory. Therefore, the Southern Song divided into supporters of the peace talks and support the defense.

 

 

General Yue Fei

General Yue Fei’s most famous fortifications. Yue Fei was a native of Xiangzhou tangyin. Yue Fei studied literature and martial arts in childhood. He became a skilled martial arts as adults. In 1112 AD, he entered the army, his mother tattooed his back with a four-letter “jing zhong bao guo” “Pay the State with the highest fidelity.” Yue have never failed to carry these words during his life.

 

yue fei when tattooed by his mother

Yue Fei was appointed commissioner in charge Tongtai recruit former rebels and the generals who solve their own problem. Forces Yue Fei is known for his application of strict military discipline. Whenever they arrived in the village, they will be camping on the roadside.

Yue troops have been many great win over Jin and managed to regain the lost territory. Jin troops are very scared to hear the name of Yue Fei and agree that “It’s easier than shaking the troops move mountains Yue Fei.”

In the year 1140 AD, Yue Fei’s forces defeat Jin forces by cutting off their hooves. Yue troops win battles one by one and reach a town called Zhuxianzhen. Yue Fei then immediately ordered his troops to immediately attack the capital of Jin in Huanglongfu (yellow dragon palace). When Yue Fei and other general anti Jin battle  fight against the enemy in a bloody, Prime Minister Qin Hui peace plan proposed by Jin and asked the Emperor Gaozong interesting Yue Fei with 12 orders issued royal succession. Qin Hui and then make false accusations and plans to kill Yue Fei.

Year 1142 AD, Song and Jin negotiate. Song became the State of Jin. Song had to pay 250,000 taels of silver and 250,000 rolls of silk in Jin every year. In 1162 AD, the Emperor Xiaozong seized power and sent an expedition to the North. Song and Jin negotiate once again. Emperor Jin Song should greet the Emperor as his young uncle. In 1206 AD, Song forces were attacked once again, the Song and Jin negotiate peace a third time. This time the Emperor had to call the emperor’s Song Jin as his old uncle.

 

 the Jin Dynasty made their own coins and

 

Chinese Jin Dynasty SILVER coins:Fu Chang Tong Bao 29mm*11g US $45.00

 

Zheng-Long Yuan-Bao Coin / China Jin Dynasty AD 1156 US $9.99

 

Zheng-Long Yuan-Bao Coin / China Jin Dynasty

 

Taihetongbao Coin Of Jin Dynasty

 

 

 

 later used coins,

 

 

 

 

Song note

 

ming note

notes and

silver.

Coins cast during this period were of superb quality and excellent calligraphy.

 

The Fu Chang Yuan Bao,

 

Fu Chang Tong Bao

and Fu Chang Zhong Bao

 were three of the finest Jin coins. They were minted during the puppet regime of Emperor Liu Yu who used

 

“Fu Chang” as his period title.  

Casting coins became unprofitable when inflation starts to hit the Jin Dynasty economy.

 

Jin Dynasty Silver Coin”Fu Chang Yuan Bao” $34.00

 

Mints were closed down and coin production ceased for 30 years prior to the defeat of the Jin by the Mongols.

This coin still never found in Indonesia(Dr Iwan Notes)

Read more about Jin Dynasty

 

.

THE JIN DYNASTY

 

The Jīn Dynasty (1115–1234),

also known as the Jurchen Dynasty, was founded by the Wanyan (完顏 Wányán) clan of the Jurchens, the ancestors of the Manchus who established the Qing Dynasty some 500 years later. The name is sometimes written as Jinn to differentiate it from an earlier Jìn Dynasty of China whose name is spelled identically in the Roman alphabet. (Photo: Jade Ornament)

 

The Jin Dynasty was founded in what would become northern Manchuria by the Jurchen tribal chieftain Wanyan Aguda (完顏阿骨打) in 1115. The Jurchens’ early rival was the Liao Dynasty, which had held sway over northern China, including Manchuria and part of the Mongol region for several centuries. In 1121, the Jurchens entered into the Alliance on the Sea with the Song Dynasty and agreed to jointly invade the Liao. While the Song armies faltered, the Jurchens succeeded in driving the Liao to Central Asia. In 1125, after the death of Aguda, the Jin broke the alliance with the Song and invaded North China. (Photo: A wooden Bodhisattva)

 

On January 9, 1127, Jin forces ransacked Kaifeng, capital of the Northern Song Dynasty, capturing both Emperor Qinzong, and his father, Emperor Huizong, who had abdicated in panic in the face of Jin forces. Following the fall of Kaifeng, Song forces under the leadership of the succeeding Southern Song Dynasty continued to fight for over a decade with Jin forces, eventually signing the Treaty of Shaoxing in 1141, calling for the cessation of all Song land north of the Huai River to the Jin and the execution of Song General Yue Fei in return for peace. (Photo: The Chengling Pagoda, Hebei, built 1161 – 1189AD Wikipedia)

The Fenyang Cemetery of Jin Dynasty

 

 

Kublai Khan (Emperor Shi Zu), the grandson of Mongol conqueror Genghis Khan, conquered the whole Chinese and established the Yuan Dynasty.

 

 

 

 

 

 

THE JIN TARTAR AND LIAO DYNASTY ART WORK COLLECTIONS

Ceramic

 

 

A fine and rare small ‘jun’ splashed tripod censer. Jin-Yuan dynasty.

the globular body with short wide neck and flat everted rim supported on three short cabriole legs, applied with a fine pale blue glaze liberally splashed with three copper-red blushes transmuting from misty purple to intense pinkish-red tone, later Japanese pierced white metal cover – 7.4cm., 2 7/8 in. Est. 60,000—80,000 GBP Lot Sold 91,250 GBP

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

YUAN / JIN DYNASTY OLIVE-GLAZED GLOBULAR JAR

 Ammonite Impressed Decoration

China, 1115-1368 A.D.  

  

Of globular form with a transparent olive glaze and short rounded mouth rim, the shoulders with a

single incised line above a body with impressed intricate spiral ammonite motifs.

Ammonites were considered in early Chinese cultures to be symbols of good luck &

prosperity, enhancing the vitality, harmony, prosperity, and overall well-being of occupants

and visitors of a home.
11″ High

 

 

    

Henan Province, China, 1115–1234 A.D.

 

The Henan-type glazed stoneware jar with tapered globular body and trumpet-form rim, the shoulders

with spur appendages; the rich black “hare’s fur” type glaze with coffee-colored streaking and mottling

and incised patterns descending to attractive tear-drop dripping toward the base

7 1/4″ High

 

 

 

A Jin Dynasty Chun Vase

 

Genuine Ancient Glazed “Celadon Green” “Hun’ping” Funerary Urn/Spirit Jar (Rare!) 300 A.D.

CLASSIFICATION: Funeraru Urn.

ATTRIBUTION: Ancient China, Jin Dynasty (about 300 A.D.). Possibly an 18th or 19th Century Revival Imitative

SIZE/MEASUREMENTS:

Height: 318 millimeters (12 2/3 inches)

Diameter: 190 millimeters (7 2/3 inches) at belly; 100 millimeters (4 inches) at base.

CONDITION: Exceptional. Entirely intact except for the normal oxidation of the glaze and one ancient chip (repairable upon request). Otherwise just the normal potting blemishes associated with crude hand production; and assorted minor bumps and bruises consistent with wear due to ancient usage and then burial since ancient times. All quite normal for a 2,000 year old vessel.

DETAIL: Although it is probable that this specimen is much older, it is also possible that this piece might be a revivalist imitative produced for the European market of the 18th or 19th century. It is widely known that Chinese porcelain and other ceramic artwork was quite popular in Victorian Europe. Carrying Chinese porcelain from China to Europe was an industry for the seafaring mariners of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. Entire fleets of sailing ships plied the trade, especially the Dutch and English. However in addition to porcelain, ancient Chinese ceramics were also extremely popular in Victorian Europe, where Chinese ceramic artwork was highly appreciated and in great demand.

Although the style of this specimen is very convincing and suggests it might indeed be of Jin Dynasty origin, a large portion of the antique/ancient Chinese ceramics in Europe date to the 18th or 19th century, so it is quite possible that this is an imitative revival piece. Judging by the style it is likely considerably older, but only a $1,000 thermoluminescence test would establish this conclusively (and even then the reliability and accuracy of such testing is still debated). So we’ll simply err on the side of being conservative and suggest that you consider it a revival piece, and if it is indeed older, so much the better. However whether an antique several centuries old, or an antiquity a few centuries older, this is a valuable and collectible piece of art.

This unusual green glaze jar belongs to a particular type of funerary vessel which was made during the Three Kingdoms and Western Jin dynasties. It is a wonderfully preserved specimen, with no significant blemishes other than the expected degradation of the glaze. This means that rather than being entirely glossy, some of the glaze has decomposed, and has lost its glossiness, and is rather powdery, or rough to the touch. Notwithstanding these blemishes (and a decomposing glaze is quite typical of ancient earthenware), it remains in wonderful condition! There’s a few very minor scratches and abrasions as can be seen in the images, but otherwise no damage aside from the normal little dings and bruises one would expect with an ancient earthenware vessel. As well there are the normal blemishes (warts, dimples, pimples and pits) one expects with earthenware fashioned and glazed by hand. There is one single chip – seemingly an ancient chip – which would probably never be noticed. If you look at the lowest tier of buildings, close examination will reveal that of the four structures, one is missing a roof support which was broken off. It’s a tiny little piece – there’s supposed to be one on each side of roof – and one is missing. We can repair it if requested.

Known as a “hun’ping”, or “spirit jar”, it is a funerary urn with a conventionally shaped body (much like a Han granary jar) topped by a configuration of tiered architectural elements, peoples, and animals. In some examples birds or other animals will dominate the theme. This particular piece as you can see depicts dozens of birds, lots of buildings and structures, as well as a ring of seated Buddha’s. The vessel type was generally limited to the area south of the Yangzi River corresponding to modern northern Zhejiang and Jiangsu provinces. The vessel type dates to the relatively short period of time from about 250 to 300 A.D. This magnificent example with olive-green celadon glaze covering the body possesses an extraordinarily rich assortment of modeled figures and architecture in a well-proportioned, tiered arrangement. Of particular interest is the row of Buddhas sitting in meditative postures around the waist of the vessel. These are among the earliest Buddhist images known in China.

The hun’ping reflects the southern tradition of “burial of the summoned soul.” Placed in a tomb together with armrests, banqueting tables, food, and drink, it was hoped that the soul of the deceased would return to reside in the urn, entering through the uppermost gate and building. The auspicious birds and the seated Buddhas represent mystical entities that could guide the soul to be reborn in paradise. If you would like to see some other examples of similar vessels, including one at the New York Metropolitan Museum, please click here, here, and here.

Of course, we are not trying to suggest that this piece is equivalent to these museum pieces. The glaze of this particular specimen is partly decomposed – glossy only in spots. The museum pieces here are simply extraordinary in their pristine condition – but of course they are priceless and unobtainable as well. Though clearly the celadon green glaze is partly decomposed or oxidized; most of the glaze remains intact. Furthermore, there are no significant chips, no breakage, no cracks, and no repairs. If you’d like an authentic ancient earthenware vase to proudly display, you could not go wrong with this one. It is solidly shaped, nicely featured, and nicely proportioned. Though not perfect, you could showcase this with great pride either at work home. Either way, it will certainly generate curiosity, envy, and you can be certain that outside a museum, you’ll never see another one.

HISTORY OF JIN DYNASTY CERAMICS: It was beginning with the the Han Dynasty (206BC-220AD) that grave interiors were richly furnished with a wide variety of miniature objects, usually fashioned as replicas of actual possessions, animals, or buildings. Called “spirit goods”, these items were used as substitutes for valuable possessions, and were usually produced in ceramic and were glazed or colorfully painted. The wealthy elite’s increasing interest in elaborately furnished tombs led to the mass production of armies of ceramic figures made using molds. In the case of the royal burial of the sole Qin Emperor, a terra cotta army of 6,000 was produced in full size. Burial ceramics made during the Han dynasty were decorated with simple but colorful designs painted directly onto the unglazed fired pieces or with brown and green lead-based glazes that could be fired at low temperatures.

The period between the collapse of the Han Dynasty in 220 A.D. and the rise of the Sui and Tang Dynasties (starting in 589 A.D.) was characterized by the fragmentation of China and a prolonged power struggle. Together with the period of the Western and Eastern Jin Dynasties, the “Three Kingdoms” together with “Southern” and the “Northern” Dynasties cover a period of three and one-half centuries during which, despite the chaotic conditions of the period, the ceramic industry developed rapidly and ceramic production flourished. By then, porcelain-making techniques in Southern China had been enhanced and the ceramics-making area and scale increasingly expanded with kiln sites spread throughout many provinces. Excavation of white porcelain objects from noble tombs shows that white porcelain was already in production in the Northern provinces, and its emergence paved the way for further development porcelain production in the coming Sui and Tang Dynasties.

There were many other notable advances in ceramic arts, including green-glazed stoneware, highly durable and often fashioned into bowls and jars. The discovery of what became known as “celadon glazing” was a major development during the period. Fine ash or ash mixed with clay was painted onto the vessel and after firing it turned pale green. This rare funerary urn belongs to this class of vessels. Potters of the era continued improving the quality of these early “celadon” wares both with respect to glaze color and in body clay. The production of glazed porcelain was a significant achievement in Chinese ceramic history. It was eventually exported as far as the Philippines and Egypt. Ceramic figurines produced during the period were notable for increased detail. The most profound influence on the art of the period (including ceramics) was the Buddhist religion which came from neighboring India. Objects imported from the Middle East and Central and West Asia also strongly influenced the period’s ceramic arts.

In spite of the political and social confusion of the period, major changes occurred in the spiritual life of the Chinese. Daoism, which had played a previously minor role in religious thought, was revitalized, and Buddhism reached the Chinese court from India and Tibet. The Buddhist notion of Bodhisattvas – compassionate beings who have delayed their own enlightenment in order to guide others along the right path – was integrated into existing beliefs, along with ideas of Buddhist heavens and symbols of worship. The quest for eternity gained great favor and people sought methods such as drinking mercury and other potions devised by alchemists to prolong their lives. These unsettled times were also a period of transition in the development of ceramics wares. The ‘proto-celadon’ wares described above were precursors to the renowned celadon wares of the Song dynasty (960-1279 A.D.). The increasing prominence of religion including Daoism and the emergence of Buddhism in China greatly expanded the design repertoire. Daoist Immortals, cosmological symbols and Buddhist guardians were all represented in ceramic forms. The replicas of humans and animals became more and more life-like, while images of the ‘unreal’ such as guardian spirits, became more and more imaginary and fanciful.

HISTORY OF THE JIN DYNASTY: The collapse of the Han dynasty was followed by nearly four centuries (220-589 A.D.) of relative anarchy. Petty kingdoms waged incessant warfare against one another. Unity was restored briefly in the early years of the Jin Dynasty (265-420 A.D.), but by 317 A.D. China again disintegrated into a succession of petty dynasties that was to last from 304 to 589 A.D. The Jin Dynasty followed the “Three Kingdoms” Period and preceded that of the “Southern” and “Northern” Dynasties. The Western Jin Dynasty (265-316 A.D.) was founded by Emperor Wu, and a brief period of unity followed the Jin conquest the Kingdom of Wu in 280 A.D. The entire country was united again for a brief interlude between the turbulent age of the Three Kingdoms and the devastating barbarian invasions.

For a short time, the government attempted important fiscal and political reforms, mainly intended to curb the power of the great families by regaining control of taxation and reducing the exorbitant rents that powerful landowners were extracting from the people. However the power of the great local families was never really broken, and they even continued to maintain their own private armies. Thus weakened and fragmented internally, ultimately the Jin Dynasty could meet the external challenge from the invasion of nomadic peoples after the devastating “War of the Eight Princes”. This devastating internal struggle occurred when the emperor divided the kingdom into 25 provinces, one for each son. The struggle between the 25 successors to the throne eventually distilled into a war between the eight strongest contenders.

These wars lasted a total of 16 years, killed hundreds of thousands of people and laid waste to many cities and towns. The consequences included a dislocated social economy, a paralyzed government, and an exhausted capacity to govern. Society became feudalistic, essentially controlled by great landowning families, each with hordes of serfs and their private armies. Nomandic groups like the Turks and the Avars, took advantage of the central government’s instability to attack the frontier. Their mounted archers easily outfought the less mobile Chinese forces. Crippled and fragmented, the country and the Jin Dynasty fell in 316 A.D. The remnants of the Jin court fled from the north to the south and reestablished the Jin court near modern-day Nanjing, founding the Eastern Jin Dynasty (317-420 A.D.). Militaristic authorities and crises plagued the Eastern Jin court throughout its 104 years of existence. It survived several rebellions and usurpations. During this period and for another century to follow, China was divided into two different societies, northern and southern, with a proliferation of would-be dynasties.

Millions of Chinese peasants, led or herded by aristocrats, moved from nomadic-conquered northern China down south of the Yangtze River. The Eastern Jin was racked by revolts, court intrigues, and wars with the nomadic northern states. It did not have any more success than the Western Jin in controlling the power of huge landowners; it was at the mercy of powerful families, with government controlled by changing groups of aristocratic clans. Eventually the last emperor of the Dynasty, Emperor Gong, was installed in 419 A.D. His abdication a year later ushered in the turbulent “Southern Dynasty”. Meanwhile Northern China had been ruled by the “Sixteen Kingdoms” of the nomadic peoples. The conquest of the Northern Liang by the Norther Wei Dynasty in 439 A.D. ushered in the “Northern Dynasty”. A turbulent and fragmented society was to pervade for another 150 years until the ascendancy of the Sui Dynasty in 589 A.D. and the Tang Dynasty in 618 A.D.

HISTORY OF CHINESE CERAMICS: The first Chinese ceramics archaeologists have found date back more than 10,000 years. These were earthenware, which means they were made from clay and fired at the kind of low temperatures reached by a wood fire or simple oven. In China, most ceramics made before the Tang dynasty (600 A.D.) are earthenware. They may be glazed or unglazed, and are occasionally painted, often brightly colored. Stoneware ceramics are harder and less porous than earthenware and are fired at hotter temperatures-between 2100шF and 2400шF. At these high temperatures, the surface of the clay melts and becomes glassy. Although stoneware is usually waterproof, most stoneware ceramics are glazed for decoration. The glazes often contain ash, which allows the glaze to harden at stoneware temperatures.

During the Shang Dynasty (1600-1100 B.C.) bronze metallurgy superceded ceramics as the favored art form of the ruling class. However both the ceramic and the bronze industries evolved into complex systems of production that were supported by the aristocracy. Decorative designs rich in symbolism were created first in bronze were then imitated in clay. Chinese burial customs included the tradition of placing clay replicas of material possessions, animals and people in the tomb to accompany the deceased and serve them in the next life. Although archaeological finds have revealed that glazed pottery was produced as early as 1100 B.C. during the Zhou dynasty, the production of glazed wares was not common until about 200 B.C. during the Han Dynasty. However from about 1000 B.C. onwards during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, primitive porcelain wares emerged. Real porcelain wares appeared in the Han dynasty around 200 A.D. In the process of porcelain development, different styles in different periods blossomed.

The production of porcelain became widespread by about 500 A.D. Using a special clay with ground rock containing feldspar, a glassy mineral, the material was fired at very high temperatures above 2400шF. The surface of the clay melts at such high temperatures and becomes smooth as glass. Early porcelains were undecorated and were used by the Imperial court and exported as far as the Middle East. For instance during the Han Dynasty principally celadon (green) and black porcelain were mainly produced. The famous blue and white porcelain was created with blue paint made from cobalt and then covered with a clear glaze, which can withstand the high temperatures of the kiln. The technical and creative innovations of Chinese potters are unique accomplishments in the cultural heritage of the world. Today, archaeological excavation and research in China are revealing new sites and new examples of the genius of the Chinese potter.

HISTORY OF CHINESE CIVILIZATION:

Remains of Homo erectus, found near Beijing, have been dated back 460,000 years. Recent archaeological studies in the Yangtse River area have provided evidence of ancient cultures (and rice cultivation) flourishing more than 11,500 years ago, contrary to the conventional belief that the Yellow River area was the cradle of the Chinese civilization. The Neolithic period flourished with a multiplicity of cultures in different regions dating back to around 5000 B.C. There is strong evidence of two so-called pottery cultures, the Yang-shao culture (3950-1700 B.C.) and the Lung-shan culture (2000-1850 B.C). Written records go back more than 3,500 years, and the written history is (as is the case with Ancient Egypt) divided into dynasties, families of kings or emperors. The voluminous records kept by the ancient Chinese provide us with knowledge into their strong sense of their real and mythological origins – as well as of their neighbors.

By about 2500 B.C. the Chinese knew how to cultivate and weave silk and were trading the luxurious fabric with other nations by about 1000 B.C. The production and value of silk tell much about the advanced state of early Chinese civilization. Cultivation of silkworms required mulberry tree orchards, temperature controls and periodic feedings around the clock. More than 2,000 silkworms were required to produce one pound of silk. The Chinese also mastered spinning, dyeing and weaving silk threads into fabric. Bodies were buried with food containers and other possessions, presumably to assist the smooth passage of the dead to the next world. The relative success of ancient China can be attributed to the superiority of their ideographic written language, their technology, and their political institutions; the refinement of their artistic and intellectual creativity; and the sheer weight of their numbers.

A recurrent historical theme has been the unceasing struggle of the sedentary Chinese against the threats posed by non-Chinese peoples on the margins of their territory in the north, northeast, and northwest. China saw itself surrounded on all sides by so-called barbarian peoples whose cultures were demonstrably inferior by Chinese standards.

This China-centered (“sinocentric”) view of the world was still undisturbed in the nineteenth century, at the time of the first serious confrontation with the West. Of course the ancient Chinese showed a remarkable ability to absorb the people of surrounding areas into their own civilization. The process of assimilation continued over the centuries through conquest and colonization until what is now known as China Proper was brought under unified rule.

A certificate of authenticity (COA) is available upon request.

 

Yueh jin dynasty

A small zoomorphic ewer. Yue kilns – China, Jin Dynasty (265-420 century) © Wei Asian Arts

Pale green glazed pottery. L : 15 cm – Price On Request

Notes: Determining the name and the function of these lion-shaped vessels has been subject of discussion among scholars. This example with an handle might have served as ewer.

This pale green glazed porcelaneous ware is typical of the pottery of “yue “ or celadon wares in the province of Zhejiang.

A similar example is kept in the museum of the Zhejiang Province.

Ref: “Zhongguo Daozi – Yueyao” Shanghai Remin Meishu chubanshi,pp 84, 1983
“The splendor of Chinese Celadons”, The ROC society of art collectors,pp 79-81,1991
“Chinese ceramics,the new standard guide” by He Li, pp 83, Thames & Hudson, 1995

 

A Yaozhou moon-white glazed ceramic bowl made in the Jin dynasty (1115-1234).

 

Antique Chinese Jin Dynasty Ceramic Jar

Ancient Chinese Western Jin Dynasty (265 AD – 316 AD) large ceramic jar with ovoid body surmounted by a wide mouth with short flaring rim and covered overall with olive green glaze.
MEASUREMENTS: Height: 33cm (13inches).Width: 32cm (102 5/8 inches).
CONDITION: in good condition considering its age, no repairs or restorations with beautiful old showing the age patina.


Due to the fact that the market is flooded by reproductions of Chinese antiques we would like to inform our clients that all our artifacts are 100% authentic antiques, not reproductions, and Accompanied by a Certificate of Authenticity
.

 

Antique Chinese Western Jin Dynasty (265-316 AD)

green glazed stoneware bowl.
MEASUREMENTS: Diameter: 16.5cm (6 ½ in) height: 5.2 cm (2 in).
CONDITION: chips to the rim otherwise in good condition.

ALL OUR ARTIFACTS ARE ACCOMPANIED BY A CERTIFICATION OF AUTHENTICITY

 

Antique Chinese Jin Dynasty Ceramic Bowl

Antique Chinese Western Jin Dynasty (265-316 AD) green glazed stoneware bowl.
MEASUREMENTS: Diameter: 16.5cm (6 ½ in) height: 5.2 cm (2 in).
CONDITION: chips to the rim otherwise in good condition.

 

A Cizhou bowl, probably Jin Dynasty, circa 12-13th century,

 

 

 

Green Glazed Speckled Hu Pot with Handles from the Yue Kiln.Eastern Jin Dynasty (AD 317 ~ 420).Collected by Shanghai Museum.

 

West jin dynasty

 

Near pair of Cizhou Meiping vases, Jin Dynasty, carved with bands of lotus in a cream glaze cut through to a light grey body. Height 25 cm. Provenance: Private collection, South Australia

 

 

Southern song dynasty

 

 

 

Other art

Work

Liao Dynasty Wooden Go Board and Stones

內蒙古敖漢旗白塔子遼墓出土圍棋具

[No Image Available]

Description : Wooden Go board and set of Go stones excavated in 1976 from a tomb at Aohanqi 敖漢旗 in Inner Mongolia (see Kaogu 考古 1978.2).

Date : Liao dynasty (907–1125).

Size : 40 × 40 cm.

Grid : 13×13.

Stones : 79 black and 76 white stones; 14 short of the expected 169 stones (Board Layout).


Liao Dynasty Go Board and Stones

遼寧錦西市孤山遼墓出土圍棋具

[No Image Available]

Description : Wooden Go board and set of Go stones excavated in 1984 from the tomb of Xiao Xiaozhong 蕭孝忠 near Jinxi 錦西 in Liaoning province.

Date : Liao dynasty (907–1125).

Size :

Grid :

Stones : 75 black and white pottery stones (presumably for use with a 13×13 board).


Liao Dynasty Go Stones

遼寧省凌源縣溫家屯遼墓出土陶質圍棋子82枚

[No Image Available]

Description : Set of Go stones excavated in 1979 from a tomb at Lingyuan 凌源 in Liaoling province (see Liaohai Wenwu Xuekan 遼海文物學刊 1994.1).

Date : Liao dynasty (907–1125).

Stones : 82 black and white stones (presumably for use with a 13×13 board).


Liao Dynasty Go Stones

遼寧朝陽市遼墓出土瑪瑙圍棋子

[No Image Available]

Description : Set of Go stones excavated in 1966 (or 1968?) from a tomb at Chaoyang 朝陽 in Liaoning province.

Date : Liao dynasty (907–1125).

Stones : 186 black agate and 186 white agate stones.


Mural from a Liao Dynasty Tomb

河北宣化7號遼墓壁畫

 

Source : Liao Mural Painting (Columbia University Art History & Archaeology Database) Item ID:24609

Description : Part of a mural in the tomb of Zhang Wenzao 張文藻 (d.1093) (M7) at Xuanhua 宣化 in Hebei province (see Wen Wu 文物 1996.9).

Date : Liao dynasty (907–1125) : 1093.

Grid : 13×13.


Silk Painting from a Liao Dynasty Tomb

遼寧法庫縣葉茂臺7號遼墓出土《深山會棋圖》

 

Source : 深山会棋图

Description : Silk painting from a Liao dynasty tomb at Faku 法庫 in Liaoning province. It shows a group of three people playing go. The motif of two go players and an observer derives from the story of a woodcutter who happens upon two immortals playing go deep in the mountains; the man is engrossed in the game, and when it is over and he goes back home hundreds of years have passed.

Date : Liao dynasty (907–1125).


Western Xia Brick Go Boards

拜寺溝西夏方塔出土磚圍棋盤

 

Source : Ningxia Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Bàisìgōu Xīxià Fāngtǎ 拜寺沟西夏方塔 [The Western Xia Square Pagoda at Baisigou] (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 2005) Plate XX no.3

Description : Three fragments (largest shown above) of brick Go boards discovered in the ruins of the Baisigou Square Pagoda, Helan County, Ningxia. One fragment is a corner with six grid lines in each direction; one fragment is unfinished, with no vertical grid lines on the right side.

Date : Western Xia (1038–1227).

Size : A) 21.3 × 22.0 × 7.0 cm; B) 18.0 × 10.0 × 5.0 cm.

Grid : Uncertain.


Western Xia Pottery Go Board Fragment and Ceramic Go Stones

西夏圍棋盤殘塊及圍棋子兩罐

 

Source : 西夏瓷推开一扇西夏窗

 

Source : 西夏围棋子

Description : Fragment of a pottery Go board, and a set of black and white ceramic Go stones in black and white ceramic bowls, These are in a private collection, and their source is unknown, although it can be reasonably surmised that they could only have come from a robbed tomb. A number of similar ceramic Go stones were discovered between 1983 and 1986 at the site of the Lingwu kiln 靈武窯 in Ningxia province.

Date : Supposedly Western Xia (1038–1227), but with no archaeological context this cannot be verified.

Grid : Uncertain, probably 19×19 from the number of stones.

Stones : Reportedly 200 black stones and 200 white stones, but not certain whether this is an approximate or an exact count.


Mural from a Jin Dynasty Tomb

陝西甘泉4號金墓壁畫

 

Source : Wenwu 文物 2009.7 page 38 fig.34

Description : Part of a mural in a tomb dated 1189 (M4) at Ganquan 甘泉 in Shaanxi province (see Wen Wu 文物 2009.7). This is one of a set of four murals representing the four scholarly arts (琴棋書畫), all featuring female figures.

Date : Jin dynasty (1115–1234) : 1189.

Grid : 17×17 (?).


Jin Dynasty Go Stones

金上京出土圍棋子

 

Source : 围棋子 金代

Description : Go stones excavated from the site of the first Jin dynasty capital (Shangjing 上京) at Acheng 阿城 in Heilongjiang province.

Date : Jin dynasty (1115–1234).

Stones : 18 black and 14 white Go stones of various sizes.


Jin Dynasty Stoneware Pillow

金大定十八年磁州窯瓷枕

 

Source : Philadelphia Museum of Art 1957-26-1

Description : Cizhou ware stone pillow from the Jin dynasty.

Date : Jin dynasty (1115–1234) : 1178.


Southern Song Painting

《會昌九老圖》

 

Source : Gugong Bowuyuan Cang Wenwu Zhenpin Quanji [Jin Tang Liang-Song Huihua 3] 故宮博物院藏文物珍品全集 [晉唐兩宋繪畫 3] (Beijing, 2008) pages 168–175

Description : Handscroll in the Palace Museum Beijing that depicts a gathering in Luoyang during the Huichang period (specifically the year 845), including two men playing Go on a boat.

Date : Southern Song (1127–1279).

Grid : 19×19.

 

 

THREE JIN DYNASTY CERAMIC TILES,c. 265-420 AD,

decorated with a musician in polychrome mineral earth pigments, China, 46x34cm (3)Provenance: From an Australian collection Auction Location:
Galerie Finn, 23 Bay Street, Double Bay, Sydney, Australia

Previewing Details:
Wednesday 6 August – Sunday 17 August:

11:00am – 6:00pm Taxes:

  • ·GST (10%)

Buyer’s Premiums:

Shipping Details:
No Info Available

Payment Details:
Paypal is our preferred method of payment.

Accepted Payment Methods:

  • ·VISA
  • ·PayPal
  • ·See Payment Details

Important Information as Guide for Buyers

This auction is sold in Australian Dollars and subject to the information below and the Terms and Conditions of Business printed in this catalogue

Buyer Registration

All prospective buyers are required to register their name, address and telephone contact details in order to obtain a bidding number.

Buyers Premium

A charge for internet buyers 22% including GST on all successful bids.

Goods and Services Tax

Some lots may be subject to GST. This is charged on the Hammer Price at the standard rate of 10 %. The symbol * after the lot number will identify lots to which GST applies.

Estimates

These appear with each lot and should be treated as a guide regarding the value of a lot based on market trends and historic realisations. Estimates do not include the Buyers Premium or GST and actual prices realised at the sale may fall within, above or below the estimate.

Condition of Lots

It is recommended that prospective buyers thoroughly examine all lots prior to purchase. All lots are sold ‘as is’. Imperfections or defects are not necessarily indicated in the catalogue.

Condition Reports

Should a prospective buyer be unable to inspect a lot at pre-sale viewings a condition report can be made available upon request. A condition report is a statement of opinion only and not of fact.

Absentee Bidding

For prospective buyers unable to attend an auction, and auctions by Private Treaty, all bids should be lodged as Absentee Bids prior to the auction. Absentee Bids must be advised in writing. Appropriate forms are available with the catalogue and upon request. In the event of two or more buyers submitting identical bids for a lot the first bid received takes precedence.

Bidding Increments

Bidding increments are subject to the auctioneer’s discretion; however the following bidding intervals are generally used. Absentee bids that do not conform to these intervals may be lowered to the next bidding interval:

500/1,000 by 50

1,000/2,000 by 100

2,000/5,000 by 200

5,000/10,000 by 500

10,000/20,000 by 1,000

20,000 and above at auctioneers discretion.

Successful Bids for Absentee Bidders

All lots will be sold to the highest bidder at the next bidding increment and subject to reserves. For example should a lot carry an estimate of 500/1,000 and the two highest bids tendered are 500 and 3,000 the lot would be sold for 550. Should the highest bid not reach the reserve the lot may be referred to the highest bidder.

Payment

All purchases must be paid for in full and within five working days of the sale. For all purchases exceeding $2,000.00 a deposit of 20% of the full invoice amount must be paid on the day of the sale.

Method of Payment

Payments for purchases can be made with Cash via Western Union, Paypal transfers, VISA, MasterCard and International Banking Transfers. All international payments exceeding AUD $500.00 must be paid by Direct Bank Transfer. Payments by Credit will incur a charge of 2.6%. Payments by Paypal will incur a charge of 3.8%. Payments by Western Union and International Banking Transfers will incur a Banking Fee of AUD $25.00. All payments must be cleared with our bankers prior to the removal of any purchase.

Collection and Delivery

Unless prior arrangements have been organised all purchases must be collected no later than 5 days of the sale date subject to full payment being received.

Permits

The Buyer is solely responsible for obtaining any export license or permit that may be required in connection with a purchased Lot. Under the provisions of The Protection of Movable Cultural Heritage Act 1986 (and Amendments 1999) buyers may be required to obtain an export permit for certain lots in this sale from the Movable Cultural Heritage Unit, Department of the Environment and Heritage, GPO Box 787, Canberra, ACT, 2601. Tel 02 6274 1810, Fax 02 6274 2731
Website: http://www.deh.gov.au/heritage/movable/

Storage and Insurance

After five working days all uncollected purchases will attract a charge of $44.00 (Incl. GST) per lot per day. After the fall of the hammer no insurance cover is provided for any purchased lot.

Notice

Within the cultural context of Australian Aboriginal People and their societies some imagery in this catalogue may be socially sensitive and under Aboriginal Law may be inappropriate for viewing by children or uninitiated men and women. It is suggested that Aboriginal community elders be appropriately consulted prior to the general distribution of this catalogue within their communities and that uninitiated Aboriginal People obtain their elders consent prior to viewing the works at scheduled previews.

NB

There is considerable variation regarding the spelling of Aboriginal names and phrases. During the production of this catalogue, current and generally accepted linguistic spellings have been used for the sake of consistency. Information inscribed on paintings and other documents have in most cases been transcribed phonetically which has resulted in inconsistencies.

Catalogues

$60.00, $65.00 posted (Incl. GST), $75.00 overseas. Catalogues are also available via e-mail upon request. A high resolution colour copy of the catalogue is also available on a CD: $5.00, $7.00 posted (Incl. GST), $10.00 overseas

TERMS AND CONDITIONS OF BUSINESS

The terms and conditions set out below apply to all sales by private treaty, public auction or auction by private treaty held by East Australian Trading Consolidated (EATC) to the exclusion of other terms and conditions and no modifications will be binding unless accepted by East Australian Trading Consolidated in writing.

1. Agent

EATC sells by Auction, Private Treaty and Auction by Private Treaty as Agent for the Vendor and is not responsible for any default by the Buyer or Vendor.

2. Agent Discretion

The Agent has the right at its sole discretion without giving any reason therefore to; (a) refuse any bid, to divide any Lot, to combine two or more Lots, to withdraw any Lot from the sale and, in the event of dispute, to re-offer any Lot for sale again, (b) to keep secret the existence of the Reserve Price of any Lot, (c) to bid on behalf of a Vendor or any prospective Buyer with or without disclosure, (d) in the event any Lot is not sold at auction to re-offer the Lot for sale by Private Treaty subject to these Terms and Conditions; (e) to refuse any person or persons admission to, or eject them from the premises site.

3. The Buyer

(a) The highest bidder shall be the Buyer except in the case of a dispute. If during the auction the Agent considers that a dispute has arisen, he/she has absolute discretion to settle it or re-offer the Lot. (b) Every Buyer shall be deemed to bid as principal unless prior to the auction he/she discloses to the Agent that he/she will be bidding on behalf of a principal and supplies the full name and address of his/her principal and a copy of written authority to bid for and on behalf of that principal and such authority is acceptable to the Agent.

4. Contract of Sale

(a) On acceptance of bid by the fall of the hammer or by the acceptance of a bid by Absentee Bid instructions, a contract of sale is made between the Vendor and the Buyer. EATC is not a party to the contract of sale and shall not be liable for any breach thereof by either the Vendor or the Buyer. (b) Ownership of the Lot will pass to the Buyer only when the full Purchase Price has been received by the Agent subject to clearance of funds.

5. Buyer Registration and Absentee Bidding

All bidders shall register by completing and provide proof of identification acceptable to the Agent. Buyers that are unable to attend a sale should register in writing by way of Absentee Bid Forms. Absentee Bid Forms should be lodged prior to the auction as shown in any Catalogue in respect of the relevant sale. Absentee Bids without a maximum bid will not be accepted. Appropriate forms are available with the Catalogue and upon request. In the event of two or more buyers submitting identical bids for a Lot the first bid received will be deemed to be the highest bid.

6. Bid Regulation

The Agent may at his/her sole discretion determine the advance of bidding or refuse a bid. Any bid acknowledged and relied upon by the Agent may not be with drawn

7. Reserves

(a) Each Lot is offered for sale subject to any Reserve Price placed by the Agent in agreement with the Vendor. Where a Reserve has been agreed the Vendor may not change the Reserve without the written consent of the Agent. (b) Neither the Vendor nor any person on the Vendor’s behalf may bid on the Vendor’s own property. If any such bid is nonetheless made then the Agent may sell the Lot to the Vendor without observing any Reserve and the Vendor shall pay the Agent the Buyers Premium in addition to the Vendors Commission and Expenses. (c) If no Reserve is placed on a Lot the Agent shall in no way be held liable should the Lot be purchased for a price below the lowest estimated selling price of a Lot as shown in any Catalogue in respect of the relevant sale. (d) The Vendor authorises the Agent to accept bids at less than the Reserve, provided that for the purpose of determining any amounts due to or from the Vendor under these conditions, the Hammer Price for any Lot sold at less than the Reserve will be deemed to have been the full amount of the Reserve, and not the lower price at which the Lot was actually sold.

8. Buyers Premium

The Buyer shall pay the Agent a Buyers Premium based on the Hammer Price the terms of which will be shown in any Catalogue in respect of the relevant sale. The Buyer acknowledges that the Agent may receive commissions from the Vendor.

9. GST and Vendor Authorisation

(a) A Vendor who sends for sale by Public Auction, Auction by Private Treaty or Private Treaty Sale, any item which is an asset of his/her business must disclose to the Agent whether or not he/she is a registered person for GST purposes in Australia an if so, declare his/her registered number and ABN. This information must be supplied to the Agent prior to goods being consigned. (b) The Vendor authorises the Agent to deduct from the Hammer Price and retain a commission equal to the percentage of the Hammer Price as specified at the time of consignment and as shown on the consignment notice at any time subsequent to the sale, but subject to full settlement by the Buyer with cleared funds.

10. Buyer’s Responsibility, Inspection and Warranties

(a) Each Buyer making a bid for a Lot acknowledges that he/she has satisfied himself/herself fully before bidding by inspection or otherwise as to all the sale Terms and Conditions the physical condition and description of the Lot including but not restricted to whether the Lot is damaged or has been repaired or restored. (b) Any Warranties which might otherwise be implied by the Sale of Goods Act 1923 are hereby excluded and shall not apply. All Lots are sold ‘as is’ and EATC and the Vendor make no representations or warranties regarding any Lot.

11. Rescission

Not withstanding any other terms of these Condition, if within 21 days after the sale EATC have received from the Buyer of a Lot notice in writing that in his/her view the Lot is a deliberate forgery and within seven days after such notification the Buyer returns the same to EATC in the same condition as at the time of sale and by producing evidence, the burden of proof to be upon the Buyer, satisfies EATC that considers in the light of entry in the Catalogue the Lot is a deliberate forgery, then the sale of the Lot will be rescinded and within seven Working days of the Vendor refunding to EATC the amount paid to the Vendor in respect of the Lot EATC will reimburse the Buyer for the Hammer Price paid for the relevant Lot within seven Working days.

12. Catalogue Descriptions and Statements

(a) EATC do not accept responsibility for the authenticity, attribution, genuineness, origin, authorship, date, age, period, condition or quality of any Lot, unless they have been instructed in writing by the Vendor so to certify, and in such cases EATC do so as agents of the Vendor and are not themselves responsible for such a claim. Any Illustration in the Catalogue is solely for guidance for prospective buyers and is not intended to be relied upon in terms of tone or colour or necessarily to reveal imperfections in any Lot (b) All statements, whether printed in the Catalogue or made orally, as to matters set out in (a) above are statements of opinion only and are not to be taken as being or implying any warranties or representations of fact by the Agent unless they have been instructed in writing by the Vendor so to certify, and in such cases EATC do so as agents of the Vendor and are not themselves responsible for such a claim. (c) Any claim by statute must be received in writing by EATC within ten days of the relevant sale. (d) All conditions, notices, descriptions statements or any other matters in a Catalogue and elsewhere concerning any Lot are subject to any statements modifying or affecting any Lot made publicly by the Agent prior to any bid being accepted for any Lot.

13. Illustrations and Photography

In accordance with the Consignment Form or any further written advice, EATC shall have the right to photograph, digitally record and make illustrations of any Lot supplied by the Seller, whether or not in conjunction with Sale, at a cost to the seller. The copyright of all photographs taken, digital images and illustrations made of any Lot by and on behalf of EATC shall be the absolute property of EATC.

14. Indemnity

The Vendor shall indemnify EATC against any claims in connection with and goods sold by EATC on the Vendor’s behalf.

15. Default

EATC disclaim any responsibility for default by either the Buyer or the Vendor because they act as agents for the Vendor only and therefore do not pay out to the Vendor until payment is received from the Buyer. Instructions given by telephone are accepted at the sender’s risk and must be confirmed in writing forthwith.

16. Payment and Removal of Purchases

(a) The purchase Price must be paid in full to the Agent within two working days after the sale unless such other terms or period have been specified or agreed to prior to the sale. (b) Payment shall be made in Australian Dollars either in Cash, via Western Union, Paypal, VISA, MasterCard, Bank Card and International Banking Transfers direct to the Agent. Payments by Credit will incur a charge of 2.6%. Payments by Western Union and International Banking Transfers will incur a Banking Fee of AUD $15.00. Payment by Personal Cheque is accepted at the discretion of the Agent (c) No Lot may be removed until the full Purchase Price has been received by the Agent and ownership of the Lot will not pass to the Buyer until cleared funds in payment of the full Purchase Price shall have been received by the Agent. (d) On acceptance of bid by the fall of the hammer or by the acceptance of a bid by Absentee Bid instructions the successful bidder may be required to provide a deposit equal to 20% of the Hammer Price in cash or by Bank Cheque. If the successful bidder fails to do so, the Lot may, if the Agent decides (at its absolute discretion) be re-offered for sale

17. Removal and Responsibility of Purchased Lots

(a) All Lots must be removed not later than two working days after the sale. (b) The Buyer shall be responsible for any removal, storage or other charges for any Lot not removed in accordance with the time limit specified in (a). (c) The Buyer shall be responsible for any loss or damage to a Lot purchased by him/her from the acceptance of bid by the fall of the hammer or by the acceptance of a bid by Absentee Bid instructions and neither EATC, its agents nor its employees shall be responsible for any loss or damage of any kind, whether caused by negligence or otherwise, while the Lot is in its custody or under its control. (d) The Buyer shall be solely responsible for obtaining any export License or permit that may be required in connection with a purchased Lot.

18. Non-Payment or Failure to Remove Purchases

1. If the Purchase Price is not paid in full to the Agent within two working days after the sale or according to such other terms or period specified or agreed to prior to the sale and/or the Lot has not been removed within two working days after the sale the Agent shall without further notice to the Buyer and at its absolute discretion, be entitled to exercise one or more of the following remedies: (a) To re-sell the Lot without any Reserve and the Buyer agrees that any re-sale price achieved shall be reasonable; (b) To absolutely forfeit any monies the Buyer may have paid; (c) To remove, store and insure the Lot at the expense of the Buyer; (d) To charge interest on the Purchase Price and Expenses at a rate of 15% calculated on a daily basis after as well as before judgment or order, from the date which the Purchase Price becomes payable; (e) To retain any Lot sold by the Buyer at the same or any other sale until payment of the of the Purchase Price by the Buyer; (f) To apply the proceeds of the sale of any Lot then due or at any time thereafter becoming due to the Buyer in payment or part payment of the Purchase Price; (g) To exercise a lien on, and at the Agents’ discretion, exercise a power of sale over any other property of the Buyer in the Agents control for any purpose; (h) To rescind the sale of the Lot or any other Lot sold to the Buyer at the same or any other sale; (i) To repossess any goods comprising any Lot in respect of which payment is overdue and thereafter resell the same, and for this purpose the Buyer herby grants an irrevocable License to EATC its employees and its agents to enter upon all or any of the Buyer’s premises, with or without vehicles, during normal business hours, without prejudice to any other rights of EATC; (j) To issue legal proceedings against the Buyer for damages for breach of contract; (k) To reject a bid from the Buyer at any future sale or to require the Buyer to pay a deposit before any bid is accepted by the Agent at any future sale. 2. The Buyer shall pay all legal and other costs if enforcement incurred by EATC and/or the Vendor, whether or not Court proceedings shall be issued, on a full indemnity basis together with interest thereon at the rate specified in condition 1 (d) above from the date the Buyer shall have become liable to pay costs.

19. Public Liability Risk of personal Loss or Injury

Every person on the Agent’s premises at any time including any premises where a sale may be conducted or a Lot or part of a Lot, may be on view from time to time shall be deemed to be there at his / her own risk and shall have no claim against EATC, its employees or agents in respect of any accident which may occur, or injury, damage or loss howsoever caused.

20. Law of Conditions

These Conditions of Business shall be governed by and construed in accordance with the law of the State in which the sale has been conducted and all parties concerned hereby submit to the exclusive jurisdiction of that State’s Courts.

Definitions of Clauses

“Agent and EATC”: Refers to East Australian Trading Consolidated ABN 70 095 511 603, its agents and employees
“Buyer”: The person to whom a Lot is sold
“Catalogue”: Includes any advertisement, brochure, Price List and other publication
“Expenses”: In relation to the sale of any Lot refers to the Agents’ charges and Expenses for insurance, illustration, special advertising, packaging, storage, freight, and any other Expenses properly incurred for the Sale
“GST”: Refers to The Good and Services Tax
“Hammer Price”: Refers to the price in Australian Dollars at which a Lot is sold by the Agent to the Buyer.
“Lot”: Refers to any item or items consigned with a view to its or their sale at Public Auction, Auction by Private Treaty, or Private Treaty Sale
“Purchase Price” Refers to the aggregate of the Hammer Price, the Buyers Premium and any other charges and Expenses due from the Buyer
“Reserve”: Refers to the minimum Hammer Price agreed between the Agent and the Vendor at which a Lot may be sold
“Sale Proceeds”: Refers to the net amount due to the Vendor, being the Hammer Price less the Vendors Commission, Expenses and any other amount due to the Agent from the Vendor in whatever capacity and howsoever arising
“Vendor”: Refers to the owner and /or owners of each and every Lot offered for sale
“Vendor’s Commission”: Refers to the commission due to the Agent from the Vendor upon the sale of a Lot

 

 

 

  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

 

THE MONGOL EMPIRE HISTORY

 

THE COMPLETE HISTORY COLLECTIONS LOOK AT The Yuan mongol dynasty CD-ROM

 

Heavy Cavalry of the Imperial Guards

Introduction

Perhaps no empire in history has risen so spectacularly as that of the Mongols. In less than 80 years, a band of warriors originally comprised of several men grew to an empire that encompassed all from the Pacific Ocean to the Danube River. This story is about one of the most dramatic series conquests in history and how it was the Mongols themselves who shattered their own invincibility.

In the 12th century, various Turkic and Mongol-Tungusic tribes roamed the steppes of Mongolia. One of these tribes was the Mongols. Around the 1130, the Mongols emerged as a powerful tribe, defeating neighboring nomads and forcing the Jin Empire of Northern China to pay tribute. However, the glory was short lived. In 1160, the Mongol Kingdom was shattered, having been defeated by the neighboring Tartars tribe. The Mongol clans (divisions within a tribe) became disunited and fought amongst themselves for what little there was.

 

 Drawing of Genghis Khan

The leader of the Mongol Kiyad Sub-Clan was Yesugei, who happened to be a descendant of a Khan (chieftain) of the former Mongol Kingdom. In 1167, Yesguei and his wife had a son named Temujin, the one who would become Genghis Khan. When Temujin was nine years old, his father was poisoned by Tartar chiefs. Since he was much to young to rule, his clansmen deserted him. Temujin and his family (7 people total) moved to the most desolate areas of the steppes, eating roots and rodents for living. He had many great adventures, ranging from chasing horse thieves to being captured by enemies. When Temujin was 16, the Merkid Tribe attacked his family and captured his wife. With an army of five men, Temujin could not retaliate on his own, so he turned to one of his father’s old friends, Toghrul Khan of the Kereyid Tribe, who in turn, also enlisted a Mongol coalition leader, Jamugha. Together they defeated the Merkids and Temujin recovered his wife. Temujin quickly took advantage of his powerful allies, particularly Jamugha, who was also happened to be a Mongol and a childhood friend of his, and became a notable figure on the steppes. Temujin and Jamugha took control over most of the Mongol Clans, but that was not enough for Temujin.

 
According to the Secret History of the Yuan Dynasty, one day while Temujin and Jamugha were riding at the front of the Mongols, Temujin decided to “keep going” while Jamugha stopped to pitch tent. Temujin broke up with Jamugha and the Mongols were split into two groups. Hostilities soon broke out between the two parties. In a clash over a minor event, Temujin was defeated and was forced into exile. However, Temujin returned ten years later and reestablished his position. From there, he embarked on a conquest of the Mongolia that lasted several years. Unfortunately, the details are too great to be perused in this article. In short, by 1204 Temujin had subjugated all that opposed him. He defeated the Tartars, the Kereyids tribe under Toghrul Khan (who eventually betrayed him), the Naimans the Merkids, and Jamugha’s Mongol clans

 

The Empire by 1204 

The Empire by 1204

In 1206, Temujin held a great Khuriltai (assembly) on the banks of the Onon River. There, he took the title Chingis Khan. The name Chingis Khan is commonly referred to as Genghis Khan. However, “Genghis” is actually a corrupted variation, and thus for accuracy reason, he will be referred to as “Chingis” Khan. During the Khuriltai of 1206, Chingis Khan decreed the structure and laws for his new Empire. To ensure stability and cooperation between people of the tribes that he united, Chingis Khan installed a military superstructure to integrate all the peoples of his Empire. The population was divided into units responsible for maintaining a certain amount of warriors ready at any given time, thus overriding previous tribal organizations. Furthermore, he decreed many specific laws and created an efficient administrative hierarchy. Chingis Khan created the most advanced government of any steppe nation up to that time. His horde would soon prove to be the most disciplined, the most powerful and the most feared army to ride from the steppes.

 

The Khuriltai of 1206. From a manuscript by Rashid ad-Din

 The War in Northern China

 

Mongol horsemen battle Jin
Warriors in the Mountains

Chingis Khan became emperor of “all who lived in felt tents,” but his dreams was to conquer the world. First, he led his men in a series of campaigns against the Xi Xia Empire in western China. In 1209, the Xi Xia capital was threatened, but the Mongols were satisfied with tribute after their camp was unexpectedly flooded. It must be understood that the Mongols were still more interested in and tribute plunder rather than to capture cities. However, as the Empires in China discontinued to pay tribute once the Mongols withdraw, the raids soon turned into conquest.

In 1211, Chingis Khan took 65,000 men and marched against the Jin Empire of Northern China. With the help of the Ongguts, a people who lived on the Jin’s northern border, Chingis Khan easily passed through the defenses and marched into Jin territory. He continued a trail of plunder until he met a large force of around 150,000 men, which he defeated. Chingis split his army and launched a multiple pronged attack on the Jin. He and his generals dealt several blows against the Jin, including capturing the strategic Juyong pass. Unfortunately, Chingis was wounded during a siege and withdrew to Mongolia. Subsequently, Jin forces began to recapture territories loss to the Mongols.

In 1213, the Mongols returned after learning that the Jin had refortified their locations. Chingis divided his army into three parts, one under command by himself and the other two, under his sons. The three Mongol armies devastated the Jin Empire, and by 1214, most of the area north of the Huang He (Yellow river) was in Mongol hands. One exception was the city of Chungdu, capital of the Jin Empire. Like other nomadic armies, Chingis Khan’s Mongol hordes were entirely cavalry, and the weakness of cavalry forces was the lack of ability to capture fortifications. Chingis realized this weakness and was quick to capture Chinese siege engineers to learn siege tactics. Despite so, Chungdu withstood the Mongols’ assaults. Chingis’s men became short on supplies and were ravaged by plague, but he tenaciously continued the siege. Accounts describe that every tenth man was sacrificed to be fed to the others. But the siege went on for so long that Chingis had to personally abandon the campaign. He then placed his general Mukali in charge. The Mongols finally entered the city in 1215, but by then, the Jin capital had already been moved south to Kai-feng.

 

 The Empire at 121

The First Move West – the Conquest of the Kwarazm-Shah Empire

Chingis lost interest in the war in China and instead, turned his attention towards the west. In 1218, he sent his general Chepe westward and conquered the Kara Khitai Empire. But the real issue was with the huge Kwarazmian Empire in Perisa. Hostilities broke out when the Kwarazm Shah attacked a Mongol caravan and humiliated Chingis’s ambassadors by burning their beards. Since Chingis sent the ambassadors for the purpose of making peace, he was outraged. Chingis prepared for the largest operation he had yet performed and assembled a force that totaled around 90-110,000 men. The total numerical strength of the Kwarazm shah was two to three times greater, but Chingis’ army was better disciplined, and most of all, better led.

In 1219, Chingis’s sons Chaghadai and Ogedei set out to attack the city of Utar located east of the Aral Sea. Meanwhile, Chingis’ general, Chepe, marched southwestward to protect the left flank during the operation. The main attack, however, was led by Chingis Khan himself, who along with general Subedei, marched through the Kizil Kum desert and outflanked the Kwarazmiam forces. The plan was that the Kizil Kum desert was considered impractical to cross, which made it a great opportunity to surprise the enemy. Chingis and his army disappeared into the desert and suddenly, out of nowhere, he appeared at the city of Bokhara. The city garrison was stunned, and was quickly defeated. Next, Chingis marched towards Samarkand, capital of the Kwarazmian Empire. The magnificent city was heavily fortified and had a garrison of 110,000 men, which vastly outnumbered Chingis’ besieging army. The city was expected to be able to hold out for months, but on March 19, 1220 its walls were breached in just ten days. After the fall of Samarkand, the Mongols overran much of the Empire. The destruction was profound. Cities were leveled and populations were massacred. At the city of Merv, accounts described an execution of 700,000. At Samarkand, women were raped and sold into slavery. Devastation was so great that the Kwarazmian Empire itself was nearly wiped away from history. The conquest of the Kwarazm also created another remarkable event. After his defeat, the Kwarazm Shah fled west and Subedei followed in pursue with a force of 20,000 men. The Kwarazm Shah died, however, but Subedei went further. He brought his army north and defeated a heavily outnumbering Russian and Cuman army at the Khalka River. He went further and attack the Volga Bulgars before returning back. As said by the famed history Gibbons, Subedei’s expedition was one of the most daring expeditions in history, unlikely to be repeated ever again.

 

The Campaign in Northern China and
the Conquest of the Kwarazmian Empire.

During the entire campaign, the Kwarazm Shah failed to assemble an army to fight the Mongols on the battlefield. The Kwarazm strategy relied on its extensive city garrisons that outnumbered the besieging Mongol armies. This of course, failed in every way. The only well organized resistance against the Mongols came from Jalal ad-Din, who after the fall of Samarkand, organized a resistance force in modern day Afghanistan. At Parwan, he defeated a Mongol force led by one of Chingis’ adopted son, making it the only Mongol defeat in the entire campaign. Chingis chases after Jalal ad-Din and destroyed his army at the Indus River. The defeat of Jalal ad-Din meant the consolidation of rule of Transoxania. However, the southern parts of the Kwarazmian Empire were left unconquered and later turned into a collection of Independent states. It is said that the Mongols decided not to advance when the sight of a unicorn demoralized their vanguard.  

At the age approaching sixty, Chingis’ health was at a decline. He sought the legendary Daoist monk Changchun for the exilir to Immortality. His wish did not come true, as Changchun had no magical exilir, but Chingis praised his wisdom and the two became good friends. Following the meeting with the Daoist monk, Chingis returned to the administration side of his objectives. Unlike Attila the Hun and Alexander the Great, Chingis Khan realized the importance of a smooth succession after his death. Before he completed his conquest of the Kwarazmian Empire, he had already carefully chosen his son Ogedei to be his successor. After Chingis returned to Mongolia to finish establish the administration structure of his empire, all the matters were in good order, except for the Tanguts. The Tangut Xi Xia Empire had long been defeated by the Mongols, but became more of a tributary rather than being annexed. However, the Tanguts had stopped complying with terms while Chingis was away. In 1226, Chingis Khan led his army against Xi Xia and captured its capital.

 
The Death of Chingis Khan

 

Chingis Khan 

The campaign against the Xi Xia was his last campaign Shortly later in August 1227, Chingis Khan died at the age of 60. The reason remains unsolved, with theories ranging from internal injuries after a hunting accident, to malaria, to prophecies of the Tanguts.

At his death, the Mongol Empire stretched from the Yellow Sea to the Caspian Sea. No other empire in history has seen such an extraordinary expansion in the lifetime of one man. Although Chingis Khan brought much destruction in his conquests, it is clear that he did not intend to commit mass genocide like that of Hitler, even though the death tolls far exceeded anything in history. Chingis’s dream was conquest, and whenever surrender was seen, bloodshed was avoided. He was exceptionally respectful to those who supported him, and it was not uncommon for him to befriend defected enemies. In any case, Chingis was a brilliant military strategiest and an exceptionally gifted leader, making him one of the most intriguing figures in history.

The Great Khan Ogedei

After the death of Chingis, the Mongol Empire was divided into four ulus, each given to his four “main” sons. Although these ulus (inheritances) were politically united in the same empire, they would later serve as the basis of future khanates. As said before, Ogedei had already been chosen by Chingis to be his successor. Two years after Chingis’ death, Ogedei was officially proclaimed as the ruler of the Mongol Empire. Ogedei took the title of Khakhan (“Great Khan” or “Khan of Khans”), a title used by rulers of the greatest steppe Empires. Chingis however, never officially used this title. Nonetheless, Ogedei ascended with a smooth transition.With the fall of Kiev, the Mongols were victorious in Russia, pulling off the only successful winter invasion of Russia in history. As the result of the Mongols’ sweep into Russia, many groups fled across the border and sought refugee in Hungary. Among these were the Cumans and Kipchaks, who were also nomadic cavalrymen like the Mongols. When Batu Khan learned of this he was furious, because they were “his subjects” and thus were not allowed to escape. Whether or not this was the case, Subedei quickly planned a campaign against Europe. The plan was a two-pronged invasion: A flanking force of 20,000 men would be sent into Poland, while he himself (and Batu) will lead the main force of 50,000 men. On March 1241, Subedei and Batu’s force dissolved into the Carpathian Mountains, appearing out of nowhere on the other side. But instead of advancing further into Hungary, the Mongols withdrew. Upon seeing this, the Hungarians became somewhat arrogant, and even dismissed the Cumans and Kipchaks, who were also nomadic cavalrymen much like the Mongols. Meanwhile, the northern army stormed into Poland, laid waste to the countryside, and sacked Cracow. On April 9, a European force led by Duke Henry of Silesia crossed into Poland and challenged the 20,000 strong Mongols. The heavily armored European knights were no match for the quickness of the Mongol horsemen, and consequently were defeated. Meanwhile, King Bela of Hungary realized that the Mongol retreat was feigned, and were now actually closing in. King Bela rode out with a force numbering 60-80,000 men and met the army of Batu and Subedei’s at the opposing side of the Sajo River. After an indecisive clash at the bridge of the river,

The “Devil’s Horsemen”

 

 The Empire at the ascension of Ogedei Khan

The first thing one Ogedei’s mind was to subjugate the remaining fragments Kwarazem Empire, which was earlier destroyed by Chingis Khan in 1221, but had been later restored in modern day Azerbaijan. This objected was completed in 1231. The next goal was to complete the conquest of the Jin Empire. The Jin Empire had already lost a great deal of territory to Chingis Khan, and later to Mukali, who was assigned by Chingis to take over as commander in the Northern China theatre. But after Mukali’s death in 1223, the Jin began to fiercely fight back. In 1231 a large Mongol army led by Ogedei, the renowned general Subedei, and Tolui (Ogedei’s brother) set off against the Jin. After a series of setbacks, the Mongols finally stormed the Jin capital of Kai Feng in 1234 with the aid of 20,000 Song Chinese auxilleries, thus ending the great sedentary Empire that oversaw the steppes for over a century.

While the Ogedei was campaigning in the Jin Empire, he had already ordered the construction of an Imperial capital for the Empire. When the city, named Karakorum, was completed in 1235, it stood as the grandest site in Mongolia. (Karakorum had already been founded long ago by Chingis, but was more of an outpost back then rather than a capital.) Although the city did not grow to an impressive size like the cities of China, the city was impressively diverse and multi-cultural flourished with professional craftsmen, as later remarked by the European traveler Rubruck.  Ogedei also made several reforms in the government, of them begin an improvement of the postal system (the Yam).

The Invasion of Russia

Although the Mongols had already made contacts with the Russians a decade earlier in 1222, during Subedei’s legendary expedition, the Mongols did not establish any permanent government in those lands. When Chingis Khan died, the northwestern territories of the empire were given to his son, Jochi. One of Jochi’s sons was Batu Khan, who inherited the westernmost territories of Jochi’s ulus. But Batu’s land was small and a great part of the land he was “given,” was not yet under Mongol control. In the Khuriltai of 1235, Batu showed his intension to bring these lands under Mongol control. This decision would create an extraordinary conquest that in the end, Batu’s army would have traveled five thousand miles! Subedei agreed to go with Batu; and in 1237, the two gathered a force that numbered 120,000 men ready to cross the frozen Volga into Russia.

During winter, the Mongols crossed the Volga River, and afterwards, ridding north into the forests to hide their presence. The first major city they came to was Riazan, which fell after a five-day catapult assault. Then they rode north and captured Kolumna, Moscow, and defeated the Grand Duke of Suzdal, the most powerful force in the northern half of Russia. From there the Mongols advanced towards Novgorod. However, the siege was abandoned after the marshes proved too frustrating to travel through. Although Novgorod became one of the only major cities in Russia to avoid the Mongol conquest, they would keep a friendly relation with the Mongols by paying tribute. After the frustration at Novgorod, Batu and Subedei rode south and attacked the city of Kozelsk, which valiantly held off the Mongols and even successfully ambushed a Mongol vanguard – a feat rarely ever been done. Kozelsk held off for seven weeks, and after it finally fell, the entire population was slaughtered in a way so great that the Mongols named it the City of Woe. The last obstacle in Russia was the great city of Kiev, often called the “Mother of all Russian cities”. Because Kiev was so important in Eastern Europe, the Mongols even tried to take it undamaged. Prince Michael of Kiev did indeed realize the inevitable capture of Kiev. Unfortunately, he fled, and his second in command was a tenacious officer and decided to resist. When the Mongols did storm the city, the only major structure that was not destroyed was the Cathedral St Sophia.

The Invasion of Europe

 

The Mongol Invasion of Europe 

With the fall of Kiev, the Mongols were victorious in Russia. Interestingly, this was the only successful large-scale winter invasion of Russia in history. As the result of the Mongols’ incursion into Russia, many groups fled across the border and sought refugee in Hungary. Among these were the Cumans and Kipchaks, who were also nomadic cavalrymen like the Mongols. When Batu Khan learned of this he was furious, because they were “his subjects” and thus were not allowed to escape. Whether or not this was the case, Subedei quickly planned a campaign against Europe. The plan was a two-pronged invasion: A flanking force of 20,000 men would be sent into Poland, while he himself (and Batu) would lead the main force of 50,000 men. On March 1241, Subedei and Batu’s force dissolved into the Carpathian Mountains, appearing out of nowhere on the other side. But instead of advancing further into Hungary, the Mongols withdrew. Upon seeing this, the Hungarians became somewhat arrogant, and even dismissed the Cumans and Kipchaks, who could’ve provided valuable cavalry support. Meanwhile, the northern army stormed into Poland, laid waste to the countryside, and sacked Cracow. On April 9, a European force led by Duke Henry of Silesia crossed into Poland and challenged the 20,000 strong Mongols. The heavily armored European knights were no match for the quickness of the Mongol horsemen, and consequently were defeated. Meanwhile, King Bela of Hungary realized that the Mongol retreat was feigned, and were now actually closing in. King Bela rode out with a force numbering 60-80,000 men and met the army of Batu and Subedei’s at the opposing side of the Sajo River. After an indecisive clash at the bridge of the river, Subedei brought a contingent south and crossed the river without the Hungarians noticing. When Subedei appeared on the other side, the Hungarians were dumbstruck. Soon Batu broke across the bridge and the Hungarian army was surrounded.

The two major victories by two separate Mongol armies in a period of mere days apart show the brilliancy of Subedei’s generalship. In one month, Poland and Hungary were defeated. Days after the victory at Sajo River, (the name of the battle is also known as Mohi) the two Mongol forces joined and laid waste to the remaining Hungarian forces, capturing cities such as Pest. The grand and splendid city of Gran was captured on Christmas day.

By early 1242, when Batu considered to go even farther into Europe, he suddenly received news from Mongolia that the Great Khan Ogedei had died. This news was significant. Batu’s concern was the possibility of his personally disfavored Guyuk Khan receiving the title of Great Khan. Since Batu had conquered so much land, the political instability in Mongolia would provide trouble. He decided to return to Russia and politically establish his domains to avoid any trouble. As a result, the Mongol army entirely withdrew from Poland and Hungary.

Europe was abandoned and Batu returned to the north of the Caspian Sea. There, he established his capital at Sarai Batu (Old Sarai), and transformed his “inherited lands” into a kingdom, or Khanate. Batu’s Khanate became known as the Blue Horde. Batu’s two brothers, Orda and Shiban, who also participated in the campaign also formed their Khanates. Orda’s Khanate became known as the White Horde, located east to Batu’s Blue Horde. Because Batu and Orda were both member of the Golden Clan, the two Khanates were in reality, depencencies of one another, and became known together under the name of “The Golden Horde”. Shiban’s Khanate, however, is obscurely known. Although the Khans of the Golden Horde would continue to recognize the superiority of the Great Khan and “remain” as part of the Mongol Empire for four more decades, in reality the Golden Horde (and all the other Khanates that would eventually form), had political independence at will.

The Great Khan Guyuk

 

 The Empire c. 1246

Guyuk succeeded as Khakhan (or Kha’an – Great Khan) in 1246. Tensions between Batu and Karakorum soared into heights. Fortunately, Guyuk’s died in 1248, just two years after his enthronement. Guyuk’s early death prevented a major civil war, but the weakness of the Mongol Empire had been foreshadowed. It would be civil disunity that would ultimately bring the Mongol Empire down. The reign of Guyuk achieved little; let alone the disunity in the Empire that it caused.

The Mongol Crusaders – The Great khan Mongke

The next Khakhan, Mongke, was elected in 1251. Upon begin crowned Khakhan, Mognke announced his ambitions to continue the line of conquests that was halted during Guyuk’s reign. The first was to conquer the Song (Sung) Empire, the last of the three pre Chingis Empires in “China” free from Mongol control. This and the long series of campaigns against the Song will be examined later. His other motive was to destroy the presence of the Assasins (Ismailis), who have been threatening the governors of the western provinces, and bring the Abbasid Caliph into submission. Thus, this campaign would travel through Persia and into Mesopotamia and towards the Middle East.

The Mongols had seen a limited incursion into the Middle East when Baiju conquered the Seljuk Sultanate of Rum in 1243. However, further campaigns into Baghdad were canceled at that time due to the instability of the newly acquired Asia Minor and the political troubles in Karakorum. Mongke’s proposed expedition, however, was planned to be a great one, and indeed it would live up to its name. While Mongke Khan was to personally lead the attack against the Song, he entrusted his brother, Hulegu, to lead the Mongol “Crusade.”

Hulegu’s “Crusade”

 

Hulegu’s campiagn 

In 1253, Hulegu departed from Mongolia to begin the largest operation since Batu’s invasion of Russia. It was also the most advanced Mongol army yet to campaign, with the latest in world siege weapon technology, and a group of experienced lieutenants. Hulegu’s expedition attracted great enthusiasm among Christian communities, including a number of Georgian and Alan volunteers. Hulegu’s army marched slowly compared to Mongol standards, taking three years to finally reach Persia. He made his way into Khurasan (region in Persia), annexing the local dynasty in the area. The first of the primary objectives was completed with the capture of the Assassins’ (the Hashashins) fortress of Gerdkuh on the south side of the Caspian Sea. Hulegu then advanced west and captured Alamut, forcing the Assassins’ Grand Master to surrender.

 

 Mongols Besiege a city in the Middle East

After the capture of Alamut, Hulegu marched toward the grand prize of Baghdad. The Caliph of Baghdad happened to be an incompetent military commander, one foolishly ignorant of the Mongol threat. When the Caliph decided to prepare for a siege, Hulegu was already closing in. Upon his arrival, a force of 20,000 cavalrymen rode out to confront the Mongols. This force was easily defeated, making the siege inevitable. Baghdad held out for a week until its east walls were breached. On February 13, 1258, the city surrendered and a devastating slaughtered ensued. The treasure was looted, the magnificent mosques were destroyed, and the populated was massacred. (An interesting thing is that all the Christian inhabitants in the city were spared.) Accounts claim a slaughter of 800,000 men. This may have been an exaggeration, as the city was later revitalized to an extent. However, there is no doubt that the greatest city in the Middle East had forever lost its glory and that there is no doubt the fall of Baghdad was one of the greatest blows to Islam.

Egypt is saved

Hulegu then withdrew almost his entire army except a minor force of 15,000 men to his general Kedburka to keep an eye on the horizon. Meanwhile, the Mameluks were expecting the full fury of the Mongols, and gathered a large force of 120,000 men. But Hulegu had already withdrawn. Thus, the Mameluks only met Kedburka’s 25,000 (15,000 Mongols and 10,000 allies) men at Ain Jalut. The heavily outnumbered Mongols lost in a battle that has traditionally been exaggerated symbolize the dramatic halt of Mongol expansion. In truth, it was the death of Mongke Khan that really saved Egypt, much like how the death of Ogedei Khan saved Europe.

Mongke’s death, Civil war and Kublai Khan

The death of Mongke Khan in 1259 was a significant turning point in the history of the empire. In the West, it meant that Hulegu’s campaign was at an end. The political envoironment in the East became unstable, and thus, Hulegu had to settle down to claim his land. Hulegu Khanate in Persia became known as the Il-Khanate. However, there was even more problems. Hulegu’s campaing agaisnt the Caliph bitterly angered the Muslim Khan Berke of the Golden Horde. With throne of the Great Khan in vacancy, unable to regulate peace, civil war erupted between Berke and Hulegu. Interestingly, this civil war also forced Berke to abandon his plans to ravage Europe once more.

In the East, two brothers competed fiercely for the throne of the Great Khan. One year after Mongke Khan’s death in 1259, Kubilai Khan was elected Khakhan in a Khuriltai. Shortly later, his brother, Ariq Boke, was also elected Khakhan at a rivaling Khuriltai. The civil war lasted until 1264 (parallel to the civil war in the west), when Kubilai was victorious over Ariq Boke, thus becoming the undisputed Khakhan. This civil war had an implied meaning. During the war, Kublai Khan based himself in China while Ariq Boke based himself in Karakorum. Kublai Khan’s victory implied that China was becoming more over important to the Empire than Mongolia, symbolizing the sinification of the Mongols in the East.

To the Empire as a whole, these years of the civil war meant an end to cohesion. A bitter divide now existed in the west, and the in the East, the Great Khan became only interested in China. Thus, one may argue that the death of Mongke Khan in 1259 meant the end of the “Mongol Empire”, (although the Mongol Empires would continue to thrive invidually). However, because Kublai Khan later became so great of a ruler, some prefer to have the timeframe of the “Mongol Empire” inclusive until the end of Kublai’s Reign, who did hold nominal power over the other Khanatse.

Kublai Khan The Conquest of the Song

The conquest of the Song Empire, sometimes called the “true” Chinese dynasty as opposed to the Jurchen-established Jin Dynasty, began during Mongke Khan’s reign. The Song Empire was the most formidable and most geographical challenging Empire to conquer due to its tough infastructure and mountainous terrain. While Mongke Khan fought in the north, Kublai Khan (who then had not yet become Khan) took a well-sized force, marched through Tibet, and attacked the Song Empire from the south. His men were eventually depleted, however, and he had to withdraw. However, Mongke Khan was able to pull off a series of success until he fell to disease contacted during war. The death of Mongke Khan and the subsequent civil war between Kublai and Ariq Boke caused a stall in campaigning for four years. In 1268, the Mongols were ready for another major assault. Kublai Khan assembled a large naval force and defeated a Song force of 3000 ships. Following the naval victory was the successful capture of Xiang Yang in 1271, which gave confidence in the war. However, the war could not accelerate to the speed of the previous conquest. Finally in 1272, a Mongol army led by Bayan, a general who served under Hulegu, crossed the Yangtze River and defeated a large Song army. The tide began to clearly favor the Mongols as Bayan then continued a line of victories cumulating in the capturing of the Song capital of Hangzhou after an exhausting siege. The Song royal family, however, was able to escape. The final defeat came in 1279 in the form of a naval battle near Guangzhou, where the last Song Emperor was killed. 1279 marked the date of the Song Dynasty’s end.

 

Kublai Khan 

Victory in China was complete and the “Mongol Empire” enjoyed its time of zenith. However, a lot had changed by now in the lifestyles of the Great Khans. Unlike his grandfather, Kubilai Khan retreated from the harsh life of being a nomad and adopted the confortable life of a Chinese Emperor. As Kublai Khan became more into the Chinese way of life, the Mongol government followed as well. In 1272, seven years before the defeat of the Song, Kublai adopted the Chinese dynastic title of Yuan – taking the traditional path of legitimizing oneself as the rightful ruler of China. Being both the Yuan emperor of China and the Great Khan of the Mongols, the Yuan dynasty and the Mongol Empire are often counted as the same during the reign of Kublai. Besides making his empire Chinese, Kublai moved the Mongol Imperial capital from Karakorum to modern day Beijing. The new capital at Beijing was named Ta-tu. The Mongol Empire experienced another dramatic change – although in a different way. Defying the style of pervious conquests, Kublai launched two naval invasions of Japan in 1274 and 1281. Both of these were ill fated and were destroyed by the “Kamikaze” typhoons. Kublai also launched a series of campaigns into southern Asia. In Burma, the Mongols were victorious, but eventually abandoned the campaign. In Vietnam, a temporary Mongol victory was turned around into defeat. A naval expedition to Java was unsuccessful as well, being forced to withdraw. Far more serious was the insurrection of Kaidu, decendent of the Ogedeites, who formed a rebel Khanate in Western Mongolia. Kublai’s reign would not see the end of this civil war

 

 

The Mongol Empires c. 1280

Final Collapse of Unity

Despite the few military fiascos taken by Kublai, there is no doubt that Kublai Khan’s reign was the zenith of Mongol rule as a whole. The dominion stretched from China to Mesopotamia to the Danube to the Persian gulf – a size five times that of Alexander’s Empire. Although much of the land suffered great destruction during the conquests, the superior organized Mongol government that followed gradually made this up. Economic activity flourished and trade spread throughout the gigantic empire. Despite the formation of the Khanates in the other sections of the Empire, the authorities of the Great Khan Kublai were recognized in all corners of the Empire. Kublai enjoyed his position as one of the powerful rulers of all time, being Emperor of an Empire that ruled most of the known world. The famed Italian traveler Marco Polo described Kublai as the “greatest lord there will ever be”.

While Kublai Khan was still recognized as the ruler of the Mongols, he himself did not seem to bother with the rest of the Empire outside of his personal dominions. The other Khanates, as well, began to develop a better sense of self-governance. The Mongols lost unity and no longer did they act as a unified government. Of course, this disunity had a long buildup, but once Kublai Khan died, the potentials for disunity finally broke loose. When Kublai Khan died in 1294, his successor would continue to hold the title of “Yuan Emperor”, but there would be no more “Great Khan of the Mongols.” The Mongols discontinued to have a universal ruler and thus, one could say the death of Kublai Khan meant the end of the Mongol Empire. This is somewhat ironic, as the Mongol Empire ended immediately after its golden age. Although the Mongol Empire had eased to exist as a whole, Mongol power remained in the form of the various independent Khanates:

The Five Khanates

 

The Empires 

The Yuan Dynasty in the Far East (also the Khanate of the Great Khan Kublai) continued their rule in China. However, after Kublai, there were no skilled rulers. A series of internal strife followed by natural disasters triggered a major rebellion. In 1368, the Yuan dynasty overthrown and was replaced by the Ming Dynasty under the rule of Ming Hong-wu.

The Il-Khanate of Persia (founded by Hulagu in 1260) did not fare so well at start, struggling with the economy and another embarrassing defeats by the Mameluks. However, under Ghaza Il-Khan, the Il-Khanate regained military superiority and began an economical surge that continued until the reign of Abu Sa’id, where during his rule, Persia enjoyed a great deal of Prosperity. However, Abu Sa’id did not have a successor, in 1335, the Il-Khanate received the same irony as the Mongol Empire -collapsing immediately after its golden age. The lands of the Il-Khanate were eventually reunited under Timer Lenk (Tamerlane) into the “Timurid” Empire.

The Blue Horde in Russia enjoyed a period of fairly good economic activity. The Khanate allied with the Mameluks and officially turned Muslim during the reign of Ozbeg Khan. But similar to the Il-Khanate, the line of Blue Horde Khans eventually came to a no successor situation in the mid 14th century. The Blue Horde collapse and fell into anarchy. It was later reunited as the Golden Horde but fell once again became fractured. This story, however, is too complex to pursue here. It should be noted that this area of the Mongol Empire is commonly a source of confusion. Often times, the entire western quarter of the Mongol Empires is named “Golden Horde.” In actuality, while the western sections, including the “White Horde” did have some type of coalition with one another, they were really separate entities until the later unification by Toktamish Khan. There are also more than one names that refer to this region of the Mongol dominion, with the “Kipchak” Khanate another name. The term “Golden Horde” appears in contemporary sources such as the account of Carpini, who uses the term “Aurea Orda” (Golden Horde).

The Chaghadai Khanate grew directly out of the ulus inherited by Chingis’s son Chaghadai. The Chaghadai grew steadily until the rise of Tamerlane, which destroyed its power. After Tamerlane’s death, the Khanate remained as a minor state until the Qing Dynasty of China annexed it in the 18th century.
 

Legacy of the Mongol Conquests

One may see the Mongol Empire as a gigantic political force, bringing almost the entire continent of Asia under the control of one Great Khan. The Mongol government was a superior one, and thus the whole continent became interconnected. During the Mongol Empire, one was guaranteed safety in travel throughout the entire empire. Thus, the Empire created a huge economical boom and a great exchange of culture and knowledge throughout the entire world. As a result of the Mongol conquests, the Silk Road was reopened and the route from Europe to Asia was no longer thought to be impassable. A great deal of knowledge reached Europe, including art, science, and gunpowder; which greatly contributed in bringing Western Europe out of the dark ages. Likewise, in Asia, we saw an exchange of ideas between Persia and China.

The Mongols obviously had a direct on the political situation of the world. China was once again united under a single ruler. Russia was separated from the rest of Europe, but was no longer a disunited feudalistic society. The Mongols ended the short-lived Kwarezmian Empire, and brought the fall of the Abbasid Caliph and dealt a great blow to Islamic culture. Although the Mongols did indeed bring a huge list of deaths and destruction, the economical boom that followed is obviously something not to be overlooked. One of the only ones that clearly did not benefit from Mongol conquest was Poland and Hungary, and that was because the Mongols withdrew and did not set up a revitalizing government. In conclusion, the Mongol Empire is one of great significance; for the better or worse of the world, it is not one that is to be forgotten.

Today the Mongols and their great leaders are sometimes remembered in two different: as valiant heroes who conquered vast lands against all odds to build a mighty empire or as ruthless conquerors who destroyed everything in their path. The latter is particularly interesting because it is probably more of a natural consequence of the sheer extent of the Mongol conquests rather than the actual creulty of the Mongols since conquerors like Caesar or Alexander the Great were just as cruel as Chingis Khan. Furthermore, the Mongols did not destroy everything in their path. In the end, civilization was rebuilt and benefited greatly from the newly established global economy. In any case, the Mongols should be remembered as a significant player in world history. The significance of their conquests surpasses what any history article can describe…

List of Great Khans

1206-1227 Chingis / Genghis Khan
1229-1241Ogedei Khan (Khakhan) – Son of Chingis
1246-1248 Guyuk Khan (Khakhan) – Son of Ogedei
1251-1259 Mongke / Mengku Khan (Khakhan) – Cousin of Ogedei

After the death of Mongke, in 1260, two Khakhans were elected by rivaling Khuriltais (assemblies): Ariq-Boke (brother of Kubiliai), who ruled from Karakorum, and Kubilai, who ruled from China. Kubilai defeated Ariq-Boke in 1264 to secure sole leadership.

1264-1294 Kubilai Khan (Khakhan) – Brother of Kubilai

No ruler was elected after Kubilai
*Khakhan (also Kaghan, Haqan, meaning “Khan of Khans”): Title used by Khans of the greatest steppe Empires, including the Mongol Empire. This title was officially used by all Khans of the Mongol Empire except for Chingis Khan.

Regents (Temporary rulers) during the election interludes
1227-1229 Tolui – Son of Chingis, Father of Kubilai and Mongke
1241-1246 Toregene Khatun – Wife of Ogedei, mother of Guyuk
1248-1251 Oghul Ghaymish

Chronology

1167? Brith of Temujin (Genghis/Chingis Khan)
1206. The great Khuriltai (assembly) of
1206. Temujin takes the title of “Chingis Khan”
1209-10. Campaign against the Xi Xia.
1211, 1213, 1215. Campaigns against the Jin Empire.
1214. Mongols lay siege to the Jin capital of Zhongdu (modern day Beijing), which falls in
1215. Areas north of the Huang He becomes under Mongol control. Jin capital is moved south to Kai-feng.
1218. Conquest of the Kara Kitai. Mongols raid Korea.
1220. Mongol caravan and ambassadors are murdered by the Khwarazmians. War against Khwarazm (Persia) begins. Capture of Bokhara and Samarkand.
1221. Subedei begins expedition around the Caspian Sea and into Russia.Jalal ad-Din rises in Persia and challenges the Mongols. Jalal ad-Din defeated at the battle of Indus. War with the Kwarazmian Empire concludes.
1226. Final campaign against the Xia Xia.
1227. Genghis Khan dies. War with the Xi Xia concludes.
1228. Ogedei Khan ascends throne and becomes Khakhan (Great Khan)
1235. First serious invasion of Korea.
1234. War against the Jin Empire concludes.
1235. Construction of Karakorum, Mongol imperial capital
1237. Batu Khan and Subedei begin the conquest of Russia.
1241. War in Korea concludes
1241. Batu Khan and Subedei invades and conquers Poland and Hungary. Defeat of the Europeans at Liegnitz and Sajo River. Death of Ogedei Khan
1242. Upon hearing the death of Ogedei Khan, Batu khan withdraws from Europe to secure his conquests in Russia. Political establishment of the Golden Horde Khanate, with Batu as its first Khan.
1246-8. Reign of Guyuk Khan
1251. Election of Mongke Khan as Khakhan.
1252. Invasion of the Sung Empire of south China begins.
1253. Hulegu begins his campaign into the Middle East.
1258. Hulegu captures Baghdad. Death of the last Abassid Caliph.
1259. Death of Mongke Khan.
1260. Hulegu withdraws from Syria upon hearing the death of Mongke, saving the Muslims from further invasion. A minor force left behind is defeated by the Mameluks at Ain Jalut. Hulegu settles in Persia and creates the Il-Khanate, with him becoming the first Il-Khan.
1260. Disagreement on succession of the Mongol throne leads to civil war between the two candidates, Kubilai and Ariq-boke.
1264. Kubilai is victorious over Ariq-boke, becomes Khakhan.
1266. Kubilai builds a new imperial capital at Tatu (modern day Beijing)
1271. Journey of Marco Polo begins.
1272. Kubilai adopts the Chinese dynastic title of Yuan. Kubilai becomes both the Khakhan of the Mongol Empire and the “Yuan Emperor” of China.
1274. First invasion of Japan. The fleet is destroyed in a storm.
1276. Hangzhou, capital of the Sung Empire, falls to the Mongols.
1277-8. Mongols invade Burma, installs a puppet government.
1279. Death of the last Sung emperor during a naval battle.
1294. Death of Kubilai. The Yuan dynasty continues but the Mongol Empire ceased to have a Khakhan. In name, the Mongol Empire ends, as it fractures into four clearly distinct kingdoms.
1335. Death of Abu Sa’id. The Il-khanate failed to produce a successor and becomes fractured. The Il-khanate ends.
1359. As with the Il-khanate, the line of rules of the Golden Horde ended and the khanate failed to produce a successor. The Golden Horde becomes more of a puppet government.
1330. Timur Lenk (Tamerlane) is born in Samarkand. Reunites Persia and defeats both the Russians and the Golden Horde. Builds the so-called Timurid Empire.
1368. Yuan rule in China ends.
1370. Death in Karakorum of Toghon Temur, last Yuan emperor.
1405. Timur Lenk (Tamerlane) dies. The Timurid Empire, referred to as the last great nomadic power, ends. Persia and the Golden Horde are again without a clear ruler. The Golden Horde fractures and becomes separate states.
1502. The Russians overthrow Mongol rule in Russia

The Mongol War Machine – an Overview

The Mongol (or Turkish-Mongol, actually) army was probably the most disciplined, well led, and effective fighting force ever until well into the age of gunpowder. Being “hunters all their lives,” steppe nomads were masters of the horsemanship and were deadly with their composite bow. Unlike Roman Legionnaires or hoplites who had to be trained in camps or academies, nomadic warriors were already skilled warriors. Nomadic warriors were well renown for their horse archers, being able to hit targets accurately while galloping on the horse. But the “Mongol” army was not merely a steppe army.

 

Mongol Trebuchet. The Mongols originally had no knowlege of Siege warfare, but later became masters of it through careful acceptance of new technologies 

When Chingis Khan rose to power, he set a standard of organization, discipline, equipment, and most all the mentality to fight as a group. Chingis organized his army into a decimal system, with a commander for every series of 10 units elected by the troops. Military tactics were rehearsed well in preparation and each warrior was expected to know precisely what to do from the signals of the commanders, which took form in flaming arrows, drums, and banners. The Mongol horde had extremely high discipline. Failure to maintain equipment, and desertion in battle were punishable by death. The combination of skill, discipline, tactics, and some of the most brilliant commanders in history shocked all who fought against them. When the western knights fought the Mongol horsemen, they were utterly destroyed, unable to match the Mongol horde in any category. On the battlefield, the Mongols were capable of a wide array of tricks. Being an army of entirely cavalry, the Mongols could easily dictate the positional flow of the battle, particularly feigned retreats, which could easily fool an enemy into a foolish charge, and encirclement, which is difficult for the enemy to uphold due to the speed and cavalry strength of the Mongols.

Siege machines and gunpowder learned from the Chinese and Persians played an important role in the horde. Besides their use in sieges, siege weapons were widely deployed on the battlefield. The Mongols mastered the use of quick assemble catapults that could be transported on horseback and assembled on the battlefield. Learned from the Chinese, the Mongols developed gunpowder weapons such as smoke grenades (used to hide movement) and firebombs. Both of these contributed to the Mongol success in the invasion of Europe. The Mongol’s acceptance and adaptations to such new methods meant that they were not only an army of the most traditionally skilled warriors, but also an army with the best technology the world has to offer

 

 

THE DETAILED STUDY OF Jin Tartar and Liao dynasty cast coins

CHIN DYNASTY, THE NU-CHENG TARTARS

Emperor WAN-YEN LIANG
AD 1149-1161

reign title: CHENG-LUNG, AD 1156-1161

@

S-1083. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-LUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (12 specimen) 3.83 grams. 25.1 mm.

F   $6.00     VF   $8.50     XF   $12.50@

This is a fairly well cast coinage, with consistently clear characters and very well formed rims. We have found that the size and weights have very little variation within most specimens.


 

Emperor SHIH TSUNG
AD 1161-1189

 

reign title: TA TING, AD 1161-1189

 

S-1085-1086. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (7 specimens) 25.4 mm, 4.14 grams.

F   $6.00     VF   $8.50    XF   $12.50

 

  S-1087. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “SHEN” at top indicating this type was struck in AD 1188. Average (2 specimen) 3.29 grams. 24.4 mm.

F   $20.00     VF   $35.00     XF   $55.00

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1088. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “SHEN” at bottom indicating this type was struck in AD 1188. Average (1 specimen) 2.95 grams. 24.5 mm.

F   $20.00     VF   $35.00     XF   $55.00

 

  S-1089. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “YU” at top indicating this type was struck in AD 1189. Average (4 specimen) 3.37 grams. 25.6 mm.

F   $22.50     VF   $39.50     XF   $60.00

We recently handled a specimen of this type that was only 2.25 mm and 2.3 grams. The patination and casting showed that the coin is genuine from the time, but we suspect it is a contemporary (of the time) counterfeit.

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1090. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “YU” at bottom indicating this type was struck in AD 1189. Average (1 specimen) 3.50 grams. 25.4 mm.

F   $20.00     VF   $35.00     XF   $55.00

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1091. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Schjoth had such a specimen, but we doubt that it was authentic. At 2.75 grams is was light for coins of the period.

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1092. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: blank. Schjoth had such a specimen, which weighed 3.41 grams. We cannot confirm if the type actually exists or not, but if it does it has to be very rare and we cannot establish a value at this time.

 

Emperor CHANG TSUNG
AD 1190-1208

reign title: T’AI-HO, AD 1201-1208

 

 

S-1093-94. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-HO CHUNG-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: blank. The two different Schjoth numbers are for narrow (1093) and wide (1094) rims, with the wide rim variation being the scarcer. We have seen narrow rim examples from 16.29 to 24.3 grams with the average of 3 specimens was 19.91 grams, 44.5 mm. The single wide rim example we saw was 27.75 grams, 47.6 mm.

Narrow -VF   $80.00     XF   $120.00
Wide – VF   $125.00     XF   $175.00

 

Schjoth records four specimens of this series, two with blank reverses averaged 16.35 grams, one with Ch’uan Huo on the reverse at 17.24 grams, and one that is most probably a later amulet, with the obverse repeated on the reverse at 32.92 grams. Because of the very high relief of this issue, they are never seen below a grade of VF, and are always very well made coins.

 

Chin or JIN TARTAR,
(A.D. 960 to )

 

This page is a reference guide for Chinese coins issued by the Tartar, Mongol, Ming and other medieval non-Sung Dynasties between (A.D. 960 to 1644 A listing of the ancient and medieval Chinese coins we currently have available can be viewed on our e-book in CD-ROM China coin Four collections.

 

Images used on this page represent the types, but bear no relationship
to the actual size of the coins. Where known, the actual sizes will be listed.

 

the Jin Dynasty

 (1115 – 1234 AD)

was founded by Wanyan Aguda in Northern Manchuria. The Jin conquered Northern China by conquering the Liao and defeating the Song Dynasty.

Liao and Song coins were used early on the Jin rule.

 In 1158,

 the Jin Dynasty made their own coins and later used coins, notes and silver.

Coins cast during this period were of superb quality and excellent calligraphy.

 

The Fu Chang Yuan Bao,

 

Fu Chang Tong Bao

and Fu Chang Zhong Bao

 were three of the finest Jin coins. They were minted during the puppet regime of Emperor Liu Yu who used

 

“Fu Chang” as his period title.  

Casting coins became unprofitable when inflation starts to hit the Jin Dynasty economy.

 

Jin Dynasty Silver Coin”Fu Chang Yuan Bao” $34.00

 

Mints were closed down and coin production ceased for 30 years prior to the defeat of the Jin by the Mongols.

This coin still never found in Indonesia(Dr Iwan Notes)

Read more about Jin Dynasty

 

.

THE JIN DYNASTY

 

The Jīn Dynasty (1115–1234),

also known as the Jurchen Dynasty, was founded by the Wanyan (完顏 Wányán) clan of the Jurchens, the ancestors of the Manchus who established the Qing Dynasty some 500 years later. The name is sometimes written as Jinn to differentiate it from an earlier Jìn Dynasty of China whose name is spelled identically in the Roman alphabet. (Photo: Jade Ornament)

 

The Jin Dynasty was founded in what would become northern Manchuria by the Jurchen tribal chieftain Wanyan Aguda (完顏阿骨打) in 1115. The Jurchens’ early rival was the Liao Dynasty, which had held sway over northern China, including Manchuria and part of the Mongol region for several centuries. In 1121, the Jurchens entered into the Alliance on the Sea with the Song Dynasty and agreed to jointly invade the Liao. While the Song armies faltered, the Jurchens succeeded in driving the Liao to Central Asia. In 1125, after the death of Aguda, the Jin broke the alliance with the Song and invaded North China. (Photo: A wooden Bodhisattva)

 

On January 9, 1127, Jin forces ransacked Kaifeng, capital of the Northern Song Dynasty, capturing both Emperor Qinzong, and his father, Emperor Huizong, who had abdicated in panic in the face of Jin forces. Following the fall of Kaifeng, Song forces under the leadership of the succeeding Southern Song Dynasty continued to fight for over a decade with Jin forces, eventually signing the Treaty of Shaoxing in 1141, calling for the cessation of all Song land north of the Huai River to the Jin and the execution of Song General Yue Fei in return for peace. (Photo: The Chengling Pagoda, Hebei, built 1161 – 1189AD Wikipedia)

The Fenyang Cemetery of Jin Dynasty

 


The 13th Century Mongolia Soldier,

This Is A Study Time .

 

 

LIAO DYNASTY, AD 907-1125

The Liao were a Tartar Dynasty known as the Ch’i-tan or Ki-tan Tartars, first established by T’ai Tsu in AD 907 during the period of the 5 dynasties. The dynasty lasted for 218 years until AD 1125, ruling from their capital at Beijing. For most of their existence they existed along side the Northern Sung Dynasty, in what appears to be somewhat less than peaceful co-existance. 8190

 
Liao Dynasty, “Hwang Ti Wan Sui” reverse moons, diameter 37.5mm, XF. US $ 649

 

The first Emperor of Liao did not issue any coins. There were five Emperors between AD 907 and 1031 who issued coins, but only a handful of each type is known to exist and it is unlikely any genuine examples will come on the market. We have not listed them here as it is unlikely anyone viewing this site to identify a coin will have one, but you will find information on them on page 216 of David Hartill’s book CAST CHINESE COINS. Schjoth (page 41) notes a record of the Liang Dynasty Emperor Mo, using the reign title Lung-te, issuing large numbers of coins during this period, which are likely what circulated in the Liao region for what little need the Liao people had of coins at that time.

The earliest readily available coins of Liao begin with the Emperor Hsing Tsung during his second reign title of Ch’ung Hsi after he established the first Liao central mint in Manchuria in AD 1053. The mint was not particularly skilled and most Liao coins are fairly crude, poor quality castings.

There are some differences in the dating of the Liao reign titles by Schjoth and Hartill, and we have chosen to use those given by Hartill as it is much more recent and almost certainly more reliable research.


Liao Armor ,

What Mainly Uses Is The Tang End Five Dynasties And Song’s Style, By Song Primarily. Armor’s Superstructure And Song Dynasty Are Completely Same, Only Then Leg Skirt Obviously Compared To Song Dynasty’s Short, Around Two Square Shapes Gu Tail Armor Cover Above Leg, Then Maintained The Tang End Five Dynasties’ Characteristic. The Armor Protects The Abdomen Probably To Use The Leather Belt To Hang Before The Abdomen, Is Fixed With The Waistband, This Point And Song Dynasty’s Leather Armor Is The Same, But Center The Front Large-Scale Circle Protects, Was Liao Unique.

 

Emperor HSING TSUNG
AD 1031-1055

reign title: CHING-FU, AD 1031

No coins were cast by Emperor Hsing Tsung under this title.

 

reign title: CH’UNG-HSI, AD 1032-1055

S-1065. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’UNG-HSI TUNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

VF   $250.00

 

Schjoth (page 41) records that “in the 22nd year of Ch’ung-hsi (AD 1053) a cash bureau was established at Ch’ang-ch’un in Manchuria”. We assume this is the same as saying a Mint was established there. From this time on, the coinage of Liao becomes much more abundant. We hope to one day look into the events that may have prompted them to take such a move.


 

 

 

Emperor TAO TSUNG
AD 1055-1101

reign title: CH’ING-NING, AD 1055-1064

 

S-1066. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’ING-NING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimen) 2.57 grams, 24.3 mm (but the specimen was rather worn). These coins tend to be poorly cast, and we apologize for the image of a very worn specimen, bu it is the best specimen we have been able to image.

F   $95.00     VF   $135.00

 

Tartars (Khitan branch, ca AD 907-1125), Liao Dynasty, Emperor Tao Tsung, AD1055-1100, AE Cash

Price US$ 95.00

reign title: HSIEN-YUNG, AD 1065-1074

 

S-1067. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-YUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. These very somewhat in weight. Th average of what we have seen (3 specimen) is 24.3 mm and 3.53 grams, but we have seen them from 2.75 to 3.9 grams. As with most Liao coins, this tends to be a a poorly cast issue. It is also the most common coin of the Liao Dynasty.

VF   $135.00

 

reign title: TA-K’ANG, AD 1075-1084

 

S-1069. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-K’ANG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

F   $115.00

 

S-1068. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-K’ANG Y’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast. We have handled this type, but it was before we started recording values and do not currently have a value for it.

This appears to be the only time when two distinct types were issued during the Liang Dynasty. We note that all Liao coins previous to this reign title were caste with “T’UNG-PAO”, and all Liao coins afterwards with “Y’UNG PAO”. We assume that means that for this reign title, the T’ung-pao issues are the earlier of the two. We wonder if this might present a clue as to why many Northern Sung reign titles also occur with more than one of these (and other) variations.

 

 

reign title: TA-AN, AD 1085-1094

 

S-1070-71.Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-AN YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimen) 24.5 mm, 3.51 grams. There are some varieties in this type, with Schjoth noting one with a star hole, and another with a small dot in the upper left corner. We have owned a specimen with a small nail mark on the reverse. These variations would be worth a premium. These coins tend to be poorly cast with slightly irregular rims.

F   $95.00     VF   $135.00

The presence of a dot or nail mark on the reverse, or a star hole on a coin of this type is probably intentional, as similar star holes are very common on Northern Sung coins of this same period. Their meaning is as yet uncertain.

 

reign title: SHOU-CH’ANG, AD 1095-1101

 

S-1072. H 18.19. Obverse: “SHOU-CH’ANG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (2 specimen) 24.0 mm, 3.62 grams. These coins tend to be poorly cast and somewhat irregular rims, and that must be allowed for in their grading.

F   $95.00   VF   $145.00


 

Emperor T’IEN CHA
AD 1101-1125

reign title: CH’IEN-T’UNG, AD 1101-1110

S-1073. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’IEN-T’UNG Y’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

F   $95.00     VF   $135.00

 

reign title: T’IEN CH’ING, AD 1111-1120

S-1074. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN CH’ING Y’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

F   $85.00     VF   $120.00

 

This appears to be the last coin issued by the Liao Dynasty, even though the dynasty was to last for another five years after this title ended. Hartill (CAST CHINESE COINS, page 217) discusses and additional group of coins which are sometimes attributed to the Liao Dynasty, although all are rare and seldom encountered types which we have not included here. 8188

 
Jin Dynasty, “Tai Ho Chung Pao” large money, diameter 56mmm, XF. US $ 974

US $ 5,974

8189

 
Jin Dynasty, “Tai Ho Chung Pao”, XF. US $ 812  
 

8191

 
Jin Dynasty, “Tai Ho Chung Pao”, diameter 44mm, XF. US $ 649

US $ 1,027

8192

 
Jin Dynasty, “Tai Ho Chung Pao” (2), XF. US $ 649

US $ 747

8193

 
Jin Dynasty, “Dah Ting Tung Pao”, VF. US $ 162  
                 

 

WESTERN HSIA DYNASTY

This was a dynasty fo the Tangut people. Their capital was in Kansu Province, but it is not certain if their capital was in Kanchow or Soochow. In AD 1227, after breaking a promise to support Genghis Khan, this dynasty was exterminated.


 

Emperor JEN TSUNG
AD 1140-1193

reign title: T’IEN-SHENG, AD 1149-1168

 

As S-1078 but copper 1 cash. Obverse: ‘T’IEN-SHENG YUAN PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (13 specimens) 23.9 mm, 3.51 grams.

F   $12.00     VF   $25.00

 

These are always well cast coins with bold characters and seldom seen in a grade below gF. The the brass has a very distintive light-brown tone to it. Schjoth says that the copper of this type is rare and that iron is common, but we currently find the opposite to be true

 

reign title: CH’IEN-YU, AD 1169-1193

 

S-1080. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’IEN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (4 specimen) 24.8 mm, 3.82 grams.

F   $35.00     VF   $75.00

 


 

Emperor HSIANG TSUNG
AD 1206-1212

reign title: HUANG-CHIEN, AD 1210-1212

S-1081, “HUANG-CHIEN YUAN-PAO”. This is an unusual coin in that the inscription starts at the top and is read around to the right, rather then the usual top-bottom-left-right.

gVF   $145.00

 


 

Emperor SHEN TSUNG
AD 1212-1222

reign title: KUANG-TING, AD 1212-1222

 

S-1082, “KUANG-TING YUAN-PAO. This is an unusual coin in that the inscription starts at the top and is read around to the right, rather then the usual top-bottom-left-right. The specimens of this type that we have seen tend to be crudely cast from course sand molds. Average (1 specimen) 24.9 mm, 4.07 grams.

F   $75.00     VF   $110.00

 

CHIN DYNASTY, THE NU-CHENG TARTARS

Emperor WAN-YEN LIANG
AD 1149-1161

reign title: CHENG-LUNG, AD 1156-1161

@

S-1083. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHENG-LUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (12 specimen) 3.83 grams. 25.1 mm.

F   $6.00     VF   $8.50     XF   $12.50@

This is a fairly well cast coinage, with consistently clear characters and very well formed rims. We have found that the size and weights have very little variation within most specimens.


 

Emperor SHIH TSUNG
AD 1161-1189

 

reign title: TA TING, AD 1161-1189

 

S-1085-1086. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. Average (7 specimens) 25.4 mm, 4.14 grams.

F   $6.00     VF   $8.50    XF   $12.50

 

  S-1087. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “SHEN” at top indicating this type was struck in AD 1188. Average (2 specimen) 3.29 grams. 24.4 mm.

F   $20.00     VF   $35.00     XF   $55.00

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1088. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “SHEN” at bottom indicating this type was struck in AD 1188. Average (1 specimen) 2.95 grams. 24.5 mm.

F   $20.00     VF   $35.00     XF   $55.00

 

  S-1089. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “YU” at top indicating this type was struck in AD 1189. Average (4 specimen) 3.37 grams. 25.6 mm.

F   $22.50     VF   $39.50     XF   $60.00

We recently handled a specimen of this type that was only 2.25 mm and 2.3 grams. The patination and casting showed that the coin is genuine from the time, but we suspect it is a contemporary (of the time) counterfeit.

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1090. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: “YU” at bottom indicating this type was struck in AD 1189. Average (1 specimen) 3.50 grams. 25.4 mm.

F   $20.00     VF   $35.00     XF   $55.00

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1091. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Schjoth had such a specimen, but we doubt that it was authentic. At 2.75 grams is was light for coins of the period.

 


IMAGE NOT
YET AVAILABLE

S-1092. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-TING T’UNG-PAO” in orthdox script. Reverse: blank. Schjoth had such a specimen, which weighed 3.41 grams. We cannot confirm if the type actually exists or not, but if it does it has to be very rare and we cannot establish a value at this time.

 

Emperor CHANG TSUNG
AD 1190-1208

reign title: T’AI-HO, AD 1201-1208

 

S-1093-94. Bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “T’AI-HO CHUNG-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: blank. The two different Schjoth numbers are for narrow (1093) and wide (1094) rims, with the wide rim variation being the scarcer. We have seen narrow rim examples from 16.29 to 24.3 grams with the average of 3 specimens was 19.91 grams, 44.5 mm. The single wide rim example we saw was 27.75 grams, 47.6 mm.

Narrow -VF   $80.00     XF   $120.00
Wide – VF   $125.00     XF   $175.00

 

Schjoth records four specimens of this series, two with blank reverses averaged 16.35 grams, one with Ch’uan Huo on the reverse at 17.24 grams, and one that is most probably a later amulet, with the obverse repeated on the reverse at 32.92 grams. Because of the very high relief of this issue, they are never seen below a grade of VF, and are always very well made coins.

 

 

 

Read more info

   
 
Tartars (Khitan branch, ca AD 907-1125), Liao Dynasty, Emperor Tao Tsung, AD1055-1100, AE CashPrice US$ 95.00Sorry, this item has been sold.     Tartars (Khitan branch, ca AD 907-1125), Liao Dynasty, Emperor T’ien Cha, AD1101-1125, AE CashPrice US$ 95.00Sorry, this item has been sold.  
 
Tartars, Western Hsia Dynasty, AD982-1227, Emperor Jen Tsung, AD1140-1193, AE CashPrice US$ 15.00Sorry, this item has been sold.     Tartars, Western Hsia Dynasty, AD982-1227, Emperor Jen Tsung, AD1140-1193, AE CashPrice US$ 45.00  
 
Tartars, Western Hsia Dynasty, AD982-1227, Jen Tsung Emperor, AD1140-1193, CH’IEN-YU YUAN-PAO (AD1169-1193), Iron CashPrice US$ 65.00     Tartars (Tangut branch), Western Hsia Dynasty, AD982-1227, Emperor Shen Tsung, AD 1212-1222, AE CashPrice US$ 120.00  

 TTHE END @ COPYRIGHT 2012

IF YOU WANT THE COMPLETE E-BOOK WITH FULL ILLUSTRATION IN CD-ROM,PLEASE SUBSCRIBED AS PREMIUM MEMBER VIA COMMENT.

The Best Antique Art Work Collections

this is the samplew of e-book in CD-ROM,the complete one exist but only for Premium member,please subscribed via comment

    JAMES II (1685-1691) GUN MONEYIreland, 1689 & 1690Large Halfcrown Dated 1690, King on Horseback Obverse

Small Halfcrown Dated May 1690, XXX Reverse and Jacobus II Obverse

Shilling Dated 1689, with Date Above the Crown, 9 Below Reverse, and Jacobus II Obverse

Also a James II Threepence dated 1687

James II Gunmoney (1685-1691) LARGE Halfcrown Dated 1690,

KING ON HORSEBACK

 

The obverse king on rearing horse left, and ·MAG·BR·FRA·ET·HIB·EX· ; reverse with crown at center, surrounded 

by crowned cruciform shields, dated ‘ANNO/ DOM/ 16/ 90 in the angles and CHRISTO·VICTORE·TRIUMPHO;

wear to high places; detail of rider lost and reverse crown, and some text on obverse lost

SOLD 

JAMES II GUN MONEY

Ireland, 1689 & 1690

 

Halfcrown Dated 1690, King on Horseback Obverse

Halfcrown Dated May 1690, XXX Reverse and Jacobus II Obverse

Shilling Dated 1689, with Date Above the Crown, 9 Below Reverse, and Jacobus II Obverse

   

In 1689, James II, after only 2 years on the throne, was deposed by his son-in-law William of

Orange. James took refuge in Scotland, Ireland and on the Continent, landing in Ireland

in March of 1689, intent on using it as a base to recover the throne of England.

 

He quickly established mints at Dublin and Limerick, issuing token coinage struck, to be exchanged

for sterling silver upon his return to the English throne. The term “Gun Money” originates from the use

of canons in the production of the coins.  However, including bells, cooking pots, plows, pans and

scrap were also used.

   

Gun money struck between March 1689 and late 1691 bore not only the year but also the month

of manufacture. The month placed on the coins indicated how long the coin had been held and how 

much it could be redeemed for.

 

SOLD

   


CERAMICS

 RARE CHINESE EXPORT BLACK-GROUND “TRUMPETER” WASTE BOWLEarly Qianlong, c1740

The exterior painted on each side with 2 Moors on a grassy mound, dressed in Ottoman style – one

wearing a yellow robe and playing a circular horn facing away from the other in turquoise, playing a trumpet

suspending a yellow standard, within gilt spear-head and spaced lozenge bands, the spear-head band repeated

 at the footrim, reserved against a black ground, the interior with a gilt floral sprig. The more complex border

denotes that this version is likely from the “first order”*.

 

Cf. D. Howard and J. Ayers, op.cit., vol.1, no.299, p.305, for a bowl with this design, where the authors

suggest that the figures are wearing Ottoman costumes and that this was undoubtedly a specially commissioned

design, since the shapes of pieces are those of tea-services used in England and the Continent c.1740, and that

it illustrates music played ‘eastward of the Levant’. They discuss the possibility that the design may have been by

Cornelis Pronk. A number of pieces with slight variations of the rim design are known, some also with thicker enamel.

A coffee cup and two saucers in the Hodroff Collection, illustrated by D. S. Howard, op.cit., no.202, p.178 show

two rim variations. *Mr. Howard suggests that the cup and saucer with more elaborate rim decoration, which also

have thicker black enamel, may well represent a “first order”.  Due to the expense of producing this service,

economies in decoration were made on subsequent orders, as shown in a second saucer with only spearhead borders.

 

Museums and literature for the rare “Trumpeter” pattern include: Brussels Royal Museums of Art and History

Exhibition (teabowl & saucer), Chinese Export Porcelain, Hong Kong, 1989-1990, Catalogue, no. 55; Museum

Boymans van Beuningen, Rotterdam, (a plate) with illustration by F. & N. Hervouët et Y. Bruneau, op.cit., p.191,

no.8.20, and (similar plate) ibid. no. 8.21;  Ionides Collection (a teabowl and saucer) was included in the exhibition

Ancient Chinese Trade Ceramics from The British Museum, Taibei, 1994 Catalogue, no.79, pp.184 and 185); (

milk-jug and cover) illustrated by D. F. Lunsingh Scheurleer, op.cit., fig. 92; (

a teapot) Elvehjem Museum of Art, Wisconsin, illustration #74, p. 100

 

Condition : Excellent; good enamels and gilt; the rim slightly our of level; a reinforced firing flaw to the footrim

 

2 5/8″ x 4 5/8″

 

SOLD

Please Inquire

 

#6080

     

Side 1

Side 2

Verso Side

Side 4

Interior

Footrim

  

 

 

CHINESE EXPORT PORCELAIN FIGURE OF A MONKEY

Qianlong, c1750

 CHINESE EXPORT EUROPEAN MARKET PORCELAIN

MINIATURE TEAPOT & COVER

Yongzheng / Early Qianlong, c1730-40

 

 

 

 

 

      

 

 

 


 

 

SOLD

 

#6077

 

Please Inquire

 

 

 

 

 

We welcome and encourage all inquiries.  We will make every attempt to answer any questions you might have.

 

 For information, call (901) 761-1163 or (901) 827-4668 or email mfcreech@bellsouth.net 

 

American Express, Mastercard, Visa and Discover accepted

RARE CHINESE EXPORT BLACK-GROUND “TRUMPETER” WASTE BOWL

 


 FIRST PERIOD WORCESTER “BLIND EARL” BLUE & WHITE SWEETMEAT DISH
England, c1765-70
         

 BOW PORCELAIN BLUE & WHITE LOBED DISHEngland, c1765-70      Th      

 FIRST PERIOD (DR. WALL) LOBED TEAPOT & COVERPrunus Root Pattern, England, c1755-60   

 CHELSEA PORCELAIN LEAF DISHEngland, c1755-57    

 Below, we are pleased to offer a selection of Chinese export Kangxi miniature vases.    The exact purpose of these small vases is debated.  Some report them as being used for medicine.  These small porcelains are also often described as “doll house vases”, for display in wall cabinets.  They can also be referred to as “toy” porcelains.  Whatever the original concept, they hold a unique charm among early Chinese ceramics. 

   

Collecting


 PAIR OF KANGXI MINIATURE BLUE & WHITE VASESChina, 1662-1722         

     KANGXI MINIATURE BLUE & WHITE VASEChina, 1662-1722         Square urn       

 KANGXI MINIATURE BLUE & WHITE COVERED VASEChina, 1662-1722      

  
 CHINESE EXPORT PORCELAIN EUROPEAN MARKETMINIATURE TEAPOT & COVER Yongzheng / Early Qianlong, c1730-40  

 


 

 

 

CHINESE EXPORT PORCELAIN MINIATURE FIGURE OF A MONKEY

Qianlong, c1750

 

 

 


 FIRST PERIOD WORCESTER  WET MUSTARD POT & COVERWith Matching Spoon England, c 1765-1772    A somewhat rare dry mustard pot with original lid and matching spoon, the pot and lid in the French reeded form, inspired by

Sevres

     


 FIRST PERIOD WORCESTER BLUE & WHITE CABBAGE LEAF DISHEngland, c1770Leaf-shaped disheswere perhaps the earliest of the   

 PAIR OF CHINESE EXPORT MOLDED FAMILLE ROSE WALL POCKETSQianlong, c1750 

 Of upright molded cylindrical tapering form, flattened to the backside, the top

 


 SET OF 4 EARLY QIANLONG FAMILLE ROSE PLATESChina, c1745      

 PAIR OF BOW PORCELAIN BLUE & WHITE LEAF-MOLDED DISHESEngland, c1765-70   Each  

   WORCESTER BLUE & WHITE LEAF-SHAPED BUTTER BOAT “Butter Boat Mansfield”England c1760, x Painter’s Mark      

 Caughley Blue & White Leaf Butter Boat“Pleasure Boat” (Fisherman) England, c1780-90      

 


 CHINESE EXPORT FAMILLE ROSE BARBER’S BASINQianlong, c1765 

 

 


 FIRST PERIOD WORCESTER KANGXI LOTUS LOBED DESSERT DISHEngland, c1770-75   The oval fluted dish, painted in shades of bright blue with eight exterior panels of radiating leaves and flowers between lines, surrounding a central flowerhead, stylized lobed floral

 


 BOW PORCELAIN POWDER BLUE DINNER PLATEEngland, c1765        

 

 

ENGLISH CERAMIC STIRRUP CUPS

19th Century

 

 


EARLY ASIAN

  CHINESE JUN-TYPE (SHADOU) PORCELAIN VASEYuan Dynasty, 1279-1368 A.D  

 

  


 HAN DYNASTY POTTERY STANDING DOG China, 206 B.C. – 220 A.D.           

 SONG HENAN GLAZED YUHUCHUNPING VASEChina, 13TH Century       

 PAIR OF SOUTHERN SONG YINGQING BOWLS China, 960–1127 A.D.       

 YUAN / JIN DYNASTY OLIVE-GLAZED GLOBULAR JAR Ammonite Impressed DecorationChina, 1115-1368 A.D.      Of globular form

   


 JIN DYNASTY GLAZED STONEWARE JAR

Henan Province, China, 1115–1234 A.D.

  

The Henan-type glazed stoneware jar with tapered globular body and trumpet-form rim, the shoulders

 

  


FINE ART

 DAVID DAVIDOVICH CHERSON BURLIUK Russian / American 1882-1967    

 NORWOOD CREECHAmerican (Arkansas/Tennessee), Contemporary    

 

 

RICHARD HAYLEY LEVER


 


FURNITURE

 IRISH GEORGE II MAHOGANY TEA TABLE Ireland, c1750       

 GOOD WILLIAM & MARY WALNUT VENEERED CHESTEngland, c1695      

 GEORGE II YEWWOOD & FRUITWOOD CHILD’S HIGH CHAIREngland, c1730  

 

 


 

 


 GEORGE III DIMINUTIVE CHEST OF DRAWERSEngland, c1765-1770      

 
   GEORGE I WALNUT & PARCEL-GILT LOOKING GLASS

 

                            

 

 

GLASSWARE

 MASONIC INTEREST ENGRAVED ODDFELLOWS RUMMEREngland, Late 19th / Early 20th Century   Of   

SILVER

         

 

 


 PAIR OF GEORGE III ARMORIAL SILVER GOBLETSGeorge Smith and Thomas Hayter, London, 1792    Th:  

 SILVER SUCKET SPOON & FORKLate 17th Century, Probably English Provincial Unascribed  

 


 GEORGE III SILVER BOUGIE BOXPeter & Anne Bateman, London, 1791   

 

 


       SET OF 12 GEORGE II/III SILVER DINNER KNIVES    England, c1760, W.S in a rectangle      

 PAIR OF GEORGE III OLD SHEFFIELD PLATE CANDELABRAEngland, c1815, unmarked 

 

 


 SET OF 12 GEORGE II/III SILVER HANOVERIAN THREE-TINE DESSERT FORKSWalter Brind, London, 1784 (5); George Smith, London, 1781 (2); Thomas & William Chawner, London, 1766 (2); Thomas Chawner, London, 1775 (1); 

                                                           

 


 SET OF 12 GEORGE II/III SILVER HANOVERIAN “RATTAIL” DESSERT SPOONSWilliam Skeen, London, 1784 (4);  WC (probably William Cripps), London 1757 (5);                                                                                  

 

 

   


 RARE OLD SHEFFIELD PLATE DISH WEDGEEngland, Thomas Law & Co., circa 1790  

 

   


 

  

 

 

 

 

          


 RARE CHARLES II SILVER BRAZIER
Mark of “B”, London, 1677

 

       

 

 


  George III Silver Telescopic Perpetual Calendar PencilJoseph Wilmore, Birmingham, 1818

 

 

Of

 


 ENGLISH SILVER PENKNIFE 19th century, unmarked    

 LATE GEORGIAN SILVER TELESCOPIC & PERPETUAL CALENDAR PENCILEngland, Early 19th century, Unmarked    

 

  


 

 

 

  


      

  

   

   

 

 

 

 


 

 

  


 

 Your mouse will display a hand when the item is linked.

Should you have further questions, please email, call, or come to visit.

 

 

THE SOUTHERN SONG HISTORY COLLECTIONS

THE SOUTHERN SONG HISTORY COLLECTIONS

COPYRIGHT@2012

this the sample of e-book in CD-ROM

The Southern Song Dynasty

History collections

 

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Copyright@2012

Private Limited Edition In CD-ROM

 

Cizhou Bottle Vase , Southern Song

Cizhou Bottle Vase , Southern Song (1127 – 1279)

 

 

 

 

 

FORWARD

 

I hope this information in limited e-book will useable for the collectors or the writer as the basic info for their collections or for writing book and research book.

During my study I realized that the rare and very difficult cast coind were during the southern song dynasty and the khitan yurcen tartar including western Xia and Liao dynasty.

During southern song era for the first time issued the Iron cast coin and the years issued of the bronze and iron coins,the informations related with this tyhpe of cast coin very limited and many lack informations.

I have found some rare southern song dynasty coins in Indonesia like during Chien Yen yuan pao , and Cjhia Ting Yuan Pao, but I never found enough info related with this cast coin.also ther ceramic art work related with this coins.

I hope all the collectors and scientist sinology will be kind to help me with their own informations especially to comment and correctios ,also upload the sample of iron or cast coinst from souithern song and Khoitan tartas dynasty,

I hope with this study we can know why the Chinese empire moved to the south, and why they issued the iron cast coin and issued the year of the cast coins issued. Also what another ceramic and art work exist during that era.

This is the whole world study as the movement to save the world heritage from china empire which many relation with South east asia country,s kingdom especial;lly from Thailand,Vietnam and Indonesia like srivijaya kingdom,and old Java Kingdom.

For all that info ,thanks very much.

.

Jakarta 2012

The Author

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA.

 

The Southern Song portion of the Song dynasty, lasting for 153 years (from 1127 to 1279), was a crucial period in the history of China’s cultural development. The Southern Song court not only promoted itself as inheriting the line of orthodox rule by reinvigorating traditional rules of rites and music, it also helped breathe life into literary trends of the Jiangnan area in the south, attaching great importance to education in Confucian studies, converging Buddhist and Daoist thought, and firmly establishing Zhu Xi as representing the Confucian orthodoxy in the study of the Classics. Furthermore, the court successfully encouraged various forms of economic development, to such an extent that agriculture expanded, commerce thrived, handicrafts blossomed, and foreign trade flourished at this time. Economic prosperity helped drive the winds of change in art and culture as well. All forms of literary expression reveal in one way or another fulfillment of the Way as well as the scholarly pursuit of ease and naturalness. Cultivated scholars were fond of connoisseurship and collecting objects of culture and refinement, paying particular attention to expressions of taste in life. In terms of painting and calligraphy as well as arts and crafts, guidance from the imperial family, new geographic and climatic conditions of the area, and changes in humanistic trends all helped to yield unique and highly artistic qualities in both content and form that had a profound influence on developments in later art.

Today, objects surviving from the Southern Song are not only artworks of immense aesthetic value, they also serve as ideal evidence to explain cultural modes of the period. To present a complete overview of Southern Song art and culture, the displays in this exhibition feature a large number of precious artifacts of the period from the National Palace Museum collection. Painting and calligraphy, for example, include examples of imperial calligraphy, the works of court artists, scholar-official painting and calligraphy, and calligraphy by famous sages, important officials, and Buddhist and Daoist figures. The antiquities feature Guan (Official) porcelains, Duan inkstones, jade carvings, and bronze mirrors. And along with numerous Song editions of rare books, this exhibit consists of more than 300 works in all. In addition, the National Palace Museum has arranged for loans of Southern Song artifacts from more than ten other institutions and individuals, including the Tokyo National Museum and Kyoto National Museum in Japan as well as the Shanghai Museum, Liaoning Provincial Museum, Zhejiang Provincial Museum, and Fujian Museum in China, providing a full presentation of the innovations and achievements in Southern Song art and culture

The exhibit is scheduled to run from October 8 to December 26, 2010. The numerous works of painting and calligraphy, antiquities, and rare books are being displayed in ten galleries on the first and second floors of the Museum’s main exhibit building. The four sections of the exhibit (“Cultural Invigoration,” “Artistic Innovation,” “Life Aesthetics,” and “Transmission and Fusion”) help explain how the Southern Song promoted, respectively, the notion of continuing the orthodox line of rule, innovative artistic tastes, aesthetic ideas in the Jiangnan area, and various directions in regional exchange and transmission in cultural circles through painting and calligraphy, arts and crafts, and books and publishing. In doing so, the rich and unique forms and content of Southern Song art and culture are revealed for all to study and appreciate.

 

Southern Song Dynasty c

Painting and Calligraphy Section

In the Southern Song period, communication in art and culture with foreign lands occurred not only through exchange among people and goods with the Jin dynasty to the north, but also in the development of trade with areas to the southeast and southwest. Of particular importance was the expansion of foreign trade via sea routes. With the rise of large harbors dealing in foreign trade at Guangzhou, Quanzhou, Lin’an, and Mingzhou (Ningbo, Zhejiang), the area of trade expanded to the South China Sea and west to as far as Persia, the Mediterranean Sea, and East Africa. The development of Chan (Zen) Buddhist painting and calligraphy was also an important link for the spread of Song culture. Works of calligraphy by such Chan masters as Dahui Zonggao, Wuzhun Shifan, Jingsou Jujian, Xutang Zhiyu, and Defu on loan from the Tokyo National Museum, along with “Lohan” paintings attributed to Su Hanchen and a portrayal of “Budai” to Muqi from the Kyoto National Museum, further testify to relations with Japan that took place at this time.

Immortal in Splashed Ink (New window)

Immortal in Splashed Ink

Liang Kai (fl. early 13th c.), Song dynasty
Album leaf, ink on paper, 48.7 x 27.7 cm

Liang Kai was a native of Dongping in Shandong who settled in Qiantang (modern Hangzhou, Zhejiang). In the Jiatai era (1201-1204) he served as Painter-in-Attendance. He refused the prestigious Golden Belt, however, leaving it hanging at the imperial court.

In this painting, the second leaf from the album “Assorted Gems of Famous Paintings,” is a squinting immortal chuckling as he walks along. With his chest and abdomen exposed, he seems to be shuffling forward. Except for the fine outlines of his head and facial features, nearly all of the clothing was done with wet applications of monochrome ink. The brush was freely handled to bring out everything in the thoroughly drunken appearance of this immortal. This type of unrestrained painting by Liang Kai, with its abbreviated brushwork rich in Chan overtones, was highly favored by Japanese monks and laymen, later having a great influence on Zen painting in Japan.

 
 

Antiquities Section

The Southern Song was a time of commerce, with paper money in wide circulation as well as gold, silver leaves or ingots being common currencies, whereas its copper coins went beyond the borders and became the key medium of exchange in many surrounding nations. Through the frontier trading posts, the jewelry and porcelain of the Jin State arrived in the Jiangnan and vast quantities of tea, silk, and herbs of the Southern Song shipped north. Jin and Song as a result shared kindred spirit artistically and literarily. Sea routes also took Chinese merchandise far and wide to many other Asian countries; foreign merchants reaching the shores of China in return brought enriching cultural messages. At the same time, the Taiwan Island and its nearby islets saw the coming and going of the Southern Song traders; their footprints are still here today for us to reminisce about a splendid past.

Kendi with green glaze, Cizau ware, Southern Song (New window)

Kendi with green glaze, Cizao ware of Quanzhou

Southern Song to Yuan dynasties, 13th-14th C.
Donated by Dr. Ip Yee
Collection of National Palace Museum

“Kundika” is a Sanskrit word that means a cleansing water bottle, which is used for carrying water and for washing one’s hands. This kundika is long and straight at the neck, the center section angled; the tube-shaped spout is also long and thin, the surface decorated with simple horizontal lines. The lead green glaze was fired in low temperature. This is a product of the Cizau ware of Fujian.

The Cizau ware was located in the vicinity of Jinjiang in southern Fujian, near Quanzhou, and had been making ceramics and porcelain since the 5thcentury. During the Song and Yuan Dynasties Quanzhou had established a “Bureau of Foreign Trade” to manage the foreign trade market, and by virtue of its diversity of products and convenience of location, Cizau ware had successfully exported many of its ceramic and porcelain products to the South Pacific region. Income from foreign trade was an important resource for the national treasury during the Southern Song Period, and fabric, coins, lacquer ware and porcelain were all major export items. Large and small kilns could be found in Fujian and Guangdong along the southeastern coast, and besides supplying the daily needs of the domestic market, they also produced many items to meet the special needs of foreign markets. This green glaze kundika was one such product created for the overseas market, and is testimony to the lively trading activities between China and Southeast Asia at the time.

 
 

Books Section

During the Southern Song period rule by the literati and literary pursuits were highly emphasized. Reading and other aspects of culture were the height of fashion from the government to the private sector, from governmental officials to every people. While this trend demonstrates on the one hand the diversity of printed books and reading options, on the other hand it is inspired by the revolution of the paper-making and printing industry. These changes gave rise to a new age of printing culture during the Southern Song Period.

Transmission and fusion of culture are heavily reliant upon the printing, selling and distribution of books. Both the Southern Song government and printers from the private sector made use of their respective advantages in printing books. Governmental publications were widely circulated and finely printed, while private publishers made use of advertising and marketing in making known their publication rights. Both government and private sector printed books ultimately became parts of private collections, while others were transmitted to other countries as testament to the richness of cultural fusion.

This exhibition of books from the Southern Song enables one to better understand the various aspects of cultural transmission and fusion. We also have this opportunity to appreciate this glorious period in international transmission of books that is the Southern Song.

The Literary Collection of Zhu Xi (New window)

The Literary Collection of Zhu Xi

Written by Zhu Xi of Song dynasty
Zhejiang imprint of Southern Song dynasty between 1195 and 1224, with revision of Yuan dynasty

The renowned Southern Song Confucian master, Zhu Xi (1130~1200), style names Yuanhui, Zhonghui, with sobriquets Huiweng, Tun- weng and Sick Man of Cangzhou later in his life, was born in Nanping, Fujian, and his ancestors came from Wuyuan, Jiangxi. During his lifetime he studied a great variety of fields; in addition to Confucianism, he had also written extensively on philosophy, ethics, history, political science, philology and philological theory. His youngest son, Zhu Zai, compiled his treatises and edited them to become the The Literary Collection of Zhu Xi.

The Literary Collection of Zhu Xicomprises of 100 volumes and was compiled during the late of Ningzong Emperor and the early of Lizong Emperor. During Southern Song the printing industry was highly developed; in the beginning the imperial printers and private printers had generally focused on duplicate prints or reprints of Northern Song editions. At first the printers had primarily published books on Confucianism and references for imperial examinations; later as poetry and literature became more popular, the poetry and prose of famous Tang and Song literati also became popular for publication, leading to creation of a new print font that had a sculpturistic style, was concise in form and visually balanced, and that was unique in the history of printing development in China. The print font adopted by the Zhejiang edition was highly regular in character stroke order and strict in structure, resembling the writing style of Ouyang Xun of Tang Dynasty. The version exhibited here is the Zhejiang official edition; two copies are in the National Palace Museum collection, but both are incomplete. This edition is not the first edition, but a later edition repaired during Yuan Dynasty. Originally the book comprised of 100 volumes but now only 54 remained. The book was compiled soon after Zhu Xi passed away, and in terms of structure this edition has preserved the format of the first edition, which serves as excellent reference for determining the authenticity of contents of later editions through the ages. The plate form, binding and carving of this edition are also references for identification the edition of Song Dynasty.

 
 
Critical Compilation of All Books by Mr. Shantang (New window)

Critical Compilation of All Books by Mr. Shantang

Written by Zhang Ruyu of Song dynasty
Pocket-sized edition of Southern Song Dynasty (1127-1279)

The Critical Compilation of All Books by Mr. Shantang compiled by Zhang Ruyu of Song Dynasty, also referred to as the “Critical Compilation by Mr. Shantang” or “Critical Compilation of All Books“, was an important reference material for imperial examinations during the Southern Song Dynasty.

Zhang Ruyu, style name Junqing, was a native of Jinhua, Wuzhou (now Jinhua, Zhejiang).  Having angered the powerful Han Tuozhou, he resigned from his position and returned to teach in the mountains. He was respected far and wide as a teacher, and was referred to as “Mr. Shantang”. His compilation of “Shantang Examination Reference” originally comprised of 100 volumes in 10 catalogues, which was continuously added during the Yuan and Ming Dynasties, and it finally became 212 volumes in 46 catalogues. The entire treatise compiles the current political affairs and system of ceremony from earlier dynasties, citing innumerous classics and historical records, and can be said to be a most comprehensive reference. The National Palace Museum holds only 10 volumes of one anthology, “Governmental Appointment System”, covering the subjects of positions and offices, examinations, remuneration, official farms, employ, honors and awards.

These volumes are bound in the so-called “Pocket-sized Edition (kerchief box)” format, which is one of the special characteristics of these volumes. “Kerchief box” refers to the small box used to carry head-kerchiefs in ancient times. The publishers had deliberately published books in small sizes so that the scholars could conveniently carry them in their kerchief boxes, and these were then referred to as “Pocked-sized Edition”. The book exhibited here not only to demonstrate how the popularity of imperial examinations had affected published contents of books at the time; more importantly, the ease of carriage of kerchief box editions evidences the convenience and diversity of dissemination of books during the Southern Song Dynasty.

 
Study Notes of Zhao Gongwu (New window)

Study Notes of Zhao Gongwu

Written by Zhao Gongwu and continued by Zhao Xibian of Song dynasty
Li Anchao imprint in Yuanzhou of Southern Song dynasty in 1249, with later additions and revisions

Zhao Gongwu (circa 1105~1180), style name “Zizhi”, was native of Juye, Shandung. His family resided Shaode area of Bianjing, and he was therefore referred to as “Mr. Shaode”. His work Study Notes of Zhao Gongwu is the earliest index of a private book collection with title explanations surviving in China today. Many of the items in his collection were books not mentioned of “Song History”, and not only supplements the omissions in Song History: Art and Literature Record but also serves as a reference for various Classics and treatises written before and during Song Dynasty. In ancient times categories adopted for library indexes were created based on the kinds of books actually in the collection; the book collector would refer to the prevailing academic customs and earlier methods of indexing, in creating an indexing system that best expresses the particular characteristics of his book collection and that is most convenient to use. Study Notes of Zhao Gongwunot only shows cultural characteristics unique to those times, but also expressly or implicitly convey the personal academic views of the book collector; this is the special quality of private book collections in Song Dynasty.

 
Erya: a Dictionary (New window)

Erya: a Dictionary

Annotated by Guo Pu of Jin dynasty
Directorate of Education imprint of Southern Song Dynasty (1127-1279)

Erya: a Dictionary is the earliest dictionary in Chinese history. “Er” means “close”, while “ya” means “correct / right” This is a tool book that uses the official language to interpret the meaning of ancient words, provincial dialects and rarely used words. The author is unknown, and the book was first written some time after Western Han Period. As spoken and written language had changed rapidly from the Cunchiu, Warring Kingdoms to the Western Han periods, later generations were soon unable to understand books from earlier periods; therefore Erya: a Dictionary, a tool book specializing in interpretation of ancient words, was born. Annotations of Erya: a Dictionary by Guo Pu (275~324) of Western Jin Period was highly popular amongst the literati, and these made “The Annotations to Erya: a Dictionary become the most widely disseminated today.

During the Northern and Southern Song Dynasties, imperial examinations became an important means for the government to recruit officials. At the time the Directorate of Education had adopted a duplicate print of Erya: a Dictionary from the Five Dynasties era as the official edition, but this edition contained annotations without explanations. During the middle of the Jinkang era the Directorate of Education edition was robbed by the invading Jin, so that not many of these remained; after the imperial family crossed to the south, the Directorate of Education first commissioned the counties in the vicinity of Linan City to remake plates for Erya: a Dictionary, and then ordered these counties to submit the plates to the Directorate of Education for preservation. Therefore, although this set of Erya: a Dictionary in the National Palace Museum collection is attributed to the Directorate of Education, in actual fact it had been made by some county in the vicinity of Linan. This set of Erya: a Dictionary has a broad columns, upright and powerful character style, and the characters are as large as coins. The majority of later scholars consider it to retain the book carving style of the Northern Song Dynasty, and it is now the world’s sole surviving sample from that edition.

Cleveland Museum of Art Acquires Rare 13th Century Chinese Carved Lacquer Box

cleve_1

Round box with decoration of two birds and peonies, China, late Southern Song to early Yuan dynasty, late 13th century. Carved lacquer;d: 40 cm x h: 20 cm.

CLEVELAND, OH.- A late 13th-century Chinese carved lacquer box, one of the most significant and exquisite examples of its type, has been approved by the Collections Committee of the Cleveland Museum of Art’s Board of Trustees. The Chinese lacquer box further enhances the museum’s renowned Asian art collection, as the museum moves toward the completion of its transformational building expansion and Asian collection reinstallation which will be completed in 2013. Adding such a rare object to the collection will allow scholars to develop new interpretations of the artistic achievements of Chinese culture.

The Round Box with Decoration of Two Birds and Peonies is of great art-historical significance since it offers new insights into the development of early Chinese carved lacquer. This lacquer box is unique in combining both naturalistic and abstract approaches to the decoration of carved lacquer, incorporating a geometric pattern of spiral scrolls with a decoration of two birds in flight against a floral ground as its primary design. The design combination adds to its rarity, since these two decorative schemes are usually applied independently.

Stylistically, this box represents the transition of Chinese carved lacquer from the late Southern Song to the early Yuan period. The box incorporates the Southern Song period-style in the carving of the spiral scrolls—notably, the deep cutting with a V-shaped profile through the alternate layers of lacquer in black, red and brownish yellow—and also demonstrates further advancement in the treatment of the flower-and-bird design, anticipating the later development of a full Yuan style in carved lacquer. Each surface area is cut deeply in a manner that is consistent with the Southern Song carving style, yet there are new stylistic tendencies towards a dense composition and overlapping of three-dimensional forms—characteristics that were continuously adopted in the typical Yuan and Ming carved lacquer developed later.

Lacquer ware was always a valuable product in Chinese material culture and was intended for wealthy connoisseurs. Carved objects were often used as precious gifts or luxury goods in diplomatic, religious and economics exchanges with other countries, such as Japan where this box was discovered. Adding such a rare object to the collection will allow scholars to develop new interpretations of the artistic achievements of Chinese culture.

cleve_2

Round box with decoration of two birds and peonies, China, late Southern Song to early Yuan dynasty, late 13th century. Carved lacquer;d: 40 cm x h: 20 cm

Celadon Bowl with Lotus-Petal Decor
Porcelain, Lung-ch’uan Ware
Southern Sung, 12th-13th century
Height: 8.6 cm, mouth diameter: 13.3 cm, base diameter: 7.4 cm

Celadon Bowl with Lotus-Petal Decor   Celadon Bowl with Lotus-Petal Decor


    With a straight mouth and deep body, the wall of this ring-based bowl is delicately carved in a continuous pattern of long carved lotus petals. Each petal was rendered with a knife with the center raised so that the glaze thinned and the color lightened there. Petals are placed in between in the background while another circle of shorter petals is near the base. Covered with a light pastel green glaze, it gives the appearance of a lotus bud having just blossomed. Perhaps this is what the Sung potter was trying to achieve. The glaze imparts a semi-translucent warmth that makes it look almost like jade. Light and dark are suggested by the ridges of the petals, where the greyish-white body comes close to the surface of the glaze.
    Lung-ch’uan ware was fired in kilns near Lung-ch’uan County in southern Chekiang province. It matured in the Southern Sung and spread far and wide, becoming one of the most popular ceramic types from the Sung to the Ming dynasties. It was even appreciated overseas and was a major export item. This ceramic ware was treasured from Japan to Southeast Asia, and even made its way to Europe, where prized examples were known as celadons in praise of their beautiful pastel-green glaze.    Lung-ch’uan ware, often presented to the court as tribute, was fired with a range of pastel green or blue-green glazes. This work has a copper band along the mouth and the straight walls suggest that it probably once had a lid.

cast coin

A.d. 1127-1279

Emperor Kao Zong. 1127-1162.

s674v.jpg (19695 bytes)
Schjöth 674v. Jian Yan Zhong Bao.


Schjöth 684. Shao Xing Yuan Bao.


Schjöth 688. Shao Xing Yuan Bao.

S689_sydligsong_kaozong_shaoxingyuanbao.jpg (10194 bytes)
Schjöth 689. Shao Xing Yuan Bao.


Schjöth 690. Shao Xing Yuan Bao.

Emperor Xiao Zong. 1163-1189.
Emperor Xiao Zong began to mark the year of issue on the reverse of the coins. The numeral indicates which year of the reign title the coin was issued. Yuan the first, er the second and so on.
This practice was followed on most coins during the rest of the dynasty (D. Ren p. 75, 83).


Ding 1174. Long Xing Yuan Bao. 


Schjöth 712v Ding 1189. Qian Dao Yuan Bao. Iron. Reverse tong. Tongan mint.

s732vforside.jpg (17164 bytes) s732vbagside.jpg (15683 bytes)
Schjöth 732v. Chun Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse “ba”.


Schjöth 733. Chun Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse 9.


Schjöth 734. Chun Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse 10.


Schjöth 735. Chun Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse 11.


Schjöth 738. Chun Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse 14.


Schjöth 740. Chun Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse 16.


Schjöth 741. Chun Xi Yuan Bao.

Emperor Guang Zong. 1190-1194.


Schjöth 768. Shao Xi Yuan Bao. Reverse 3.


Shao Xi Tong Bao. One qian. Reverse chun  and san. Iron. Qichun mint.


Ding 1241 Schjöth 782. Shao Xi Tong Bao. Two qian.
Reverse chun  and san. Qichun mint. Iron.

Emperor Ning Zong. 1195-1224.


Ding 1252. Iron. Qing Yuan Tong Bao. Reverse Chun and yuan. Qichun mint, yuan indicating 
the first year of this reign title: 1195.


Ding 1253. Iron. Qing Yuan Tong Bao. Reverse Chun and er. Qichun mint, er indicating 
the second year of this reign title: 1196.


Schjöth 805. Ding 1255. Iron. Qing Yuan Tong Bao. Reverse Chun and san. Qichun mint,  
san
indicating the third year of this reign title: 1197.


Ding 1262v. Iron. Qing Yuan Tong Bao. Reverse tong and wu. Tongan mint wu indicating 
the fifth year of this reign title: 1199.


Schjöth 817v Ding 1279. Qing Yuan Tong Bao. Iron. Value 3. 
Han and yuan on reverse. Hanyang mint. Yuan is indicating the first year of this reign title: 1195.


Schjöth 835. Jia Tai Tong Bao.


Schjöth 871 Ding 1342. Kai Xi Tong Bao. Iron. Reverse han and san (3). Hanyang mint.

s895vforside.jpg (19667 bytes) s895vbagside.jpg (17040 bytes)
Schjöth 895v. Jia Ding Tong Bao.


Ding 1450. Sheng Song Zhong Bao. Iron. Reverse upper li yi below wu .

Emperor Li Zong. 1225-1264.


Ding 1451. Bao Qing Yuan Bao. Reverse crescent. Iron. Hanyang mint.

s961vd1457_sydligsong_dasongyuanbao_forside.jpg (6912 bytes)  s961vd1457_sydligsong_dasongyuanbao_bagside.jpg (6974 bytes)
Schjöth 961v (smaller) Ding 1457. Da Song Yuan Bao. Reverse 2.


Ding 1482. Shao Ding Tong Bao. Iron. Reverse Chun for Qichun mint and yuan for first year.


Schjöth 983. Duan Ping Tong Bao.


Ding 1503v. Duan Ping Tong Bao. Reverse wu hui and xia dong . Iron.


Ding 1506. Ding Jia Xi Tong Bao. Reverse er (two).


Ding 1541. Chun You Yuan Bao. Value two. Reverse shiyi (thirteen).

s1026forside.jpg (10890 bytes) s1026bagside.jpg (11132 bytes)
Schjöth 1026.  Huang Song Yuan Bao. Reverse 3.


Schjöth 1027.  Huang Song Yuan Bao. Reverse 4.


Ding 1572. Kai Qing Tong Bao. Reverse Yuan (first year).

  s1042vbagside.jpg (10226 bytes)
Schjöth 1042v. Jing Ding Yuan Bao. Reverse “Yuan” first year.

Emperor Du Zong. 1265-1274.

.
Schjöth 1049 Ding 1583. Xian Chun Yuan Bao. 
The reverse is unreadable

Emperor Gong Di. 1275. (Issued no coins)

Emperor Duan Zong. 1276-1277. (Issued no coins)

Emperor Di Bing. 1278-1279. (Issued no coins)

 

INTRODUCTIONS

 

Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279)

 

 

 

Poet Strolling by a Marshy Bank, Southern Song dynasty, Liang Kai (Chinese), Fan mounted as an album leaf; ink on silk (1989.363.14)

 

 

 

 

 

Tea bowl, Song dynasty, 960–1279; Jian ware
Fujian Province, China
Stoneware with hare’s-fur glaze

 

Diam. 5 in. (12.7 cm)
Edward C. Moore Collection, Bequest of Edward C. Moore, 1891 (91.1.226)

 

 

 

 

 

Silver service, Song dynasty (960–1279), 11th–13th century
China
Silver with gilding

 

Diam. from 4 3/8 in. (11.1 cm) to 7 1/2 in. (19 cm)
Purchase, The Vincent Astor Foundation Gift, 1997 (1997.33.1-6)

 

 

 

 

 

Poem of Farewell to Liu Man, Song dynasty (960–1279), 12th century
Yelü Chucai (Chinese, 1190–1244)
Handscroll; ink on paper

 

21 columns in regular script; 14 3/ 8 x 108 1/8 in. (36.5 x 274.6 cm)
Bequest of John M. Crawford Jr., 1988 (1989.363.17)

 

 

 

 

 

Quatrain on Spring’s Radiance, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279)
Yang Meizi (Chinese, 1162–1232; empress to Ningzong, from 1202–24)
Fan mounted as an album leaf; ink on silk; 5 columns in regular script

 

9 1/8 x 9 5/8 in. (23.2 x 24.4 cm)
Bequest of John M. Crawford Jr., 1988 (1989.363.12)

 

 

 

 

 

Mountain Market in Clearing Mist, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279)
Xia Gui (Chinese, active ca. 1195–1230)
Album leaf; ink on silk

 

9 3/4 x 8 3/8 in. (24.8 x 21.3 cm)
Signed: “Xia Gui”
John Stewart Kennedy Fund, 1913 (13.100.102)

 

 

 

 

 

Orchids, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279)
Ma Lin (Chinese, active ca. 1180–after 1256)
Album leaf; ink and color on silk

 

10 7/16 x 8 7/8 in. (26.5 x 22.5 cm)
Signed: “Ma Lin”
Ex coll.: C.C. Wang Family, Gift of The Dillon Fund, 1973 (1973.120.10)

 

 

 

 

 

Narcissus, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279)
Zhao Mengjian (Chinese, 1199–before 1267)
Handscroll; ink on paper

 

13 1/16 x 146 9/16 in. (33.2 x 372.2 cm)
Ex coll.: C.C. Wang Family, Gift of The Dillon Fund, 1973 (1973.120.4)

 

 

 

 

 

Dish, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279), 12th–13th century; Guan ware
From the Hangzhou kilns, Zhejiang Province, China
Porcelaneous stoneware with crackled blue glaze

 

Diam. 8 11/16 in. (22.1 cm)
Fletcher Fund, 1924 (24.172.1)

 

 

 

 

 

Vase, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279), 12th–13th century; Longquan ware
China, Possibly from the Dayao kilns, Zhejiang Province
Porcelaneous stoneware with relief decoration under celadon glaze

 

H. 6 3/4 in. (17.1 cm)
Bequest of Mary Stillman Harkness, 1950 (50.145.301)

 

 

 

 

 

Scholar by a Waterfall, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279), late 12th–early 13th century
Ma Yuan (Chinese, active ca. 1190–1225)
Album leaf: ink and color on silk

 

9 7/8 x 10 1/4 in. (25.1 x 26 cm)
Signed: “Servitor, Ma Yuan”
Ex coll.: C.C. Wang Family, Gift of The Dillon Fund, 1973 (1973.120.9)

 

 

 

 

 

Viewing Plum Blossoms by Moonlight, Southern Song dynasty (1271–1368)
Ma Yuan (Chinese, active ca. 1190–1225)
Fan mounted as an album leaf; ink and color on silk

 

Image: 9 7/8 x 10 1/2 in. (25.1 x 26.7 cm), with mat: 15 1/2 x 15 1/2 in. (39.4 x 39.4 cm)
Signed: “Ma Yuan”
Gift of John M. Crawford Jr., in honor of Alfreda Murck, 1986 (1986.493.2)

 

 

 

 

 

Poet Strolling by a Marshy Bank, Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279)
Liang Kai (Chinese, active first half of 13th century)
Fan mounted as an album leaf; ink on silk

 

9 x 9 9/16 in. (22.9 x 24.3 cm)
Signed: “Liang Kai”
Bequest of John M. Crawford Jr., 1988 (1989.363.14)

 

 

 

 

 

In 1125,

 

when the Jurchen, a seminomadic people from northeast Asia, invaded Song China and captured the capital at Bianliang (modern Kaifeng), founding their own Jin dynasty in the north, the Song court reestablished itself in the south in Hangzhou, where it continued to rule for another 150 years as the Southern Song dynasty.

 

 

 

The decorative arts reached the height of elegance and technical perfection during the Southern Song.

 

 

 

 

 

List of Rulers

Southern Song Dynasty (1127 – 1279 AD)

 

Kao Tsung [Gaozong] (1127 – 1162 AD)


Emperor Kao Tsung (1127 – 1162 AD)
AE 2 Cash (1127 – 1130 AD)
Schjoth 674
29 mm.
5.67 gm.
Reign title: Chien yen
Obverse: ‘Chien Yen T’ung Pao’
Reverse:

Hsiao Tsung [Xiaozong] (1163 – 1190 AD)


Emperor Hsiao Tsung (1163 – 1190 AD)
AE 2 Cash (1186 AD)
Schjoth 737
29 mm.
6.67 gm.
Reign title: Shun hsi
Obverse: ‘Shun Hsi Yuan Pao’
Reverse: Year 13


Emperor Hsiao Tsung (1163 – 1190 AD)
FE 3 Cash (1187 AD)
Schjoth 751
27 mm.
6.72 gm.
Magnetic.
Reign title: Shun hsi
Obverse: ‘Shun Hsi Yuan Pao’
Reverse: Year 14


Emperor Hsiao Tsung (1163 – 1190 AD)
AE 2 Cash (1189 AD)
Schjoth 740
30 mm.
5.77 gm.
Reign title: Shun hsi
Obverse: ‘Shun Hsi Yuan Pao’
Reverse: Year 16

Kuang Tsung [Guanzong] (1190 – 1194 AD)


Emperor Kuang Tsung (1190 – 1194 AD)
AE Cash (1191 AD)
Schjoth 759
24 mm.
3.01 gm.
Reign title: Shao hsi
Obverse: ‘Shao Hsi Yuan Pao’
Reverse:


Emperor Kuang Tsung (1190 – 1194 AD)
FE 3 Cash (1192 AD)
Schjoth 778
29 mm.
7.36 gm.
Magnetic.
Reign title: Shao hsi
Obverse: ‘Shao Hsi Yuan Pao’
Reverse:

Ning Tsung [Ningzong] (1195 – 1224 AD)


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
FE 3 Cash (1197 AD)
Schjoth – (810v.)
29 mm.
5.32 gm.
Magnetic.
Reign title: Ch’ing yuan
Obverse: ‘Ch’ing Yuan T’ung Pao’
Reverse: Year 3. ‘T’ung’ [T’ung-an mint in Fukien]


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
FE 3 Cash (1197 AD)
Schjoth 814
28 mm.
5.90 gm.
Magnetic.
Reign title: Ch’ing yuan
Obverse: ‘Ch’ing Yuan T’ung Pao’
Reverse: Year 3. ‘Ch’un’ [Chi-ch’un mint]


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
FE 3 Cash (1198 AD)
Schjoth 815
29 mm.
5.39 gm.
Magnetic.
Reign title: Ch’ing yuan
Obverse: ‘Ch’ing Yuan T’ung Pao’
Reverse: Year 4. ‘Ch’un’ [Chi-ch’un mint]


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
AE Cash (1204 AD)
Schjoth 838
25 mm.
2.87 gm.
Reign title: Chia t’ai
Obverse: ‘Chia T’ai T’ung Pao’
Reverse:


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
AE 2 Cash (1203 AD)
Schjoth 841
30 mm.
7.41 gm.
Reign title: Chia t’ai
Obverse: ‘Chia T’ai T’ung Pao’
Reverse:


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
FE 2 Cash (1210 AD)
Schjoth 923
27 mm.
6.79 gm.
Die position=12h
Reign title: Chia ting
Obverse: ‘Chia ting t’ung pao’
Reverse: ‘Han;’ year 3.


Emperor Ning Tsung (1195 – 1224 AD)
FE 2 Cash (1220 AD)
Schjoth 931
28 mm.
6.44 gm.
Die position=12h
Reign title: Chia ting
Obverse: ‘Chia ting t’ung pao’
Reverse: ‘Han;’ year 13.

Li Tsung [Lizong] (1225 – 1264 AD)


Emperor Li Tsung (1225 – 1264 AD)
AE Cash (1228 AD)
Schjoth 967
24 mm.
3.00 gm.
Reign title: Shao ting
Obverse: ‘Shao Ting T’ung Pao’
Reverse:


Emperor Li Tsung (1225 – 1264 AD)
FE Cash (1246 AD)
Schjoth – (1006v.)
23 mm.
2.69 gm.
Magnetic.
Reign title: Shun yu
Obverse: ‘Shun Yu Yuan Pao’
Reverse: Year 6; star (?).

 

Southern Song Dynasty of China

 

Artist

 

Huizong, Emperor (Chinese, 1082–1135, r. 1101–25)

 

Liang Kai (Chinese, active first half of 13th century)

 

Ma Lin (Chinese, active ca. 1180–after 1256)

 

Ma Yuan (Chinese, active ca. 1190–1225)

 

Xia Gui (Chinese, active ca. 1195–1230)

 

Yang Meizi (Chinese, 1162–1232; empress to Ningzong, r. 1202–24)

 

Yelu Chucai (Chinese, 1190–1244)

 

Zhao Mengjian (Chinese, 1199–before 1267)

 

Southern Song society was characterized by the pursuit of a highly aestheticized way of life, and paintings of the period often focus on evanescent pleasures and the transience of beauty. Images evoke poetic ideas that appeal to the senses or capture the fleeting qualities of a moment in time. One particularly important source of inspiration for Southern Song artists was the natural beauty of Hangzhou and its environs, especially West Lake, a famed scenic spot ringed with lush mountains and dotted with palaces, private gardens, and Buddhist temples.

The Southern Song Imperial Painting Academy continued the stylistic direction and high technical standards established by Emperor Huizong in the early twelfth century. Often executed in the intimate oval fan or album-leaf format, academic paintings—and the imperially inscribed poems that sometimes accompany them—reveal an increasingly narrow, concentrated vision and a commitment to the exact rendering of an object. The cultivation of a tranquil and detached mind free of material entanglements was a common concern of Song Neo-Confucian philosopher Zhu Xi (1130–1200): the “investigation of things [leading to] the extension of knowledge.”

The decorative arts also reached the height of elegance and technical perfection during the Southern Song. Like painting, the plastic arts responded to two different aesthetics—that of the imperial court and that of popular culture. Supreme among the decorative arts of the Song period are ceramics, which many connoisseurs consider the highest artistic achievement of the Chinese potter.

 

 

 

Fall of the Northern Sung

August 15, 2011 0 Comments

Yue Fei (1103 – 1142 A.D.)was a Chinese patriot and nationalist military leader who fought for the Southern Sung Dynasty against the Jurchen (a northern tribe which established the Jin Dynasty). He is one of the best-known generals in Chinese history, and widely credited for the creation of the martial art known as Xingyiquan. Days after his birth, flooding of the Yellow River destroyed Yue Fei’s village. His father drowned in the floods, but not before he had ensured the survival of his wife and son by floating them downstream in a very large clay jar. Yue Fei and his mother settled in Hebei province. Becoming proficient in warfare at an early age, Yue Fei as a young man narrowly escaped execution after killing the Prince of Liang in a martial arts tournament. He did not join the fight against the Jurchen invaders until he was 23.

 

Contrary to the teleological narrative of traditional history, neither the profligacy of Hui-tsung’s court nor the policies of the Ts’ai Ching ministry were responsible for the fall of the Northern Sung. What doomed the dynasty was a concatenation of diplomatic and military crises, into which the emperor and his ministers blundered, and from which they proved incapable of extricating themselves. While the Sung armed forces were not outnumbered by their adversaries, they were ineptly commanded from the center, by an imperial court overconfident of certain victory. Unaware of their own strategic and tactical blind spots, Hui-tsung’s unaccountable councilors and generals could not marshal and coordinate the necessary fiscal and human might to defend the empire. More than any inherent disadvantages, a lack of will and leadership caused the collapse of the Northern Sung.

 

From the beginning of his personal rule, Hui-tsung pursued an aggressive expansionist military and diplomatic policy against the empire’s border adversaries, with ephemeral successes followed by total failures. In a series of ultimately fruitless campaigns against the Tangut Hsi Hsia, in 1103–6 and 1113–19, Hui-tsung pursued the conquest of territories that had already been gained and lost by Shen-tsung and Che-tsung. While they did succeed in destroying the Tanguts’ preeminent position on the north-western frontier, Sung commanders overextended themselves, snatching defeat from the jaws of victory.

 

If the imperial armed forces could not hope to defeat the Hsi Hsia after years of campaigns, they were clearly outmatched by the declining Khitan Liao empire, which occupied the Sixteen Prefectures coveted by Sung emperors since the dynasty’s inception. In 1119, tempted by the desire to reconquer this terra irredenta, Hui-tsung’s court entered into a diplomatic pact with the Jurchen, whose emerging and expansionist Chin empire threatened the Liao from the north. Planning to mount concerted attacks upon the Liao, the Sung and Chin leadership agreed to split the conquered territories between them. But the need to suppress the massive popular rebellions of Fang La in 1120 prevented the Sung court from fully mobilizing its forces against the Liao, and when they finally proceeded with their invasion plans a year later the imperial troops suffered severe setbacks. After the Jurchen conquered the Liao dynasty with little assistance from the Sung, Hui-tsung’s diplomats repeatedly enraged the Chin leadership with their excessive demands for more territory. Late in 1125, the Jurchen launched a punitive invasion of the Sung empire, breaking through border defenses and capturing strategic cities in the north. Although symbolic of renewed imperial resolve, Hui-tsung’s abdication in favor of his son Ch’intsung in the twelfth month of 1125 could not stave off disaster, for the new emperor and his revolving-door councilors vacillated between appeasement and resistance. Concluding peace at any price in 1126, the Sung extricated itself from its first war with the Chin only to have its diplomatic incompetence provoke a second, fatal conflict. In the second month of 1127, Jurchen forces invaded the North China Plain, sacked K’ai-feng, and took both Hui-tsung and Ch’in-tsung prisoner, effectively decapitating the dynasty. The dynasty fell because Hui-tsung’s councilors and commanders failed to acknowledge the military might of their adversaries or to accept accountability for their ill-conceived schemes, causing them to overconfidently stumble into war against an invincible foe.

the War Affairs

 

Southern Song Dynasty

 

with the Jin Dynasty and the Mongolian Kingdom

 

(1115 – 1234)

From the establishment to the downfall, the Southern Song Dynasty never extricated itself completely from the endless battles with the Jin Dynasty (1115 – 1234) and the Mongolian Kingdom. To some extent the concept of ‘viewing literacy as more important than the military’, put forth during the Northern Song Dynasty, guided the Southern Song’s rulers, who tried any attempt to make peace with their enemies, contributing to continual alien invasions. That is why the Southern Song Dynasty is considered as the weakest dynasty in Chinese history.With the Jin Dynasty

 

 

 

 

Tomb of General Yue Fei, Hangzhou

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The territorial boundary between the Southern Song Dynasty and the Jin Dynasty was

 

the Huaihe River

 

 and the Dasanguan Pass (in current Baoji City in Shaanxi Province).

 

 

 

Since the founding of the Southern Song dynasty, the Jin court launched frequent attacks on the Song but each was repelled by the fierce resistance of the Song court’s loyal generals. Among them, the most valiant was Yue Fei, who repeled the Jin army many times. Unfortunately, Yue Fei and his father were later falsely charged by a treacherous court official named Qin Hui and were executed by Emperor Gaozong.

 

After the reign of Emperor Gaozong, the relation between the Song and the Jin entered a comparatively stable stage. During Emperor Xiaozong’s reign the Song court launched several northern expeditions in the hope of recovering the lost territory but they were in vain.

 

Southern Song Dynasty

 

.

 

.

 

 

Establishment

 

 

 

 

Statue of Yue Fei, 
a famous general in 
the Southern Song Dynasty

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

After the downfall of the Northern Song dynasty (960 – 1127), the Jin army captured many members of the imperial family, except Zhao Gou, the younger brother of the last emperor.

 

 

 

In 1127,

 

the Jin dynasty withdrew its troops from Kaifeng (capital of the Northern Song Dynasty) and enthroned a puppet emperor.

 

 

 

Due to the people’s resentment of his betrayal of the Song Dynasty, he soon yielded the throne to Zhao Gou. However, due to continuous attacks by the Jin army, the newly-installed regime had to flee to Lin’an (currently Hangzhou in Zhejiang Province).

 

 

 

In 1127,

 

the Jin Dynasty (1115 – 1234) of northern China captured Kaifeng, the capital of the Northern Song Dynasty (960 – 1127), and ended that Dynasty.

 

 

 

The Jin Dynasty felt that their numbers were too small to establish themselves in the Song territories, so they made Zhang Bangchang, a minister in the court of the Northern Song Dynasty, as the emperor of Chu, which was a temporary government of the Jin Dynasty in northern China.

 

 

 

He was selected because he had always been an advocate of making peace with the Jin Dynasty. This enabled the Jin to withdraw their troops. With strong opposition from most former ministers, Zhang Bangchang abdicated by issuing an edict in the name of Empress Dowager Meng of the Northern Song Dynasty, acclaiming Zhao Gou, younger brother of Emperor Qingzong of the Northern Song Dynasty, as emperor.

 

 

 

On May the first, 1127,

 

 

 

 Zhao Gou came to the throne formally in Lin’an (Hangzhou) as Emperor Gaozong. This began the Southern Song dynasty.

 

 

 

 1128

 

 

 

However, the Jin Dynasty again made a push to invade southern China in 1128 with the excuse that Zhang Bangchang had been deposed. Later, to consolidate the rule in the southern part of the Yellow River, the Jin Dynasty made Liu Yu, another minister of the Northern Song Dynasty, the emperor of the Qi which became known as the ‘False Qi’ in Chinese history. Emperor Gaozong sent his generals to resist the invaders. They successfully smashed the allied forces of the Jin Dynasty and the False Qi

 

 

 

 

 

In 1131,

 

 

 

 Lin’an was officially established as the capital of the Southern Song Dynasty, with Zhao Gou as its first emperor – Emperor Gaozong.

 

 

 

In 1138,

 

Emperor Gaozong,

 

 decided that the Southern Song Dynasty should seek peace with the Jin Dynasty. He then took Prime Minster Qin Hui’s advice to recognise the Jin Dynasty and pay tribute to it in exchange for retaining sovereignty over southeastern China.

 

After Emperor Gaozong, the Southern Song Dynasty and the Jin Dynasty developed in a relatively stable environment. Although the Jin Dynasty had launched several southward aggressions, most fell by the way. The Southern Song Dynasty also went on northern expeditions in the rule of Emperor Xiaozong, the second emperor of the Southern Song Dynasty, but they failed, too. Later, the Southern Song allied with the rising Mongolia to resist the Jin Dynasty together.

 

 

 

 

 

By 1207

 

the military force of the Jin had gradually abated, while the newly-founded Mongolian regime became stronger.

 

In 1214

 

when the Jin court plunged its troops southward another time, the Song army aligned itself with Mongolian army to fight against the Jin army. In

 

 

 

1234,

 

the entire Jin regime was captured by the allied forces.With

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mongolian Kingdom

 

 

Iron statues of Zhang Jun and Mo Qixie, 
who murdered Yue Fei 
together with Qin Hui and his wife

 

 

 

Mongolian Kingdom was another strong enemy confronted by the Song court after the downfall of the Jin Dynasty. Immediately after the ruin of Jin, rulers of Song wanted to recover the lost territory by taking the advantage of the Mongolian troops’ withdrawal, but the Song court failed to achieve this goal due to the weakness of its military force. Taking this act of the Song as an excuse, the Mongolians tried to invade southward several times,

 

 

 

In 1234,

 

the allied forces captured Caizhou (now in Henan Province) of the Jin Dynasty. Emperor Aizong of the Jin Dynasty hanged himself, and the Jin Dynasty died with him.

 

After the defeat of the Jin Dynasty, the Southern Song Dynasty still didn’t find peace. It now had to face a stronger enemy, from Mongolia. When withdrawing the army from the Jin lands, the Southern Song Dynasty attempted to reoccupy the land grabbed by the Mongolian army while fighting as their allies, but they failed because of their weak military forces. At the same time, what the Sothern Song Dynasty had done became the excuse for the Mongolian’s southward invasion.

 

 

 

 In 1235,

 

the Mongolian’s first southward invasion was beaten back. Later, they launched other attacks, all of which ended in failure because of the strong resistance of the Sothern Song Dynasty’s soldiers and people. In 1259, Mengge Kahn of the Mongolian army died. Hearing this, his younger brother, Kublai Kahn, who was fighting against the army of the Southern Song Dynasty in E’zhou (now in Wuhan City, Hubei Province), withdrew his army to seize the position of King of the Mongolian people at once. Jia Sidao, an official of the Southern Song Dynasty, didn’t lead the army to chase the Mongolian enemies, but instead he sent people to negotiate a peace contract with them. As a result, Kublai Kahn led the Mongolian army to return to the north without any further fighting.

 

 

 

 

 

beginning in 1235,

 

 

 

but they failed again and again because of the Song soldiers’ bravery. However, the Song court did not take the opportunity of the Mongolians’ withdrawal to recover the lost territory. Instead, the weak rulers of Song again initiated peace gestures, which foreshadowed the defeat of the Southern Song by the Mongolians.

 

 

 

 

 

 

BRONZE & IRON MINT MARKS – NO DATE MARKS

Reign Title

Date

Reverse Types

     

Bronze

Iron

     

CHIEN-YEN@

 

Jin yan tong bao

1127-1130

blank
CHUAN

blank

     

SHAO-HSING@

 

1131-1162

blank
crescent
crescent & dots

LI

     

LUNG-HSING@

1163-1164

blank

blank

     

CH’IEN-TAO@

1165-1173

blank
crescent & dot
CHENG

CHIUNG
T’UNG

     

SHUN-HSI

1174-1189

blank
T’UNG
CH’UAN

crescent & 2 dots
LI
CHIUNG

     

SHAO-HSI

1190-1194

 

crescent & 2 dots

     

CH’ING-YUAN

1195-1200

blank*

crescent & 2 dots

     

CHIA-T’AI

1201-1204

blank **

       

K’AI-HSI

1205-1207

 

blank

     

CHIA-TING

1208-1224

Ch’un/value 5

blank
crescent & 2 dots
TING/crescent & 2 dots
CH’UAN/value 5
LI/value 5
HUI/value 5
value 5
value 10

     

PAO-CH’ING
(using Ta-sung)

1225-1227

 

blank

     

SHAO-TING

1228-1233

         

TUAN-P’ING

1234-1236

blank**
LI/value 10**

blank
CHIUNG/value 5
TING-WU/value 5
HUI/value5/SHI- SHANG

     

CHIA-HSI

1237-1240

blank **
blank *

       

SHUN-YU

1241-1252

value 100

       

PAO-YU
(as Huang-sung)

1253-1258

         

K’AI-CHING

1259

         

CHING-TING

1260-1264

         

HSIEN-SHUN

1265-1274

         

 

* – for some types, blank reverses seem to indicate year one.
** – an unusual large coin, not part of the regular series.

 

COIN WITH REVERSE NUMBERS (USUALLY DATES)
(note that this list is currently far from complete)

Reign Title

Date

Metal

Mint

Year Marks Seen

   

CHIEN-YEN

1127-1130

bronze

blank

none

   

SHAO-HSING

1131-1162

bronze

blank

none

   

LUNG-HSING

1163-1164

bronze

blank

none

   

CH’IEN-TAO

1165-1173

bronze

blank

none

   

SHUN-HSI

1174-1189

bronze

blank

7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,15,16

   

iron

Ch’un

9,11,13,14,15,16

   

iron

T’ung

14,15

   

SHAO-HSI

1190-1194

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5

   

iron

Ch’un

3,4,5

   

iron

T’ung

1,4,5

   

iron

Han

1,2,3,4,5

   

CH’ING-YUAN

1195-1200

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2,3,4,6

   

iron

T’ung

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

iron

Han

1,2,3,4,6

   

iron

CHUAN

5, 6-3, 7-3, 9, 6/73

   

iron

crescent
& 2 dots

1-5, 2-5, 3-5, 4-5

   

CHIA-T’AI

1201-1204

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2

   

iron

T’ung

2,3

   

iron

Han

1,2,3

   

iron

Li

96 (probably not a date)

   

iron

CHUAN

1/83, 2/93, 3/40

   

K’AI-HSI

1205-1207

bronze

blank

1,2,3

   

iron

T’ung

1,2,3

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2,3

   

iron

Han

1,2,3

   

iron

Li

10-6 (or 16) (not a date)

   

iron

CHUAN

3/24

   

CHIA-TING

1208-1224

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14

   

iron

blank

3 above & below, 3 above,

   

iron

blank

2 (an unusual type)

   

iron

Li-chou

1

   

iron

Li

3

   

iron

T’ung

1

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12

   

iron

Han

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13

   

iron

Ting

2

   

iron

various

complex unusual series S-934-958
not part of the regular series.

   

CHIA-TING
as Shao-hsing

1208

iron

Li

5 (probably denon. mark)

   

iron

blank

5 (probably denon. mark)

   

PAO-CH’ING
(using Ta-sung)

1225-1227

bronze

blank

1,2,3

   

iron

Ch’uan

3

   

SHAO-TING

1228-1233

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

iron

Ch’un

3

   

TUAN-P’ING

1234-1236

bronze

blank

1

   

CHIA-HSI

1237-1240

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4

   

SHUN-YU

1241-1252

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11

   

PAO-YU
(as Huang-sung)

1253-1258

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

K’AI-CHING

1259

bronze

blank

1

   

CHING-TING

1260-1264

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5

   

HSIEN-SHUN

1265-1274

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8

   

 

At the moment it appears the”crescent & dot” reverse may indicate value 2 coins,
and the “crescent & 2 dots” reverse value 3 coins.

 

SIZES AND PROBABLE DENOMINATIONS

Reign Title

Date

Alloy

mm.

Gr.

Prob. Denom.

 

CHIEN-YEN

1127-1130

bronze

24

3.7

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.0

value 2

 

iron

21

5.0

value 1 (?)

 

SHAO-HSING

1131-1162

bronze

24

3.0

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.0

value 2

 

bronze

30

8.6

value 3 ?

 

iron

18

3.5

value (?)

 

iron

24

3.6

value 1

 

iron

27

6.5

value (?)

 

LUNG-HSING

1163-1164

bronze

24

3.2

value 1

 

bronze

28

7.5

value 2

 

iron

18

4.3

value (?)

 

iron

28

7.8

value 2

 

CH’IEN-TAO

1165-1173

bronze

28

6.0

value 2

 

iron

21

3.7

value (?)

 

iron

21

7.0

value (?)

 

iron

24

8.2

value (?)

 

iron

28

7.7

value 2

 

SHUN-HSI

1174-1189

bronze

24

3.0

value 1

 

bronze

25

3.8

value 1

 

bronze

27

6.0

value 2

 

iron

18

3.0

value ?

 

iron

28

6.5

value 2

 

iron

28

9.0

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

iron

31

13.0

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

SHAO-HSI

1190-1194

bronze

24

3.4

value 1

 

bronze

28

7.2

value 2

 

iron

23

4.9

value 2

 

iron

27

7.1

value 2?
(1-cres\2 dots)

 

iron

31

10

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

CH’ING-YUAN

1195-1200

bronze

22

3.2

value 1

 

bronze

30

6.7

value 3 (?)

 

bronze

31

10.3

value 3

 

iron

24

4.1

value 1

 

iron

29

6.7

value 2

 

iron

30

9

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

iron

32

12

value 3 (3 mark)

 

CHIA-T’AI

1201-1204

bronze

24

3.2

value 1

 

bronze

29

6.4

value 2

 

bronze

34

10.7

value 5 or 10 ?

 

iron

29

7.5

value 2 or 3

 

iron

29

10

value 2 or 3 ?

 

iron

32

11

value 3 or 5 ?

 

K’AI-HSI

1205-1207

bronze

23

3.5

value 1

 

bronze

27

6.0

value 2

 

iron

28

6.0

value 2

 

iron

30

10.5

value 3 or 5 ?

 

CHIA-TING
as Shao-hsing

1208

iron

33

11.0

5 (5 mark)

 

CHIA-TING

1208-1224

bronze

24

3.25

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.5

value 2

 

bronze

33

14.0

value 5 or 10 ?

 

bronze

51

38.3

value 10 marked

 

iron

24

4.8

value 1

 

iron

27

7.2

value 2 ?

 

iron

33

9-13

value 3 or 5

 

iron

32

11-14

value 3

 

iron

34

10-14

value 3 or 5

 

PAO-CH’ING
(using Ta-sung)

1225-1227

bronze

23

3.5

value 1

 

bronze

29

6.3

value 2

 

iron

29

7.7

value 2

 

iron

31

12.8

value 3 ?

 

SHAO-TING

1228-1233

bronze

23

3.4

value 1

 

bronze

29

6.6

value 2

 

iron

26

5.9

value 1 or 2

 

TUAN-P’ING

1234-1236

bronze

23

3.8

value 1

 

bronze

34

10.6

value 5 ?

 

bronze

40

26.6

value 10 marked

 

iron

25

7.2

value 1 or 2

 

iron

29

10.9

value 2 or 3

 

iron

35

11.4

value 3 or 5

 

CHIA-HSI

1237-1240

bronze

22

3.6

value 1

 

bronze

27

6.7

value 2

 

bronze

35

15.1

value 5 (?)

 

bronze

48

40.0

value 10 marked

 

SHUN-YU

1241-1252

bronze

23

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

28

5.9

value 2

 

bronze

37

14.2

value 100 marked

 

bronze

50

28.4

value 100 marked

 

PAO-YU
(as Huang-sung)

1253-1258

bronze

23

3.0

value 1

 

bronze

29

5.5

value 2

 

K’AI-CHING

1259

bronze

23

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

27

7.0

value 2

 

CHING-TING

1260-1264

bronze

23

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.2

value 2

 

HSIEN-SHUN

1265-1274

bronze

22

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

28

4.9

value 2

 

 

UNUSUAL REVERSE TYPES

Schjoth #

Inscription

Possible Translations
or meaning

   

S-683, 687, bronze 2 cash

crescent

Possibly some type of mint mark. Could indicate the number 1 (or 1st mint).    

S-725, bronze 1 cash

crescent/dot

Some suggest this indicates a value 2 cash, but we no longer agree and believe it may be a mint mark although it could indicate 2 or (2nd mint).    

S-703, 727, 728, bronze 2 cash

crescent/dot

   

S-781, iron 2 cash

2 dots/crescent

Some suggest this indicates a value 3 cash but S-781 appears to be a value 2 cash. The number 3 (or 3rd mint) could be intended.    

S-783, 784, 785, 786, 787, 823, 830, 831, 832, 829, iron 3 cash

2 dots/crescent

   

S-784, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth six

An usual series of the crescent/2 dots with additional marks. These are the only iron issues of this reign title not baring a clearly identifiable mint mark in this position occupied by the crescent/2 dots, leaving us will little doubt that this is also a mint mark). The secondary marks, running through two reign titles, form a continuous sequence of numbers from 47 to 54 if one accepts, as is apparent from S-785, 786 and 787, that the meaning is the same whether the characters are side by side at the bottom or on opposite sides of the hole.We have developed what we believe to be a strong theory as to the meaning. S-823 bares the crescent/2 dots reverse but no numeric marks giving a total of 5 types in the Ching-yuan title, which is a five year title. The three specimens in Chia-Tai title appear to be dated years 1, 2 and 3 so are sequential with those above, as are the numeric marks. This strongly suggest these numeric marks are annual sequential marks, suggesting #46 (S-784) was cast in AD 1191 (assuming the un-numbered example was cast before the numbering was started). Forty six years earlier was AD 1145 which is in the Shao-Hsing reign title where we see S-683-684-683-84 and S-686-88 which is the first occurrence of the thick crescent on a Southern Sung coin. This suggest these are annual sequential marks dating from when the mint was opened. For this theory to work, we must make one assumption in that Crescent, Crescent/dot and Crescent/2 dots must come under one authority, as the first occurrence does not use the Crescent/2 dots. This does fit with the concept that at least the early mint marks were actually marks of not individual mints, but of governmental districts possibly in charge of more than one mint (as discussed elsewhere).    

S-785, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth seven

   

S-786, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth eight

   

S-787, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth nine

   

FD-1294, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots, fifty

   

S-830, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty one

   

S-831, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty two

   

S-832, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty three

   

S-833, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty four

   

S-824, iron 3 or 5 cash

Chuan, five

This is an odd series. Cast during a six year reign title, no number above six can be a year mark.The marks here are not as clear cut as on the crescent/2 dots series, but we can make a few speculations. First, as the Chuan mint mark resembles the number 3 turned on it’s side, it is possible that S-824 could also be read as 35, and S-827 as 38. One the crescent/2 dots type we have shown and the numbers either side of the hole should be read as if the hole is not present, so S-825 becomes 37 and S-826 becomes 36. The only problem is S-828 with would now read as having both 36 and 37 on it. In spite of this analysis, the meaning of these numbers is still unclear. (remember that this is only a theory and by no means proven.    

S-826, iron 3 or 5 cash

Chuan, six, three

   

S-828, iron 3 or 5 cash

six, Chuan,
thirty seven

   

S-825, iron 3 or 5 cash

Chuan, seven, thirty

   

S-827, iron 3 or 5 cash

nine, Chuan

   

S-854, iron 3 cash

one Chuan
thirty eight

Another unusual series. The one, two and three appear to be year marks. The thirty eight, thirty nine and fourth are uncertain but seem to be continuous with the thirty seven of the series above. The reverse marks clearly seem to be consecutive and not directly related to the reign title. FD-1238 and S-856 are the only two we have so far noted with the same year mark but different reverse marks.    

S-855, iron 3 cash

two Chuan
thirty nine

   

S-856, iron 3 cash

three Chuan, forty

   

FD-1238, iron 3 cash

three Chuan, forty one

   

S-873, iron 3 cash

Chuan, three, forty two

This coin continues the sequence of the two series above. A pattern is definitely here.

   
         
         

 

The data collected in these charts is based on a limited number of sources. It is almost a certainty that more dates will eventually be added to the date chart, and that there may be denominations and possible mints that we have not yet come across. The current information should cover most issues but it is possible some new discoveries may cause us to re-evaluate some of our interpretations in the future.

The weights listed in this chart are only quick estimates based on the specimens in the Schjoth collection. It should be assumed that many of the coins were worn and possibly corroded (especially the iron) and that the average weight when cast would have been as much as 10% higher.

From these tables we are able to make the following observations:

1) There do not seem to be any examples of the same mint mark appearing on both bronze and iron coins during a reign title.

2) Early bronze coins sometimes have mint marks, and most later bronze coins have date marks, but be have not found an example where both occur together on a bronze coin.

3) The “mint” marks may be more complex then they first appear, and in some cases may not be true mint marks. At no more than eight in any one title, and in some cases only one is used, there seem to be too few mints to account for the numbers of coins that should have been needed. At times the Northern Sung at as many as twenty-six mints operating. With the loss of the Northern Territories, the Southern Sung would have had a smaller population, but they did occupy the most populous parts of China and the needs would have been cut no more than in half. Schjoth (page 34) notes that “Li”, “Chuan” and “Chiung” were all district names rather than distinct cities.

4) There must have been a major currency reform during the Shun Hsi reign title (AD 1174-1189). The use of mint marks on iron coins was greatly expanded sometime between 1174 and 1180. In 1180 date marks were introduced. It also appears that during this period the use of iron coins was greatly expanded.

5) The use of iron coins is greatly reduced at AD 1224 and seems to stop around AD 1230.

6) The normal working denominations and standards for bronze coins do not seem to have changed a great deal from the Northern Sung period. The basic one cash seems to been cast under most reign titles at a standard between 3 and 4 grams with the size early in the dynasty about 24 mm and gradually reducing to about 22 mm by the end of the dynasty. Most reign titles cast bronze 2 cash of a standard between 5.75 and 7.5 grams (also as in the Northern Sung) with the size varying between 27 and 30 mm, a slightly wider range than in the Northern Sung. A few reign titles cast bronze 5 and 10 cash coins, several of which are clearly marked as to their denomination, but in most cases are cast to a weight standard close to official standard (15-17 grams for a 5 cash and 30-35 grams for a 10 cash). Only in one instance were high denomination feduciary bronze coins cast (at a value of 100 cash).

7) At first glance the iron coins seem to work on a system similar to the Northern Sung system whereby size if important but weights vary considerably. We are still working on this part, but it appears that value 2 iron cash were cast at about 28-30 mm with weights abut 6.5 to 8 grams, about the same as the bronze value 2. Value 3 iron cash at about 31-33 mm but with weights between 8 and 13 grams. Something what were cast here, but not during the Northern Sung, were value 5 iron coin. There is little doubt about them as some types were clear marked as value 5. They tend to be about 34 mm 10 to 15 grams.

8) At first is appeared that the crescent/dot and 2 dots/crescent reverse types indicated value 2 and value 3 coins. A closer examination of the coins shows that this is probably not the case. It would imply the the crescent only types, such as 683 and 687 were value 1 cash, but those two are obviously 2 value 2 cash. S-725 bares the crescent/dot reverse but appears to be a 1 cash. While the 2 dots/crescent reverse usually occures on value 3 cash, S-781 is an example where the marks occure on a value 2 cash. The meaning of these marks still remains a mystery, but at the moment it appears that the most likely explanation is that they are mint marks of some type. We have noted that they only occur on bronze coins during the early period when other mint marks also appear on bronze coins. Later, when mint marks only occur on iron coins, these marks also only occur on iron coins. At the moment, this early draft of this site may have some types described with these marks listed as denomination marks, but these comments will be removed from the next draft.

 

Emperor KAO TSUNG
AD 1127-1162

Reign title: CHIEN-YEN, AD 1127-1131@

S-671, 673 Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox and seal scripts. Reverse: blank. 23-24 mm.

 

 

S-672, Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “CHUAN” which Schjoth believes referes to Western Szechuan (probably Ch’eng-tu Fu mint). 22 mm.

 

 

S-674-676. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox and seal scripts. Reverse: blank. 28 mm. Average average 6.5 grams (ranging from 5.33 to 8.6 grams). Schjoth assigned a value of 3 cash to the 8.6 gram specimen all three are the same size and fit into the Northern Sung standard for a 2 cash.

F   $9.00     VF   $15.00@

 

N7404 Coin, China, Southern Sung Dynasty (AD 1127-1179), Emperor Kao Tsung (AD 1127-63). Currency of ‘Chien Yen period’ (Chien Yen T’ung Pao) (Ping Sing Collection 364).

 

 

S-677-678. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO”in seal script. Reverse: blank. 20 m. Average 5.08 grams. These are very small coins, but weights fit with earlier Iron 1 cash. These need further study.

 

We believe the iron and bronze coins of similar size circulated at the same values, with the iron coin being fiduciary by a ratio of about 10 to 1 by weight. A discussion of the development of the iron coinage during the North Sung Dynasty can be found of that part of our site.

 

 

 

 

Reign title: SHAO-HSING, AD 1131-1162

S-679. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING YUAN-PAO”

 

in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weight 2.81 grams.

 

S-680. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: crescent. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weight 3.07 grams.

 

S-681-689. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING YUAN-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: blank or with a variety of crescents and dots. 28-29 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weight 5.50 grams but include a number of relatively light weight specimens that may be contemporary counterfeits. It appears that the intended standard may have been somewhat over 6 grams.

 

SCRIPT

REVERSE

TOP

TOP/BOTTOM

TOP RIGHT

ORTHODOX

blank

crescent

crescent/dot

crescent

SEAL

blank

crescent

crescent/dot

 

 

This chart shows in interesting trend in that, with the exception of one rather oddly positioned crescent, there appears to be parallel development in the crescents and dots in both script styles. The exact meaning of this is not yet clear, and more types may exist, but we currently speculate that the crescents and dots are mint marks.

 

S-690, 691. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 29 mm. Schjoth had two specimens averaging 6.87 grams.

 

S-692. Iron 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 27 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 6.82 grams.

 

S-693. Iron 2 (or 1) cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “LI”. 26 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 5.82 grams.

 

On this type, Schjoth (page 34) has recognized that the reverse mark “LI” is not a city name, but rather the name of a governmental area made up of parts of Szechuan and Shensi. This suggest that rather than a mint mark, it is a governing authority in charge of possibly several mints. It is possible this is also the case for the other Southern Sung “Mint Marks” that occur later in the series.

 

S-694. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 23 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.84 grams.

 

S-695. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “LI”. 23 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.52 grams.

 

S-696. Iron 1 (?) cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 18 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.20 grams.

 

These small (under 22 mm) iron cash is something new to the Sung series. We cannot dismiss them as a counterfeit as similar coins were cast during the following reign titles. Further analysis is needed on these.

 

Emperor HSIAO TSUNG
AD 1163-1189

Reign title: LUNG-HSING, AD 1163-1164

Reign title: CH’IEN TAO, AD 1165-1173

 

ORTHODOX SCRIPT

T’UNG MINT

Hartill 17.150, iron 2 cash,”CH’IEN-TAO YUAN-PAO”, mint mark at the bottom, no date mark. Average (1 specimen) 26.0 mm, 4.69 grams.

VF   $95.00

 

Reign title: SHUN HSI, AD 1174-1189

NO MINT MARK

S-725 variety, bronze 1 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Reverse: crescent and two dots at bottom.

gF   $8.50

 

S-730, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, no year mark.

gF   $7.00

 

MINT AND DATE MARKED COINS

Sometime in the first 6 years of Shun-hsi, the practice of putting Mint marks on the reverse was introduced for Iron but not bronze coins. The 7th year saw the introduction of regal dates on the reverse of almost all coins, bronze and iron. Schjoth (page 34) states the dates were added to stop illicit casting, and were successful in doing so. There has to be more to this than meets the eye. We see no reason why the practice would have affected counterfeiting by the general population, as they would have simply made coins bearing the date and mint marks. Since the counterfeiting stopped, we can assume the problem was not with the general public. On the other hand, when mint and date marks are combined, it makes it possible to identify the mint official responsible for any given issue. This would be a great deterrent to the casting of sub-standard coins by official mints.

The next question that is raised is why were mint marks not added to bronze coins. The obvious answer would appear to be that there was only one mint casting bronze coins, but is not certain. The bronze coins of this reign title are fairly common, and seem to exist in numbers far to large for the production of a single mint. Another possible answer is that bronze coins, being non-feduciary in nature, were not as easy a target for sub-standard casting and as tight of controls were not deemed necessary. This is an area that needs more research.

 

S-735, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-11.

F   $6.00

 

S-735, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-11.

gVF   $12.00

 

S-738, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-14.

aVF/F   $7.00

 

CH’UN MINT

S-751, iron 2 cash “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-14.

gF   $45.00

 

T’UNG MINT

NOT LISTED, like S-726 but iron 2 cash,
“SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, no year mark,
Reverse: mint mark at the top.

gF   $40.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”,
Year-14. Reverse: mint mark at the top.

aVF   $65.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”,
Year-15 (to left), Reverse: mint mark to the right and date to the left (unusual).

gF   $75.00

 

Emperor KUANG TSUNG
AD 1190-1194

Reign title: SHAO-HSI, AD 1190-1194

 

CH’UN MINT

S-772, iron 1 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VF/F   $39.50

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”,
Year-3 to left, mint mark to the right, orthodox script.

VF/F   $75.00

 

T’UNG MINT

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”,
mint mark at the top. There is no year mark but it may have been removed.

VF   $10.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VF/G   $40.00

 

HAN MINT

It appears that the Han mint (in Hupei province) was opened in the first year of Shao-hsi (AD 1190). While Schjoth did not have one, we have owned an example of Han year-1.

 

Emperor NING TSUNG
AD 1195-1224

The coinage of Ning Tsung is by far the most interesting and diversified of the Sung Dynasties, and possibly any Chinese Emperor. During as 29 year reign he used 5 reign titles, issued prolifically in both bronze and iron, and made extensive use of mint and date marks. Schjoth lists about 180 different examples, which is by no means a complete listing of what must have existed.

.

 

Reign title: CH’ING-YUAN, AD 1195-1200

 

 

Schjoth (page 36) says “In the 3rd year of Ch’ing-yuan (A.D. 1197) the Shen-ch’uan mint cast ‘value three’ coins from the accumulated copper utensils obtained”. The coins referred to appear to be the larger copper issues, S-800-802, which do not bear mint marks. Schjoth has specimens date years 4, 5 and 6. This appears to be the same mint that cast a set of unusual iron coins (S-854-856) which appear to be dated years 1, 2 and 3. This is the first evidence we have found that during a single reign title a mint cast both non-mint-marked copper coins and mint marked iron coins, but it should be noted that there is no overlap in the date marks, so there is still no evidence of both being cast at one mint at the same time.

 

CH’UN MINT

S-806, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

F   $35.00

 

S-806, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

gF   $40.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-6.

VF/F   $40.00

 

S-814, iron 2 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-3.

VF/VG   $35.00

 

S-816, iron 2 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-6.

F   $40.00

 

HAN MINT

NOT LISTED iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-4.

aF   $29.50

 

T’UNG MINT

NOT LISTED, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VG/F   $25.00

 

NOT LISTED,iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VG-F   $25.00

 

S-812, iron 2 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VG-F   $29.50

 

CHUAN MINT

Schjoth 824-828 represent an unusual series of iron coins. The meaning of Chuan mint mark is fairly clear but there are other characters of uncertain meaning. S-824 has a “5” to the left which may or may not be a date mark. S-825 as two marks, 7 at right and 30 at left (formed by a combined 3 and 10), neither of which can be a date mark as this title only lasted six years. S-826 has a “6” at the left and “3” at the right. Either one, but not both, could be date marks but S-825 and S-827 suggest this series is not dated. S-827 has a “9” at the top beside “Chuan”, which cannot be a date mark. S-828 has a “6” at the top beside “Chuan” and the same 7 and 30 marks seen on S-826, at the bottom. The meaning of these is unclear, but it should be noted that a similar series (S-854-856), also of the chuan mint, have similar marks, as does S-873. It appears that the Chuan mint used a different system than other mints. At 33 mm, these coins are larger than the normal series (although the same as S-829-834 discussed next). It is possible they are some type of emergency issues but we are as yet unable to provide an explanation of them.

 

IRON COINS WITHOUT MINTMARKS

Schjoth 829-833 are another odd series of iron coin. Since they are also 33 mm, they are probably related to S-824-828. Schjoth lists these as of unclear meaning, but we have a theory about them. All have the crescent with 2 dots at the top, which Schjoth suggests means value 3 cash, which we will accept for the moment (but are uncertain about). The marks at the bottom 1-5 (or 15), 2-5 (or 25), 3-5 (or 35), 4-5 (or 45) and 6-5 (or 65). Note there is no 5-5 but there is a type with no numbers on the reverse that may occupy that position in the series (the Chinese of this period did not like to repeat characters on coins, as can be seen from some unusual reign titles). Also note we have not yet documented any year-5 iron coins from other mints. It is possible that in year 5 an experiment was tried whereby the 1, 2, 3, 4, blank=5, and 6 indicate the mints of issue. Other explanations are possible, including that the numbers indicate furnaces (workshops) with one central mint. It has also been suggested that these are mould series marks, but as non-reusable sand molds were probably used, and every mould was different, mold numbers would be pointless.

At first glance, S-823 to 833 all appear to be value 3 cash. Some bare the crescent with 3 dots mark which may indicate value 3. There seem to be two weight standards in use. S-823-829 are all in the 11 to 13 grams range while 830 to 833 are at a 9 to 10 gram range. The 9 to 10 grams coins have no mint marks but the crescent with 2 dots mark at the top, with double digit mark at the bottom composed a 5 on the right and A 1, 2, 3 or 4 on the left. This confused the issue slightly and needs to be given more consideration. The heavier coins, S-823-829 are years 5, 6, 7 and 8 as well as one with no date mark.

 

Reign title: CHIA-T’AI, AD 1201-1204

 

ORTHODOX SCRIPT

S-843. Bronze 3 cash. Obverse : CHAI T’AI TUNG PAO (read clockwise from the top). Reverse : blank. Average (1 specimen) 34.6 mm, 10.54 grams.

S-852 is shown in Schjoth’s illustration as a blank reverse, but in the text he notes it is a blurred reverse, indication something was there.

 

S-853 is an unusual coin. It has the “LI” mint mark at the top and the numbers 9 and 6 (or 96) at the bottom. Neither digit can be a date. This seems to be related to S-829-833 above although it is not over-sized as they were. We do not yet have an explanation this.

 

S-854-856 are also unusual. On the top of the reverses they all have the Chuan mint mark with the digits 1, 2 and 3 beside. This appear to be year marks. At the bottom they each have another double digit mark, 8-3 (or 83), 93 (or 93) and 10-4 (or 40). As yet we do not have an explanation for them.

 

Reign title: K’AI-HSI, AD 1205-1207

BRONZE ISSUES

Under the K’ai-Hsi title bronze coins were issued in both the 1 and 2 cash denomination, with date marks but not mint marks. The 1 cash average (3 specimens) 3.44 grams, 24 mm. The 2 cash average (3 specimens) 5.73 grams, 28 mm.

S-857. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “Yuan” for year-1 (AD 1205). Value not yet recorded.

S-858. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-2 (AD 1206).     F   $4.00     VF   $6.50

S-859. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-3 (AD 1207). Value not yet recorded.

S-860. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “Yuan” for year-1 (AD 1205). Value not yet recorded.

S-861. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-2 (AD 1206). &Value not yet recorded.

S-862. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-3 (AD 1207). Value not yet recorded.

IRON ISSUES

The iron issues of the K’ai-hsi period are for the most part fairly standard. There are issues for year 1, 2 and 3 from each of the three principle mints of T’ung, Han and Ch’un, but only in the two cash denomination.

S-863 to 871. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : date and mint mark. These will be written up at some future date.

Schjoth listed the following three issues that do not fit the standard pattern but appear to be of a 3 cash denomination.

S-872. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : blank. Average (1 specimen) 10.93 grams. The blank reverse on this specimen seems rather odd and does not fit with other issues of this period. I suspect Schjoth’s specimen was simply too corroded and what ever was on the reverse was not visible. Value not yet determined.

S-873. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “SAN CH’UAN SSU ERH” (thee Ch’uan twenty four). It seem likely that 3 Ch’uan means third year at Ch’uan mint, but the meaning of the 24 is as yet unclear (Schjoth speculates it is a mold number that seem unlikely to me). Average (1 specimen) 11.58 grams. value not yet determined.

S-874. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “LI LIU SHIH” (LI sixty). LI may be the mark for the Shao-Hsing mint in Li-chou. The meaning of the number sixty is as yet uncertain. Average (1 specimen) 9.35 grams.

 

Reign title: CHIA-TING, AD 1208-1224

S-903-904 iron only unusual in that the Li-chou mint mark is written in full rather than with only the Character for LI.

 

S-905 iron is unusual as it does not have a mint mark and the date mark is at the top. It is a typical type for an bronze coin. It should be checked to see if it is really iron.

 

S-934-958 are a complex series of coins that will need a lot of study to sort out. This will have to wait until later.

 

Emperor LI TSUNG, AD 1225-1264

Not that Schjoth (top of page 40) notes that Li tsung’s government was over-burdened with the difficulties of war. This must be considered when interpreting this next series of coins. It might help explain the unusual series S-983-990. Is the stopping iron issues (from S-991 on) related to this war?

 

Reign title: PAO-CH’ING, AD 1225-1227

To use the Pao-ch’ing reign title on a coin would have required the character for “Pao” to occur twice on the same coin. It had long been established that characters were generally not repeated on the obverse of Chinese coins, so in a tradition stating much earlier, an inscription commemorating the Sung Dynasty was chosen. In this case it was “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO” which means roughly “coinage of the great Sung dynasty”.

Schjoth seems to think that coins with the “Pao-ch’ing” inscriptions were cast in the first few months of this title, but he did not have a specimen and we have never seen one. Since is would have gone against long standing tradition to have cast such coins, we would want to examine any such specimens for authenticity before including them in this listing.

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.45 gr

2

Bronze 2 cash

29 mm

6.29 gr

3

Iron 2 cash

29 mm

7.74 gr

2

Iron 3 cash

31 mm

12.83 gr

1

       

 

BRONZE COINS

S-959-960, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 3 been documented (we once had the year 2 that Schjoth was missing).

VF   $27.50

 

S-961-963,bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years 2 and 3 have been documented. Schjoth had a year three with a crescent in the bottom right corner. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

IRON COINS

NO MINT MARK

S-965 iron 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. This coin is an anomaly for this period, as blank reverses are not normal on iron coins. Sometimes the reverses are weak on these and if the coin was in poor condition, possibly not legible. This coin should be examined very closely. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

S-966 iron 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “LI-CHOU HSING-SHIH” (the currency of Li-Chou). Not that these is not date on this type. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

CH’UAN MINT

S-964 iron 3 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “CH’UAN SAN” (Ch’uan mint year 3). Only year 3 has been documented but we would expect others to exist. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth listed all three of these iron coins as value 3 cash, but both the sizes and the weights clear indicate that two different denominations were intended

 

Reign title: SHAO-TING, AD 1228-1233

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.37 gr

7

Bronze 2 cash

29 mm

6.65 gr

6

Iron 1 cash

25 mm

5.89 gr

1

       

 

BRONZE COINS

S-967-972, 975 bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-TING T’UNG PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 6 been documented.

F   $5.00     VF   $9.00

 

S-973, 974, 976-979 bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-TING T’UNG PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Only year 1 has been documented. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth describes his example #975 as a clipped two cash, but if the diameter within the rims are drawn accurately, we so no reason to believe it was not cast as a one cash.

 

IRON COINS

CH’I-CHUN MINT

S-980 iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-TING T’UNG PAO”. Reverse: “CH’UN SAN” (Ch’un mint year 3). Only year 3 has been documented but we would expect others to exist. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Reign title: TUAN-P’ING, AD 1234-1236

This is the last Southern Sung reign title under which iron coins were cast, and for which mint marks were used.

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

22 mm

3.76 gr

1*

Bronze 5 cash

34 mm

10.64 gr

1

Bronze 10 cash

40 mm

26.58 gr

1

Iron 1 cash

25 mm

7.19 gr

1

Iron 2 cash

29 mm

10.92 gr

1

Iron 5 cash

35 mm

11.36 gr

1

 

* One of the two specimens Schjoth had is listed as weighing 5.91 grams, which is so far off the usual standard we have to assume the listing is an error and have only included one of the specimens in the weight calculation. Hopefully we will be able to locate more specimens in the near future.

 

BRONZE COINAGE

S-981-982, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Only year 1 has been documented. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

S-983, bronze 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. A recent specimen we handled was 35.5 mm, 10.4 grams. This is a fairly common type.

F   $15.00     VF   $25.00

 

S-984, bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “LI CHE SHIH” (Li-chou value 10). We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth (page 39) suggest this is a bronze trial casting for an iron type. As it bears a mint mark this is possible, but as of yet we have not seen any evidence for iron examples having been issued. The presence of bronze value 10 cash coins in the next reign title, as well as under Chia-ting (AD 1208-1224), suggest it was more likely was intended as a bronze 10 cash. The mint mark makes it an anomaly amoung bronze coins of this period, but many of the coins of this reign title are unusual types.

 

IRON COINAGE

The iron coins of this reign are unusual in that none of the specimens we have so far documented bear dates, and only some of them bear mint marks. This shows some type of coinage reform was underway, which seems to have resulted in a total stop to the issue of iron coins by the end of this period.

 

CHIUNG MINT

S-985, iron 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “CHIUNG WU” (Chiung mint value 5). We have not yet determined a value for type.

 

TING-CHOU MINT

S-986, iron 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “TING-WU PEI-SHANG” (value five of Ting-chou, upper north). We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

HUI (MIN) MINT

S-988, iron 5 cash. Obverse: TUAN-P’ING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “HUI-WU HSI-SHANG” (value five of Hui Mint, upper western). We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth illustrates both S-986 and 988 as being without rims, but makes no comment about this. We assume that his specimen was just in very poor condition, which is not unusual for iron coins. Both types have reverse inscriptions which are not yet understood. Like some other South Sung Iron coins of this general period, there is a reference to a geographic direction and a rank with these as upper, S-1000 as second. We are not sure if his translation is correct and wonder if upper could also mean something like main, first or primary, in which case we might take these to mean that the mint mark lists the governmental office in charge and that the secondary mark referes either to a specific mint, or a workshop within a mint. This needs more research and the help of a better translator.

 

NO MINT MARKS

S-989, iron 1 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. We have not yet determined a value for this type yet.

 

Schjoth refers to this as a 2 cash but at 25 mm it is far more likely to have been intended as a 1 cash. At 7.19 grams it a little heavy, but all the evidence indicates that size is far more important then weight in determining denomination (see our discussion of size and weights under the Northern Sung dynasty) and it is not unusual for iron coins to be significantly heavier than bronze coins of the same size. (the same applies to the 2 cash below).

 

S-990, iron 2 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Schjoth refers to this as a 3 cash but at 29 mm it is far more likely to have been intended as a 2 cash. We have not yet determined a value for this type yet.

 

S-987, iron 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. We have not yet determined a value for this type yet.

 

Reign title: CHIA HSI, AD 1237-1240

 

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

22 mm

3.58gr

3

Bronze 2 cash

27 mm

6.66 gr

5

Bronze 5 cash

37 mm

15.75 gr

3

Bronze 10 cash

48 mm

40.04 gr

1

 

S-991-993, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 4 have been documented.

VG   $3.50     F   $5.00

 

S-994-998, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 4 have been documented, plus a year 2 with a crescent at the top. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-999, bronze 5 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI CHUNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. We recently had a two specimens, both of 37 mm. The average weight of thee specimens was 15.75 grams. The specimens we have had were well cast with bold deep characters.

F   $50.00     VF   $75.00

 

Schjoth considered these to be value 3 cash, but at 35-37 mm and about 16 grams, it is much larger than the 31-32 mm and 10.74 grams one would expect (based on a average 3.58 for the one cash) but only slightly below the range one would expect for a value 5 cash. The next issue, S-1000, is clearly intended to be a value 10 cash, and at 40.0 grams is just at the upper limit for a full weight 10 cash, we feel it is safe to assume S-999 was intended as a non-fiduciary 5 cash.

 

S-1000, bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: denomination mark for 10 at the top with “HSI ERH” at the bottom. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

As the weight of this issue is consistent with a 10 cash, we so no reason not to believe that the “10” at the top of this coin is not a mark of denomination. The ‘HSI ERH” at the bottom is more of a mystery. Schjoth translates it to “Western second (series)”, the meaning of this is as yet uncertain. We can speculate that this is a type of mintmark. Earlier we mentioned that some of the “mint marks” are in fact the names of governmental admistrative districts, rather than specific mints, and that it is possible that several mints may have opperated withing each of these areas. It is possible that the term “Western second series” is a designation of a specific mint within one of these areas.

 

Reign title: SHUN-YU, AD 1241-1252

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.09 gr

10

Bronze 2 cash

28 mm

5.87 gr

10

Bronze 100 cash

37 mm

14.22 gr

1

Bronze 100 cash

50 mm

28.41 gr

1

 

S-1001-1010, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 12 have been documented

VG   $3.50     F   $5.00     VF   $9.00

 

S-1011-1021, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 have been documented. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-1022-1023, bronze 100 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating the denomination. These do not have year marks. We have had one example of the smaller version in

gF   195.00.

 

S-1022 is half the weight of S-1023. It may be significant that that S-1022 is about the same standard as S-999 (probably a 5 cash), and S-1023 is about the same as S-1000 (10 cash), both of the previous reign title. The question is why would such fiduciary issues be necessary. A study of the history of this reign title might suggest something. The most likely cause would be an economic crisis brought on by war. It is likely the two sizes date to different parts of the reign, but without date marks we may never know for sure.

 

Reign title: PAO-YU, AD 1253-1258

 

 

Coins of this reign title us the inscription “HUANG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” which means “the currency of the Imperial Sung”. This was done was using Pao-yu would require repeating the character for Pao, which was considered to be incorrect. A similar situation occurs on some coins of the Northern Sung period.

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23.0 mm

3.00 gr

7

Bronze 2 cash

29.1 mm

5.54 gr

6

 

S-1024-1029, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years 1 to 6 have been documented.

F   $4.50

 

S-1030-1035, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years 1 to 6 have been documented.

F   $6.00     VF   $9.00

 

Reign title: K’AI-CHING, AD 1259

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.13 gr

1

Bronze 2 cash

27 mm

6.97 gr

1

 

S-1036, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “K’AI-CH’ING T’UAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark for Year-1. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-1037, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “K’AI-CH’ING T’UAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark for Year-1. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

Reign title: CHING-TING, AD 1260-1264

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.06 gr

4

Bronze 2 cash

28 mm

6.19 gr

7

 

S-1038-1041, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHING-TING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years -1, 2, 3 and 4 are known.

VG   $3.50     F   $6.00     VF   $8.50

 

S-1042-1048, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHING-TING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 5 have been documented. As well, Schjoth has one example of year 4 with a crescent at the right. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

Emperor TU TSUNG
AD 1265-1274

Tu Tsung was the last emperor of the Sung dynasty, ruling for 10 years with only one reign title.

 

Reign title: HSIEN-SHUN, AD 1265-1274

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

22 mm

3.11 gr

6

Bronze 2 cash

28 mm

4.86

9

 

S-1049-1054, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-SHUN YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years -1, 2, 3, 5, 6 and 8 are known. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-1055-1063, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-SHUN YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 8 have been documented. As well, Schjoth has one example of year 4 with a crescent at the right. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

The current data suggest that there was a weight reduction in the 2 cash, from about 6.2 to 4.9 grams. We need to see more specimens to be sure this is really the case, but if it is, it may have been a measure take as the Mongols were closing in.


 

BRONZE CURRENCY BARS

Schjoth lists these as talley sticks, which we take to mean they were used to keep track of accounts. The inscriptions state they were “current” which clearly indicated they circulated and were therefore money. Similar items, but of bamboo, were made and circulated at the end of the Ching Dynasty and early in the Republic.

It is not clear when, or by whom, these were issued, but Schjoth (page 40) indicates that Lin-an-fu (now Hangchow) only had that name from AD 1129 until the end of the Sung period. If this is correct, then these must have been cast during the Southern Sung Dynasty.

 

S-1064, bronze 500 cash currency bar. Obverse: “LIN-AN-FU HSING-YUNG” (current in Lin-an Prefecture”. Reverse: “CHU WU PAI WEN SHENG” (Value five hundred cash with a reduction). 22×70 mm, 26.14 grams. No value yet determined.

 

S-1064a, bronze currency bar. Obverse: “LIN-AN-FU HSING-YUNG” (current in Lin-an Prefecture”. Reverse: “CHU WU PAI WEN SHENG” (Value two hundred cash with a reduction). 20×65 mm, 18.80 grams. No value yet determined.

 

The statement that they are valued with a reduction is something we do not yet understand. We have seen a number of these offered for sale in recent years. In our opinion, none that we examined were genuine.

 

AVERAGE WEIGHTS

We have decided to put a chart of the denominations, sizes and weights under each reign title. When the listing is complete the larger table of this information will be eliminated from the site. It this formate proves effective, will will incorporate the it into other parts of the site. Each of these tables has a heading for “#” at the end. This refers to the number of specimens used to determine the average weight.


 

DENOMINATIONS

The bronze denominations used during this dynasty are similar to those used during the Northern Sung dynasty with the additions that there are some non-feduciary 5 and 10 cash issues, as well as one issue of feduciary 100 cash.

A minor difference occurs in the bronze 1 cash in that, while the Northern Sung bronze 1 cash are generally about 24 mm throughout the dynasty, the Southern Sung issues vary between 22 and 25 mm, although there is usually a consistent size within any one reign title and thought, no matter what size, the average weights seem to have remained fairly consistent with an intended weight standard somewhere just over 3 grams.

The iron denominations are very different than those used during the Northern Sung. They are still all feduciary issues, but there seems to have been more acceptance of them as a regular part of the currency although we still have some questions about this. Iron was only issued prolifically during the middle years of the dynasty with no iron issues during the last few reign titles, and there were regular issues of 1 and 2 cash, as well as fairly regular issues of 3 and 5 cash. As many of these issues have survived in fairly large numbers, we have to assume that they were not recalled and melted for scrap metal as the Northern sung issues above 1 cash seem to have been (and are thus much rarer).


 


 

MINTS

Many Southern Sung coins, and in particular the iron coins, have actual mint marks on them. We are just beginning to build this section, and will be adding additional mints as images of the mint marks become available.

 

T’UNG

Refers to the T’ung-an district in Fuken.

 


 

Dates

Many Southern Sung coins, have regnal date marks indicating how many years into the particular reign title the coin was minted. From these we can calculate the exact year of issue, of any coin with such a mark. The date marks we have so far imaged are below, and we will be adding more as become available.

 

YEAR 2

 

YEAR 3

 

YEAR 5

 

YEAR 6

 


 

VALUATIONS

For many type we have not provided a valuation. This does not mean that the type is rare or overly valuable. It simply means we have not found what we feel is an acceptable valuation for the type. In other cases, where a valuation is given for a description which included several year variation, the valuation is for the commonest year that we have handled. If we determine that another year is especially rare or valuable, we will make not of it.

All of our valuations are in Canadian dollars,
which at the time I last updated this are virtually on part with the US dollar.

 

BRONZE & IRON MINT MARKS – NO DATE MARKS

Reign Title

Date

Reverse Types

     

Bronze

Iron

     

CHIEN-YEN

1127-1130

blank
CHUAN

blank

     

SHAO-HSING

1131-1162

blank
crescent
crescent & dots

LI

     

LUNG-HSING

1163-1164

blank

blank

     

CH’IEN-TAO

1165-1173

blank
crescent & dot
CHENG

CHIUNG
T’UNG

     

SHUN-HSI

1174-1189

blank
T’UNG
CH’UAN

crescent & 2 dots
LI
CHIUNG

     

SHAO-HSI

1190-1194

 

crescent & 2 dots

     

CH’ING-YUAN

1195-1200

blank*

crescent & 2 dots

     

CHIA-T’AI

1201-1204

blank **

       

K’AI-HSI

1205-1207

 

blank

     

CHIA-TING

1208-1224

Ch’un/value 5

blank
crescent & 2 dots
TING/crescent & 2 dots
CH’UAN/value 5
LI/value 5
HUI/value 5
value 5
value 10

     

PAO-CH’ING
(using Ta-sung)

1225-1227

 

blank

     

SHAO-TING

1228-1233

         

TUAN-P’ING

1234-1236

blank**
LI/value 10**

blank
CHIUNG/value 5
TING-WU/value 5
HUI/value5/SHI- SHANG

     

CHIA-HSI

1237-1240

blank **
blank *

       

SHUN-YU

1241-1252

value 100

       

PAO-YU
(as Huang-sung)

1253-1258

         

K’AI-CHING

1259

         

CHING-TING

1260-1264

         

HSIEN-SHUN

1265-1274

         

 

* – for some types, blank reverses seem to indicate year one.
** – an unusual large coin, not part of the regular series.

 

COIN WITH REVERSE NUMBERS (USUALLY DATES)
(note that this list is currently far from complete)

Reign Title

Date

Metal

Mint

Year Marks Seen

   

CHIEN-YEN

1127-1130

bronze

blank

none

   

SHAO-HSING

1131-1162

bronze

blank

none

   

LUNG-HSING

1163-1164

bronze

blank

none

   

CH’IEN-TAO

1165-1173

bronze

blank

none

   

SHUN-HSI

1174-1189

bronze

blank

7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,15,16

   

iron

Ch’un

9,11,13,14,15,16

   

iron

T’ung

14,15

   

SHAO-HSI

1190-1194

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5

   

iron

Ch’un

3,4,5

   

iron

T’ung

1,4,5

   

iron

Han

1,2,3,4,5

   

CH’ING-YUAN

1195-1200

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2,3,4,6

   

iron

T’ung

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

iron

Han

1,2,3,4,6

   

iron

CHUAN

5, 6-3, 7-3, 9, 6/73

   

iron

crescent
& 2 dots

1-5, 2-5, 3-5, 4-5

   

CHIA-T’AI

1201-1204

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2

   

iron

T’ung

2,3

   

iron

Han

1,2,3

   

iron

Li

96 (probably not a date)

   

iron

CHUAN

1/83, 2/93, 3/40

   

K’AI-HSI

1205-1207

bronze

blank

1,2,3

   

iron

T’ung

1,2,3

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2,3

   

iron

Han

1,2,3

   

iron

Li

10-6 (or 16) (not a date)

   

iron

CHUAN

3/24

   

CHIA-TING

1208-1224

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14

   

iron

blank

3 above & below, 3 above,

   

iron

blank

2 (an unusual type)

   

iron

Li-chou

1

   

iron

Li

3

   

iron

T’ung

1

   

iron

Ch’un

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12

   

iron

Han

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13

   

iron

Ting

2

   

iron

various

complex unusual series S-934-958
not part of the regular series.

   

CHIA-TING
as Shao-hsing

1208

iron

Li

5 (probably denon. mark)

   

iron

blank

5 (probably denon. mark)

   

PAO-CH’ING
(using Ta-sung)

1225-1227

bronze

blank

1,2,3

   

iron

Ch’uan

3

   

SHAO-TING

1228-1233

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

iron

Ch’un

3

   

TUAN-P’ING

1234-1236

bronze

blank

1

   

CHIA-HSI

1237-1240

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4

   

SHUN-YU

1241-1252

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,11

   

PAO-YU
(as Huang-sung)

1253-1258

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6

   

K’AI-CHING

1259

bronze

blank

1

   

CHING-TING

1260-1264

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5

   

HSIEN-SHUN

1265-1274

bronze

blank

1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8

   

 

At the moment it appears the”crescent & dot” reverse may indicate value 2 coins,
and the “crescent & 2 dots” reverse value 3 coins.

 

SIZES AND PROBABLE DENOMINATIONS

Reign Title

Date

Alloy

mm.

Gr.

Prob. Denom.

 

CHIEN-YEN

@

1127-1130

bronze

24

3.7

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.0@

value 2

 

iron

21

5.0

value 1 (?)

 

SHAO-HSING

1131-1162

bronze

24

3.0

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.0

value 2

 

bronze

30

8.6

value 3 ?

 

iron

18

3.5

value (?)

 

iron

24

3.6

value 1

 

iron

27

6.5

value (?)

 

LUNG-HSING

1163-1164

bronze

24

3.2

value 1

 

bronze

28

7.5

value 2

 

iron

18

4.3

value (?)

 

iron

28

7.8

value 2

 

CH’IEN-TAO

1165-1173

bronze

28

6.0

value 2

 

iron

21

3.7

value (?)

 

iron

21

7.0

value (?)

 

iron

24

8.2

value (?)

 

iron

28

7.7

value 2

 

SHUN-HSI

1174-1189

bronze

24

3.0

value 1

 

bronze

25

3.8

value 1

 

bronze

27

6.0

value 2

 

iron

18

3.0

value ?

 

iron

28

6.5

value 2

 

iron

28

9.0

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

iron

31

13.0

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

SHAO-HSI

1190-1194

bronze

24

3.4

value 1

 

bronze

28

7.2

value 2

 

iron

23

4.9

value 2

 

iron

27

7.1

value 2?
(1-cres\2 dots)

 

iron

31

10

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

CH’ING-YUAN

1195-1200

bronze

22

3.2

value 1

 

bronze

30

6.7

value 3 (?)

 

bronze

31

10.3

value 3

 

iron

24

4.1

value 1

 

iron

29

6.7

value 2

 

iron

30

9

value 3 (cres\2 dots)

 

iron

32

12

value 3 (3 mark)

 

CHIA-T’AI

1201-1204

bronze

24

3.2

value 1

 

bronze

29

6.4

value 2

 

bronze

34

10.7

value 5 or 10 ?

 

iron

29

7.5

value 2 or 3

 

iron

29

10

value 2 or 3 ?

 

iron

32

11

value 3 or 5 ?

 

K’AI-HSI

1205-1207

bronze

23

3.5

value 1

 

bronze

27

6.0

value 2

 

iron

28

6.0

value 2

 

iron

30

10.5

value 3 or 5 ?

 

CHIA-TING
as Shao-hsing

1208

iron

33

11.0

5 (5 mark)

 

CHIA-TING

1208-1224

bronze

24

3.25

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.5

value 2

 

bronze

33

14.0

value 5 or 10 ?

 

bronze

51

38.3

value 10 marked

 

iron

24

4.8

value 1

 

iron

27

7.2

value 2 ?

 

iron

33

9-13

value 3 or 5

 

iron

32

11-14

value 3

 

iron

34

10-14

value 3 or 5

 

PAO-CH’ING
(using Ta-sung)

1225-1227

bronze

23

3.5

value 1

 

bronze

29

6.3

value 2

 

iron

29

7.7

value 2

 

iron

31

12.8

value 3 ?

 

SHAO-TING

1228-1233

bronze

23

3.4

value 1

 

bronze

29

6.6

value 2

 

iron

26

5.9

value 1 or 2

 

TUAN-P’ING

1234-1236

bronze

23

3.8

value 1

 

bronze

34

10.6

value 5 ?

 

bronze

40

26.6

value 10 marked

 

iron

25

7.2

value 1 or 2

 

iron

29

10.9

value 2 or 3

 

iron

35

11.4

value 3 or 5

 

CHIA-HSI

1237-1240

bronze

22

3.6

value 1

 

bronze

27

6.7

value 2

 

bronze

35

15.1

value 5 (?)

 

bronze

48

40.0

value 10 marked

 

SHUN-YU

1241-1252

bronze

23

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

28

5.9

value 2

 

bronze

37

14.2

value 100 marked

 

bronze

50

28.4

value 100 marked

 

PAO-YU
(as Huang-sung)

1253-1258

bronze

23

3.0

value 1

 

bronze

29

5.5

value 2

 

K’AI-CHING

1259

bronze

23

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

27

7.0

value 2

 

CHING-TING

1260-1264

bronze

23

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

28

6.2

value 2

 

HSIEN-SHUN

1265-1274

bronze

22

3.1

value 1

 

bronze

28

4.9

value 2

 

 

UNUSUAL REVERSE TYPES

Schjoth #

Inscription

Possible Translations
or meaning

   

S-683, 687, bronze 2 cash

crescent

Possibly some type of mint mark. Could indicate the number 1 (or 1st mint).    

S-725, bronze 1 cash

crescent/dot

Some suggest this indicates a value 2 cash, but we no longer agree and believe it may be a mint mark although it could indicate 2 or (2nd mint).    

S-703, 727, 728, bronze 2 cash

crescent/dot

   

S-781, iron 2 cash

2 dots/crescent

Some suggest this indicates a value 3 cash but S-781 appears to be a value 2 cash. The number 3 (or 3rd mint) could be intended.    

S-783, 784, 785, 786, 787, 823, 830, 831, 832, 829, iron 3 cash

2 dots/crescent

   

S-784, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth six

An usual series of the crescent/2 dots with additional marks. These are the only iron issues of this reign title not baring a clearly identifiable mint mark in this position occupied by the crescent/2 dots, leaving us will little doubt that this is also a mint mark). The secondary marks, running through two reign titles, form a continuous sequence of numbers from 47 to 54 if one accepts, as is apparent from S-785, 786 and 787, that the meaning is the same whether the characters are side by side at the bottom or on opposite sides of the hole.We have developed what we believe to be a strong theory as to the meaning. S-823 bares the crescent/2 dots reverse but no numeric marks giving a total of 5 types in the Ching-yuan title, which is a five year title. The three specimens in Chia-Tai title appear to be dated years 1, 2 and 3 so are sequential with those above, as are the numeric marks. This strongly suggest these numeric marks are annual sequential marks, suggesting #46 (S-784) was cast in AD 1191 (assuming the un-numbered example was cast before the numbering was started). Forty six years earlier was AD 1145 which is in the Shao-Hsing reign title where we see S-683-684-683-84 and S-686-88 which is the first occurrence of the thick crescent on a Southern Sung coin. This suggest these are annual sequential marks dating from when the mint was opened. For this theory to work, we must make one assumption in that Crescent, Crescent/dot and Crescent/2 dots must come under one authority, as the first occurrence does not use the Crescent/2 dots. This does fit with the concept that at least the early mint marks were actually marks of not individual mints, but of governmental districts possibly in charge of more than one mint (as discussed elsewhere).    

S-785, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth seven

   

S-786, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth eight

   

S-787, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fourth nine

   

FD-1294, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots, fifty

   

S-830, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty one

   

S-831, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty two

   

S-832, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty three

   

S-833, iron 3 or 5 cash

crescent/2 dots,
fifty four

   

S-824, iron 3 or 5 cash

Chuan, five

This is an odd series. Cast during a six year reign title, no number above six can be a year mark.The marks here are not as clear cut as on the crescent/2 dots series, but we can make a few speculations. First, as the Chuan mint mark resembles the number 3 turned on it’s side, it is possible that S-824 could also be read as 35, and S-827 as 38. One the crescent/2 dots type we have shown and the numbers either side of the hole should be read as if the hole is not present, so S-825 becomes 37 and S-826 becomes 36. The only problem is S-828 with would now read as having both 36 and 37 on it. In spite of this analysis, the meaning of these numbers is still unclear. (remember that this is only a theory and by no means proven.    

S-826, iron 3 or 5 cash

Chuan, six, three

   

S-828, iron 3 or 5 cash

six, Chuan,
thirty seven

   

S-825, iron 3 or 5 cash

Chuan, seven, thirty

   

S-827, iron 3 or 5 cash

nine, Chuan

   

S-854, iron 3 cash

one Chuan
thirty eight

Another unusual series. The one, two and three appear to be year marks. The thirty eight, thirty nine and fourth are uncertain but seem to be continuous with the thirty seven of the series above. The reverse marks clearly seem to be consecutive and not directly related to the reign title. FD-1238 and S-856 are the only two we have so far noted with the same year mark but different reverse marks.    

S-855, iron 3 cash

two Chuan
thirty nine

   

S-856, iron 3 cash

three Chuan, forty

   

FD-1238, iron 3 cash

three Chuan, forty one

   

S-873, iron 3 cash

Chuan, three, forty two

This coin continues the sequence of the two series above. A pattern is definitely here.

   
         
         

 

The data collected in these charts is based on a limited number of sources. It is almost a certainty that more dates will eventually be added to the date chart, and that there may be denominations and possible mints that we have not yet come across. The current information should cover most issues but it is possible some new discoveries may cause us to re-evaluate some of our interpretations in the future.

The weights listed in this chart are only quick estimates based on the specimens in the Schjoth collection. It should be assumed that many of the coins were worn and possibly corroded (especially the iron) and that the average weight when cast would have been as much as 10% higher.

From these tables we are able to make the following observations:

1) There do not seem to be any examples of the same mint mark appearing on both bronze and iron coins during a reign title.

2) Early bronze coins sometimes have mint marks, and most later bronze coins have date marks, but be have not found an example where both occur together on a bronze coin.

3) The “mint” marks may be more complex then they first appear, and in some cases may not be true mint marks. At no more than eight in any one title, and in some cases only one is used, there seem to be too few mints to account for the numbers of coins that should have been needed. At times the Northern Sung at as many as twenty-six mints operating. With the loss of the Northern Territories, the Southern Sung would have had a smaller population, but they did occupy the most populous parts of China and the needs would have been cut no more than in half. Schjoth (page 34) notes that “Li”, “Chuan” and “Chiung” were all district names rather than distinct cities.

4) There must have been a major currency reform during the Shun Hsi reign title (AD 1174-1189). The use of mint marks on iron coins was greatly expanded sometime between 1174 and 1180. In 1180 date marks were introduced. It also appears that during this period the use of iron coins was greatly expanded.

5) The use of iron coins is greatly reduced at AD 1224 and seems to stop around AD 1230.

6) The normal working denominations and standards for bronze coins do not seem to have changed a great deal from the Northern Sung period. The basic one cash seems to been cast under most reign titles at a standard between 3 and 4 grams with the size early in the dynasty about 24 mm and gradually reducing to about 22 mm by the end of the dynasty. Most reign titles cast bronze 2 cash of a standard between 5.75 and 7.5 grams (also as in the Northern Sung) with the size varying between 27 and 30 mm, a slightly wider range than in the Northern Sung. A few reign titles cast bronze 5 and 10 cash coins, several of which are clearly marked as to their denomination, but in most cases are cast to a weight standard close to official standard (15-17 grams for a 5 cash and 30-35 grams for a 10 cash). Only in one instance were high denomination feduciary bronze coins cast (at a value of 100 cash).

7) At first glance the iron coins seem to work on a system similar to the Northern Sung system whereby size if important but weights vary considerably. We are still working on this part, but it appears that value 2 iron cash were cast at about 28-30 mm with weights abut 6.5 to 8 grams, about the same as the bronze value 2. Value 3 iron cash at about 31-33 mm but with weights between 8 and 13 grams. Something what were cast here, but not during the Northern Sung, were value 5 iron coin. There is little doubt about them as some types were clear marked as value 5. They tend to be about 34 mm 10 to 15 grams.

8) At first is appeared that the crescent/dot and 2 dots/crescent reverse types indicated value 2 and value 3 coins. A closer examination of the coins shows that this is probably not the case. It would imply the the crescent only types, such as 683 and 687 were value 1 cash, but those two are obviously 2 value 2 cash. S-725 bares the crescent/dot reverse but appears to be a 1 cash. While the 2 dots/crescent reverse usually occures on value 3 cash, S-781 is an example where the marks occure on a value 2 cash. The meaning of these marks still remains a mystery, but at the moment it appears that the most likely explanation is that they are mint marks of some type. We have noted that they only occur on bronze coins during the early period when other mint marks also appear on bronze coins. Later, when mint marks only occur on iron coins, these marks also only occur on iron coins. At the moment, this early draft of this site may have some types described with these marks listed as denomination marks, but these comments will be removed from the next draft.

 

year three

believe it’s a fake of a Southern Song coin.
Emperor Ning Zong, Jai Ding Long Bao clockwise.
This should be a large Iron coin.

could be wrong (probably am) but it appears to be genuine. It’s 11.9g and 33mm and I’m not sure how to determine its metal content. Is there a good book on old Chinese coins like this?

Iron is magnetic and this coin is not magnetic.. Oh well, it’s fake. I’d still like to find a good book on Chinese coins like this one. And thanks for your help.

Yep, sorry, but as far as I can tell, these coins were only cast in iron. Iron (a) is magnetic, and (b) turns rusty red-brown, rather than green.

As for books, I have two. Krause Publication’s “Chinese Cash” by David Jen has too many errors and omissions for me to recommend it (unless they’ve issued newer editions which fixed the problems up). I’m still reading through my just-bought copy of “Cast Chinese Coins” by David Hartill; it seems better and more comprehensive (this particular coin, for instance, is listed in Hartill but not in Jen), but the lack of a price guide is its main drawback.

Don’t say “infinitely” when you mean “very”; otherwise, you’ll have no word left when you want to talk about something really infinite.

Schjoth-Chinese Currency- lists all the issues with the clockwise legend as Iron coins. These coins also have a mintmark at the top of the Reverse, and the reign year at the bottom. Iron coins appear black, or rusted. They are not common now, although they were when issued.
The copper issues of this reigh title have regnal yerar at the top, but they are all Top-Bottom-Right -Left. I have not consulted any of my Chinese texts, but I agree that thios is a fake.

Thanks for the info. I’ve ordered David Hartill’s book on Chinese coins and I plan to find a good place to get genuine Chinese coins. I’ll post a few pictures of coins in a month or so once I’ve gotten and identified them. Do you know of any reputable dealers who sell Chinese coins?

Hehe, you should read it as ” chia, ding,long, bao”, just starting from Chia, clockwise, to Bao.

Chinese: 嘉定隆寶

it’s cast during 1208–1224, an iron coin minted by Southern Song Dynasty (1127–1279).

Actually, the order of the inscriptions on coin is clockwise, that’s really rare among Chinese coins

 

 

 

 

Emperor KAO TSUNG
AD 1127-1162

Reign title: CHIEN-YEN, AD 1127-1131

S-671, 673 Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox and seal scripts. Reverse: blank. 23-24 mm.

@

S-672, Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “CHUAN” which Schjoth believes referes to Western Szechuan (probably Ch’eng-tu Fu mint). 22 mm.

 

S-674-676. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox and seal scripts. Reverse: blank. 28 mm. Average average 6.5 grams (ranging from 5.33 to 8.6 grams). Schjoth assigned a value of 3 cash to the 8.6 gram specimen all three are the same size and fit into the Northern Sung standard for a 2 cash.

F   $9.00     VF   $15.00@

 

S-677-678. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIEN-YEN T’UNG-PAO”in seal script. Reverse: blank. 20 m. Average 5.08 grams. These are very small coins, but weights fit with earlier Iron 1 cash. These need further study.

 

We believe the iron and bronze coins of similar size circulated at the same values, with the iron coin being fiduciary by a ratio of about 10 to 1 by weight. A discussion of the development of the iron coinage during the North Sung Dynasty can be found of that part of our site.

 

Reign title: SHAO-HSING, AD 1131-1162

S-679. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weight 2.81 grams.

 

S-680. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING YUAN-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: crescent. 24 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weight 3.07 grams.

 

S-681-689. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING YUAN-PAO” in seal script. Reverse: blank or with a variety of crescents and dots. 28-29 mm. Schjoth’s specimen weight 5.50 grams but include a number of relatively light weight specimens that may be contemporary counterfeits. It appears that the intended standard may have been somewhat over 6 grams.

 

 

SCRIPT

REVERSE

TOP

TOP/BOTTOM

TOP RIGHT

ORTHODOX

blank

crescent

crescent/dot

crescent

SEAL

blank

crescent

crescent/dot

 

 

This chart shows in interesting trend in that, with the exception of one rather oddly positioned crescent, there appears to be parallel development in the crescents and dots in both script styles. The exact meaning of this is not yet clear, and more types may exist, but we currently speculate that the crescents and dots are mint marks.

 

S-690, 691. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in seal and orthodox scripts. Reverse: blank. 29 mm. Schjoth had two specimens averaging 6.87 grams.

 

S-692. Iron 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 27 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 6.82 grams.

 

S-693. Iron 2 (or 1) cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “LI”. 26 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 5.82 grams.

 

On this type, Schjoth (page 34) has recognized that the reverse mark “LI” is not a city name, but rather the name of a governmental area made up of parts of Szechuan and Shensi. This suggest that rather than a mint mark, it is a governing authority in charge of possibly several mints. It is possible this is also the case for the other Southern Sung “Mint Marks” that occur later in the series.

 

S-694. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 23 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.84 grams.

 

S-695. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: “LI”. 23 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.52 grams.

 

S-696. Iron 1 (?) cash. Obverse: “SHAO-HSING T’UNG-PAO” in orthodox script. Reverse: blank. 18 mm. Schjoth had one specimen of 3.20 grams.

 

These small (under 22 mm) iron cash is something new to the Sung series. We cannot dismiss them as a counterfeit as similar coins were cast during the following reign titles. Further analysis is needed on these.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Emperor HSIAO TSUNG
AD 1163-1189

Reign title: LUNG-HSING, AD 1163-1164@

 

Reign title: CH’IEN TAO, AD 1165-1173

 

ORTHODOX SCRIPT

T’UNG MINT

Hartill 17.150, iron 2 cash,”CH’IEN-TAO YUAN-PAO”, mint mark at the bottom, no date mark. Average (1 specimen) 26.0 mm, 4.69 grams.

VF   $95.00

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: SHUN HSI, AD 1174-1189

NO MINT MARK

S-725 variety, bronze 1 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Reverse: crescent and two dots at bottom.

 

S-730, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, no year mark.

gF   $7.00

 

MINT AND DATE MARKED COINS

Sometime in the first 6 years of Shun-hsi, the practice of putting Mint marks on the reverse was introduced for Iron but not bronze coins. The 7th year saw the introduction of regal dates on the reverse of almost all coins, bronze and iron. Schjoth (page 34) states the dates were added to stop illicit casting, and were successful in doing so. There has to be more to this than meets the eye.

We see no reason why the practice would have affected counterfeiting by the general population, as they would have simply made coins bearing the date and mint marks. Since the counterfeiting stopped, we can assume the problem was not with the general public. On the other hand, when mint and date marks are combined, it makes it possible to identify the mint official responsible for any given issue. This would be a great deterrent to the casting of sub-standard coins by official mints.

The next question that is raised is why were mint marks not added to bronze coins. The obvious answer would appear to be that there was only one mint casting bronze coins, but is not certain. The bronze coins of this reign title are fairly common, and seem to exist in numbers far to large for the production of a single mint. Another possible answer is that bronze coins, being non-feduciary in nature, were not as easy a target for sub-standard casting and as tight of controls were not deemed necessary. This is an area that needs more research.

 

S-735, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-11.

F   $6.00

 

S-735, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-11.

gVF   $12.00

 

S-738, bronze 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-14.

aVF/F   $7.00

 

CH’UN MINT

S-751, iron 2 cash “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, Year-14.

gF   $45.00

 

T’UNG MINT

NOT LISTED, like S-726 but iron 2 cash,
“SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”, no year mark,
Reverse: mint mark at the top.

gF   $40.00@

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”,
Year-14. Reverse: mint mark at the top.

aVF   $65.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAO”,
Year-15 (to left), Reverse: mint mark to the right and date to the left (unusual).

gF   $75.00

 

Emperor KUANG TSUNG
AD 1190-1194

Reign title: SHAO-HSI, AD 1190-1194

 

CH’UN MINT

S-772, iron 1 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VF/F   $39.50

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”,
Year-3 to left, mint mark to the right, orthodox script.

VF/F   $75.00

 

T’UNG MINT

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”,
mint mark at the top. There is no year mark but it may have been removed.

VF   $10.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 2 cash, “SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VF/G   $40.00

 

gF   $8.50

 

HAN MINT

It appears that the Han mint (in Hupei province) was opened in the first year of Shao-hsi (AD 1190). While Schjoth did not have one, we have owned an example of Han year-1.

 

Emperor NING TSUNG
AD 1195-1224

The coinage of Ning Tsung is by far the most interesting and diversified of the Sung Dynasties, and possibly any Chinese Emperor. During as 29 year reign he used 5 reign titles, issued prolifically in both bronze and iron, and made extensive use of mint and date marks. Schjoth lists about 180 different examples, which is by no means a complete listing of what must have existed.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: CH’ING-YUAN, AD 1195-1200

 

 

Schjoth (page 36) says “In the 3rd year of Ch’ing-yuan (A.D. 1197) the Shen-ch’uan mint cast ‘value three’ coins from the accumulated copper utensils obtained”. The coins referred to appear to be the larger copper issues, S-800-802, which do not bear mint marks. Schjoth has specimens date years 4, 5 and 6. This appears to be the same mint that cast a set of unusual iron coins (S-854-856) which appear to be dated years 1, 2 and 3. This is the first evidence we have found that during a single reign title a mint cast both non-mint-marked copper coins and mint marked iron coins, but it should be noted that there is no overlap in the date marks, so there is still no evidence of both being cast at one mint at the same time.

 

CH’UN MINT

S-806, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

F   $35.00

 

S-806, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

gF   $40.00

 

NOT LISTED, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-6.

VF/F   $40.00

 

S-814, iron 2 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-3.

VF/VG   $35.00

 

S-816, iron 2 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-6.

F   $40.00

 

HAN MINT

NOT LISTED iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-4.

aF   $29.50

 

T’UNG MINT

NOT LISTED, iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VG/F   $25.00

 

NOT LISTED,iron 1 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VG-F   $25.00

 

S-812, iron 2 cash, “CH’ING-YUAN T’UNG-PAO”, Year-5.

VG-F   $29.50

 

CHUAN MINT

Schjoth 824-828 represent an unusual series of iron coins. The meaning of Chuan mint mark is fairly clear but there are other characters of uncertain meaning. S-824 has a “5” to the left which may or may not be a date mark. S-825 as two marks, 7 at right and 30 at left (formed by a combined 3 and 10), neither of which can be a date mark as this title only lasted six years. S-826 has a “6” at the left and “3” at the right. Either one, but not both, could be date marks but S-825 and S-827 suggest this series is not dated. S-827 has a “9” at the top beside “Chuan”, which cannot be a date mark. S-828 has a “6” at the top beside “Chuan” and the same 7 and 30 marks seen on S-826, at the bottom. The meaning of these is unclear, but it should be noted that a similar series (S-854-856), also of the chuan mint, have similar marks, as does S-873. It appears that the Chuan mint used a different system than other mints. At 33 mm, these coins are larger than the normal series (although the same as S-829-834 discussed next). It is possible they are some type of emergency issues but we are as yet unable to provide an explanation of them.

 

IRON COINS WITHOUT MINTMARKS

Schjoth 829-833 are another odd series of iron coin. Since they are also 33 mm, they are probably related to S-824-828. Schjoth lists these as of unclear meaning, but we have a theory about them. All have the crescent with 2 dots at the top, which Schjoth suggests means value 3 cash, which we will accept for the moment (but are uncertain about). The marks at the bottom 1-5 (or 15), 2-5 (or 25), 3-5 (or 35), 4-5 (or 45) and 6-5 (or 65). Note there is no 5-5 but there is a type with no numbers on the reverse that may occupy that position in the series (the Chinese of this period did not like to repeat characters on coins, as can be seen from some unusual reign titles). Also note we have not yet documented any year-5 iron coins from other mints. It is possible that in year 5 an experiment was tried whereby the 1, 2, 3, 4, blank=5, and 6 indicate the mints of issue. Other explanations are possible, including that the numbers indicate furnaces (workshops) with one central mint. It has also been suggested that these are mould series marks, but as non-reusable sand molds were probably used, and every mould was different, mold numbers would be pointless.

At first glance, S-823 to 833 all appear to be value 3 cash. Some bare the crescent with 3 dots mark which may indicate value 3. There seem to be two weight standards in use. S-823-829 are all in the 11 to 13 grams range while 830 to 833 are at a 9 to 10 gram range. The 9 to 10 grams coins have no mint marks but the crescent with 2 dots mark at the top, with double digit mark at the bottom composed a 5 on the right and A 1, 2, 3 or 4 on the left. This confused the issue slightly and needs to be given more consideration. The heavier coins, S-823-829 are years 5, 6, 7 and 8 as well as one with no date mark.

 

Reign title: CHIA-T’AI, AD 1201-1204

 

ORTHODOX SCRIPT@

S-843. Bronze 3 cash. Obverse : CHAI T’AI TUNG PAO (read clockwise from the top). Reverse : blank. Average (1 specimen) 34.6 mm, 10.54 grams.

S-852 is shown in Schjoth’s illustration as a blank reverse, but in the text he notes it is a blurred reverse, indication something was there.

 

S-853 is an unusual coin. It has the “LI” mint mark at the top and the numbers 9 and 6 (or 96) at the bottom. Neither digit can be a date. This seems to be related to S-829-833 above although it is not over-sized as they were. We do not yet have an explanation this.

 

 

S-854-856 are also unusual.

Chia tai tung pao

On the top of the reverses @

they all have the Chuan mint mark with the digits 1, 2 and 3@ beside. This appear to be year marks. At the bottom they each have another double digit mark, 8-3@ (or 83), 93 (or 93) and 10-4 (or 40). As yet we do not have an explanation for them.

 

 

 

Reign title: K’AI-HSI, AD 1205-1207

BRONZE ISSUES

Under the K’ai-Hsi title bronze coins were issued in both the 1 and 2 cash denomination, with date marks but not mint marks. The 1 cash average (3 specimens) 3.44 grams, 24 mm. The 2 cash average (3 specimens) 5.73 grams, 28 mm.

S-857. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “Yuan” for year-1 (AD 1205). Value not yet recorded.

S-858. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-2 (AD 1206).     F   $4.00     VF   $6.50

S-859. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-3 (AD 1207). Value not yet recorded.

S-860. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “Yuan” for year-1 (AD 1205). Value not yet recorded.

S-861. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-2 (AD 1206). &Value not yet recorded.

S-862. Bronze 2 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : Year mark for year-3 (AD 1207). Value not yet recorded.

IRON ISSUES

The iron issues of the K’ai-hsi period are for the most part fairly standard. There are issues for year 1, 2 and 3 from each of the three principle mints of T’ung, Han and Ch’un, but only in the two cash denomination.

S-863 to 871. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : date and mint mark. These will be written up at some future date.

Schjoth listed the following three issues that do not fit the standard pattern but appear to be of a 3 cash denomination.

S-872. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : blank. Average (1 specimen) 10.93 grams. The blank reverse on this specimen seems rather odd and does not fit with other issues of this period. I suspect Schjoth’s specimen was simply too corroded and what ever was on the reverse was not visible. Value not yet determined.

S-873. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “SAN CH’UAN SSU ERH” (thee Ch’uan twenty four). It seem likely that 3 Ch’uan means third year at Ch’uan mint, but the meaning of the 24 is as yet unclear (Schjoth speculates it is a mold number that seem unlikely to me). Average (1 specimen) 11.58 grams. value not yet determined.

S-874. Iron 3 cash. Obverse : “K’ai-Hsi T’ung-pao”. Reverse : “LI LIU SHIH” (LI sixty). LI may be the mark for the Shao-Hsing mint in Li-chou. The meaning of the number sixty is as yet uncertain. Average (1 specimen) 9.35 grams.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: CHIA-TING, AD 1208-1224

S-903-904 iron only unusual in that the Li-chou mint mark is written in full rather than with only the Character for LI.

 

S-905 iron is unusual as it does not have a mint mark and the date mark is at the top. It is a typical type for an bronze coin. It should be checked to see if it is really iron.

 

S-934-958 are a complex series of coins that will need a lot of study to sort out. This will have to wait until later.

 

 

China S.Sung Chia-Ting (1208-1224 AD)

Chia Ting Yuan Pao (Year 2) 1209 AD

US $13.15@

I found bronze coin Chia ting yuan pao year 4 and  8 with very find condition more clear than above coin

 

Emperor LI TSUNG, AD 1225-1264

Not that Schjoth (top of page 40) notes that Li tsung’s government was over-burdened with the difficulties of war. This must be considered when interpreting this next series of coins. It might help explain the unusual series S-983-990. Is the stopping iron issues (from S-991 on) related to this war?

 

 

Reign title: PAO-CH’ING, AD 1225-1227

To use the Pao-ch’ing reign title on a coin would have required the character for “Pao” to occur twice on the same coin. It had long been established that characters were generally not repeated on the obverse of Chinese coins, so in a tradition stating much earlier, an inscription commemorating the Sung Dynasty was chosen. In this case it was “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO” which means roughly “coinage of the great Sung dynasty”.

Schjoth seems to think that coins with the “Pao-ch’ing” inscriptions were cast in the first few months of this title, but he did not have a specimen and we have never seen one. Since is would have gone against long standing tradition to have cast such coins, we would want to examine any such specimens for authenticity before including them in this listing.

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.45 gr

2

Bronze 2 cash

29 mm

6.29 gr

3

Iron 2 cash

29 mm

7.74 gr

2

Iron 3 cash

31 mm

12.83 gr

1

       

 

BRONZE COINS

S-959-960, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 3 been documented (we once had the year 2 that Schjoth was missing).

VF   $27.50

 

S-961-963,bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years 2 and 3 have been documented. Schjoth had a year three with a crescent in the bottom right corner. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

IRON COINS

NO MINT MARK

S-965 iron 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. This coin is an anomaly for this period, as blank reverses are not normal on iron coins. Sometimes the reverses are weak on these and if the coin was in poor condition, possibly not legible. This coin should be examined very closely. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

S-966 iron 2 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “LI-CHOU HSING-SHIH” (the currency of Li-Chou). Not that these is not date on this type. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

CH’UAN MINT

S-964 iron 3 cash. Obverse: “TA-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “CH’UAN SAN” (Ch’uan mint year 3). Only year 3 has been documented but we would expect others to exist. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth listed all three of these iron coins as value 3 cash, but both the sizes and the weights clear indicate that two different denominations were intended

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: SHAO-TING, AD 1228-1233

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.37 gr

7

Bronze 2 cash

29 mm

6.65 gr

6

Iron 1 cash

25 mm

5.89 gr

1

       

 

BRONZE COINS

S-967-972, 975 bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-TING T’UNG PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 6 been documented.

F   $5.00     VF   $9.00

 

S-973, 974, 976-979 bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-TING T’UNG PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Only year 1 has been documented. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth describes his example #975 as a clipped two cash, but if the diameter within the rims are drawn accurately, we so no reason to believe it was not cast as a one cash.

 

IRON COINS

CH’I-CHUN MINT

S-980 iron 1 cash. Obverse: “SHAO-TING T’UNG PAO”. Reverse: “CH’UN SAN” (Ch’un mint year 3). Only year 3 has been documented but we would expect others to exist. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

 

 

Reign title: TUAN-P’ING, AD 1234-1236

This is the last Southern Sung reign title under which iron coins were cast, and for which mint marks were used.

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

22 mm

3.76 gr

1*

Bronze 5 cash

34 mm

10.64 gr

1

Bronze 10 cash

40 mm

26.58 gr

1

Iron 1 cash

25 mm

7.19 gr

1

Iron 2 cash

29 mm

10.92 gr

1

Iron 5 cash

35 mm

11.36 gr

1

 

* One of the two specimens Schjoth had is listed as weighing 5.91 grams, which is so far off the usual standard we have to assume the listing is an error and have only included one of the specimens in the weight calculation. Hopefully we will be able to locate more specimens in the near future.

 

BRONZE COINAGE

S-981-982, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Only year 1 has been documented. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

S-983, bronze 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. A recent specimen we handled was 35.5 mm, 10.4 grams. This is a fairly common type.

F   $15.00     VF   $25.00

 

S-984, bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “LI CHE SHIH” (Li-chou value 10). We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth (page 39) suggest this is a bronze trial casting for an iron type. As it bears a mint mark this is possible, but as of yet we have not seen any evidence for iron examples having been issued. The presence of bronze value 10 cash coins in the next reign title, as well as under Chia-ting (AD 1208-1224), suggest it was more likely was intended as a bronze 10 cash. The mint mark makes it an anomaly amoung bronze coins of this period, but many of the coins of this reign title are unusual types.

 

IRON COINAGE

The iron coins of this reign are unusual in that none of the specimens we have so far documented bear dates, and only some of them bear mint marks. This shows some type of coinage reform was underway, which seems to have resulted in a total stop to the issue of iron coins by the end of this period.

 

CHIUNG MINT

S-985, iron 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “CHIUNG WU” (Chiung mint value 5). We have not yet determined a value for type.

 

TING-CHOU MINT

S-986, iron 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: “TING-WU PEI-SHANG” (value five of Ting-chou, upper north). We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

HUI (MIN) MINT

S-988, iron 5 cash. Obverse: TUAN-P’ING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: “HUI-WU HSI-SHANG” (value five of Hui Mint, upper western). We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

Schjoth illustrates both S-986 and 988 as being without rims, but makes no comment about this. We assume that his specimen was just in very poor condition, which is not unusual for iron coins. Both types have reverse inscriptions which are not yet understood. Like some other South Sung Iron coins of this general period, there is a reference to a geographic direction and a rank with these as upper, S-1000 as second. We are not sure if his translation is correct and wonder if upper could also mean something like main, first or primary, in which case we might take these to mean that the mint mark lists the governmental office in charge and that the secondary mark referes either to a specific mint, or a workshop within a mint. This needs more research and the help of a better translator.

 

NO MINT MARKS

S-989, iron 1 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. We have not yet determined a value for this type yet.

 

Schjoth refers to this as a 2 cash but at 25 mm it is far more likely to have been intended as a 1 cash. At 7.19 grams it a little heavy, but all the evidence indicates that size is far more important then weight in determining denomination (see our discussion of size and weights under the Northern Sung dynasty) and it is not unusual for iron coins to be significantly heavier than bronze coins of the same size. (the same applies to the 2 cash below).

 

S-990, iron 2 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Schjoth refers to this as a 3 cash but at 29 mm it is far more likely to have been intended as a 2 cash. We have not yet determined a value for this type yet.

 

S-987, iron 5 cash. Obverse: “TUAN-P’ING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. We have not yet determined a value for this type yet.

 

 

 

 

Reign title: CHIA HSI, AD 1237-1240

 

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

22 mm

3.58gr

3

Bronze 2 cash

27 mm

6.66 gr

5

Bronze 5 cash

37 mm

15.75 gr

3

Bronze 10 cash

48 mm

40.04 gr

1

 

S-991-993, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 4 have been documented.

VG   $3.50     F   $5.00

 

S-994-998, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 4 have been documented, plus a year 2 with a crescent at the top. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-999, bronze 5 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI CHUNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. We recently had a two specimens, both of 37 mm. The average weight of thee specimens was 15.75 grams. The specimens we have had were well cast with bold deep characters.

F   $50.00     VF   $75.00

 

Schjoth considered these to be value 3 cash, but at 35-37 mm and about 16 grams, it is much larger than the 31-32 mm and 10.74 grams one would expect (based on a average 3.58 for the one cash) but only slightly below the range one would expect for a value 5 cash. The next issue, S-1000, is clearly intended to be a value 10 cash, and at 40.0 grams is just at the upper limit for a full weight 10 cash, we feel it is safe to assume S-999 was intended as a non-fiduciary 5 cash.

 

S-1000, bronze 10 cash. Obverse: “CHIA-HSI T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: denomination mark for 10 at the top with “HSI ERH” at the bottom. We have not yet determined a value for this type.

 

As the weight of this issue is consistent with a 10 cash, we so no reason not to believe that the “10” at the top of this coin is not a mark of denomination. The ‘HSI ERH” at the bottom is more of a mystery. Schjoth translates it to “Western second (series)”, the meaning of this is as yet uncertain. We can speculate that this is a type of mintmark. Earlier we mentioned that some of the “mint marks” are in fact the names of governmental admistrative districts, rather than specific mints, and that it is possible that several mints may have opperated withing each of these areas. It is possible that the term “Western second series” is a designation of a specific mint within one of these areas.

 

Reign title: SHUN-YU, AD 1241-1252

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.09 gr

10

Bronze 2 cash

28 mm

5.87 gr

10

Bronze 100 cash

37 mm

14.22 gr

1

Bronze 100 cash

50 mm

28.41 gr

1

 

S-1001-1010, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 12 have been documented

VG   $3.50     F   $5.00     VF   $9.00

 

S-1011-1021, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10@, 11 and 12 have been documented. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-1022-1023, bronze 100 cash. Obverse: “SHUN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating the denomination. These do not have year marks. We have had one example of the smaller version in

gF   195.00.

 

S-1022 is half the weight of S-1023. It may be significant that that S-1022 is about the same standard as S-999 (probably a 5 cash), and S-1023 is about the same as S-1000 (10 cash), both of the previous reign title. The question is why would such fiduciary issues be necessary. A study of the history of this reign title might suggest something. The most likely cause would be an economic crisis brought on by war. It is likely the two sizes date to different parts of the reign, but without date marks we may never know for sure.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Reign title: PAO-YU, AD 1253-1258

huang sung yuan pao

 

 

Coins of this reign title us the inscription “HUANG-SUNG YUAN-PAO” which means “the currency of the Imperial Sung”. This was done was using Pao-yu would require repeating the character for Pao, which was considered to be incorrect. A similar situation occurs on some coins of the Northern Sung period.

 

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23.0 mm

3.00 gr

7

Bronze 2 cash

29.1 mm

5.54 gr

6

 

S-1024-1029, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years 1 to 6 have been documented.

F   $4.50

 

S-1030-1035, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “HUANG-SUNG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years 1 to 6 have been documented.

F   $6.00     VF   $9.00

 

Reign title: K’AI-CHING, AD 1259

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.13 gr

1

Bronze 2 cash

27 mm

6.97 gr

1

 

S-1036, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “K’AI-CH’ING Y’UAN-PAO”. @Reverse: mark for Year-1. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-1037, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “K’AI-CH’ING Y’UAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark for Year-1. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

Reign title: CHING-TING, AD 1260-1264

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

23 mm

3.06 gr

4

Bronze 2 cash

28 mm

6.19 gr

7

 

S-1038-1041, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CHING-TING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years -1, 2, 3 and 4 are known.

VG   $3.50     F   $6.00     VF   $8.50

 

S-1042-1048, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “CHING-TING YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 5 have been documented. As well, Schjoth has one example of year 4 with a crescent at the right. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

Emperor TU TSUNG
AD 1265-1274

Tu Tsung was the last emperor of the Sung dynasty, ruling for 10 years with only one reign title.

 

Reign title: HSIEN-SHUN, AD 1265-1274

DENOMINATION

SIZE

WEIGHT

#

Bronze 1 cash

22 mm

3.11 gr

6

Bronze 2 cash

28 mm

4.86

9

 

S-1049-1054, bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-SHUN YUAN-PAO”.@ Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. Years -1, 2, 3@, 5, 6 and 8 are known. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

S-1055-1063, bronze 2 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-SHUN YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: mark indicating year of issue. All years from 1 to 8 have been documented. As well, Schjoth has one example of year 4 with a crescent at the right. We have not yet determined a value for these.

 

The current data suggest that there was a weight reduction in the 2 cash, from about 6.2 to 4.9 grams. We need to see more specimens to be sure this is really the case, but if it is, it may have been a measure take as the Mongols were closing in.


 

BRONZE CURRENCY BARS

Schjoth lists these as talley sticks, which we take to mean they were used to keep track of accounts. The inscriptions state they were “current” which clearly indicated they circulated and were therefore money. Similar items, but of bamboo, were made and circulated at the end of the Ching Dynasty and early in the Republic.

It is not clear when, or by whom, these were issued, but Schjoth (page 40) indicates that Lin-an-fu (now Hangchow) only had that name from AD 1129 until the end of the Sung period. If this is correct, then these must have been cast during the Southern Sung Dynasty.

 

S-1064, bronze 500 cash currency bar. Obverse: “LIN-AN-FU HSING-YUNG” (current in Lin-an Prefecture”. Reverse: “CHU WU PAI WEN SHENG” (Value five hundred cash with a reduction). 22×70 mm, 26.14 grams. No value yet determined.

 

S-1064a, bronze currency bar. Obverse: “LIN-AN-FU HSING-YUNG” (current in Lin-an Prefecture”. Reverse: “CHU WU PAI WEN SHENG” (Value two hundred cash with a reduction). 20×65 mm, 18.80 grams. No value yet determined.

 

The statement that they are valued with a reduction is something we do not yet understand. We have seen a number of these offered for sale in recent years. In our opinion, none that we examined were genuine.

TARTAR, MONGOL, MING DYNASTIES
(A.D. 960 to 1644)

 

This page is a reference guide for Chinese coins issued by the Tartar, Mongol, Ming and other medieval non-Sung Dynasties between (A.D. 960 to 1644), not an offering of coins for sale. A listing of the ancient and medieval Chinese coins we currently have available can be viewed on our : our vcoins store.

 

Images used on this page represent the types, but bear no relationship
to the actual size of the coins. Where known, the actual sizes will be listed.

 

 

The reverse consists of an inscription in Arabic and Thai scripts,each divided into two parts on opposite sides of the central hole. A Malay inscription reads:Negri Singgora.The Thai inscription is placed left and right of the hole:Khla Song (Songkhla).The inscriptions are occasionally transposed.

 

 

 

Thai.Songkhla Tin Coin.
Sung Ch’eng T’ung Pao.Obverse.

This coin was first published by Millies in 1871.It appears that two denominations were issued, a 5gm coin and a 10gm coin.

This is a holed tin coin with Thai,Chinese and Malay inscritions.
Coin in this group are round with a circular hole.
Sung Ch’eng is the Chinese transcription of Singgora.(Songkhla).

 

LIAO DYNASTY, AD 907-1125

The Liao were a Tartar Dynasty known as the Ch’i-tan or Ki-tan Tartars, first established by T’ai Tsu in AD 907 during the period of the 5 dynasties. The dynasty lasted for 218 years until AD 1125, ruling from their capital at Beijing. For most of their existence they existed along side the Northern Sung Dynasty, in what appears to be somewhat less than peaceful co-existance.

The first Emperor of Liao did not issue any coins. There were five Emperors between AD 907 and 1031 who issued coins, but only a handful of each type is known to exist and it is unlikely any genuine examples will come on the market. We have not listed them here as it is unlikely anyone viewing this site to identify a coin will have one, but you will find information on them on page 216 of David Hartill’s book CAST CHINESE COINS. Schjoth (page 41) notes a record of the Liang Dynasty Emperor Mo, using the reign title Lung-te, issuing large numbers of coins during this period, which are likely what circulated in the Liao region for what little need the Liao people had of coins at that time.

The earliest readily available coins of Liao begin with the Emperor Hsing Tsung during his second reign title of Ch’ung Hsi after he established the first Liao central mint in Manchuria in AD 1053. The mint was not particularly skilled and most Liao coins are fairly crude, poor quality castings.

There are some differences in the dating of the Liao reign titles by Schjoth and Hartill, and we have chosen to use those given by Hartill as it is much more recent and almost certainly more reliable research.


 

 

Emperor HSING TSUNG
AD 1031-1055

reign title: CHING-FU, AD 1031

No coins were cast by Emperor Hsing Tsung under this title.

 

reign title: CH’UNG-HSI, AD 1032-1055

S-1065. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’UNG-HSI TUNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

VF   $250.00

 

Schjoth (page 41) records that “in the 22nd year of Ch’ung-hsi (AD 1053) a cash bureau was established at Ch’ang-ch’un in Manchuria”. We assume this is the same as saying a Mint was established there. From this time on, the coinage of Liao becomes much more abundant. We hope to one day look into the events that may have prompted them to take such a move.


 

Emperor TAO TSUNG
AD 1055-1101

reign title: CH’ING-NING, AD 1055-1064

 

S-1066. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’ING-NING T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimen) 2.57 grams, 24.3 mm (but the specimen was rather worn). These coins tend to be poorly cast, and we apologize for the image of a very worn specimen, bu it is the best specimen we have been able to image.

F   $95.00     VF   $135.00

 

reign title: HSIEN-YUNG, AD 1065-1074

 

S-1067. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “HSIEN-YUNG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. These very somewhat in weight. Th average of what we have seen (3 specimen) is 24.3 mm and 3.53 grams, but we have seen them from 2.75 to 3.9 grams. As with most Liao coins, this tends to be a a poorly cast issue. It is also the most common coin of the Liao Dynasty.

VF   $135.00

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

reign title: TA-K’ANG, AD 1075-1084

 

S-1069. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-K’ANG T’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

F   $115.00

 

S-1068. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-K’ANG Y’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast. We have handled this type, but it was before we started recording values and do not currently have a value for it.

This appears to be the only time when two distinct types were issued during the Liang Dynasty. We note that all Liao coins previous to this reign title were caste with “T’UNG-PAO”, and all Liao coins afterwards with “Y’UNG PAO”. We assume that means that for this reign title, the T’ung-pao issues are the earlier of the two. We wonder if this might present a clue as to why many Northern Sung reign titles also occur with more than one of these (and other) variations.

 

 

 

reign title: TA-AN, AD 1085-1094

 

S-1070-71.Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “TA-AN YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (1 specimen) 24.5 mm, 3.51 grams. There are some varieties in this type, with Schjoth noting one with a star hole, and another with a small dot in the upper left corner. We have owned a specimen with a small nail mark on the reverse. These variations would be worth a premium. These coins tend to be poorly cast with slightly irregular rims.

F   $95.00     VF   $135.00

The presence of a dot or nail mark on the reverse, or a star hole on a coin of this type is probably intentional, as similar star holes are very common on Northern Sung coins of this same period. Their meaning is as yet uncertain.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

reign title: SHOU-CH’ANG, AD 1095-1101

 

S-1072. H 18.19. Obverse: “SHOU-CH’ANG YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (2 specimen) 24.0 mm, 3.62 grams. These coins tend to be poorly cast and somewhat irregular rims, and that must be allowed for in their grading.

F   $95.00   VF   $145.00


 

Emperor T’IEN CHA
AD 1101-1125

reign title: CH’IEN-T’UNG, AD 1101-1110

S-1073. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’IEN-T’UNG Y’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

F   $95.00     VF   $135.00

 

 

 

 

reign title: T’IEN CH’ING, AD 1111-1120

S-1074. Bronze 1 cash. Obverse: “T’IEN CH’ING Y’UNG-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average 24 mm. These coins tend to be poorly cast.

F   $85.00     VF   $120.00

 

This appears to be the last coin issued by the Liao Dynasty, even though the dynasty was to last for another five years after this title ended. Hartill (CAST CHINESE COINS, page 217) discusses and additional group of coins which are sometimes attributed to the Liao Dynasty, although all are rare and seldom encountered types which we have not included here.

 

WESTERN HSIA DYNASTY

This was a dynasty fo the Tangut people. Their capital was in Kansu Province, but it is not certain if their capital was in Kanchow or Soochow. In AD 1227, after breaking a promise to support Genghis Khan, this dynasty was exterminated.


 

Emperor JEN TSUNG
AD 1140-1193

reign title: T’IEN-SHENG, AD 1149-1168


@

As S-1078 but copper 1 cash. Obverse: ‘T’IEN-SHENG YUAN PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (13 specimens) 23.9 mm, 3.51 grams.

F   $12.00     VF   $25.00

 

These are always well cast coins with bold characters and seldom seen in a grade below gF. The the brass has a very distintive light-brown tone to it. Schjoth says that the copper of this type is rare and that iron is common, but we currently find the opposite to be true

 

reign title: CH’IEN-YU, AD 1169-1193

 

S-1080. Iron 1 cash. Obverse: “CH’IEN-YU YUAN-PAO”. Reverse: blank. Average (4 specimen) 24.8 mm, 3.82 grams.

F   $35.00     VF   $75.00

 


 

Emperor HSIANG TSUNG
AD 1206-1212

reign title: HUANG-CHIEN, AD 1210-1212

S-1081, “HUANG-CHIEN YUAN-PAO”. This is an unusual coin in that the inscription starts at the top and is read around to the right, rather then the usual top-bottom-left-right.

gVF   $145.00

 


 

Emperor SHEN TSUNG
AD 1212-1222

reign title: KUANG-TING, AD 1212-1222

 

S-1082, “KUANG-TING YUAN-PAO. This is an unusual coin in that the inscription starts at the top and is read around to the right, rather then the usual top-bottom-left-right. The specimens of this type that we have seen tend to be crudely cast from course sand molds. Average (1 specimen) 24.9 mm, 4.07 grams.

F   $75.00     VF   $110.00

Read more info

 

   
 
Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Hsiao Tsung, AD1163-1189, Iron Cash, Value 2, SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAOPrice US$ 120.00     Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Hsiao Tsung, AD1163-1189, AE 2 Cash, Title Shun-hsi, SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAOPrice US$ 35.00  
 
Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Hsiao Tsung, AD1163-1189, IRON Value3, Title Shun-hsi, SHUN-HSI YUAN-PAOPrice US$ 55.00     Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Kuang Tsung, AD1190-1194, SHAO-HSI YUAN-PAOPrice US$ 85.00Sorry, this item has been sold.  
 
Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Kuang Tsung, AD1190-1194, SHAO-HSI T’UNG-PAO/CHUN SAN in seal script, Iron Cash, Value 1Price US$ 95.00Sorry, this item has been sold.     Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Ning Tsung, AD 1195-1224, Iron Cash Value 2Price US$ 85.00Sorry, this item has been sold.  
 
Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Ning Tsung, AD 1195-1224, Iron Cash Value 3Price US$ 75.00     Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Ning Tsung, AD 1195-1224, Iron Cash Value 5Price US$ 55.00  
 
Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Ning Tsung, AD 1195-1224, Iron Cash Value 5Price US$ 55.00     Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Ning Tsung, AD 1195-1224, Iron Cash Value 5Price US$ 45.00  
 
Southern Sung Dynasty, Emperor Li Tsung, AD1225-1264, AE Cash, Value 5Price US$ 30.00Sorry, this item has been sold.     Tartars (Khitan branch, ca AD 907-1125), Liao Dynasty, Emperor Tao Tsung, AD1055-1100, AE CashPrice US$ 95.00Sorry, this item has been sold.  

 

 

Downfall

After the death of the former king of the Mongolians, his younger brother – Kublai Khan – became the new king.

 

 

 

In 1271

 

After returning to the north, Kublai Kahn ascended to the throne of the Mogolian people successfully. And then, he established the Yuan Dynasty in northern China in 1271.

 

 In the same year, he led his army to have ‘Lin’an’, the capital of the Southern Song Dynasty, occupied.

 

Thereafter, Southern Song Dynasty ended and China was reunified again

 

 

 

In 1276

 

the Yuan court launched a massive attack on the Southern Song, culminating in the capture of the Song’s capital, Lin’an, and the downfall of the Southern Song Dynasty.

 

Kublai Khan established a new dynasty – the Yuan (1271 – 1368).

 

 

 

 

 

THE NORTHERN SONG HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

 

 

THE SOUTHERN SUNG DYNASTY

 

 

 

This is a guide to the coins of the Southern Sung Dynasty, not a list of coins for sale. A list of the ancient and medieval Chinese coins we currently have available can be viewed on our CD-ROM..

 

The Northern and Southern Sung Dynasties are really two parts of one dynasty. The division between then is traditionally placed where the Capital was moved from K’ai-feng Fu to Lin-an (modern Hangchou) following the lose of the Northern territories to Mongol invaders. Kao Tsung, first Emperor of Southern Sung, actually ruled from the Northern capital of K’ai-feng Fu for his first two years and could also be considered the last Emperor of Northern Sung.

 

We have still in the process of researching this portion of our reference guide. We have tried several formats of presenting the information, and have settled on the style currently used for the last few reign titles, but it will take a little while to change over the entire page to that format. For the moment, we are including a number of tables, working theories and various observations in the introduction and body of the text. In many cases these will be removed after the information derived from them has been incorporated into the text. In some cases we may make them available on a separate page.

 

Please remember that this part of our site is still in a very rough form and is far from complete. There will undoubtedly be a number of errors that will eventually be corrected, and a complete proof reading is still to be performed.

 


 


Emperor of Southern Song Dynasty

 

 

 

[ ]Gaozong

 

 

 

[ ]Xiaozong

 

 

 

[ ]Guanzong

 

 

 

[ ]Ningzong

 

 

 

[ ]Lizong

 

 

 

[ ]Duzong

 

 

 

[ ]Gongdi

 

 

 

[ ]Duanzong

 

 

 

[ ]Modi

 

 

 

CHINA, SONG period, c. 1000-1200 AD, hollow iron pig (I don’t suppose you could call it a lion?), 44x16x36mm tall, crude 13.50 sold

 

 

 

THE SOUTHERN SUNG DYNASTY

 

 

 

This is a guide to the coins of the Southern Sung Dynasty, not a list of coins for sale. A list of the ancient and medieval Chinese coins we currently have available can be viewed on our : our vcoins store.

 

 

 

Images on this site (more coming soon) represent types,
but bear no relationship to actual size.

 

 

 

The Northern and Southern Sung Dynasties are really two parts of one dynasty. The division between then is traditionally placed where the Capital was moved from K’ai-feng Fu to Lin-an (modern Hangchou) following the lose of the Northern territories to Mongol invaders. Kao Tsung, first Emperor of Southern Sung, actually ruled from the Northern capital of K’ai-feng Fu for his first two years and could also be considered the last Emperor of Northern Sung.

 

We have still in the process of researching this portion of our reference guide. We have tried several formats of presenting the information, and have settled on the style currently used for the last few reign titles, but it will take a little while to change over the entire page to that format. For the moment, we are including a number of tables, working theories and various observations in the introduction and body of the text. In many cases these will be removed after the information derived from them has been incorporated into the text. In some cases we may make them available on a separate page.

 

Please remember that this part of our site is still in a very rough form and is far from complete. There will undoubtedly be a number of errors that will eventually be corrected, and a complete proof reading is still to be performed.

 


 

 

 

AVERAGE WEIGHTS

 

We have decided to put a chart of the denominations, sizes and weights under each reign title. When the listing is complete the larger table of this information will be eliminated from the site. It this formate proves effective, will will incorporate the it into other parts of the site. Each of these tables has a heading for “#” at the end. This refers to the number of specimens used to determine the average weight.

 


 

 

 

DENOMINATIONS

 

The bronze denominations used during this dynasty are similar to those used during the Northern Sung dynasty with the additions that there are some non-feduciary 5 and 10 cash issues, as well as one issue of feduciary 100 cash.

 

A minor difference occurs in the bronze 1 cash in that, while the Northern Sung bronze 1 cash are generally about 24 mm throughout the dynasty, the Southern Sung issues vary between 22 and 25 mm, although there is usually a consistent size within any one reign title and thought, no matter what size, the average weights seem to have remained fairly consistent with an intended weight standard somewhere just over 3 grams.

 

The iron denominations are very different than those used during the Northern Sung. They are still all feduciary issues, but there seems to have been more acceptance of them as a regular part of the currency although we still have some questions about this. Iron was only issued prolifically during the middle years of the dynasty with no iron issues during the last few reign titles, and there were regular issues of 1 and 2 cash, as well as fairly regular issues of 3 and 5 cash. As many of these issues have survived in fairly large numbers, we have to assume that they were not recalled and melted for scrap metal as the Northern sung issues above 1 cash seem to have been (and are thus much rarer).

 


 

 

 


 

 

 

MINTS

 

Many Southern Sung coins, and in particular the iron coins, have actual mint marks on them. We are just beginning to build this section, and will be adding additional mints as images of the mint marks become available.

 

 

T’UNG

Refers to the T’ung-an district in Fuken.

 

 

 


 

 

 

Dates

 

Many Southern Sung coins, have regional date marks indicating how many years into the particular reign title the coin was minted. From these we can calculate the exact year of issue, of any coin with such a mark. The date marks we have so far imaged are below, and we will be adding more as become available.

 

 

YEAR 2

 

YEAR 3

 

YEAR 5

 

YEAR 6

 

 

 


 

 

 

VALUATIONS

 

For many type we have not provided a valuation. This does not mean that the type is rare or overly valuable. It simply means we have not found what we feel is an acceptable valuation for the type. In other cases, where a valuation is given for a description which included several year variation, the valuation is for the commonest year that we have handled. If we determine that another year is especially rare or valuable, we will make not of it.

 

The singapore History Collections

Created By

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Singapore history one

Collections

Created by

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Copyright@2012

 

 THIS THE SAMPLE OF E-BOOK IN CD-ROM,THE COMPLETE CD WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST,BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER ,PLEASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT

THE VINTAGE SINGAPORE COLLECTIONS

A trip back in time to the Singapore of the sixties

27 06 2010

For anyone looking to take a trip down memory lane, or perhaps a trip back in time to catch a glimpse of what life might have been like in the Singapore of the 1960s, the Singapore 1960 exhibition at the National Museum of Singapore offers a chance to do just that. The exhibition which opened on 3 June, the anniversary of self-government, runs up to 22 August and features a display of more than 300 items from the 1960s. The exhibits include items which were commonly found in the 1960s as well as scenes of the life replayed in black and white providing a view into the vibrant cultural and entertainment scene of Singapore in the 1960s, including a view of the different “worlds”: Gay World, Great World, and New World, which played a big role in keeping Singaporeans amused and entertained.

The Singapore 1960 exhibition offers the visitor a glimpse into life in the different world that was Singapore back in the 1960s.

Scenes from the 1960s including a glimpse into the different “worlds” are replayed in black and white.

It was a trip back in time for me as well, as I browsed through the exhibits. Some were familiar to me, transporting me back to the Singapore of my childhood, to a Singapore that was a very different place from the one we know of today. There were many reminders of the era, as well as the place, in which I had spent my early years in. One such reminder was in the form of a cigarette tin. I remember tins such as the one on display particularly well. This was from being sent regularly to the provision shop to buy a couple of sticks of cigarettes by my father. Cigarettes could then be purchased individually over the counter and this would be taken out of a tin. At that time, my father was trying then to curb his smoking habit and decided not to have a packet at his disposal at home, and so I would invariably be sent to the shops below whenever he felt like a cigarette (something that was possible then as there were no restrictions on minors buying cigarettes, and something I never enjoyed doing) to buy two sticks at a time.

The very familiar cigarette tin with which I was well acquainted with.

There were many of the other exhibits that were familiar to me: a metal Player’s Navy Cut ashtray commonly found on the marble topped tables of coffee shops which brought with it memories of the coffee shops of old and spittoons that I never seemed to avoid kicking below the marble topped tables. There were two Magnolia soft drink bottles which brought memories of the Magnolia Grape soft drink that was one of my favourites once upon a time, as well reminded me of how Magnolia Milk was sold in similar bottles. A Smith Corona typewriter displayed on a desk brought back memories of how offices were once like when the constant sound of the clickaty-clack of the typewriters would always be heard in the background.

A Player’s Navy Cut ashtray which was a common sight on the marble top coffee shop tables in the 1960s and 1970s.

A Smith Corona typewriter – commonly found in the offices of the 1960s and 1970s.

There are also pages from the newspapers of the era to browse through, providing an insight into a turbulent and violent decade in Singapore’s history, as well as images of a time some half a century ago, which provides an appreciation of how it once had been before Singapore became the clean and sanitised world that is the Singapore that we now know.

Pages from the newspapers provide an insight into a turbulent and violent decade in Singapore’s history.

The Magnolia soft drink bottle – my favourite was Magnolia Grape! Magnolia also sold milk, normal, strawberry and chocolate flavoured ones in similar bottles.

Images of life in the 1960s are also captured in the photographs on display. A close-up of a photograph of a satay seller by Lee Sow Kim taken in the 1950s.

The Neptune – a popular cabaret along Collyer Quay in the 1960s and 1970s.

Fashion on display: colourful sarong kebayas commonly seen in the 1960s.

The cover of an issue of Her World from 1962.

A reminder of a forgotten fact: the National Language of Singapore.

Words from the National Anthem of Singapore.

Close up of a record sleeve. The music recording industry had its heyday in the 1960s in Singapore.

Also on display are pieces from the Aw Boon Haw jade collection which were donated to the National Museum of Singapore in 1979 and contain pieces from the late Qing period

 

 

 

Antique building

Tiger Balm Temple

18Jul10

So I went to see Kek Lok Si (極樂寺), a famous temple and tourist site on the island of Penang (above). It was ok, but I was much more excited to find this simple temple below.

This temple is on the street below Kek Lok Si, next to a 7-11. It is very simple, but what impressed me is that the sign over the gate indicated that it had been built by Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par. Those are the two brothers who created the Tiger Balm empire. If I remember correctly, they moved from Burma to Singapore, which is where they really became rich. I don’t know what they connection with Penang was, but clearly there must have been one.

READ MORE

 IN CD-ROM TIGER BALM AW BOON HAW HISTORY COLLECTIONS

Grand Mansions, Bungalows and Villas of the Past

 

The grand mansions and villas of yesteryear might not match the likes of the modern houses owned by the rich and famous today at Nassim Road, Ridley Park, Bukit Timah or Sentosa Cove, but they certainly had their charms in old architectural designs such as British colonial, Peranakan, Art Deco or neo-Renaissance.

Some of these grand houses did not survive till this day, but fortunately many have been preserved, or integrated with new buildings. Others are forgotten, probably waiting patiently for new owners to give it a new lease of life.

The list is not in any alphabetical and chronological order.

Atbara House, Gallop Road (1898 – Present)

The abandoned black and white colonial house at a small hill beside Gallop Road is the former French embassy to Singapore, otherwise known as Atbara House.

It was built in 1898 by architect Alfred John Bidwell (1869 – 1918), who was also the designer of Raffles Hotel, Stamford House and Goodwood Park Hotel. The two-storey house possesses a distinctive red roof and whitewashed walls that are still in a considerably good shape today, although some parts of the house have exposed their neglected conditions since the French embassy moved to another location in 1999.

Matilda House, Punggol (1902 – Present)

A weekend resort located in the far north of Singapore built by wealthy Irish lawyer Joseph William Cashin (1844 – 1907) in 1902, the Matilda House had six rooms, a fruit orchard and even an outdoor tennis court during its heydays.

It was unknown when the house was abandoned, but the nearby land was acquired by the government in the 1970s. It was placed on the conversation list in 2000, when Punggol was in the stage of development into a new town.

Today, blocks of new flats have filled the empty field where the house stands on. It will soon be given a new lease of life after decades of abandonment.

Sea Breeze Lodge, Marine Parade Road (1898 – Present)

Owned by the Choa family as a seaside resort, this villa at Marine Parade, also known as Sea Breeze Lodge, was only 5m from the coast before the government did a land reclamation in the 1970s.

Malacca-born businessman Choa Kim Keat (? – 1907), who had Kim Keat Road named after him, built several grand mansions in Singapore, but only Sea Breeze Lodge is left standing today.

After being occupied by the Japanese forces during the Second World War, the Choa family returned and lived in it for generations until when they sold it to Far East Organisation for $104 million. The house was conserved in 2009, and may be refurbished into a clubhouse for the condominiums expected to be built in a few years’ time.

Sun Yat Sen Villa, Tai Gin Road (1880 to Present)

The double-storey colonial-styled villa at Balestier, now known as Sun Yat-Sen Nanyang Memorial Hall, is also known as Wan Qing Yuan (晚晴园) and formerly as Sun Yat-Sen Villa.

The house was known as Bin Chan House in the late 19th century, which got its name from Bin Chan, a mistress of Chinese businessman Boey Chuan Poh. In 1905, rubber tycoon Teo Eng Hock (1872 – 1957) bought the villa for his mother Tan Poh Neo. When Dr Sun Yat-Sen (1866 – 1925) visited Singapore to promote his revolutionary nationalist ideas, Teo Eng Hock offered the villa as a residence and the headquarter for Dr Sun Yat-Sen’s party Tong Meng Hui.

Teo Eng Hock sold his property in the later years when his business suffered a decline. Prominent businessman and philanthropist Lee Kong Chian (1893 – 1967) led a group of Chinese merchants to buy over the villa. It was occupied by the Japanese during World War II, and took over by Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry after the war.

Sun Yat-Sen Villa was gazetted as a national monument in 1994 and underwent extensive restoration three years later.

Chek Jawa House No. 1, Pulau Ubin (1930s – Present)

This little Tudor-styled cottage is located on Pulau Ubin, a north-eastern island of Singapore. Built in the 1930s by former Chief Surveyor of Singapore Landon Williams, this beautiful resort, resembling an English cottage, is completed with a private jetty and the only workable fireplace in Singapore.

For decades, the house was badly affected by the strong winds and rains at the eastern side of Pulau Ubin. It was not until 2003 that Chek Jawa was given the conversation status and opened four years later as a Visitor Centre for the public after a series of renovations.

Karikal Mahal, Still Road South (1920 – Present)

In 1920, rich Indian cattle merchant Moona Kadir Sultan built this huge grand mansion for his numerous wives and named it Karikal Mahal (Karikal is palace in Indian; Karikal is the name of a South Indian town). It had four luxurious houses completed with a spacious garden with artificial lake and fountain. Located just in front of the sea before the land reclamation of the East Coast area, its windows, roof and arches showed glimpses of Italian style.

In 1947, the entire site was sold to Lee Rubber Company which renovated the place into a 20-room budget hotel known as Renaissance Grand Hotel. Its garden was split away from the mansion when Still Road was constructed in 1973.

Today, it is forgotten by the public and is used largely as a storage place for unwanted furniture.

Black & White Colonial House, Seletar Camp Park Lane (1930s – 2012)

The 30-plus black and white houses near Park Lane of Seletar Camp are due to be demolished in 2012, with the exception of a few. There are three huge mansions among the cluster of the colonial houses, one of them was formerly a clubhouse.

Seletar Camp was established by the British as early as 1928, and the houses were the home of the British military personnel. The two biggest mansions were perhaps reserved for the highest ranking officers during that era. The rapid development of the region as an Aerospace Hub has unfortunately caused the abandonment and eventual demolition of these beautiful houses.

House No. 106, Jervois Road (? – Present)

It is unknown when was the house built, but it has been in existence before the Second World War. From the limited records, House No. 106 at Jervois Road was used as a temporary residence for former British Resident Cabinet Minister Duff Cooper (1890 – 1954) and his wife Lady Diana in 1941.

Duff Cooper was in Singapore to deal with the urgent political situation at the start of the Second World War. He had based in Singapore briefly to set up his headquarters in dealing with the full-blown war in Pacific.

The Pier, Lim Chu Kang (1940s – Present)


One of the most unique houses in Singapore, it was built on a pier, as its nickname suggests. The Pier was another weekend resort owned by the wealthy Cashin family. It was likely to be built in the 1940s, according to the reports that this area, as well as The Pier, fell to the Japanese forces in February 1942.

Howard Cashin and his wife would occasionally stay here after their marriage in 1953. Their regular home was the Matilda House at Punggol. The Cashin family had another splendid home at Amber Road’s “Butterfly House”.

Beaulieu House (1910 – Present)

Situated on a small hill right at the end of Sembawang Park, beside the former Singapore Naval Base (now Sembawang Shipyard), the Beaulieu House was built in around 1910 as a seaside resort owned by a family of surname David.

The house was acquired by the British colonial government in the 1920s, and was later used as the private residence for the senior naval officers. Admiral Geoffrey Layton (1884 – 1964), Commander-In-Chief of the China Station for Britain, stayed in it for two years just before the Second World War.

The century-old Beaulieu House, designed with a mixture of Neo-Classical and Victorian styles, was probably named after a place in England. It was given the conversation status in 2005, and is now operated as a restaurant.

Bukit Rose, Bukit Timah Road (early 1900s)

Located at Bukit Timah Road and built in the early 20thcentury, Bukit Rose was local Chinese businessman Ong Sam Leong’s (1857 – 1918) private residence. Besides being the key supplier of labourers to the mines of phosphate-rich Christmas Island, Ong also had rubber plantations, brickworks and sawmills in his vast business empire.

One of the most successful businessmen of his era, Ong Sam Leong was well respected among the communities. When his wife Yeo Yean Neo passed away in 1935, the Johor Sultan even sent his state band to play for her funeral.

Sam Leong Road in Little India is named after him, and Boon Tat Road at Lau Pa Sat is named after his son Ong Boon Tat. Ong Sam Leong also had the largest tomb in Bukit Brown Cemetery.

Alkaff Mansion, Telok Blangah Green (1918 – Present)

Occupying a landsize of 780 square meters on top of a small hill at Bukit Jagoh (now known as Telok Blangah Green), the Alkaff Mansion was a holiday villa built by Syed Abdul Rahman Alkaff to entertain their customers and guests.

Syed Abdul Rahman Alkaff (1880 – 1948) was a Yemeni trader who came to Singapore in the early 20th century. The Alkaff family was famous for their regional businesses in spices, sugar, coffee and other commodities. They also had vast property interests in other parts of Singapore such as Pasir Panjang and Henderson Road, and owned a beautiful Japanese-styled Alkaff Lake Gardens near MacPherson Road.

After the Second World War, the Alkaff family sold much of its properties, including the Alkaff Lake Gardens, in a bid to revive its struggling businesses. Alkaff Mansion, built in 1918, was abandoned and left forgotten until 1990, when it was leased to Hotel Properties Ltd for redevelopment into a fine-dining place.

The venture lasted more than a decade when it was finally closed down in 2003. The mansion was left empty once more.

Former Eng Wah Building, Jalan Besar Road (early 1900s – 2006)

Former Eng Wah Building was a century-old conserved building that was destroyed by a fire in early 2006. The name derived from the popular cinema operator Eng Wah who rented this place as an office in the mid-1900s.

Located in an area with old world charm and designed with Peranakan flavours, it was unfortunate that the three-storey building was deemed structurally unsafe after the fire disaster, and was demolished by the end of 2006.

Wesley House, Mount Sophia (late 1800s – early 1900s)

Little was known about this house except that it was used as a residence and training centre for Methodist ministers. The first owners were Reverend Ralph Waldo Munson, Reverend Charles Corwin Kelso and Reverend Fred Hugh Morgan who registered the property.

Methodism was brought to Singapore by Reverend William Fitzjones Oldham (1854 – 1937) who arrived from India in 1885. Wesley House was part of the Methodist Episcopal Church started by the Americans in 1897 to strength the faith formation after Reverend Oldham. The Methodist congregation later had their official place of worship Wesley Methodist Church at Fort Canning Road built in 1908.

India House, Grange Road (1911 – Present)

Built in 1911, the India House was a black and white colonial house located at Grange Road. It occupies a large area of 42,351 square feet of land and was bought by the Government of India in 1948, a year after its independence from the British rule. The house hosted its flag hoisting ceremony during the Indian Independence Day every year, attended by prominent Indians in Singapore.

There is little information about its previous owners, but after years of neglect, the house was in a bad dilapidated state before being owned by the Indian government. In 2009, it was restored by the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA). Today, it serves as the High Commission of India.

Gedung Kuning, Sultan Gate (1920s – Present)

Formerly known as the Bendahara (Chief Minister in Malay) House, the Palladian-styled house was owned by Tengku Mahmud, the third son of Sultan Ali (1824 – 1877), the former ruler of Johor. His brother Tengku Alam Shah (1846 – 1891) lived in the nearby Istana Kampong Glam. Although both of them were heirs to the sultanship of Johor, they were powerless to stop Temenggong Abu Bakar (1833 – 1895) from claiming the Johor territories from their family.

The house was later sold to Javanese businessman Haji Yusof Bin Haji Mohammad, whose descendants lived in it for generations. In 1999, the government acquired the house and placed it on the conservation list. Together with Istana Kampong Glam, it was redeveloped as the Malay Heritage Centre in 2003. Renamed as Gedung Kuning (Yellow Mansion in Malay), it now houses a restaurant called Tepak Sireh.

Bungalow 781, Mountbatten Road (1927 – Present)

Named after Lord Louis Mountbatten (1900 – 1979), Mountbatten Road was formerly known as Grove Road. There was a vast coconut plantation in this area in the late 19th century, and was home to many rich merchants.

Nicknamed the “Millionaires’ Bungalows”, the houses, mainly single-storey built on brick piers, were a common sight. The designs of the bungalows were modelled after those in India, which had the rooms cooled by under-floor ventilation and were effective in the tropical countries.

The earliest known occupants of bungalow 781 were Charles James Lacey, Robert Dunman, Meyer-Hyeem Sassoon, and Richard Lake, registered in 1927. The unique house might be built at an earlier period. In the fifties, it was sold to a Mr Teo, before being auctioned for $10m in 2007.

Another famous house nearby was the Early Modern-styled Chansville, home of Singapore’s famous swimming champion and coach Dr Chan Ah Kow and his seven children including Alex, Roy, Mark and Patricia, all well-known for their swimming prowess in the sixties and seventies. The Chan family had lived in Chansville since 1940s. It was sold for $11m in 2004.

Houses No. 124 & 126, St Patrick’s Road (1914 & 1925 – Present)

A splendid beachfront villa located at Katong, this was the former asset of Tan Soo Guan, the descendant of wealthy local Chinese merchant Tan Kim Seng (1805 – 1864), who had Kim Seng Road named after him.

The yellow mansion, designed with a mixture of Peranakan and British architectural styles, was built in 1914. The two-storey white English-styled building behind the mansion was added in 1925.

In late 2005, the Tan family sold their property to United Industrial Corp Ltd (UIC) for $65.5m, which developed the vast land into a 121-unit condominium called the “Grand Duchess of St Patrick’s”. Being a conserved building, the former villa was converted into a clubhouse named as Majestic Clubhouse.

Tanjong Katong Villa (late 1800s – mid-1900s)

Before the land reclamation of East Coast after the mid-sixties, the coastline was near to where Katong is today. Therefore, many wealthy figures would build their mansions and villas at Katong in the late-19th to mid-20th century as their private seaside resorts for the weekends.

This villa was modeled after a European bungalow, probably due to the fact that many early Eurasians lived in Katong in the early 20th century. Early houses with large grounds usually had a gazebo or pavilion on the lawn.

Whampoa/Bendemeer House, Serangoon Road (1840 – 1964)

The grand Whampoa House was owned by well-respected local Chinese businessman Hoo Ah Kay (1816 – 1880), or popularly known as Whampoa. Born at Whampoa near Canton, he came to Singapore at an age of 15. Venturing into shipping chandler, bakery, properties and even an ice house at River Valley Road, Hoo Ah Kay became one of the richest Chinese in Singapore in the 19th century.

In 1840, he built a grand mansion along Serangoon Road, completed with a beautiful Chinese garden that was opened to the public during Chinese New Years and was extremely popular among the Europeans. It was named Whampoa’s Gardens or Nam Sang Fa Un (南生花园).

Hoo Ah Kay was able to converse in English and thus held high positions in the British colonial government, such as consuls of Russia, China and Japan in Singapore. The present-day Whampoa area is named after him.

Whampoa House was sold to wealthy Teochew millionaire Seah Liang Seah (1850 – 1924) in 1881, a year after Hoo Ah Kay died. He renamed it Bendemeer House (明丽园), which lasted until 1964 when the government decided to demolish it to make way for the development of Boon Keng. Due to Seah Liang Seah’s contributions to the community, the nearby road was named as Bendemeer Road, whereas Liang Seah Street was named after him in 1926.

Eu Villa, Mount Sophia (1915 – 1980s)

Eu Villa was the residence of wealthy Penang-born local businessman and philanthropist Eu Tong Sen (1877 – 1974), nicknamed “King of Tin”. He took over his father’s estate at an age of 21 and expanded the family business in the tin mine industry. By 30, he was one of the richest men in Asia.

Eu Tong Sen later ventured into the medicinal sector to help his sickly workers and it developed into the well-known Eu Yan Sang today. Eu Tong Sen Street at Chinatown was named after him.

One of the largest houses in Singapore before the Second World War, this five-storey mansion was built at an estimated cost of $1m, an astronomical figure during that era. Eu Tong Sen hired Swan & Maclaren to design the house as early as 1915. It was demolished some time in the 1980s.

Butterfly House, Amber Road (1912 – 2007)

It was the only private residence designed by architect Alfred John Bidwell (1869 – 1918), who also designed the Atbara House, Raffles Hotel and Goodwood Park Hotel. Built in 1912, the beautiful mansion, the only residence in Singapore with curved wings by its side (hence its nickname), was the home of the famous Cashin family for generations. The Cashin family also had properties in other parts of Singapore, such as the Punggol Matilda House and the one at the pier.

The unique neo-Renaissance crescent-shaped house once stood just in front of the coastline, before the land reclamation of the present-day East Coast. In 2006, a private developer bought the land and planned to erect a 18-storey condominium at the site despite appeals by the public to preserve the house. In the end, the developer only retained the main porch and stair hall to integrate with the condominium, but the famed wings of the historical house were torn down.

Golden Bell Mansion, Mount Faber (1909 – Present)


The former Golden Bell Mansion at Pender Road, Mount Faber, was owned by Tan Boo Liat, great-grandson of famous local Chinese pioneer and philanthropist Tan Tock Seng. It was constructed in 1909, and was named after Tan Boo Liat’s grandfather Tan Kim Ching (陈金钟), whose Chinese name was interpreted as Golden Bell.

The two-storey red-and-white-bricked Edwardian-styled Golden Bell Mansion was designed by then famous architect Wee Moh Teck. He also added Straits Chinese and Thai design elements in the appearance of the mansion.

Chinese great Dr Sun Yat-Sen had a brief stay in Golden Bell Mansion in 1911, invited by Tan Boo Liat who was then the President of the Singapore Kuomintang. The house was sold in 1934 when Tan Boo Liat passed away. It was leased to the Danish Seamen’s Church in 1984, which is still in operation today.

Mount Emily Mansion, Upper Wilkie Road (early 1900s – Present)

It is unknown when is this mansion built, but it is one of the grandest houses located at Mount Emily. The earliest record of ownership was a Mr J. Ikeda in 1935 who did some expansion to the house.

There was a Japanese community living nearby during the thirties, so Mount Emily Mansion became a Japanese General Consulate from 1939 to 1941.

After the Second World War, the former Ministry of Social Affairs took over the mansion, converting it into a Girls’ Home in 1969. In the eighties, it became the Wilkie Road Children’s Home, and then a counseling center for the drug addicts.

Today, the house is owned by Emily Hill Enterprise Ltd as a center for arts and business.

House of Jade, Nassim Road (1930s – 1980s)

The Tiger Oil House of Jade at Nassim Road was the proud property of the famous Aw brothers, who displayed their large collection of jade in this house, open for public viewing in the 1930s.

The Aw brothers of Aw Boon Haw (1882 – 1954) and Aw Boon Par (1888 – 1944), being one of the most successful families in Singapore in the early 20th century, also owned the Haw Par Villa and the Tiger Balm Garden.

The vast collection in the House of Jade managed to escape the destruction of the Japanese Occupation during the Second World War. In 1979, the Aw family donated part of the collection to the National Museum of Singapore, whereas the mansion was demolished in the 80s. Today posh condominium Nassim Jade stands in its place.

Sri Temasek, Orchard Road (1869 – Present)

The second most prestigious government house after the Istana at Orchard Road. Sri Temasek was built in 1869 under the order of Sir Henry St George Ord (1819 – 1885), Governor of the Straits of Settlement from 1855 to 1856. The double-storey detached house was designed by British architect John Frederick Adolphus McNair (1829 – 1910), using largely a western style decorated with several Oriental elements. Its name Sir Temasek means “splendour of Temasek” in Malay.

Sri Temasek was formerly used as a residence for the Colonial Secretary, while the Governor lived in the Istana. After independence, it served as the official residence for the Prime Minister of Singapore, but none of the country’s Prime Ministers have made it their home. In the sixties and seventies, it was used mainly as a site for state functions. In 2010, it was used for holding the wake of Madam Kwa Geok Choo, wife of Lee Kuan Yew.

Sri Temasek was gazetted as a national monument in 1992.

House No. 9, Buckley Road (early 1900s – Present)

House No. 9 of Buckley Road is one of Singapore’s remaining houses built on raised footings. Completed in the early 20th century, it was designed with a mixture of Baroque and Classical styles, which were popular before the Art Deco and Modern designs of the 1930s.

The bungalows in the same area were also designed in the same manner. The symmetrical bungalow has a giant tall porch that seems to welcome its guests. It was given the conservation status in 2008, and three years later, House No. 9 became the clubhouse of the newly launched condominium Buckley Classique.

Chee Guan Chiang House, Grange Road (1930 – Present)


Chee Guan Chiang House was hidden away from the main road of Grange Road but a legal dispute in 2005 threw the pale-orange mansion into the spotlight.

Built in 1930, it was a fine example of a Modern bungalow, designed by a leading Modern Movement architect Ho Kwong Yew. Also the designer of the original Haw Par Villa, Ho Kwong Yew was killed during the Japanese Occupation.

Typical Modern styles emphasize on straightforward lines, horizontality and proportionality. The mansion has mild steel reinforcement, extensive windows, curved walls as well as a roof garden. Its design was heavily influenced by the architecture of the Weissenhof Siedlung of Stuttgart (1927) and the Da La Warr Pavilion of the United Kingdom (1935).

Chee Guan Chiang House got its “name” from its first owner Chee Guan Chiang, the eldest son of OCBC Group’s first chairman, Malacca-born Chee Swee Cheng.

The house is currently owned by Lee Tat Developments and was given conservation status in 2008. Due to its 100,000-sq-ft landsize and prime location, the estate is estimated to worth more than $400 million today.

Haw Par Villa Mansion (1937 – 1945)


Beside the House of Jade, Tiger Balm tycoon Aw Boon Haw also built a magnificent mansion for his beloved brother Aw Boon Par inside the Haw Par Villa. Many distinguished guests were invited on its opening day in March 1937.

Designed by Ho Kwong Yew (also designer of Chee Guan Chiang House), the mansion had a huge central hall, a dining room, a drawing room, a dressing room and two bedrooms. The most eye-catching part was the seven domes over the rooms.

Unfortunately this Modern-styled mansion lasted only couples of years, when it was later destroyed by the Japanese bombings during the Second World War.

Command House, Kheam Hock Road (1938 – Present)

Originally called Flagstaff House, Command House was the official residence for the British General Officer Commanding (GOC) of Malaya from 1938 to 1971, when the British made their final withdrawal from Singapore.

Built in 1938 at a cost of $100,000, Command House was the second residence for the GOC after the original Flagstaff House at Mount Rosie. The first resident of this grand colonial mansion was Major General W.G.S. Dobbie. A total of 15 British military officers had stayed in this house, including the famous Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten (1900 – 1979).

From 1979 to 1989, Command House served as the official residence for the Speaker of Parliament Dr Yeoh Khim Seng. Former President of Singapore Ong Teng Cheong also had a brief stay in the house in the mid-nineties when the Istana underwent renovations.

The mansion was gazetted as a national monument in 2009. Today, it serves as a campus for UBS Business University.

Old Admiralty House, Old Nelson Road (1939 – Present)

Perhaps one of the houses with the most names, the Old Admiralty House was called Canberra House (1939 – 1945), Nelson House (1945 – 1958), Admiralty House (1958 – 1971), Anzuk House (1971 – 1975), Yishun Country Club (1991 – 2001). In 2002, it was renamed Old Admiralty House and gazetted as a national monument.

Designed by British architect Edwin Lutyens (1869 – 1944), the house served as the strategic planning headquarters for the British armed forces. After the Second World War, it became the official residence of the Royal Navy Commander-in-Chief of the Far East Station.

Resembling a traditional English cottage, the two-storey brick bungalow is currently leased to YESS Group Pte Ltd as a recreational clubhouse.

Grange House, Grange Road (1850s – ?)

Grange House was one of the earliest mansions built at around Grange Road, which was constructed in 1866 and named after this house.

In 1846, Dr Thomas Oxley bought a large plot of land from the British government to cultivate a nutmeg plantation. The land, bounded by present-day River Valley and Orchard Road, was largely an uncleared forest. The land later became known as the Oxley’s Estate, and Thomas Oxley had his private residence built there, named as Grange House. Grange Road first served as a private road leading to the Oxley’s Estate.

Little is known about the Grange House but it no longer exists today. Grange Road, on the other hand, has developed into one of the main roads at Orchard area.

Spring Grove, Grange Road (1845 – Present)

It is the clubhouse of a posh condominium at Grange Road now, but the history of Spring Grove goes all the way back to the 1840s. The double-storey Victorian bungalow was first owned by Hoo Ah Kay in 1845, who also built the famous Whampoa House at Serangoon Road.

Han Becker of Behn Meyer & Company bought the 263,400 sq-ft property in 1906, before the house changed hands again to serve as the residence for the United States’ ambassadors to Singapore from 1936 to 1941.

After the Second World War, the US embassy took back the ownership again, until 1991 when it sold the land to City Development Limited. The condominium completed in 1996 is named after this grand bungalow.

Westbourne (Field House), Gilstead Road (early 1900s – Present)

Located at Gilstead Road near Newton Circus, Westbourne was reputedly built by the Chinese father of British author Leslie Charteris, born Leslie Charles Bowyer-Yin (1907 – 1993). During the Second World War, it was forcibly occupied to serve as the Kriegsmarine (War Navy) Headquarters (Stützpunkt-Office) for the alliance of the German-Japanese forces.

It was renamed Field House after Professor Elaine Field, a paediatrician who founded the Spastic Children’s Association of Singapore. The property was leased by the association from the Singapore government in 1957 to act as their headquarters. After 2003, the place became the Gracefields Kindergarten.

Tan Chin Tuan Mansion, Cairnhill (early 1930s – Present)

Tan Chin Tuan Mansion is another house that is fortunately given the conservation status and turned into a clubhouse or integrated part of a condominium instead of demolition.

The two-storey Peranakan and colonial styled bungalow was built in the early thirties by Chinese pioneer Tan Kah Kee (1874 – 1961) and bought by prominent banker and philanthropist Tan Sri (Dr) Tan Chun Tuan (1908 – 2008) in 1939. The Tan family had lived in it for decades, before the house underwent major renovations in 1969.

A 20-storey residential tower of the same name was built over the bungalow in 2008, using the center of the house as its main lift lobby. It even won the URA architectural heritage award that year.

House No. 38, Oxley Road (late 1800s – Present)

This is, of cos, one of the most famous houses in Singapore, home of Lee Kuan Yew for some seven decades. In 1954, a group of 20 people, including 14 founding members of PAP, met at the basement of the house to discuss the independence of Singapore from British rule.

The eight-room house at 38 Oxley Road was built by a Jewish merchant in the late 19th century. It was where current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong spent his childhood. Lee Kuan Yew has suggested the old house to be demolished when he passes away, instead of preserving it as a heritage site.

Telok Paku Resthouse, Changi (1930s – 1977)

Built before the Second World War, the first owner of this old villa was unknown. It was likely to be the residence of a British officer stationed at the Changi military base. Since 1962, the Singapore government took over and rent it out to the public as a chalet.

At the quiet corner of Changi, there were once around 10 such villas standing at Telok Paku, Ayer Gemuroh, Wing Loong Road and Mata Ikan areas. By 1977, all the villas were demolished to make way for the construction of the new Changi International Airport.

Bedok Resthouse, Old Bedok Road (? – 1990s)

Long Beach Seafood operated at Bedok Resthouse as early as 1946, and was a popular venue for wedding dinners in the fifties and sixties. Facing the beach and sea, it was also patronised by many British officers after the Second World War.

Bedok Resthouse was a simple two-storey colonial building that lasted until the 1990s, witnessing the dramatic changes of the landscape it once stood on. In 1966, the land reclamation of East Coast saw its splendid seafront view vanished. The coastline was moved more than a kilometer away.

Today, Fairmount Condominium stands in its place.

Cliff House, Bukit Chermin (1848 – 1960s)

Situated at the summit of Bukit Chermin (Mirror Hill in Malay), Cliff House was built as early as 1848 by prominent British businessman W..P.W Kerr, owner of Paterson, Simons & Company Limited. Kerr was also one of the founders of the New Harbour Dock Company, formed to develop the docking facilities of what is now the Keppel Harbour.

Cliff House was destroyed by a fire in the 1960s.

House No. 30, Bukit Chermin (early 1900s – Present)

This is the largest of the four existing black and white bungalows still standing at Bukit Chermin. It is known as House No. 30, although it has been misunderstood as the Cliff (or Cliffe) House, which was actually demolished after a fire in the 1960s (see above).

It was likely to be the residence of the portmaster during the colonial era. The majestic house, located at the east side of Labrador Park, has a splendid seafront view, and is easily visible from Tanjong Berlayer. It remains unoccupied now, although there are plans to convert it into a F&B (Food & Beverage) hub.

The area of Bukit Chermin was given the conservation status in 2008.

House of Tan Teng Niah, Little India (1900 – Present)

Built in 1900, this house is one of the last Chinese villas left standing in Little India. It is known as the House of Tan Teng Niah (陈东岭), who was a prominent local Chinese businessman who had many confectionery factories along Serangoon Road and a rubber smokehouse at Kerbau Road in the early 20th century.

The eight-room villa, designed with a courtyard, bamboo tiled roof and swinging doors, was Tan Teng Niah’s gift to his wife. It was restored in the 1980s, but its colourful appearance was added on in a later period. Its original colours were whitewashed walls with a green roof. The house is currently leased out for commercial use.

River House, River Valley Road (1880s – Present)

Early Teochew businessman Tan Yeok Nee 陈旭年 (1827 – 1902) built this house in the 1880s, rumoured to be a gift for his mistress. Tan Yeok Nee came from China at an young age and made his fortune through gambier, pepper, alcohol and opium trades. On very good terms with the Johor Sultan, Tan Yeok Nee would later become Malaya’s biggest kangchu (港主, lord of the river settlements) at the age of 39. By 1868, the sultanate bestowed Tan Yeok Nee the status of the kapitan (representative of the Chinese enclaves), and presented him with the title of “administration” (资政).

His River House, also known as Water Ripple House (涟漪楼), is one of the rare existing houses in Singapore designed in Southern Chinese architectural style, decorated with sculptures of many symbolic animals in dragon-fish, cranes and Chinese unicorns (麒麟). Tan Yeok Nee had another preserved house at the junction of Penang Road and Clemenceau Avenue (see below).

The River House has been utilised as a warehouse and a Chinese clan association in recent years.

House of Tan Yeok Nee, Penang Road (1882 – Present)

Currently leased to the University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, this century-old house was originally known as “House of Administration” (资政第). Together with the River House, they are the last remaining Chinese-styled mansions in Singapore.

The House of Tan Yeok Nee is also the only surviving house of the famous “Four Big Mansions” (四大厝) built by Teochew tycoons in the late 19th century, where the other three were the House of Tan Seng Poh (located at the junction of Loke Yew Street and Hill Street), the House of Seah Eu Chin (located at the northern Boat Quay) and the House of Wee Ah Hood (also known as 大夫第 and demolished in 1961).

Conserved as a national monument in 1974, the house has undergone dramatic events in its history. It was acquired in the early 20th century when the first railway was constructed. The house became home for the Tank Road Station master.

It was sold to the Anglican Church in 1912, which set up St Mary’s Home and School for the Eurasian girls. In 1938, the Salvation Army took over the site as their headquarters but it was bombed and occupied by the Japanese forces during the Second World War. After the war, extensive repairs were carried out and when the Salvation Army was relocated to Bishan in 1991, the house was sold to Cockpit Hotel and subsequently Wing Tai Group.

House at Nee Soon Village (mid 1800s – 1976)

It was the first concrete house at Nee Soon Village at the northern part of Singapore. Nee Soon Village was established as early as 1850, and consisted mostly of wooden attap houses, farms and plantations. The double-storey bungalow stood at the junction of Mandai Road, Upper Thomson Road and Sembawang Road.

It was occupied by the Japanese as one of their operational headquarters during the Second World War. The last owner Soh Chee Kim was requested by the authority to vacate the house by 1976 upon its demolition.

Note the old Nee Soon Post Office in the background of the photograph.

House No. 1, Bedok Avenue (? – Present)

At the quiet estate between Bedok Avenue and Jalan Haji Salam stands a dilapidated villa that seems to be lost in time. There is little information about the house, but its design looks to be a mixture of Peranakan and Straits Chinese styles. The vertically long rectangular wooden windows resemble those of the Chinese shophouses.

There is also a rare single-storey kampong house beside the villa, which is currently unoccupied.

Old Manasseh Meyer Bungalow, Netheravon Road (1927 – Present)

The old bungalow was named after its first owner Sir Manasseh Meyer (1843 – 1930), who was a wealthy British Jew who came to Singapore in 1861. A businessman as well as a philanthropist, Meyer contributed generously to the educational institutions of Singapore, particularly to Raffles College. He also built the famous Maghain Aboth Synagogue and Chesed-El Synagogue. The long Meyer Road at East Coast was named after him.

The British bought over the bungalow from Meyer in 1933 to operate as a school for the military personnel based at Changi. It was occupied by the Japanese during the Second World War to house prisoners-of-war. After the war, the house served as a temporary hostel for the Royal Air Force officers. Today, it is part of the Civil Service Club

Tyersall House, Tyersall Avenue (1854 – 1890)

The Tyersall House, not to be confused with Istana Tyersall or Istana Woodneuk, was built by the first lawyer in Singapore William Napier in 1854. Napier arrived at Singapore in 1831 and together with G.D.Coleman, Edward Boustead and Walter Scott Lorrain, they launched the Singapore Free Press, Singapore’s second English language newspaper after the Singapore Chronicle. Napier Road was named after him.

On good terms with Temenggong Abu Bakar, Napier sold his land to him in the 1860s. Tyersall House was later destroyed by a fire in 1890, prompting Abu Bakar, who proclaimed to be the Sultan of Johor, to build another magnificent house as a replacement. That house was known as Istana Tyersall.

Istana Tyerall and Istana Woodneuk, Johor Sultan’s former royal palaces in Singapore, are further discussed in The Last Royal Palace in Singapore.

A Retrospective of 100 Singapore Icons

January 27, 2010 at 8:27 pm | Posted in itchy mouth | 2 Comments
Tags: , , , ,

Do you know why the Singapore flag is in red and white and why the crescent and stars? Some of us may recall reading it on school textbooks when we were young. But if you had forgotten about it, take some time to visit the exhibition outside the National Library.


Titled, 100 ICONS, the exhibtion is a retrospective of some Singapore’s
most widely seen and recognised visual icons


“The Singapore flag was unveiled on 3 December 1959, together with the
state crest and the national anthem…Upon Singapore’s independence in
1965, it was adopted as Singapore’s national flag.”


The Lion Head “was introduced in 1986 as the Government wanted an
alternative symbol that people and organisations could use to express
their loyalty and commitment to the nation.” Designed by Mr Michael
Lee, the Lion Head “symbolises courage, strength and excellence”, with
the same red and white as on the National Flag. The five partings on the
mane “represents the same five ideals embodied in the five stars of the
National Flag, namely democracy, peace, progress, justice and equality”
It still looks pretty modern today.. :p


“The Merlion was first designed as an emblem for the Singapore Tourism
Board (STB) in 1964 – the lion head with a fish body resting on a crest of
waves quickly became Singapore’s icon to the rest of the world. Designed
by Mr Fraser Brunner, the lion head represents the lion spotted by Prince
Sang Nila Utama when he rediscovered Singapura in 11 AD…The fish tail
of the Merlion symbolises the ancient city of Temasek (meaning ‘sea’ in
Javanese) by which Singapore was known before the Prince named it
‘Singapura’ (meaning ‘lion’ [singa] ‘city’ [pura] in Sanskrit), and represents
Singapore’s humble beginning as a fishing village.” This logo really looks
dated to me… :p


Singa the lion made this first appearance as mascot for the National
Courtesy Campaign in 1982. In 2009, he got a make-over – finally with
shorts to protect his modesty… :p I prefer the old Singa, he looked
friendlier, though I agree he should have put on some pants…
8)


The downward pointing whiskers don’t make the new Singa look happy…
and he looked like he’s got a swollen toe on his left foot... :D

 


The old HDB logo used from 1960-1980


The current logo, retains the symbol of the home and square frame “because
of  their strong identity.”


PUB’s current logo since 2005, “embodies a new vision and mission to
provide ‘Water for All’ by calling on all Singaporeans to play their part to
use water wisely.”


The first PUB logo (left) was used from 1963 – 1976. In 1976, the logo (centre)
“was redesigned to better reflect the modern mindset of Singapore.”  The one
at the right was used from 2001

Besides government bodies’ logos, there were also many old, familiar household brands, which to me, were the more fun ones to look at… :p


Axe Brand Medicated Oil! This was the logo in 1928! In those days, the axe
was a must-have household item. Choosing the axe as a brand “symbolised
the usefulness of the medicated oil and that every household should keep one
at home as a handy medicine.” I am so glad people now don’t have to keep
an axe at home! So dangerous…hahah…


The new logo…more modern but somehow I like the old one better…hahah

When you think of Axe Brand Medicated Oil, you will think of…


Tiger Balm!


“It
was Aw Boon Haw, one of the two founders, who first lent his name –
Haw, meaning Tiger, to the ointment.” Hmm…not much change to the
logo except it was a “resting tiger” in the early days and a “leaping tiger”
in the 1990s..er…looks similar leh… :p


The tiger, always facing left and under a palm tree, was initially contained
within the roundel. As it expands both regionally and internationally, “the
paw was extended beyond the roundel to symbolise this growth (i.e. stepping
out).” This current one was revamped in 2005. Strangely, there was no
display of the old logos. Can’t remember if the paw was inside or
outside the roundel, but I remembered the tiger was more flatly illustrated.
See the old logo here
. Er..the tail and paws were all outside leh… :p But I
really like the Tiger Beer logo, very Southeast Asian feel.. :p


The latest F&N logo…hmm…when did they change to this with a leaf?
The very
first logo has a lion


The latest logo for Magnolia…The more rounded look makes it feel friendlier


I never like the old ones… :p

Wonder why Yeo Hiap Seng, or better known as Yeos now, was not featured at the exhibition…


Double Pagoda! Remember the old paper bag we featured on our earlier post?


Old logos for Chee Seng Seasame Oil. The Double Pagoda brand is “named
after a landmark in the founder’s hometown.”


Ads in the 60s


While taking photos, I overheard two secondary school students talking
out loud. One was asking the other, “Have you been to KK? I was born
there!”


Haha…Itchyfingers were born there too! :D


Not sure how many people are familiar with CYC
other than those who
customerise their shirts. But apparently it is quite well-known to the
rich and famous, with shops in luxurious shopping areas. But I like the
nostalgic old logo, with the scissors representing “made-to-measure”


This was known as the Post Office Saving Bank in 1972. “In the form of a
key, it comprised the bank’s initials (POSB) and symbolised savings,
security and prosperity.”


Renamed POSBank in 1990, “the logo was refreshed in 2007…The ‘POSB’
key remains an integral part of the POSB corporate identity.” Many of
us grew up with the bank….


Another organisation which many of us grew up with….In fact,
Itchyfingers had too much tv when young…that’s why gotta wear glasses :(


“The squares represent telecommunications and the advanced technology
used in the business. The ellipse shows the company as a part of the global
network.” Hmmm….all this while, I just thought it is a satellite they trying
to depict… :p


The old Singtel logos…


Not much changes have been made to one of the most well-known local
brand since 1972. The top one is the new logo

Chinese New Year is just around the corner, I bet now if you go to Chinatown, you would be seeing a long queue snaking from this shop all the way to the street…So, which shop is that?


The famous Lim Chee Guan Bak Kwa (sweet barbeque pork) lor…


“In the beginning, the logo was executed in calligraphic style against a
plain background…With  the rise in airtravel, a plane was incorporated,
marking the beginning of a new era, where consumers aspired to world
travelling and it became recognisable even to the illiterates..To date, Lim
Chee Guan is still known as the ‘Aeroplane Brand’.” Haha….Itchyfingers
didn’t know how to explain the aeroplane when my Hong Kong friends
came to Singapore and bought some bak kwa from them…Now I know… 8)

There are so many more interesting stories behind the 100 icons on display that Itchyfingers could only showcase a few here. Do drop by National Library and have a look before the exhibition ends this Friday, 29 January. While you are looking at the icons, try to look out for Itchyfingers‘ mark… 8)


Itchyfingers doing a little self-promotion on the whiteboard…hahaha

the end @ copyright 2912

the Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par the King of Tiger Balm History collections

Tiger Balm

Garden Singapore

History Collections

 Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Created By

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Copyright @ 2012

 

 

Forward

During my youngest kind in 1948-1954 my  parent always used the Tiger Balm to cure my sickness because that time this balm very popular and another medicine more expensive.

During my first visit to Singapore in 1974, I visit the Tiger Balm Garden in Singapore,and also their jade collections.and the founder Aw Boen Haw,that is why they call this garden Hauw park villa and tiger balm garden which related with the tiger balm,

I have upload the story in my web blog with caption the adventure of Dr Iwan in Singapore 1974.

Many young generations forgotten about the history of this park and the founders,duue to that soituation I have made a research about thta,

This e-book in CD-ROM still not complete, comment corrections and new info still need.

This is the sample of my research report of the Tiger Balm History Collections, the complete info in CD-Rom exist but only for premiummember,if you want to look the full illustration CD-ROM please subscribed via comment

Jakarta Mei 2012

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

 

 

 

 

Introductions

Haw Par Villa, formerly called Tiger Balm Gardens, was originally constructed in 1937 by “Tiger Balm King” Aw Boon Haw as a grand residence for his younger brother, Aw Boon Par, who helped create their fortune with the anagesic balm. In English, Haw Par Villa translates as Villa of the Tiger and Leopard.

This history of the legendary brothers Haw and Par and the origins of their genius trace back to Rangoon (Yangon), Burma, where it all began. Their father, Aw Chu Kin, the young son of a herbalist in Xiamen, Fujian Province, left for Rangoon in the 1800s to seek his fortune.

His first stop was Singapore where he lived for several days in a kongsi house in the Chinese quarter of Telok Ayer Street before leaving for Penang. Rangoon beckoned and soon he was on his way. Aw Chu Kin set up his own sinseh shop with a little help from his uncle, and Eng Aun Tong, or the Hall of Everlasting Peace, was founded in 1870. Uncle turned matchmaker and a bride was soon found for Aw Chu Kin. Boon Haw, the “gentle tiger” was born in 1882 and Boon Par, the “gentle leopard” in 1888.

In 1908, father Chu Kin died, leaving the family practice to Boon Par, having despaired of Boon Haw’s rebel-rousing ways. The gentle leopard, finding the responsibility too much to bear, later asked for his older brother’s return from China to carry on the family business in Rangoon. The brothers Haw and Par built an empire and a legendary fortune out of a formula for a cure-all ointment sold in a little jar. Today, Tiger Balm is sold in over a hundred countries, arguably the world’s best known analgesic ointment.

The tiger tycoon moved into Singapore in 1926 and Eng Aun Tong found a spanking new home in the busiest port in the region. A new and larger factory was built along Neil Road where production was ten times more than that of Rangoon’s.

A new mansion, Haw Par Villa, was built on a hill in Pasir Panjang surrounded by unique gardens depicting Chinese mythology for the younger, quieter Boon Par in 1937. Aw Boon Haw created this entertainment park to teach and preserve Chinese values.

The park’s colorful collection of over 1,000 statues and 150 giant tableaux centered around Chinese folklore, legends, history, and Confucian ideology. Morality tales included classic battles between good and evil and tributes to Chinese cultural heroes such as the famous pugilist Wu Song, who tamed a ferocious tiger with his bare hands.

Haw Par Villa also holds an exhibition of the 10 courts of Hell, as depicted by Chinese mythology. According to Chinese belief, hell hath not one court but ten. It is believed when one first dies, 2 guardians from Hades will come to take your soul to Hades. One has the head of a horse and the other of an ox. These are the guardians of Hell….Ox-Head and Horse-Face.

Each court is ruled by a ‘yama’ or a king, who dishes out different punishments befitting the sins committed in one’s life. The concept ‘One reaps what one sows’ is the basis of the legend of the Ten Courts of Hell. However, the influence of Confucianism is so great that punishments for failing to comply, such as disrespect for the written word, lack of filial piety or inattention in class are often equal to, or more terrifying than that for murder.

Also known as Tiger Balm Gardens, it was free to the public. (Tiger Balm Gardens was later donated to the Singapore government by the Aw family, put on public tender for re-building as a theme park under the name Haw Par Villa. This theme park is no longer associated with the Haw Par group).

Beside the Haw Par Villa in Singapore, Boon Haw also built similar theme parks in Hong Kong and Fujian of China. The one in Hong Kong, also known by the same name as Tiger Balm Garden, was completed in 1935 but demolished in 2004. In Thailand, Boon Haw contributed a Haw Par Childrens Playground (虎豹兒童遊樂場) in 1938 for the purpose of promoting his Tiger Balm

Tiger Balm Gardens: Mythological Theme Park – Singapore

Haw Par Villa is a Chinese Mythological theme park in Singapore and contains over 1,000 statues and 150 giant tableaux centered around Chinese folklore, legends, history and Confucian ideology. The statues and sets immortalize moral values and Chinese cultural heritage.

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Originally called “Tiger Balm Gardens”, it was constructed in 1937 by brothers Aw BoonHaw and Aw Boon Par, who are developers of Tiger Balm. Later on it was sold to the Singapore Tourism Board and renamed as Haw Par Villa. A must see exhibit is the Ten Courts of Hell that features the ten steps of judgment before reincarnation.

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore

Tiger Balm Gardens Mythological Theme Park  Singapore 

The History Of The Tiger Balm Park

 

The History Of Aw Boen Haw and Aw Boen Par

Tiger Balm Garden

 

Tiger Balm Gardens is also known as Haw Par Villa. There are three Tiger Balm Gardens in the world, all built by the Aw family (Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par). The first is located in Hong Kong, the second is in Singapore, and the third is in Fujian, Mainland China. The gardens contain statues and dioramas depicting scenes from Chinese folklore, legends, history and illustrations of various aspects of Confucianism.

They were opened to the public; they were created to promote the Tiger Balm products produced by the family.

Tiger Balm Gardens at different locations

  • Tiger Balm Garden (Hong Kong) – Opened in 1935, now closed following redevelopment into the “Haw Par Villa” amusement park in 1985 and then into housing in 1998. The Haw Par Mansion itself, together with its private garden, is preserved as a museum.
  • Haw Par Villa (Singapore) – Opened in 1937 and continues as a tourist attraction.
  • Tiger Balm Garden (Fujian) – Located in Yongding County, Fujian Province, China it was originally founded in 1946 but the location was abandoned in 1949. It reopened in 1994 as a museum.

The History Of Tiger Balm

 

 
 

The white and red versions of Haw Par Tiger Balm.

Tiger Balm (Chinese: ; pinyin: Hǔbiao Wànjīnyóu; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Hó͘-phiau Bān-kim-iû) is the trade name for a heat rub manufactured and distributed by Haw Par Healthcare in Singapore.

Contents

 [hide

History

It was originally developed in the 1870s by an herbalist, Aw Chu Kin, in Rangoon, Burma, who asked his sons Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par on his deathbed to perfect the product.[1]

Originally named for containing tiger bone, an ingredient in traditional Chinese medicine dating back 1,500 years to treat pain, inflammation and to strengthen muscle,[2][not specific enough to verify][page needed] Tiger Balm now consists purely of herbal ingredients. Tiger Balm is available in several varieties, the ‘cold’ Tiger Balm White (which is recommended for use with headaches) and the ‘hot’ Tiger Balm Red. There is also another version called Tiger Balm Ultra.[citation needed]

From the notes that accompany Tiger Balm:

Tiger Balm is made from a secret herbal formulation that dates back to the times of the Chinese emperors. The Aw brothers, Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par, inherited the formulation from their herbalist father who left China. They call it Tiger Balm, after Boon Haw, (whose name in Chinese meant “Tiger”) who was instrumental in devising the remarkable selling strategies that made Tiger Balm a household name in many East and South Eastern Asian countries today.

[citation needed]

During the 1930s the Aw family founded the Tiger Balm Gardens in Singapore and Hong Kong to promote the product.

 Composition

Ingredient[3] Red White
Menthol 10% 8%
Camphor 11% 11%
Dementholised mint oil 6% 16%
Cajuput oil 7% 13%
Clove bud oil 5% 1.5%
Cassia oil 5%  

The remainder is a petroleum jelly and paraffin base.

The original Tiger Balm Red and Tiger Balm White have 25% of Camphor.[4] A new product named Tiger Balm White HR uses Eucalyptus oil instead of Cajuput oil.[4]

Uses

Tiger Balm is claimed to relieve the following ailments:[5][unreliable medical source?]

  • Headache Rub on temples to relieve pain.
  • Myalgia muscular pains.
  • Migraines and headaches of light intensity to moderate.
  • Mosquito bites: to relieve the itch.
  • Cough: to release the respiratory voices, in application on the chest and the back.
  • Stomach ache: rub on stomach to relieve upset stomach.
  • Nasal congestion: place a gob under the nostrils.
  • Interstitial Cystitis: cut to size, placed just above the pubic bone, can moderate pain enough to allow patients to sleep better.

Popular culture

In the James Bond novel Role of Honour, authored by John Gardner in the 1980s, one of the villain’s henchmen whom Bond faces is named Tigerbalm.

Tiger Balm is mentioned in the novel The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo.[citation needed] It is also mentioned in the novel For the Win.[citation needed]

Gerard Depardieu was reported to have instructed Robert DeNiro how to use Tiger Balm and water to solve an erection problem while shooting a scene for Bernardo Bertolucci‘s 1900 in 1977.[6]

The song “Love Love Love” by The Mountain Goats mentions that Sonny Liston would rub Tiger Balm onto his gloves. [7]

In “Home Insecurity,” an episode of The Venture Bros., villain Baron Ünderbheit discovers his trusted henchmen have betrayed him, and thus forces them into resignation. They are presented with Tiger Balm as a seemingly amicable parting gift, though it turns out to be an omen for Ünderbheit’s retaliation for their betrayal, subsequently revealed to be “tiger bombs.”

Tiger Balm is sometimes used in the context of BDSM sexual activities to intensify sensation.[citation needed]

In the UK drama, “Whitechapel”, DI Joseph Chandler rubs Tiger Balm on his temples to relieve headaches

The History Of Aw Boon Hauw  and Aw Boon Par

 

Aw Boon Haw

 

It may be called “hǔbiao wànjīnyóu” in its native tongue, but it’s just Tiger Balmto me. I’ve been using this Chinese remedy since my hippie mom rubbed it on my chest during the cold New England winters of my youth. The burn on my skin still has a calming, comforting effect.Tiger Balm was invented by Chinese herbalist Aw Chu Kin in the 1870s, using the healing combination of menthol, eucalyptus, clove, cassia and mint oil. Kin had two sons, Aw Boon Haw was a hell-raiser known for street fights and mad business skills while Aw Boon Par was gentle and more reserved.  Together, Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par would make their father’s tincture a global phenomenon by the early 1930s.

Aw Boon Haw in China 1949

Aw Boon Haw in China 1949

While Par honed the recipe down to what is now a legendary cure-all, Haw used his persuasive business skills to organize a medicinal empire. A born salesman, Haw knew how to market his product to the public giving the family recipe a strong and sexy name, Tiger Balm. Haw began promoting Tiger Balm across China going so far as to build a custom car featuring an enormous roaring tiger’s head on the grill.

Aw Boon Haw in Singapore 1941

Aw Boon Haw in Singapore 1941

By the time he was 40, Haw was the richest man in Rangoon. He built an enormous mansion and named the extensive botanical gardens after his quiet-natured brother. In spite of his showmanship, Haw was also a great philanthropist, donating his family’s magic ointment to doctors all over China and building countless schools and hospitals.

Tiger Balm Building in Singapore 1941

Tiger Balm Building in Singapore 1941

Aw Boon Haw Showing His Medicines in China 1949

Aw Boon Haw Showing His Medicines in China 1949

Haw opened his gardens to the public in the early 1950s, and promoted good heath for all. Eighty years later, savvy business sense paired with a generous, caring spirit, has made Tiger Balm a worldwide classic.

Aw Boon Haw Gardens in Singapore 1941

Aw Boon Haw Gardens in Singapore 1941

School Children Walking Through Aw Boon Haw Gardens 1941

School Children Walking Through Aw Boon Haw Gardens 1941

The Tiger Balm Kings
?Aw Boon Haw & Aw Boon Par
Aw Boon Par & Aw Boon Haw
SOURCE :
 Aw Cheng Hu
(Daughter of Aw Boon Par & Grandmother of May Chu Harding)

Barely a decade after the brothers started to manufacture and sell Tiger Balm from their mothers kitchen in Rangoon, they had already amassed a string of pharmaceutical companies stretching from Burma to Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the East Indies, Hong Kong and China. By the eve of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, the Aw brothers had built a business empire with 10,000 workers toiling in the Tiger Balm factories.
Just when everything was going so great, a squad of policemen showed up at the brothers house to serve them with an arrest warrant. Boon Par and Boon Haw were charged with illicit trafficking in opium, and counterfeiting.

Well, you have to start, somewhere…


Aw Boon Par’s Daughter Aw Cheng Hu
Aw Cheng Hu
Aw Cheng Hu, known as “Emma”
with husband, Lee Chee Shan

Aw Cheng Hu, known as “Emma,” was born in Rangoon, and brought to Singapore by her father, Aw Boon Par. Emma is May Chu’s grandmother.

From the book:

My grandfathers name was Lee Chee Shan, but I called him Kong Kong, Cantonese for grandfather. My grandmother, Emma, was Mamak, literally, great mother. Formally, my grandfather was known as Dato Lee Chee Shan, and my grandmother, Datin. Dato and Datin are Malaysian titles originally bestowed on tribal chiefs and their wives, but now reserved for the rich—especially the Chinese rich. Of course, at the time, I knew nothing of such things.

So much deference was shown to Kong Kong by Mamak, that you would never guess that she was the one with all the money. This did not mean that Mamak was subdued, or mousy. Not at all. While Kong Kong usually ate in silence, Mamak did all the talking. She was very animated, gesturing as she talked.

She enjoyed herself and laughed easily. She was truly Boon Pars daughter. Still, out of respect for her husband, Mamak always dressed as he wished—colorfully, in traditional Chinese cheongsams, always with matching red lipstick and nail polish. Each cheongsam had its own matching set of jewelry—nothing subdued ever, not even during the day. Mamak made Kong Kong very happy. Everybody made Kong Kong very happy, and even at the bank, all the ladies wore cheongsams—they had to.


Sally Aw, OBE, the (Almost) Bankrupt Hieress
Sally Aw

Sally Aw, the adopted daughter of Aw Boon Haw, inherited the Aw’s newspaper empire at the age of 23. In 1988, she won the most prestigious American award for journalismthe Carr Van Anda Award from the University of Ohio, a distinction which is usually reserved for the most outstanding figures from the American media such as Walter Cronkite and Ted Turner.

May Chu first met Sally Aw in Hong Kong.

From the book:

In impeccable English, she [Sally] greeted me saying, “Who would have thought you were a relative of mine? If I saw you on the street, I wouldn’t even recognize you.”

Did I look wrong, somehow? Not Chinese enough? Had I made a mistake by sitting down? Should I be kneeling?

In 1999, Sally found herself deep in debt and verging on bankruptcy. She also faced a serious legal problem.

From the book:

Sally finally managed to squander the vast fortune, which luck had dumped in her lap, and reached the brink of bankruptcy. In 1998, she was arrested for falsely inflating the circulation figures of the Hong Kong Standard, her English-language Hong Kong newspaper. Even the U.S. State Department protested when Sally got off the hook, citing her close ties to Beijing.

There is a Chinese proverb that wealth in a family lasts for only three generations. Sally managed to make it in two.


Tiger Balm (虎標萬金油)or Tiger Ban Kim Ewe or “Ten Thousand Golden Oil” is the trade name for a heat rub or ointment manufactured and distributed by Haw Par Healthcare in Singapore. It was originally developed in the 1870s by a herbalist, Aw Chu Kin, in Rangoon, Burma, who asked his sons Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par on his deathbed to perfect the product. Oversea Chinese around the world will remember Tiger Balm, especially the old generations, this was the medical herbal oil that accompanied them from childhood to old age.

Even the young generation of today is are familiar with Tiger Balm.

Tiger Balm is available in several varieties, the weaker Tiger Balm White (which is recommended for use with headaches) and the stronger Tiger Balm Red (which is not to be used on the head). There is also another version called Tiger Balm Ultra.

Aw Chu Kin(胡子钦)

Aw Chu Kin (胡子钦, 原名胡诞钦) ? – 1908 in Rangoon, British Raj) was a Burmese Chinese herbalist. He is best known as the original inventor of Tiger Balm.

Aw Chu Kin’s father was a Chinese herbology practitioner in Xiamen and a Hakka from Zhongchuan, Yongding, Fujian Province, China (福建省永定下洋中川村客家人). Being of a poor background, Aw Chu Kin first immigrated to Singapore in 1863 where he stayed at the kongsi of his clan at Telok Ayer Street.

He then moved to Penang and started to work as a practitioner of Traditional Chinese medicine, known as a sinseh (先生) in Penang Hokkien. Afterwards, he moved to Rangoon where, with the help of his uncle, founded his medical hall or medical shop, named Eng Aun Tong(永安堂药行)(“The Hall of Eternal Peace”) in 1870, located at 644,Canton Road (仰光广东街644号).

Aw Chu Kin was married in Rangoon. He had three sons, the eldest of whom, Boon Leng (Gentle/Refined Dragon) died young. He was survived by his two sons, Boon Haw (Gentle/Refined Tiger) and Boon Par (Gentle/Refined Leopard).

In 1892, Aw sent Boon Haw to his grandfather’s village to be instructed in traditional Chinese methods while Boon Par stayed in Rangoon to receive a British education.

In 1900, his two sons Aw Boon Haw, who had returned to Rangoon, and Aw Boon Par decided to manufacture and market the medicinal ointment under the name Eng Aun Tong, the name of the medical hall.

In respect of the said balm, they adopted a trade mark consisting of the device of a tiger. The word “TIGER” is taken from the name of the elder brother Aw Boon Haw. “Haw” (虎) in Chinese means the animal tiger. The Chinese word “Par,” the name of the Younger brother means the animal leopard.

The trading name Eng Aun Tong was coined to denote the quality of the product from the popular medical hall in Rangoon. The trade mark TIGER and the device of a leaping tiger have been used in respect of the balm since 1900.

When Aw Chu Kin died in 1908 at Rangoon,he left his medical hall, Eng Aun Tong, to his son, Aw Boon Par, having despaired of eldest son Boon Haw’s rebel-rousing ways. The gentle leopard, finding the responsibility too much to bear, later asked for his older brother’s return from China to carry on the family business in Rangoon.

Aw Chu Kin’s wife: Lee Kim Peck
Sons: Boon Leong; Boon Haw, Boon Par

Aw Boon Par(胡文豹);

Aw Boon Par (胡文豹); born 1888 in Rangoon, died 1944 in Rangoon, was a Burmese Chinese entrepreneur and philanthropist best known for introducing Tiger Balm. He was educated in English school in Rangoon, Burma. He was the lesser known, and a quiet leopard, compared to his brother, Aw Boon Haw.

Boon Par was the son of Hakka herbalist Aw Chu Kin, who upon his death in 1908, left the business to Boon Par. Boon Par then called his elder brother, Aw Boon Haw, to help run their father’s apothecary Eng Aun Tong (“The Hall of Eternal Peace”) together.

“I will learn all I can about Western medicine, you can prescribe Chinese medicine,” Boon Par said to his brother. “Together we won’t lose a single patient. He can choose between east and west and the fee will stay with us.”

To perfect and exploit their late father’s recipe, the sons took over their mother’s kitchen. Boon Par, the quiet leopard, toiled whilst Boon Haw, the gregarious tiger organised. Together they produced Ban Kim Ewe, Ten Thousand Golden Oil, panacea for all ills.

In 1918, Aw Boon Haw co-developed Tiger Balm as a trade mark, with his younger brother Aw Boon Par. Through artful packages and clever marketing, with the brand name of Tiger Balm (虎標萬金油) or Tiger Ban Kim Ewe or “Ten Thousand Golden Oil” is the trade name. The brothers later made their versatile balm a household standard, first in their native Rangoon, then Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong, China, and the rest of Southeast Asia.

Just when everything was going so great in Rangoon, a squad of policemen showed up at the brothers’ house to serve them with an arrest warrant.

Boon Par and Boon Haw were charged with illicit trafficking in opium, and counterfeiting. The British Chief Inspector of Police, Cyril Taylor, put the brothers under house arrest. But the police were not able to pin anything on the brothers. Still, this was humiliating to the brothers, Boon Haw decided to leave Burma and move the business to Singapore.

Although Aw Boon Par wished to stay in Rangoon, it was because in addition to his two official wives (Piah Lan, Daw Saw who remained in Rangoon), he had a secret wife, Hong Yin, in Rangoon.

Nevertheless, Boon Haw who had settled in Singapore in 1926 convinced him to immigrate, move the family business and found the precursor of today’s Haw Par Corporation.

By 1926, the headquarters of Eng Aun Tong “House of Eternal Peace” had been transferred to Singapore. A new and larger factory was built at 89 Neil Road where production was ten times greater than that of Rangoon’s.

The factory building, a 3-storey neo-classical building, is still standing prominently at the corner of Neil Road and Craig Road – it was built by Aw Boon Haw in 1924.

Boon Par took up a residence at Tanglin Road in Singapore. The house eventually become known as the “Jade House.” Boon Par later moved to larger mansion at 178, Pasir Panjang Road.

The Aw brothers launched Sin Chew Jit Poh – their first paper – in Singapore in 1929; mainly to advertise their tiger series of products.

In 1932, a Limited Company was incorporated in Singapore, know as Haw Par Brothers (Pvt.) Ltd (“虎药有限公司”). It took over the business of the two Aw brothers including their assets, such as trade marks.

From Singapore, the company continued to carry on business and export Tiger Balm to various countries, including India, until the Japanese occupation of Burma and Singapore during World War II.

The company devised various trade markets to be used in various countries, the essential features of each of which was the device of a leaping Tiger, the word “Tiger Balm” written in English and also in Chinese characters. These trade marks were registered in different countries all over the world.

Aw Boon Haw bought land in 1935 to build a villa that would be a unique and fitting residence for his beloved brother, Aw Boon Par. He commissioned Ho Kwong Yew, a brilliant young architect, to design a house that would complement the gardens which were to feature thousands of statues and tableaux depicting Chinese myths and legends and which were to become well known all over the world as the Tiger Balm Gardens. The villa was originally called “Tiger Balm Gardens”. A new mansion, Haw Par Villa, was built on a hill in Pasir Panjang surrounded by unique gardens depicting Chinese mythology for the younger, quieter Boon Par in 1937.

Haw Par Villa was opened in March 1937 and many guests were invited to the grand reception hosted by Aw Boon Par, the lord of the manor.

By the eve of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, the Aw brothers had built a business empire with 10,000 workers toiling in their Tiger Balm factories.

Aw Boon Par lived in Haw Par Villa only a few years before the second world war broke out in 1939.

The Japanese occupation of Singapore in World War II occurred between 1942 and 1945 after the fall of Singapore on 15 February 1942.

Military forces of the Empire of Japan occupied Singapore after defeating the combined Australian, British, Indian and Malayan garrison in the Battle of Singapore.

The occupation was to become a major turning point in the history of several nations, including that of Japan, Britain and the then colonial state of Singapore. Singapore was renamed Syonan-to (昭南島 Shonan-to), which means “Island of the Light of the South” or “Southern Island (obtained) during Showa period”.

During the Japanese occupation of Singapore, Aw Boon Haw moved to Hong Kong to manage the business from there, while Aw Boon Par stayed in Singapore to run the factory.

In 1942, Boon Par was forced to close the Singapore factory and flee with his family to Rangoon, which was also occupied by Japanese.

The Allies drove out the Japanese from Singapore in April 1945, but unfortunately Aw Boon Par died in Sept 1944, prior to the victory.

Boon Par’s wives: Piah Lan, Daw Saw, Hong Yin
Sons: Cheng Chye (胡清才) who died in Chile in 1971, Cheng Tek (胡清德)
Daughters: Cheng Sim or Suri Santipongchai, married to Lee Aik Sim(李森, Lee Santipongchai), who in 1971 was given Sing Sian Yit Pao to manage. The newspaper is now managed by their children Netra and Winn. This may be the only company set up by Aw Boon Haw which is still in the hands of the family ; Cheng Hu (Emma), married to banker Lee Chee Shan(李志城,1909-86) who became the President of the family owned Chung Khiaw Bank. The bank was subsequently merged into Haw Par Brothers International Ltd (by then a public company) which was taken over over by the predator firm Slater Walker Securities to whom Aw Cheng Chye sold his shares.

Aw Boon Haw (胡文虎) 1882-1954

Aw Boon Haw (胡文虎); born 1882 Rangoon, Burma – died 1954 Hong Kong, was a Burmese Chinese entrepreneur and philanthropist best known for introducing Tiger Balm. He was the son of Hakka herbalist Aw Chu Kin, with his ancestral home in Yongding County, Fujian Province. A very good negotiator and businessman. His life was not only business, how he managed to deal with KMT, CPC, Puppet government in China during Japanese occupation, and Japan government during WW2 was amazing…

Aw migrated to Singapore in 1926, where he began the business of Tiger Red Balm with his brother, Aw Boon Par. Aw also founded several newspapers, including Sin Chew Jit Poh (星洲日報) on 15-1-1929 in Singapore, Sin Ping Jit Poh(星槟日报), now known as Guang Ming Daily (光明日報) was founded in 1939. Both of these newspapers are now based in Malaysia. A third Aw brothers newspaper, Sing Tao Daily (星島日報), dates back to 1-8-1938 and is currently based in Hong Kong. A fourth newspapaer, Sin Siam Jit Poh (星暹日报), was founded in 1951 in Bangkok, Thailand.

Aw Boon Haw moved to Hong Kong during the Japanese occupation of Singapore and managed the businesses from there, while his brother stayed in Singapore until he closed down the factory and went to Rangoon. Aw returned to Singapore after the end of World War II and re-established his business.

While on a trip to Hong Kong from Boston in 1954, Aw died at the age of 72 from a heart attack following a major operation. His legacy is found in the Haw Par Villas throughout Asia, with locations in Singapore, Hong Kong, and the Fujian Province.

There was a story of racing rivalry of Au Boon Haw and Sultan Ibrahim of Johore. Sultan Ibrahim was a sportsman and hunter. The incident took place when the Sultan, enraged at being overtaken by Aw Boon Haw in his famous Tiger Car. Sultan Ibrahim shot at the Tiger Car on Bukit Timah Road. It was considered lese-majesté to overtake royalty even on foreign roads. Notwithstanding, the British colonial administration forbade the Sultan thereafter from visiting Singapore ever again except for purpose of going to and from the Singapore airport, then at Kallang. (source: http://www.escapefromparadise.com)

1908: Taking over the business from the late father, together with brother Aw Boon Par.

1911: First branch outside Rangoon set up in Bangkok

1926 : He moved his head office to Singapore after the British conducted an unsuccessful opium raid in his house. He opened the Eng Aun Tong Medical Hall in Singapore. Turnover of his company reached $10 million.

1929 : Founded Sin Chew Jit Poh, a Chinese newspaper competing with Tan Kah Kee’s Nanyang Siang Pau. To further promote his Tiger products he also published the Tiger Standard.

1932 : Moved his head office to Hong Kong to capture the China market

1935: Built Haw Par Villa in Hong Kong for his 2nd wife, Kyi Kyi.

1937 : Built Haw Par Villa otherwise known as the Tiger Balm Gardens for his brother, Boon Par. The gardens depict Chinese mythology.

1938 : An OBE conferred on him for his philanthropic contributions.

1950 : Set up the Chung Khiaw Bank. He placed the management of the bank under the leadership of his son-in-law, Lee Chee Shan, also a Burmese Chinese who arrived in Singapore in 1929.

1954 : He died in Honolulu in Sept 1954 at the age of 72 years old, half-way home after a stomach operation in America. His empire was divided among six of his nine surviving children and four nephews. Sally Aw taking control of what is now the Sing Tao group (centered in Hong Kong with Sing Tao) and cousins forming Haw Par Brothers (centred in Singapore and including titles such as Sin Chew Jit Poh, which later experienced difficulty in competition with that nation’s two dominant players).

After the death of Haw Boon Haw

1961 Aw Boon Haw’s will provided all estates in Hong Kong to be given to Tan Kyi Kyi and Sally Aw. The other children of Aw Boon Haw and Aw Boon Par were not happy and demanded for the return of Haw Par Villa and Eng Aun Tong(永安堂) to be equally shared by the next of kin.

There was a legal battle between Tan Kyi Kyi and Sally Aw on one side, and, on the other, the other children and nephew of Aw Boon Haw for the estate of Aw Boon Haw. Sally Aw applied for liquidation of Haw Par Brothers Ltd. The outcome of the legal battle was that the Eng Aun Tong and Har Par Villa was owned by Haw Par Brothers Private Ltd.

1964 Sing Tao edition launched in San Francisco

1969 Sally Aw launches daily editions of Sing Tao for diaspora Chinese.

1969 Haw Par Brothers Private Ltd was listed as Haw Par Corporation Limited in the Singapore Exchange on 16-8-1969.

1971 Slater Walker Securities gains control of Haw Par Brothers International Ltd (inc Chung Khiaw Bank and newspapers such as Sin Chew Jit Poh, Hong Kong Eng Aun Tong). It was sold by Aw Cheng Chye(胡清才), son of the Aw Boon Par, when he cashes out by selling all his shares.

1971 Union Overseas Bank (UOB) acquires 53% of Chung Khiaw from Slater Walker. The Haw Par Deal was later reported irregular by the Singapore government. On 22-8-1971, Aw Cheng Chye reportedly committed suicide in Santiago, Chile. Some said he died of stroke, but some said it was the curse of Aw Boon Haw.

1972 Sing Tao Holdings goes public

1973 UOB raises holding in Chung Khiaw to 82%

1973 Sing Tao closes The Asian

1983 Sing Tao launched in Vancouver

1983 Sin Chew Jit Poh in Singapore merges with Nanyang Siang Pau as Lianhe Zaobao

1985 launch of JobMarket recruitment magazine in Hong Kong

1986 Sing Tao relisted in Hong Kong after move from Australia

1986 launches and closes English-language Evening Standard in Hong Kong

1986 launches monthly business magazine Billion

1987 Sing Tao’s Newspapers of Fiji Ltd (Fiji Sun) withdraws from Fiji after second military coup

1987 Sin Chew Jit Poh delicensed in Malaysia under Mahathir crackdown, later acquired by Sarawak timber tycoon Tiong Hiew King

1988 UOB acquires remaining shares in Chung Khiaw Bank

1989 Sing Tao closes Billion

1989 closes monthly news magazine China Review

1992 The Chinese government returned the 10 storey Canton Eng Aun Tong(广州永安堂药店)building to Sally Aw

1993 pays US$40 for stake in Hong Kong newspaper and comics publisher Culturecom

1998 Sally Aw sells Hong Kong property holdings for HK$100m

1999 loses control of Sing Tao to Lazard Asia Fund after debts of US$274m

2000 Sally Aw sells Tiger Balm Gardens to Li Ka-shing for US$13m

2001 sells 55% of Sing Tao’s Canadian arm to Torstar for US$14m

2001 cigarette mogul Charles Ho Tsu-kwok buys 51.4% stake in Sing Tao Holdings

Aw Boon Haw’s family

Father: Aw Chi Kim(胡子钦), a herbalist from Zhongchuan, YongDing, Fujian Province in China.

Brothers: Aw Boon Leong(文龙) (“gentle dragon”) died early; Aw Boon Par(文豹) (“gentle leopard”).

Wives: Boon Haw had four wives. First wife, Tay Piang Hong(郑炳凤, 郑氏是广东惠阳客籍人,生长于仰光?); his second wife, Tan Kyi Kyi(陈金枝), he built a special home at Tai Hang Road, Hong Kong for her. Third wife (黄玉谢) was from Penang,and fourth wife (邱秀英).

Adpted Sons: Dato Aw Kow(胡蛟), wife Tan Kah Joo, became General Manager(社长) of the Sin Chew Jit Poh in 1941, the Singapore Tiger Standard and the Chung Khiaw Bank; Aw San(胡山), who became general manager of the Eng Aun Tong Medical Hall and its Canton factory; Aw Hoe(胡好),1919-1951, became general manager of the Medical Hall and managing director of the Tiger Standard and the Sin Chew Jit Poh.

He died tragically in a plane crash in North Malaysia in 1951. A Standard-owned Dakota airplane crash-landed in Thailand, killing everyone on board, including Aw Hoe. He was only 32 years old. Aw Boon Haw was very sad when Aw Hoe died so oung.

Aw Kow and Aw San were the adopted sons of Tay Piang Hong, the first wife. Aw San was disliked by Aw Boon Haw and did not get any inheritance from the father. Aw Hoe and Sally Aw are the adopted children of the 2nd wife, Tan Kyi Kyi, the two children were the most capable.

Sons: The 3rd wife(黄玉谢) has two sons It Haw(胡一虎), Er Haw(胡二虎) who passed away during WW2. The forth wife(邱秀英) give birth to two sons one daughter, Aw Sin(胡星),Aw San Haw(胡三虎)who passed away during World War II.

Aw Si Haw (胡四虎). Aw It Haw(胡一虎) and Aw Si Haw (胡四虎) were still young when their father passed away. Aw It Haw (胡一虎) and his Japanese wife (胡晓子) however open a Japanese supermarket in Singapore.

Adopted Daughters: Sally Aw Sian (胡仙), who was a Hong Kong businesswoman and former Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference member, and a renowned Hong Kong newspaper publisher but had to sell of much of the family’s fortunes to avoid bankruptcy.

In 1931, Aw Boon Haw and the second wife Tan Kyi Kyi, adopted the five-year-old daughter of a distant relative from Burma, changing the girl’s name from She Moi to Sian. Aw Sian inherited her late adopted father’s assets. Aw Sian and Aw Hoe are the adopted children of Aw Boon Haw’s second wife, Tan Kyi Kyi, and their most favorable children.

Daughter: Aw Sin(胡星), the daughter of 邱秀英.

the end @ copyright @ 2012

THE COMPLETE cd-rom WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST,BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER,PLEASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT

The Shaw Brother Cinematography History Collections

The Shaw Brothers

Cinematography

 History Collections

 

Created by

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

Copyright@2012

THIS THE SAMPLE OF E-BOOK IN CD-ROM,THE COLPMETE CD WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST,BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER PLEASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT

 

 


INTRODUCTION

The Harvard Film Archive is presenting “Shaw Scope: A History of the Shaw Bros. Studio” from May 30th through June 7th. Boston-area enthusiasts will have a rare chance to see classic films like

 THE 36TH CHAMBER OF SHAOLIN, COME DRINK WITH ME and THE BOXER FROM SHANTUNG on the big screen over the next week.

 

Friday May 30 at 7pm: THE FIVE VENOMS, directed by Zhang Che (Chang Cheh).
Friday May 30 at 9pm: KING BOXER, directed by Chung Chang-wha.

Saturday May 31 at 7pm: THE LOVE ETERNE, directed by Li Hanxiang (Li Han-hsiang).
Saturday May 31 at 9:30pm: INTIMATE CONFESSIONS OF A CHINESE COURTESAN, directed by Chu Yuan.

Sunday June 1 at 3pm: THE FOURTEEN AMAZONS, directed by Cheng Gang and Tung Shao-yung.
Sunday June 1 at 7pm: THE BOXER FROM SHANTUNG, directed by Zhang Che and Bao Xueli.
Sunday June 1 at 9:30pm: THE ENCHANTING SHADOW, directed by Li Hanxiang.

Friday June 6 at 7pm: THE NEW ONE-ARMED SWORDSMAN, directed by Zhang Che.
Friday June 6 at 9pm: COME DRINK WITH ME, directed by King Hu.

Saturday June 7 at 7pm: THE 36TH CHAMBER OF SHAOLIN, directed by Lau Kar-leung.
Saturday June 7 at 9:15pm: HONG KONG NOCTURNE, directed by Umetsugu Inoue

Due to this show I will upload  another info about Shaw brother

The History of the Shaw Brothers

Ningbo, 1900s, Shaw family portrait (left to right) Runde SHAW, RunFun SHAW,
RunRun SHAW, Wang Shun Xiang, Runme SHAW, Runje SHAW,
SHAW Vee Ngok (front seated) (Image Property of Shaw Organisation)

The Early Years:

The Shaw Organisation began in 1924, with operations in Singapore screening their own brand of silent movies. Frustrated by local distributors, they set up their own cinema, “The Empire”, to screen their movies. Led by brothers Run Run and Runme Shaw, they began to branch out into Malaysia building new cinemas and operating a mobile cinema for rural areas. However, it was only with the advent of sound that movies began to really launch themselves – by 1933 the Shaw’s had produced the Cantonese opera film ‘Normal Dragon’ which proved a breakthrough for them in both Singapore and Hong Kong.

In the following years, the Great Depression led to a decline in cinema attendance. The Shaw’s began to produce films locally to minimise costs and also diversified into themes parks and other live attractions. By 1939, the Shaw’s had amassed an empire of 139 cinemas across South East Asia. However, by the time of the War, these Japanese invaded Singapore and seized most Shaw assets. They were then forced to use their cinema to display pro-Japanese propaganda movies throughout the occupation. Following the War, the Shaw’s regrouped and their operations once again expanded into more cinemas and increased film production.

The Years of Dominance:

By the early sixties, the Shaw Empire incorporated 35 companies, owned 130 cinemas, 9 amusement parks and 3 production studios. It was during this period that the Shaw began to dominate the box office and set new standards in film-making. However, it also marked the end of their relationship with Malaysia as their studio, Jalan Ampas, closed in 1967 after 160 films due to declining attendances and striking.

In 1957, Sir Run Run Shaw came to Hong Kong from Singapore and founded the new company, Shaw Brothers (Hong Kong) Ltd. It was following the opening of their Hong Kong studio, Clearwater Bay, in 1961 that the Shaw Studios grew to prominence. With over 850,000 sq ft of land and 1500 permanent staff, it was soon producing over 40 films per year (1966). This vast production line boasted a new film starting every nine days. Another defining feature was that all films were completed without sound, which was dubbed into various languages in one of the twelve sound studios on site. This allowed them to rapidly prepare each movie for the international market with consistent levels of production values.

Pictures from King Hu’s Come Drink with Me and Chang Cheh’s One Armed Swordsman

The first real breakthrough was ‘The Kingdom and the Beauty’ (1958), which enjoyed global success and broke all domestic returns. Four years later the ‘Magnificent Concubine’ won Grand Prix at the Cannes Film Festival. Director Li Han Hsiang went onto to have further international success with Empress Wu and Love Eterne in 1963. Other notable entries include King Hu’s ‘Come Drink With Me’ (1966), which ushered in the new era of wuxia-pian movies.

The legendary Chang Cheh was hot on his heels with the 1967 blockbuster ‘The One Armed Swordsman’. This Jimmy Wang Yu revenge yarn was the first movie to break HK $1m at the box office. Not satisfied with this success, Chang Cheh went onto to deliver hit after hit and forming a crucial role in shaping the kung fu genre. Many believe Cheh’s 1970 work ‘Vengeance’ marks the first genuine kung fu movie, it also importantly brought him together with Ti Lung and David Chiang (the ‘Iron Triangle’ as they became known). By the end of the 70’s he had countless successes to his name and had formed the international cult heroes ‘The Five Venoms’.

Among those who worked alongside director Chang Cheh were martial arts choreographer Lau Kar Leung and John Woo. Lau Kar Leung became a hugely successful director in his own right, moving away from Cheh’s blend of macho cinema and bloodshed for more respectful martial arts and also some early attempts at kung fu comedy (such as 1975’s Spiritual Boxer). There is no doubt that John Woo was heavily influenced by Cheh’s heroic themes as he left the Shaw Studios and made it big with his own brand of action in the 1980’s.

Pictures from Chang Cheh’s Boxer from Shantung (Chen Kuan Tai) and Chor Yuen’s Death Duel (Derek Yee)

Other notable contributions include Cheng Chang Ho’s The Five Fingers of Death (King Boxer), starring Lo Lieh. This action packed yarn actually out grossed Bruce Lee in the US during the height of the kung fu boom. Chor Yuen continued Kung Hu’s focus on wuxia-pian with the likes of Killer Clans and The Magic Blade. Whilst Chang Cheh reveled in blood and guts, Chor Yuen focused on aesthetics and grace, proving equally successful in the early seventies.

The Shaw Brothers continued to diversify in this period with the launch of their own TV station in 1973, TVB. They also began co-productions with international houses as well – the best examples being The Legend of the Seven Golden Vampires and Blade Runner. By the mid seventies, their empire had now expanded to 230 cinemas, with another 600 cinemas on a distribution deal. Each week over 1.5 million people saw a Shaw produced movie!

Pictures from Lau Kar Leung’s Executioners from Shaolin (Lo Lieh) and 36th Chamber of Shaolin (Gordon Liu)

The Beginning of the End:

Stars at the Shaw Studios were normally contracted on 3, 5 or 8 years basis and would work 6 day weeks to keep within the schedules. As the success of Shaw’s brought more money into Hong Kong cinema, they actually became the victims of their own success as stars looked to more relaxed studios who also offered more competitive packages, such as ex-Shaw Raymond Chow’s Golden Harvest. As a result of this and increasing issues surrounding piracy, the Shaw Studios in Hong Kong ceased operation in 1983 as a film-maker to focus on TV production.

This marked a twelve year gap before they re-entered the movie business with Stephen Chow in “Out of the Dark” in 1995. A few more films have emerged since, including Hero (1997) starring Yuen Biao and Takeshi Kaneshiro and 2002’s Drunken Monkey, but nothing near the output of the previous decades.

The Shaw Brothers remained hugely protective of their back-catalogue and it was only in 2000 that they agreed to sell the entire 800 strong Shaw Brothers library to Celestial for HK $600m (US$ 85m) to the Malaysian company Celestial Pictures. Over a three year period the entire catalogue was remastered and restored with the latest technology.

Example of the impact of Celestial’s remastering work on the original source print from the 1970’s

Since this time, Shaw Brothers continues to expand its infrastructure with state of the art multiplexes and also a number of philanthropic ventures through the Shaw Foundation. The new millennium also brings a new era to Shaw Brothers. Shaw Studios are claiming to be developing the world’s most advanced film production and digital post production facility on a hillside site in Tseung Kwan O, Hong Kong. The US $180million Shaw Studios features one of the largest, fully air-conditioned and sound and vibration-insulated soundstages in Asia, a full-service colour lab and digital imaging facility, over 20 sound and editing suites, a 400-seat dubbing and screening theatre, executive and production office space, banqueting facilities, and visual effects and animation capabilities. In all, over a million square feet of digitally-wired and secure facilities dedicated solely to film production and post-production. Expected to be completed by 2009.

Overview of the new Shaw Studio in Tseung Kwan O, Hong Kong

Due to the recent financial crisis, Run Run Shaw announced that he was to delist Shaw Brothers Ltd in Dec 2008 and buy out the minority shareholders.

Shaw Cinemas in Asia, Japanese Occupation
“Japanese came in, we all ran away and they took all our theatres and s, amusement parks. So the Japanese were running all the business. But the Japanese were looking for me all over. So I was hiding. They took my photo and looked for me all over. I hid in one shop somewhere in Selegie Road but the Japanese caught me that night.”
– Tan Sri Runme Shaw, Pioneers of Singapore, Oral History

With war looming over the horizon, Runme and Run Run had planned to leave for Australia with their families. Their plans were dashed when a quota based on age was enforced on young men leaving the country and Run Run did not qualify. This was a blessing in disguise as the boat in which the Shaw family intended to travel was sunk by a torpedo. The brothers decided that their best chance to survive the crisis in Singapore was to stay together. Leaving their respective homes, the combined families moved in to the newly built Shaw villa at Queen Astrid in December 1941. It would be the first time since leaving China that the brothers lived together under one roof.

Shaw family portrait (1944)
A few months later, the Japanese crossed the northern border of Singapore and began their march into the city.Realising that it was not safe staying at such an isolated neighbourhood as Queen Astrid, the brothers decided to evacuate their new home immediately. After spending the night in a deserted, mosquito infested church, the fleeing Shaws arrived at businessman Eu Tong Sen’s house in Selegie Road where they sought refuge for a couple of weeks. For the duration of the war, the Shaws would make their office at 116 Robinson into their home.From the start, the invading Japanese wanted to utilise cinema as an effective propaganda tool. All Shaw cinemas were immediately seized by the Japanese propaganda body known as the Bunka Eiga Gekijio and the Shaw brothers interrogated.

Between 1942 and 1945, the Shaws were forced to work for the Japanese.

Under the Japan Film Distribution Co or Eiga Haikyu Sha, they continued to supervise the operation of theatres in Singapore and Malaysia. To this end, the Shaws were headquartered at the Pavilion cinema which is located where Specialist Centre stands today.

Later, the Shaws were directed to resume the operation of the amusement parks which reopened to the public.


Japanese ‘banana’ notes used during the Occupation
The Shaws were paid a ‘salary’ of $350 in Japanese currency for the “privilege” of showing propaganda filmsand a few Indian ones. Hollywood films, although ‘allowed’ in the early months of the Occupation were banned outright by November 1943.As part of the Nipponization effort, cinemas and amusement parks throughout Singapore and Malaysia were given Japanese names and had to display Japanese flags.    
Runme and Run Run in japanese issued work clothes
Nanyang Studio, Hong Kong

Runde Shaw
The Shaws were paid a ‘salary’ of $350 in Japanese currency for the “privilege” of showing propaganda films and a few Indian ones. Hollywood films, although ‘allowed’ in the early months of the Occupation were banned outright by November 1943.As part of the Nipponization effort, cinemas and amusement parks throughout Singapore and Malaysia were given Japanese names and had to display Japanese flags.When the Japanese invaded Shanghai in 1937, the Shaw Studio in China was destroyed and ceased operations temporarily. Due to their foresight, the Shaws had already established production in Hong Kong since 1934 at a studio called Unique (HK). It was located at 42 Pak Tai Street in To Kwa Wan in Kowloon. The land on which the studio sat was leased from Hong Kong Shanghai Bank for a monthly rent of HK$500. Runje ran the Hong Kong operations and placed Runde in charge of distribution in Shanghai.
Shaw and Son’s entry into the 2nd South East Asia Film Festival
– Beyond the Grave (1954)

Yung Siu Yi, a Nanyang studio Cantonese star in 1938
It wasn’t long after the new studio was set up that tragedy struck: Runje’s first wife Tang Yueh Ying passed away. Two years later, tragedy struck again as a mysterious fire razed the Hong Kong studio to the ground. While reconstruction was underway, Runje returned to Shanghai and got married to his third wife, Fung Hsiu Ching – an actress.In 1937, the newly rebuilt Unique (HK) was renamed Nanyang and control of the Hong Kong operations was handed over to Runde Shaw (1899 – 1973). He reorganised the accounting system in the studio and hired film maker Hung Chung Ho as head of productions. Nanyang studio continued to feed the Shaw circuit until Sir Run Run Shaw completed his own studio in Hong Kong nearly three decades later.In the year Nanyang Studio broke into the local production scene, film production was on the upswing. A total of 15 films were released by 7 film companies operating in Hong Kong. This was a large jump when compared with previous years where 4 or less films were released annually. Cantonese was the dominant language of productions. In fact, of all the films produced by the Colony between 1938 and 1940, only 13 films were made in Mandarin.

Most of the films produced had a contemporary setting and concerned themselves with humanitarian issues. In other words, studios in the mid-30s were utilising cinema as a sort of social forum.

Nanyang’s goal, however, was far different. The studio was concerned with commercial, market driven interests.

The Shaw brothers were particularly encouraged by the immense success of their Shanghai-made Cantonese musicals ‘Romance of the Opera’ and ‘Normal Dragon’, which trounced the first Hong Kong made talkies when they were imported into the colony between 1933 and 1934. Capitalizing on the demand for musicals, Nanyang studio harnessed the technology of sound and local talent to churn out 10 Cantonese song and opera films in 1935. The first such Cantonese opera film to come out of Nanyang was Mourning of Pure Tree Blossom.

With the emphasis solidly on Hong Kong’s ‘Cantonese’ heritage coupled with the brewing popularity of Cantonese songs over the last decade, these musical films were an instant hit with the masses. In response, Nanyang studio’s main rival – the San Francisco owned Grandview released 7 Cantonese song films that year. It was clear which direction the market was heading. Of the 32 films released by all companies in 1935, almost all were musicals and made solely for entertaining. Only 1 film was a ‘message’ film.

After Tian Yi in Shanghai was destroyed, Nanyang became the main source of Chinese productions for the Shaw circuit. At its peak, it was producing over 40 black and Normal films a year. It continued its prolific output until it was eclipsed by Shaw Movie Town . (1960 figure)

By 1946, Runde Shaw leased Nanyang studio to Great China Film Co where he was a shareholder. Four years later, Nanyang studio switched its focus from producing Cantonese films to Mandarin films for the rapidly growing Southeast Asian market as the supply of Mandarin films coming out of mainland China were cut off by the Communist takeover.


Lucilla Yu Ming, a Nanyang studio Cantonese star in 1952-1958

Mr and Mrs Runde Shaw and their three sons: Vee Say, Vee Ying and Vee Chen (1956)

Inauguration of Shaw Building in Hong Kong by Shaw and Sons Ltd (Nov 1, 1956)

During this period, Nanyang Studio operated under the company name of Shaw and Sons Ltd (1951-). It also ran a movie news publication known as The Screen Voice Pictorial (HK). Ex-Shanghainese stars such as Li Li Hua, Yan Jun, Bai Guang, Huang He and Zhou Manhua were recruited and trained for the cameras. New discoveries like Lin Dai, Lucilla You Min and Chao Lei had little experience and were made to prove their mettle in minor roles. But the abrupt switch of focus to Mandarin films proved difficult for management and they could not break the grip of Mandarin film giants like Great Wall, MP and GI and Phoenix.

By 1955, Nanyang reorganised itself with a new Cantonese film unit. A stable of Cantonese stars like Patricia Lam Fung, Pearl Au Kar-Wai, Cheung Ying Choi, Lui Kay and Mak Kay were promoted actively. Although this boosted Shaw’s share of the Cantonese market, their grip on the Mandarin market was slipping away. By this time, Hong Kong had become a major production centre for Mandarin product and the aging Nanyang studio could not deliver quality Mandarin films fast enough.

In 1957, Shaw and Sons Ltd made their first international co-production with a Korean company for the film ‘Love with an Alien’ but the box office results were far from encouraging. That same year, Runde handed over the reigns of the studio to Run Run Shaw who had returned to Hong Kong to take over film production with an aggressive agenda.

Meanwhile, Runde’s Shaw and Sons Ltd divested their interests into real estate and film exhibition/distribution in the territory. By 1958, with a new studio under construction and an award winning film (Diau Charn – Best Actress Lin Dai) to boot, Run Run Shaw was set to win back Shaw’s movie crown.

With over-the-top wire-work and special effects ruining many a current-day kung fu movie, there is nothing like a return to the martial arts movies of old to stir the emotions and bring back the purity of what kung fu has always been about. Over the next five years, audiences and especially kung fu film fans will find ample opportunity to have their emotions stirred. I refer, of course, to the “golden age” of kung fu films, as only Shaw Brothers could produce, classic films at long last returning to the world in all of their heavenly glory. This highly-anticipated event officially began December 5th, 2001, a day that will live in martial arts film history.

On that day, Celestial Pictures Ltd. announced the coming release of the Shaw Brothers film masterpieces, most of which have not been available since their initial theatrical releases. The official distributor in Asia will be Intercontinental Video Limited. A total of 760 gems from this film archive will be made available on DVD and VCD formats, after undergoing a state-of-the-art digitization process to restore each film’s sound and image to what we are all foaming at the mouth for: great quality.

Having written hundreds of film synopses and actors’ and directors’ biographies for Celestial Pictures, I was recently chosen as one of Shaw Brothers film experts. As part of this honor, I have been involved in the restoration process. Through the pages of Kungfumagazine.com and its print magazine “Kungfu Qigong,” I will be keeping you up-to-date on the newest releases from this film library, as well as providing you with cool stories about the films, stars and directors.

On Stage December 5th event Celestial’s shareholders have already invested over US$100 million for the acquisition of the library, its restoration, and the company’s operations. The entire restoration process is expected to take about three years, with specific films being released each month. This strategy will continue over the next five years. William Pfeiffer, CEO of Celestial Pictures, speaking by telephone from the historic Shaw Brothers Studio lot in Clear Water Bay says, “Celestial Pictures is thrilled and honored to launch the Shaw Brothers library in the restored digital format. Modern audiences worldwide will now have a unique opportunity to finally see these masterpieces of Chinese cinema.”

To combat video piracy, which was largely responsible for the collapse of Hong Kong’s film industry, Celestial Pictures has adopted an aggressive strategy of releasing films from the Shaw library on the same day and date across all of the key countries in Asia. Coordinating the simultaneous release of not just a single film but all films in a library of this scale and scope is a massive task, and it is a “first” in the video industry. On December 5th, 2001, Intercontinental Video Limited launched 10 remastered Shaw Brothers titles on DVDs and VCDs, hitting the market in nine Asian territories.

outside the screening of Pfeiffer fervently adds, “This video launch is certainly great news for the worldwide fans of Chinese movies, as most of these films have not been available on video or TV since their original cinema release. But the piracy issue is of the utmost importance. When you look at it in the longer term view as an industry, that is revenues going into the pockets of criminals and not the writers and the filmmakers. Then production values go down and you get a lesser entertainment experience. So to get that point across to those that don’t know the implications of buying a pirated product is essential.”

The Shaw Brothers Studio was built by Sir Run Run Shaw in 1958. With a studio lot of two million square feet located in Clear Water Bay, Shaw Brothers pushed the Hong Kong film industry to new heights. The Shaw Brothers Studio quickly became a movie empire and South East Asia’s most prolific producer of a wide array of films: from renowned martial arts films to historical adventures, from horror fantasies to slapstick romantic comedies, from action thrillers to enchanting musicals and unforgettable period dramas. It also earned worldwide recognition and won numerous international awards. It was largely due to the remarkable success of the Shaw Brothers films that Hong Kong became known as “Hollywood East”.

Cheng Pei-pei The launch celebration included two very special events. The first was a “Shaw Film Week” program at JP Causeway Bay Cinema where seven well-known films of various genres and from different eras were re-released on the big screen: “The Kingdom And The Beauty”, “Come Drink With Me”, “The 36th Chamber Of Shaolin”, “The Empress Dowager”, “The Blood Brothers”, “Hong Kong Nocturne” and “Let’s Make Laugh.”

To honor the truly remarkable achievements of Shaw Brothers and Executive Chairman Sir Run Run Shaw himself, Celestial Pictures next hosted a gala party. Sir Run Run Shaw, Asia’s unparalleled movie producer and studio chief, and Lady Mona Shaw were the guests of honor of the evening. “On that night, we paid tribute to the incredible impact that the Shaw Brothers Studio has had on Chinese culture and, indeed, the cinema industry worldwide. To have Sir Run Run Shaw, the creator of, and indeed the creative genius behind, the Shaw kingdom with us here is both a blessing and an incredible honor,” Pfeiffer tells.

Cecilia Ip & Pei-pei singing Special performances of Shaw songs by Karen Mok and Ivy Ling Po, who flew in from Canada for the event, captivated and deeply moved the audience. Many of the key creative talents and celebrities of the Shaw Brothers Studio were also present. They included Cheng Pei-pei, Gordon Liu, Ti Lung, Chen Kuan-tai, Ching Li, Liu Yung, Hui Ying-hung, Chiao Chiao, Chin Ping, Ho Meng-hua, Liu Chia-liang and Chu Yuan. Many of these stars shared their fond memories of working at the Shaw Brothers Studio and expressed their gratitude to Sir Run Run. It was an evening of pure golden magic.

Pei-pei, Marsha & Pfeiffer At last year’s Cannes Film Festival, Cheng Pei-pei and daughter Marsha, an up-and-coming star in Asia, were featured guests. As part of the honor, they attended the first “official” screening of the new 35mm print of “Come Drink With Me.” The kick-off at Cannes included big-wig cocktail parties, the red carpet treatment for Pei-pei and of course the fully restored film print exclusively reserved for the Theatre Bunuel. This event was of particular importance because it confirmed once and for all the rumors floating around the world that the Shaw Brothers films were finally coming back.

Pfeiffer finally notes, “We’re also striking new 35mm prints for limited theatrical re-releases for festivals with special retrospectives, then on video and our TV channel to be launched worldwide later this year.”

Pei-pei & daughter swordfight That is good news for Lim Cheng-Sim, programmer at the University of California-Los Angeles Film and TV Archives, which is responsible for curating film exhibitions. For years Lim has been working with John Woo trying to put together an ambitious travelling film festival of martial arts classics.

“We want to show 20 film in LA highlighting the genre development from its silent roots in Shanghai through the early ’80s,” Lim says, adding that the exhibition would then tour nonprofit film museums and festivals in the United States and Canada. “People say they love Hong Kong martial art films, but in truth they haven’t really seen them,” Lim points out. “Celestial’s move is very significant because now it’s possible to see them again.”

In an exclusive for kungfumagazine.com, Lim reveals the line-up of great films, as well as special appearances by filmmakers who will speak about their involvement in these films. People such as John Woo, David Chiang, Ti Lung, Liu Chia-liang, Gordon Liu, Yuan Woo-ping’s brother Yuan Cheung-yan, Quentin Tarantino and the Queen of Kung fu cinema herself, Cheng Pei-pei. Starting with the classic silent films “Red Knight-Errant” (1929) and “Swordswoman of Huangjiang” (1930), they’ll be followed up by “The Story of Wong Fei-hung, Part I” (1949) starring the actor synonymous with the character Kwan Tak-hing, the far-out “Six-Fingered Lord of the Lute, Part I” (1965), the Shaw Brothers masterpieces “Come Drink with Me” (1965), “Golden Swallow” (1968), “The One-Armed Swordsman” (1967), “Vengeance” (1970), “Intimate Confessions of a Chinese Courtesan” (1972), “Blood Brothers” (1973), “Killer Clans” (1976), “Executioners from Shaolin” (1977), “36th Chamber of Shaolin” (1978), John Woo’s “Last Hurrah for Chivalry” (1978) and “Return to the 36th Chamber” (1980.) Topping it all off will be several important independent films: King Hu’s “Dragon Inn” (1968), “Escort over Tiger Hills” (1969), “From the Highway” (1970) and possibly Jet Li’s “Shaolin Temple” (1982).

Gordon Liu pours celebratory drinks In closing, we are privy to share with you Shaw Brothers martial arts films as they break free of the cobwebs of time to become available on DVD and VCD. Coming are such classics as “Come Drink With Me,” directed by King Hu and starring Cheng Pei-pei; “The Heroic Ones,” “The Anonymous Heroes” and “The Blood Brothers,” all directed by Chang Cheh and starring David Chiang and Ti Lung; “Killer Clans,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Yueh Hua; “The Tea House” and its sequel “Big Brother Cheng,” both directed by Kuei Chih-hung and starring Chen Kuan-tai; “The Magic Blade,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Ti Lung, Ching Li and Lo Lieh; “Clans of Intrigue,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Ti Lung, Nora Miao and Yueh Hua; “Temple of the Red Lotus,” directed by Kuei Chih-hung and starring Jimmy Wang Yu; “Death Duel,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Derek Yee; and “Heroes Two,” directed by Chang Cheh and starring Alexander Fu Sheng and Chen Kuan-tai.

You may not have heard of some of these directors and stars, but over time they will grow familiar. You may even discover that you’ve been watching their films for years, even seen them in Jackie Chan and Bruce Lee films, without knowing it. If you don’t currently own a DVD player, now is the time to invest, because Shaw Brothers is coming to town.

Read More my reaseach about the Shaw Brothers cinematography history Below, I hope this sample of e-book in CD-ROM will made many Indonesian which never seen the film during Indonesia banned the diplomatic with People republic of China during President Suharto era 1966 until 1988 will know the up and fall of the Shaw Brothers Film in Hongko0ng, if you want to look the full illustrations please subscrfibe as premium member  via comment.

 

 

With over-the-top wire-work and special effects ruining many a current-day kung fu movie, there is nothing like a return to the martial arts movies of old to stir the emotions and bring back the purity of what kung fu has always been about.

Over the next five years, audiences and especially kung fu film fans will find ample opportunity to have their emotions stirred. I refer, of course, to the “golden age” of kung fu films, as only Shaw Brothers could produce, classic films at long last returning to the world in all of their heavenly glory. This highly-anticipated event officially began December 5th, 2001, a day that will live in martial arts film history.

On that day, Celestial Pictures Ltd. announced the coming release of the Shaw Brothers film masterpieces, most of which have not been available since their initial theatrical releases.

The official distributor in Asia will be Intercontinental Video Limited.

 A total of 760 gems from this film archive will be made available on DVD and VCD formats, after undergoing a state-of-the-art digitization process to restore each film’s sound and image to what we are all foaming at the mouth for: great quality.

Having written hundreds of film synopses and actors’ and directors’ biographies for Celestial Pictures, I was recently chosen as one of Shaw Brothers film experts. As part of this honor, I have been involved in the restoration process.

Through the pages of Kungfumagazine  and its print

 

magazine “Kungfu Qigong,”

 I will be keeping you up-to-date on the newest releases from this film library, as well as providing you with cool stories about the films, stars and directors.

Celestial’s shareholders have already invested over US$100 million for the acquisition of the library, its restoration, and the company’s operations. The entire restoration process is expected to take about three years, with specific films being released each month. This strategy will continue over the next five years. William Pfeiffer, CEO of Celestial Pictures, speaking by telephone from the historic Shaw Brothers Studio lot in Clear Water Bay says, “Celestial Pictures is thrilled and honored to launch the Shaw Brothers library in the restored digital format. Modern audiences worldwide will now have a unique opportunity to finally see these masterpieces of Chinese cinema.”

To combat video piracy, which was largely responsible for the collapse of Hong Kong’s film industry, Celestial Pictures has adopted an aggressive strategy of releasing films from the Shaw library on the same day and date across all of the key countries in Asia.

 Coordinating the simultaneous release of not just a single film but all films in a library of this scale and scope is a massive task, and it is a “first” in the video industry.

On December 5th, 2001,

 

Intercontinental Video Limited launched

10 remastered Shaw Brothers titles on DVDs and VCD hitting the market in nine Asian territories.

Pfeiffer fervently adds, “This video launch is certainly great news for the worldwide fans of Chinese movies, as most of these films have not been available on video or TV since their original cinema release. But the piracy issue is of the utmost importance. When you look at it in the longer term view as an industry, that is revenues going into the pockets of criminals and not the writers and the filmmakers. Then production values go down and you get a lesser entertainment experience. So to get that point across to those that don’t know the implications of buying a pirated product is essential.”

 

 

The Shaw Brothers Studio was built by Sir Run Run Shaw in 1958.

With a studio lot of two million square feet located in

 

Clear Water Bay Hongkong ,

 

Shaw Brothers pushed the Hong Kong film industry to new heights.

 The Shaw Brothers Studio quickly became a movie empire and South East Asia’s most prolific producer of a wide array of films: from renowned martial arts films to historical adventures,

 

from

 

shaw brothers horror fantasies film

 

to slapstick romantic comedies film,

from action thrillersfilm

to enchanting musicalsfilm

and unforgettable period dramas film.

It also earned worldwide recognition and won numerous international awards. It was largely due to the remarkable success of

 

 the Shaw Brothers films

 

that Hong Kong became known as “Hollywood East”.

READ MORE INFO

Shaw Brothers Cinema: Behind the Studio & Shih Szu, Shaw’s Swordswoman Supreme

 

Shaw Brothers Studio circa 1972

This edition of Shaw Brothers Cinema spotlights the studio itself and the various jobs and functions of

the fabled Shaw Movie town.

From

 

shaw brother  set construction

 

, to sword training

 

, to horse riding

, to the canteen and to the man himself,

Sir Run Run Shaw, a number of these photos give insight into the inner workings of what was once Shaw Brothers Studio of Hong Kong.

 

Paï Meï sort tout droit des films produit par la Shaw Brothers entre les années 60 et 80. Tueur de moine shaolin dans ces films médievaux (ce qui explique l’age avancé du personnage), on retrouve dans Kill Bill ses attribus principaux : des sourcils et une barbe blancs, la main portée à cette dernière, une toge blanche, la botte secrète visant à rentrer ses testicules… A noter qu’il est joué par Gordon Liu qui combattait jadis Paï Meï dans Les Exécuteurs de Shaolin.

 

The Magic Touch (December 3, 1958)
Director: Li Han-hsiang
Cast: Betty Loh Tih, King Hu

Shaw Brothers Cinema: Tragedy at Shaw Studio & Rare Productions

 

Shaw Brothers spy actioner, OPERATION LIPSTICK (1967) starring Cheng Pei Pei. Image from back cover of Southern Screen April, 1967.

 

the scenes photos from Shaw productions from the late 60’s through the early part of the 1970’s.

There’s also some interesting bits and pieces of Shaw Brothers movies that never made it out onto DVD including

 

Chang Cheh’s coveted TIGER BOY (1966).

There’s also an interesting

 

 David Chiang

 

kung fu flick that never got finished.

 

 

SHAW FLICK WITH THE KUNG FU KICK: THE BLACK ENFORCER (1972)

In the middle of 1969,

 

Ho Meng Hua

and his crew went to Korea to begin production on a very good swordplay saga entitled

 

 THE BLACK ENFORCER

 With location shooting being done in Korea, the film was finally finished in 1971 and saw release the following year.

 

Hu ma hua the black enforcer 1972

These are various clips from a four page spread of the announcement of Ho Meng Hua’s new Wuxia picture, THE BLACK ENFORCER (1972).

SHAW BROTHERS RARITIES: DOWNHILL THEY RIDE (1966)

Here’s an interesting article on a lively looking western film shot by Shaw Brothers entitled DOWNHILL THEY RIDE (1966).

 

Huang Chung Shun,

 more familiar as a bad guy, appears to be playing a hero in this movie. This film was never announced for a DVD release to my knowledge, but I’d definitely love to see it surface someday, should it still exist. It was released in HK in February of 1966.

SHAW PROFILE: Helen Ko

Helen Ko

 

 was a super sexy Shaw starlet.

She frequently appeared in erotic movies, action films and dramas often as a prostitute, or some sexbomb character. You’ll find her in

 

 GENERATION GAP (1973),

 

 SEX FOR SALE,

In the early 70s, many martial art films focused on epic journeys of heroism. At the same time some directors focused on sexual journeys of desire as evident with Sex For Sale, an Asian version of Midnight Cowboy where Chin Han plays a male model thrust into sexual situation he wasn’t prepared for. Joined by a cast of stellar eroticism, like the feline Ai Ti and the alluring Tina Chin Fei, the film broke new ground touching upon issues of homo-sexuality.

This product is no longer available for ordering. Item listed for information only.

 

KIDNAP (both 1974)

 

and THE SNAKE PRINCE (1976)

 

 

among others.

SPOTLIGHT ON: Chen Wo Fu

Chen Wo Fu was an aspiring young actor at Shaw Brothers. His first and only lead role was THE SHADOW BOXER from 1974. Tragically, Chen would take his own life for undisclosed reasons (unless a probable cause is mentioned in the Chinese text) by gas poisoning shortly before the movie was released. Below are images from his one shining moment as a lead actor on screen as well as images after his death.

SHAW PROFILE: Chen Ping

Here’s a nice bikini shot of the then premier Queen of Asian exploitation, Chen Ping. She had just headlined in her first lead role, THE KISS OF DEATH (1973), a movie that led to many more sleazy and fast paced action spectacles. After her divorce later in the decade, she abandoned her sex bomb image.

SPOTLIGHT ON: Lo Lieh

Here’s a color photo from a four page spread on Lo Lieh’s wedding to Grace Tang in May of 1976.

SHAW BROTHERS RARITIES: TIGER BOY (1966)

Above is a page from the January, 1966 issue of Southern Screen promoting Chang Cheh’s first stab at directing. Sir Run Run Shaw took a gamble on this experiment to see if Cheh could handle a film on his own since he, unlike others, never worked as an AD before becoming a director. The gamble paid off and the rest is history.

BEHIND THE SCENES: David Chiang & Ti Lung

Above is an image from the 19th Annual Asian Film Festival in Singapore. Pictured are David Chiang (left) and Ti Lung (right) holding their awards for THE GENERATION GAP and BLOOD BROTHERS respectively.

Here, the two recipients and frequent co-stars get their picture taken with their boss, Sir Run Run Shaw. The two images above and one below are from the June, 1973 issue of Hong Kong Movie News.

BEHIND THE SCENES: Ti Lung

Above is a behind the scenes photo from THE PIRATE (1973) starring Ti Lung and David Chiang and directed by Chang Cheh.

BEHIND THE SCENES: SECRET SERVICE OF THE IMPERIAL COURT (1984)

Above are a couple of behind the scenes shots from one of my favorite Shaw Brothers productions, the dramatic and ultra violent SECRET SERVICE OF THE IMPERIAL COURT (1984). These images are from the April, 1984 issue of Southern Screen magazine.

UNFINISHED BUSINESS: THE WHIRLWIND KICK

Actor, David Chiang had become a director earlier in the decade when Chang Cheh gave both him and Ti Lung the opportunity to see what they could do behind the camera. After completion of THE CONDEMNED (1976), Chiang began doing double duties on a movie called THE WHIRLWIND KICK.

Unlike THE CONDEMNED, David Chiang would be fighting in this movie. Unfortunately, the film was never completed for whatever reason. These images are from a spread in Hong Kong Movie News, September of 1975.

Above is the original HK poster for NEW TALES OF THE FLYING FOX (1984). It’s a retelling of the popular Wuxia story previously filmed by Chang Cheh as LEGEND OF THE FOX (1980). The image is from the back cover of the April, 1984 issue of Southern Screen.

That’s all for now, but look out for the upcoming Halloween special that highlights Shaw Brothers horror movies. Upcoming entries will include a loving tribute to one of HK’s most beloved stars, Alexander Fu Sheng. Also, there’ll be more co-productions and an entry dedicated to what is without doubt, the most famous kung fu team outside of Asia, the Five Venoms!

 

 

In addition,

 

there’s a nice sampling of images of one of Shaw’s most popular queens of action cinema, Shih Szu.

This entry is for

Fang

from

 

 the Trivia Wing of Shaolin who is a big

 

Shih Szu fan

. Young People (1972),

starring David Chiang, Ti Lung and Chen Kuan-tai.

Directed by Chang Cheh.

 

WHOEVER is still holding out on purchasing a copy of Young People for non-economical reasons, let me reassure you that as widespread as the opinions are on the Shaw Brothers film, this is a special release from director Chang Cheh and script co-writer Ni Kuang worth getting. After its availability as a download (and an illegal one at that), what are the chances this will seriously be reissued again on DVD or VCD (even BD) after it goes out-of-print? Even though Cheh has a following around the globe, it’s not a huge one, so it’s probable his lesser-known releases shall fade away into the ages, while newer generations of fans and film scholars will dissect a selection of his movies (like One-Armed Swordsman, Vengeance!, The Duel or The Five Venoms) ad nauseam. If you feel my theory has some merit, then buy Young People now, ‘cuz the window of opportunity may be closing.

 

Flavored with a lot of location filming at Chung Chi College (a Christian college founded in 1951, affiliated with the Chinese University of Hong Kong), YP is Cheh and Kuang’s scattershot attempt to understand college-age young adults. (Our heroes are never seen in classes, by the way.) They are all over the map when comes to their presentation of what they think makes the minds of men and women in their earlier twenties tick. YP can only be safely classified as a Cheh movie; to categorize it as something else is pointless because it’s fragments of genres and homages to other films, all of them tied together with a very basic plot.

 

To simplify the story, which has been re-counted many times in other reviews, it’s the jocks (led by Ti Lung) versus the martial arts club (led by Chen Kuan-tai), with the performing arts club (led by neo-hippie David Chiang) somewhere in the middle. While the basketball players and purveyors of kung fu vie for the school’s honor (not to mention Lung and Kuan-tai competing for the charms of fickle Irene Chen), the dancers and “band geeks” prepare for the school’s anniversary celebration. How does Chiang unite these two hot-headed guys in friendship? Through peace, go carts and dance choreography!

So, what is there to enjoy in YP? Let’s start with some intentional things:

 

1) Irene Chen! From her first scene onward, she makes you want to see the movie to the end. Anyone who has said there isn’t any comedy in this wasn’t paying attention to her work. The sequence where she barges into the mens’ locker room before the big basketball game is a riot; her facial ex-pressions as the guys hurriedly cover up are priceless. She goes from Kuan-tai to Lung (and back to Kuan-tai) without much thought put into it beyond the fact they won trophies, which seems to be what draws her to them. When she loses both guys, you know she deserves this comeuppance, yet you can’t help but feel sorry for her because for all her charms, she’s still a ways off from being  a mature woman. Chen’s combination of sexiness and fine acting in the role of Princess is one of the better peformances of a leading lady in any Cheh movie out there.

 

2) Bolo Yeung! One favorite Bruce Lee nemesis is (mostly) cast against type as one of the jocks. Not only can he play basketball, he is also adept at comedy; his scene where he and Wang Chung make fun of Kuan-tai’s speech patterns (he speaks no more than three words at a time) is pure goofy fun. He’s a sight to see with his crewcut and wearing those way-out ’70s fashions. (Dig that visor!) He’s not a constant prescence in the picture, but when he’s on, he easily catches your attention in an atypical part.

 

3) “The Blood Brothers”! Well, at the time, Lung, Chiang and Kuan-tai were yet to be in that ’73 film, but if you happen to watch TBB after seeing YP, you’ll never look at the former movie again in quite the same way. The guys are cast to type; Lung is the BMOC, Kuan-tai is the soft-spoken karate expert and Chiang is the drummer who feels all the world needs now is love, sweet love. As silly as the film is, the trio give their all and make the situations feel somewhat plausible. (If you think Lung is bad in this, please reacquaint yourself with his spot-on John Cassavettes imitation in Black Magic [1975], and stand corrected!)

What elements enhance YP by accident, if not design? They would be:

 

1) The music! For a flick that’s designed to appeal to youthful moviegoers, the sound-track is as big as Woodstock: Snoopy’s friend, not the festival. After the opening where Chiang does an “edgy” drum solo, we get three watered-down folk” songs from Agnes Chen, the younger sister of Irene. She’s cute and competently sings (in English) “The Circle Game”, “You’ve Got a Friend” and a bad lyrical rip-off of “What the World Needs Now is Love”. Except for an ambitious MTV-like interlude in “YGaF” (pictured), she’s showcased with meaningless background dancing and a finale (set during the great anniversary assembly) where she seemingly enters and exits by way of crane or hot air balloon! Another performer (even a mere dude with a guitar) would’ve added variety to the production, but since Agnes got a HK hit with “TCG”, somebody thought she was all the film needed (and could afford). To top it all off, the recordings she lip-syncs to are of a lower fidelity than the rest of the incidental music; to hear how her songs sound, you’d swear records were directly dubbed onto the film’s audio track.

 

2) The “big events”! Besides running too long, the basketball game suffers from bad foley work; where are all the squeaking tennis shoes? (Also, Fan Mei Sheng gets a billing in the movie, yet he’s barely seen in his sole appearance as a bench-warmer in the game! Fu Sheng gets more screen-time in all his little cameos combined.) The go cart competition is slightly better with some filming taking place during a real race. Chiang, Lung and Kuan-tai are actually driving in many parts, which is a big plus; only the race’s conclusion will make you roll your eyes. The anniversary show is just bizarre, featuring dancing inspired by West Side Story (and a precursor to the dancing in the “Earth” portion of Heaven and Hell), more drumming by Chiang, and little Agnes; it’s the HK version of a Judy Garland and Mickey Rooney musical! The karate tournament comes off best as Kuan-tai dazzles all with his skills; Lau Kar Wing and Tong Gaai co-ordinated the fighting action, so all the other principals who had to bust a move here (or in other parts of the picture) were well trained to do so.

 

3) The “hip” script! Whoever did the lion’s share of work on the story, Cheh or Kuang, doesn’t matter; there’s plenty of blame to go around about the using whatever it took to make YP appear on the “cutting edge” and “with it”… by 1972 standards. The clothes, the “walkie talkies”, a David Cassidy poster (in Agnes Chen’s room), the music (kinda), product placement (7Up, Schweppes and Viceroy cigarettes), go carts and a dune buggy add to your viewing enjoyment by being so woefully out of date from the first day YP played in HK cinemas right into the 21st century. Anyone who has attended college in the past 30 years knows the only bit of college they got right in YP is when Chiang and his friends take a beer break!

 

 

Though the main characters in YP are stereotypes, all that unfolds in almost two hours’ time doesn’t stoop to the level of an Archie comic. (Wu Ma with a “crown” like Jughead’s would be too much.) The plot (and the humor) seems to have been inspired (or stolen) from American International’s “beach” movies (with Frankie Avalon and Annette Funicello), especially Beach Blanket Bingo. (Observe the comedic fight of the jocks against the martial artists, and substitute go carts for skydiving.) In fact, this is the only Cheh movie that could be rated PG (PG-13 if you think the violence harsh) by today’s standards, so if you have to play a Chang Cheh film with your grandma present, this is the one. Those who prefer their “yang gang” fix with Shaw blood all over the widescreen will want to pass on this.

 

The IVL DVD is the usual slick, bare bones package. An original HK trailer would’ve provided some insight in how YP was sold to movie patrons back in ’72, but all the promos on the disc are produced by Celestial. The new English subs are hilarious in two spots where the Mandarin translator throws in more recent slang; relish Ti Lung saying “homeboy” and “hommie” (SIC)!

After Susanna, YP is one of my favorite Shaw “guilty pleasures”. If you don’t try to compare it to Animal House or The Paper Chase, you’ll have a good time wondering how Chang Cheh became the unofficial spokesman for the younger generation of Hong Kong…if not the world!

 

 

In the above two photos, you’ll see a small orchestra in a soundtrack session. The photo directly above shows some of the actors dubbing their lines. It’s popularly thought that all the films were dubbed by different voice performers, but this wasn’t always the case. Ivy Ling Po, for example, dubbed her own lines.

Above, fight choreographer, Liang Shao Sung trains some female trainees, fresh out of the Shaw acting school, in the art of the sword.

 

The construction of one of many Shaw Brothers sets.

 

 

Touring the studio.

 

The early 1970s were incredibly prosperous for the then largest privately owned studio on the planet. Kung Fu movies took the world by storm with the release of KING BOXER aka FIVE FINGERS OF DEATH (1972). The above article attests to the wild success of Kung Fu films abroad.

 

Shaw Brothers expanded their empire by opening theaters all over Asia and even in North America. The above photo displays an image of their Canadian theater.

 

The Shaw’s have had the popular stigma of being Iron Fisted tyrants when it comes to the treatment afforded their talent pool especially in regards to monetary compensation. The Brothers Shaw were definitely not scrooges as they frequently gave to a number of charities including gifts of money, food and clothing to the elderly every Chinese New Year as seen above.

Above is a Chinese New Year’s celebration from March, 1971. Note Shaw with his then wife in one of the images. Below is another Chinese New Years party from March, 1973. It features a number of stars as well as Shaw’s grandchildren.

And now it’s a collection of images from various movies and portraits of Shih Szu, a Taiwanese beauty who took over the mantle vacated by Cheng Pei Pei as Swordswoman Supreme.

Above is a behind the scenes photo from LADY OF THE LAW (1975) from March of 1971. Director Shen Chiang discusses the script with Shih Szu. In addition to LADY OF THE LAW, the (at the time) new to Shaw actress was also working on THE IRON BOW (a segment of the swordplay anthology TRILOGY OF SWORDSMANSHIP), THE YOUNG AVENGER, an unknown film entitled THE LITTLE POISONOUS DRAGON and THE SWIFT KNIGHT. The busy actress would soon have even more movies on her already full slate.

 

More shots from the filming of LADY OF THE LAW

UNFINISHED BUSINESS

This is an unfinished production entitled THE NOCTURNAL KILLER. It’s possibly an aka for the above mentioned THE LITTLE POISONOUS DRAGON. It’s just one of many unfinished films that were started at Shaw’s and abandoned for whatever reason. With between 40 and 50 movies being scheduled throughout 1971 and 1972, some productions were scrapped, or morphed into an entirely different picture. Curiously, the plot and Shi Szu’s attire appears similar to HEROES OF SUNG (1973; it was filmed under different titles as well), a film that did starred the actress and Lo Lieh, but not the Taiwanese actor, An Ping.

 

Below is a spread on THE BLOODY ESCAPE (1975), then titled as simply THE ESCAPE. You’ll notice the film is touted as “Chang Cheh’s next production”. Another page mentions it as a joint effort between Cheh and Sun Chung. The following two photos are from the February 1973 issue of Southern Screen. Apparently this film was handed over to Sun Chung entirely considering Chang Cheh was busy setting up camp in Taiwan during this time. THE BLOODY ESCAPE was shot over the course of the next couple of years before hitting HK screens in late 1975 where it died a quick death at the box office.

 

Above you’ll see Shih Szu demonstrating her musical talents during a meeting discussing the production of THE BLOODY ESCAPE. Chen Kuan Tai and Sun Chung are also present.

Above and below are two photos from one of the Shaw Brothers’ numerous co-productions; this one being the ridiculous and childish fantasy actioner SUPERMEN AGAINST THE ORIENT (1974). Heavily promoted in Shaw’s publications, the movie failed to capture much of an audience, but likely fared better in European markets where the ‘Three Supermen’ series was bewilderingly popular.

UNFINISHED BUSINESS???

 

This is an unusual production; unusual in that it features Shih Szu in a modern setting as a female detective. Titled THE WARRANT, it would be interesting to see what the queen of swordswomen can do with a gun. The following photos are from the March 1973 issue of Southern Screen magazine. Oddly enough, this movie seems to be a true Shaw Brothers rarity….

 

None of the Hong Kong movie sites such as HKMDB, or HKcinemagic list this film among the credits of either Shih Szu, or Ou Wei. A friend of mine has informed me that this film does in fact exist and even posted screen caps from the picture taken from an old Chinese VHS tape. It no doubt will be interesting to find out what became of this film and why it’s seemingly been swept under the rug as there’s virtually nothing about it outside of old magazine articles.

Coming up next time are more unfinished movies, some independent features, Chang Cheh’s Iron Triangle, Chen Kuan Tai and more behind the scenes images from Shaw Brothers Cinema!

 

The launch celebration included two very special events. The first was a “Shaw Film Week” program at JP Causeway Bay Cinema where seven well-known films of various genres and from different eras were re-released on the big screen: “The Kingdom And The Beauty”, “Come Drink With Me”, “The 36th Chamber Of Shaolin”, “The Empress Dowager”, “The Blood Brothers”, “Hong Kong Nocturne” and “Let’s Make Laugh.”

To honor the truly remarkable achievements of Shaw Brothers and Executive Chairman Sir Run Run Shaw himself, Celestial Pictures next hosted a gala party. Sir Run Run Shaw, Asia’s unparalleled movie producer and studio chief, and Lady Mona Shaw were the guests of honor of the evening. “On that night, we paid tribute to the incredible impact that the Shaw Brothers Studio has had on Chinese culture and, indeed, the cinema industry worldwide. To have Sir Run Run Shaw, the creator of, and indeed the creative genius behind, the Shaw kingdom with us here is both a blessing and an incredible honor,” Pfeiffer tells.

Special performances of Shaw songs by Karen Mok and Ivy Ling Po, who flew in from Canada for the event, captivated and deeply moved the audience. Many of the key creative talents and celebrities of the Shaw Brothers Studio were also present. They included Cheng Pei-pei, Gordon Liu, Ti Lung, Chen Kuan-tai, Ching Li, Liu Yung, Hui Ying-hung, Chiao Chiao, Chin Ping, Ho Meng-hua, Liu Chia-liang and Chu Yuan. Many of these stars shared their fond memories of working at the Shaw Brothers Studio and expressed their gratitude to Sir Run Run. It was an evening of pure golden magic.

At last year’s Cannes Film Festival, Cheng Pei-pei and daughter Marsha, an up-and-coming star in Asia, were featured guests. As part of the honor, they attended the first “official” screening of the new 35mm print of “Come Drink With Me.” The kick-off at Cannes included big-wig cocktail parties, the red carpet treatment for Pei-pei and of course the fully restored film print exclusively reserved for the Theatre Bunuel. This event was of particular importance because it confirmed once and for all the rumors floating around the world that the Shaw Brothers films were finally coming back.

Pfeiffer finally notes, “We’re also striking new 35mm prints for limited theatrical re-releases for festivals with special retrospectives, then on video and our TV channel to be launched worldwide later this year.”

That is good news for Lim Cheng-Sim, programmer at the University of California-Los Angeles Film and TV Archives, which is responsible for curating film exhibitions. For years Lim has been working with John Woo trying to put together an ambitious travelling film festival of martial arts classics.

“We want to show 20 film in LA highlighting the genre development from its silent roots in Shanghai through the early ’80s,” Lim says, adding that the exhibition would then tour nonprofit film museums and festivals in the United States and Canada. “People say they love Hong Kong martial art films, but in truth they haven’t really seen them,” Lim points out. “Celestial’s move is very significant because now it’s possible to see them again.”

In an exclusive for kungfumagazine.com, Lim reveals the line-up of great films, as well as special appearances by filmmakers who will speak about their involvement in these films. People such as John Woo, David Chiang, Ti Lung, Liu Chia-liang, Gordon Liu, Yuan Woo-ping’s brother Yuan Cheung-yan, Quentin Tarantino and the Queen of Kung fu cinema herself, Cheng Pei-pei. Starting with the classic silent films “Red Knight-Errant” (1929) and “Swordswoman of Huangjiang” (1930), they’ll be followed up by “The Story of Wong Fei-hung, Part I” (1949) starring the actor synonymous with the character Kwan Tak-hing, the far-out “Six-Fingered Lord of the Lute, Part I” (1965), the Shaw Brothers masterpieces “Come Drink with Me” (1965), “Golden Swallow” (1968), “The One-Armed Swordsman” (1967), “Vengeance” (1970), “Intimate Confessions of a Chinese Courtesan” (1972), “Blood Brothers” (1973), “Killer Clans” (1976), “Executioners from Shaolin” (1977), “36th Chamber of Shaolin” (1978), John Woo’s “Last Hurrah for Chivalry” (1978) and “Return to the 36th Chamber” (1980.) Topping it all off will be several important independent films: King Hu’s “Dragon Inn” (1968), “Escort over Tiger Hills” (1969), “From the Highway” (1970) and possibly Jet Li’s “Shaolin Temple” (1982).

In closing, we are privy to share with you Shaw Brothers martial arts films as they break free of the cobwebs of time to become available on DVD and VCD. Coming are such classics as “Come Drink With Me,” directed by King Hu and starring Cheng Pei-pei; “The Heroic Ones,” “The Anonymous Heroes” and “The Blood Brothers,” all directed by Chang Cheh and starring David Chiang and Ti Lung; “Killer Clans,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Yueh Hua; “The Tea House” and its sequel “Big Brother Cheng,” both directed by Kuei Chih-hung and starring Chen Kuan-tai; “The Magic Blade,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Ti Lung, Ching Li and Lo Lieh; “Clans of Intrigue,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Ti Lung, Nora Miao and Yueh Hua; “Temple of the Red Lotus,” directed by Kuei Chih-hung and starring Jimmy Wang Yu; “Death Duel,” directed by Chu Yuan and starring Derek Yee; and “Heroes Two,” directed by Chang Cheh and starring Alexander Fu Sheng and Chen Kuan-tai.

You may not have heard of some of these directors and stars, but over time they will grow familiar. You may even discover that you’ve been watching their films for years, even seen them in Jackie Chan and Bruce Lee films, without knowing it. If you don’t currently own a DVD player, now is the time to invest, because Shaw Brothers is coming to town.

 

 

 

 

 

Shaw Brothers Horror: Strange Tales from a Chinese Studio Part II

Caution: The following article contains material and images that may not be suitable for the workplace or appropriate for minors. Reader discretion is advised.

Part 2: The Arrival of the Exploitation Era

 

Japanese Pink films, such as Sex & Fury (1973), influenced the changing face of Asian exploitation

Come the latter bracket of the early seventies, Japanese exploitation cinema had rounded out its influence on the Asian regions and shown to be a formidable force amongst local cinema patrons. Accordingly, the Shaw studios starting spicing up (and, to a more notable degree, “splattering” up) their domestic product to compete with the more startlingly excesses of their former war-time rulers. It could be argued, quite accurately, that the Shaw studios had already made inroads into upping the ante of onscreen gore with their successful swordplay and kung fu films of the late sixties and early seventies, where revered director Chang Cheh had strove for Peckinpah-like realism in the depiction of screen violence in the production of his many early works. Swords would cleave bodies, heads would roll, limbs would be hacked off and gallons of stage-blood would squirt over sets and extras alike, once the benchmark had been set. Come the time Ho Meng Hua’s  The Kiss of Death (1973) hit the big screen, the era had arrived where the oft-uneasy mixture of sex and violence would start pushing the boundaries in the exploitation realm for local audiences.

 

Five years before I Spit On Your Grave, Kiss of Death (1973) pushed the rape-revenge thriller to shocking new extremes

 

Ho Meng Hua used the new permissiveness to add extra spice to his exploitation shocker

The Kiss of Death wastes no time in setting up its grim premise: factory worker Chu Ling (Chen Ping, in her premiere leading role) is gang-raped by a quintet of thugs and, on visitation to a GP post-trauma, discovers she has contracted a virulent sexually-transmitted disease known by the ominous moniker Vietnam Rose (which, in broader company we won’t go into, but is rather unpleasant cinematic/fictional strain of syphilis). Vowing revenge on her attackers, Ling quits her job and takes up new employment as a bar girl in the club frequented by the criminals in question. Owned by Wong Ta (kung fu superstar Lo Lieh of King Boxer fame), who takes Ling under his wing and trains her in various forms of self-defence, the club becomes the perfect foil for her to set the wheels of her revenge plot in motion culminating in an all-out bloodbath in the final act.

 

Chen Ping delivers the unkindest cut of all in her bloody revenge

As much a “horror” film per se as

 

Diary of a Lady-Killer

 had been before it in the late sixties (i.e.: in name only),

 

The Kiss of Death

exhibits the Shaw studios as very much a production house well aware of the changing tastes of its marketplace, and one willing to run with far more exploitative elements to appease its growing adult audiences.

 

Chen Ping

 makes a dynamite debut in her first leading role as the put-upon and vengeful Ling, going so far as not to shy away from the copious nudity and adult situations that the role required, much unlike the majority of her A-list peers who engaged the de-rigueur entourage of body doubles available to keep their modesty and career images intact.

However, copious displays of blood and boobs aside, the one failing of the film comes at its finale, where it ends up aping the studios’ martial arts epics by transgressing the climax into one endless, over-the-top, and ultimately yawn-inducing brawl; like many martial arts films, what kicks off well and could have been a punchy, violent wrap-up to a rather sleazy thriller, drags out into a punch-up-cum-kick-fest that just drags on, and on…and on.

 

Her Vengeance (1988)

 

 is the best known of the many contemporary variations on Kiss of Death (1973)

Yet the film made its mark and remains a favoured exploitation thriller with fans of the genre, as well as spawned a number of remakes over the years the most famous of which was

 

 Simon Nam’s

 

 Her Vengeance (1988)

starring the remarkable

 

 Pauline Wong

 and substituting the late

 

Lam Ching Ying (of Mr. Vampire fame) in the

 

Lo lieh

was a Hong Kong actor in martial-arts films. His real name is Wang Lap Tat. He was hired by the Shaw Brothers Studio in 1962, and went on to become one of the most famous actors in kung fu films in the late 1960s and 1970’s. He died of a heart attack in

Lo Lieh role.

 Personal opinion dictates that The Kiss of Death is far greater film than its successor, however it’s so inexplicably difficult to track down Her Vengeance in its original full-strength theatrical variant (the subsequent Hong Kong DVD release being the much-modified “soft-cut” of the film) that comparisons between the two become virtually impossible. Should the name not sound familiar, Simon Nam is the English name of Lam Ngai Choi,the director of such juicy gore-laden spectacles as

 

 

The Seventh Curse (1986)

 

 

and The Story of Ricky (1992);

 in its uncut form, Her Vengeance is a fan favourite amidst second-tier Nam.Disaffected youth, poverty, urban crime, domestic abuse, S & M fantasies: all give rise to

 

The Killer Snakes (1974)

 

Helen Ko:

one of the many temptations and bedevilments that create

 

 Chi Hung’s psychoses

In the wake of their burgeoning contemporary and crime thrillers, with heavy pushes towards more adult content, the Shaws produced what is often cited as one of their sleaziest and grittiest horror-thrillers of their collective canon, Kuei Chih Hung’s The Killer Snakes (1974).

Already a well-known quantity with his outrageous women-in-prison epic

 

Bamboo House of Dolls (1973)

 and stark juvenile crime thriller

 

The Delinquent (1973)(co-directed with Chang Cheh),

1973’s The Delinquent is another Chang Cheh-codirected feature starring Wong Chung and Lily Li. This tale of gangs in modern Hong Kong begins with a very dated/very trippy credits sequence with Wong Chung bursting through cardboard backdrops of the city of Hong Kong with wild negative lighting warping the picture.

The film opens with Wong Chung delivering food from a restaurant to a place on Temple Street. The street scenes of 1973 Hong Kong are a treat but there are too many close-ups to get a sense of place. The food is delivered to a martial arts school in an apartment and John (Wong Chung) has to try his hand at it again — seems he took kung fu lessons but quit sometime earlier.

John goes home to his small apartment and his dad berates him. Codirector Kuei Chih Hung could be the reason that the early scenes in this film don’t feel too much like another Chang Cheh film. Yes, there’s the emphasis on a man’s place in the world — machismo and all that jazz — but the early scenes here feel quite naturalistic despite bursts of music or a telegraphed melodramatic moment.


Fan Mei Shang is some kind of gang boss who bullies the same kids who are bullying John at his restaurant — there’s some fights in a junkyard but they are largely uninteresting — and the gang boss spends his time with hookers in dayglo clothes as he gives orders to his gang.

In a scene like something out of a Hollywood film of the 1930s, Tung Lam and Betty Tei Pei pull up in a sportscar as Wong Chung is fighting in the street. They observe the boy and make plans to woo him with a girl and money — for what, we in the audience don’t quite know yet. It’s silly but The Delinquent is frequently silly in its attempts to say something “Big” about the state of youth in 1973 Hong Kong.


Fan Mei Shang takes the kid to a brothel and there’s a fair amount of nudity in this scene which is otherwise laughable — we see the guy’s father sitting at home waiting for the kid even as he’s in a garish apartment whorehouse with some Chinese hooker. It’s a riot of 1970s conventions in this flick.

It turns out that John’s dad works for Tung Lam and so Fan Mei Shang has been tasked to recruit the boy to settle some score.

There’s more fighting and a dirtbike fight/chase on a beach. The kid gets arrested, his dad won’t bail him out, and some gangsters wearing suits out of Dick Tracy (1990) show up to rough up Fan Mei Shang.

The second half of the film turns largely dramatic as John gets further involved with the gang lifestyle but rest assured there are still more fights to be endured.

Really, The Delinquent bored the crap out of me; not campy enough to be 1970s fun and not realistic enough to be watched with a straight face, this was a case of 100 minutes feeling like 300.

And Lily Li is in this thing for less than 10 minutes. I guess Chang Cheh has plenty of time for a nude scene with some unknown actress playing a hooker but not enough time to give Lily something to do in her small part.

No, this is a guy’s film and while that could work for me, here it didn’t. The action just felt tired and drab.

Sure, Wong Chung’s final assault on the apartment brothel had some intensity to it but, by that point, I didn’t really care who survived the brutality.

Without giving away the ending, I did like the very final segment of the film where the 1970s techniques seemed to match the action unfolding on the screen but, by then, it was too late to win me over.

 

Kuei seemed just the man to bring a sweaty, realistic urban edge to screenwriter I Kuang’s unsettling story of a boy and his snake. Borne of an abusive domestic environment, Chi Hung (Kam Kwok Leung) lives in squalor in an abandoned room at the rear of a Hong Kong restaurant that specialises in snakes. His parents’ sado-masochistic sex life scarred him profoundly, finding him fantasising over Japanese bondage magazines and lusting after local prostitute Zhang Jinyan (Helen Ko). Erstwhile, he finds a friend in pretty young street-hawker Xiao Chuan (Maggie Li) before he forms an unnatural bond with an escaped snake, whose gall-bladder has been cut out, and hatches a plan in his warped psyche to avenge himself against all those that have mistreated with the aid of his scaly new buddy.

 

Kam Kwok Leung made an impressive debut as the sociopathic Chi Hung

Make no bones about it, The Killer Snakes is as gritty, grimy and perhaps unpleasant as they come, unique in its gaudy, oppressive permutations on the lifestyles of slum-dwellers and the down-trodden, as well as unsettlingly frank in its wallowing in the depravities and mean-spiritedness of its protagonists. Kuei engages a bleak, naturalistic (almost documentary) style that manages to capture the squalor and despair of proceedings that places the viewer uncomfortably close to characters you’d much rather not know or be privy to their world. There is a nary a character the audience can root for, excepting maybe the titular snakes, as Kam’s central performance literally drips with the kind of social maladjustment unseen in almost any screen anti-hero, and even his love interest Li finds her character arc steering into a squalidly grotesque twist by the final act.

 

Terry Liu screams for her life in Chi Hung’s slum of depravity and murder

But as much as the film proves again and again throughout its duration more an endurance exercise than lively exploitation entertainment, its compulsive tone and striking excesses (that run bondage, humiliation, masturbation, prostitution and stomach-turning live animal abuse) suck the viewer into its deliriously ugly world and grip them in its hold right up to the shock epilogue. The Killer Snakes is thoroughly recommended as indicative of the Shaw horror machine at full strength, and for fans of shock-cinema, but it should be noted that there are quite a number of scenes involving animal cruelty that will shock those unaccustomed to the more haphazard attitudes towards such material that is prevalent in Asian cinema (sadly, even to this day).

 

The late Chan Shen, filling for Christopher Lee, who refused a return to the series

In the middle of the studios’ exhilarating and prolific output, a joint venture with the Shaws (now) declining British cousin, Hammer Films, would see the production of two Hong Kong-British features: crime thriller Shatter (1974) headlining Stuart Whitman, Peter Cushing and Shaw superstar Ti Lung, and the more widely internationally seen The Legend of the 7 Golden Vampires (1974) which proved to be the final chapter in Hammer’s popular Dracula series. It’s safe to say that, due to the marquee value of Hammer attached to it, there’s probably less than a handful of veteran horror fans worldwide that haven’t heard of or seen The Legend of the 7 Golden Vampires (and with its wide availability on home video formats globally that’s perhaps more true now than ever), yet more often than not the part that Shaw Brothers studios played in its production seems almost peripheral detail as the years roll on.

 

The lair of the Seven Golden Vampires: built entirely on the Shaw soundstages!

Shot on location in Hong Kong, as well as on the Shaw soundstages (of which British director Roy Ward Baker later expressed his despair at working in the Hong Kong studio system, as features were largely shot “wild”, or without sound, which went well against what the British technicians and filmmakers had been accustomed to with closed stages utilising production sound) the co-production featured a bevy of popular Shaw stars, inclusive of martial arts icons David Chiang and Shih Szu, boasting uncredited Hong Kong direction from veteran Chang Cheh and fight choreography by the respected Liu Chia Liang and Tang Chia. On many grounds, it can be argued that the film was as much a Shaw Brothers production as it was a Hammer Film. Although the film wasn’t particularly well received on original release (and belatedly released on the American circuit in a heavily truncated form years later) due its blend of kung fu and straight horror, it has gained something of a cult following over the years which has spawned countless volumes of verbiage as to its merits, or lack thereof, in the horror press, thus we press on…

 

Even a simple visit to the optometrist can lead to a nightmare journey into the unknown

 

All-purpose bad-guy Antonio Ho as the devilish Shi Jongjie

Encoring director Kuei Chih Hung followed up his spectacularly grim The Killer Snakes with the impressively disturbing Ghost Eyes (1974) later the same year. Predating the Pang Brothers The Eye (2002) by almost three decades, the construct of Kuei’s story of ghostly possession centre itself on bespectacled manicurist Wang Baoling (Chen Szu Chia) who, one evening before closing, finds herself briefly entertaining handsome newcomer Shi Jongjie (Antonio Ho). On the occasion that she breaks her glasses, Shi offers to fit her out with new contact lenses, which she takes up only to be visited at home by Shi later that night and, when she awakes in the morning, remembers nothing of the evening before although there are tell-tale signs that she slept with her late-night caller. Thereafter, strange things begin to occur and Baoling starts “seeing” phantoms of the dead at every turn. When she goes to confront Shi, his premises turn out to be abandoned, having burnt to the ground years beforehand. Ultimately, Baoling’s new contacts are the catalyst for a deadly journey into her own personal hell, one that the forces at work may prove impossible to escape.

 

Wang Baoling (Chen Szu Chia) becomes trapped in a terrifying world of the paranormal

It can be said with confidence that Ghost Eyes is one of the great unsung gems of the Shaw Brothers horror library, and a quite markedly disparate turn for Kuei Chih Hung, being that his previous titles had been heavily laced with quite potent amounts of sex and violence, while herein he winds down the more exploitative elements of his prior works and instead focuses on creating an enveloping atmosphere of dread and mounting fear. Like many of her predecessors, Chen Szu Chia makes an impressive debut (going on to become an actress of some note and suitable range hereafter) and Antonio Ho’s antagonist unexpectedly evokes the spirit of Barry Atwater, as there are strong similarities between his unstoppable ghost and Atwater’s role as the vampire Janos Skorzeny in American telemovie The Night Stalker (1972). Kuei definitely shows that he had done his homework as there is a palpable sense of terror pervading the film, and by the climax one wonders if Baoling will ever truly escape her demonic tormentor which only serves to highlight the ongoing hopelessness of her situation and the ghostly malevolence lauding over her.

 

Ku Feng and severed head: invoking a deadly curse in Black Magic (1975)

 

Taking advantage of relaxing censorship, Ku Feng casts a fertility spell

Ho Meng Hua returned to the exploitation genre, after a short spell of martial arts titles including The Master of Kung Fu (1973), Ambush (1974) and The Golden Lion (1975) with now legendary Shaw horror opus Black Magic (1975). This time out the Shaws drew on the heavy influence that their years working out of their Singapore facilities had had, inturn entwining their time as the foremost producers of Malay-language films for the Peninsula, which led to a horror production positively influenced by the folktales and superstitions of Malaysia and surrounding South East Asian regions. Xu Nuo (Ti Lung) is a high profile architect working in the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur, steadfastly approaching his planned marriage to the beautiful Wang Chu Ying (Lily Li), when they bump into wealthy woman of leisure Luo Yin (Tanny Tien Ni). While Luo Yin is busy eyeing out her opportunities of snatching Xu Nuo away from Chu Ying, shunned suitor Liang Chia Chieh (Lo Lieh) turns to witch doctor Shan Chien Mi (Ku Feng) to win over Luo Yin. Once Liang’s façade is exposed, Luo Yin sees the use of black magic as the perfect vessel to make Xu Nuo her own. Shan agrees to her demands, but makes a few of his own, and as we all know engaging the services of a witch doctors to cast a love spell never really ends up for best of any party involved, except maybe the magician himself. And when things get ugly, Shan turns out a lot more cunning, as well as powerful,  than he first appeared.

 

Ti Lung and blue screen backdrop from Black Magic’s effects-laden climax

 

Xu Nuo experiences horrifying visions under the sorceror’s curse

Although predominantly set-bound like the majority of Shaw productions, Black Magic benefits enormously from some gorgeous location shooting in and around Kuala Lumpur and its surrounds (retrospectively viewing as a regular visitor it’s a revelation just how explosively and spectacular the region has advanced in the last thirty years), and the perfect casting of veteran Shaw character actor Ku Feng as the wily “bomoh” (Malay for shaman). In hindsight it’s easy to determine why Black Magic drew the cult following that it has, as well as made such a lasting impact on Hong Kong horror films in general. Per its adult-flavoured pedigree, Ho peppers his story with more than enough nudity, sex and the prerequisite use of body doubles with his lead actresses, but ups the ante in the shock stakes with onscreen gore and carnage while engaging the varied black arts rituals of his eponymous sorcerer. A severed head and body fat are boiled down to oil, tongues are cut, people dissolve into putrescent puddles of gore, human milk is drawn as an ingredient for a love potion, worms wriggle under skin and possessed victims are fed centipedes as antidotes. It’s definitely one wild and grisly ride from beginning to end, but as the initiator of the whole “South East Asian black magic” cycle it’s a compulsory viewing experience as well as great introduction to the sub-genre, even if time has managed to dull some of its shocks.

 

Snake Prince director Lo Chen made his name with 60s musicals such as much loved classic The Shepherd Girl (1964)

 

What better way to open a fantasy-horror-musical than a poppy dance namber?

Moving forward, one of the most bizarre offerings of the period is Lo Chen’s The Snake Prince (1976), a wholly psychedelic cocktail of more genres than you can poke a stick at and perhaps one of the most unusual hybrid-oddities that the Shaws ever produced. Taking its lead from popular folklore, The Snake Prince delivers three snake-gods (Wu Hang

Taking its lead from popular folklore, The Snake Prince delivers three snake-gods (Wu Hang Sheng, Wong Yue and Ti Lung as the prince) who have perfected the art of transmogrifying into human form after centuries of practice. Spying charming village girl Hei Qin (Lin Chen Chi), the Prince is immediately smitten with her and offers the drought-stricken villagers vital irrigation from his eternal lake in trade for her hand in marriage. Reluctantly the village head, and Qin’s father, agrees and the village is saved. But jealousies and mistrust between the snake and human world continue to seethe, and things go awesomely pear-shaped when Hei Qin’s sisters discover their new brother-in-law is awash with riches beyond their wildest dreams.

 

When the village folk turn against them, the Snake Princes reveal their true colours

In the sixties Lo Chen was renowned for his musicals, inclusive of the trendsetting The Shepherd Girl (1964), and romantic dramas such as Between Tears and Laughter (1964) and Too Late for Love (1967), so its presents as somewhat eclectic that he eventuated The Snake Prince later in his career as it’s an odd hybrid: part pop musical, part romance, part martial arts, part horror and part giant monster movie. The various pieces of the pie never come together wholly enough to make for a satisfying (cinematic) meal, but it sure is nothing like you’ve ever seen! The giant snakes, when the three leads switch back to their native form, are effective in a Godzilla kind of way, but the sight of Ti Lung in snake-form making love to Lin Chen Chi’s body double is way out there, as is the completely unnecessary and gratuitous killing of a pair of live infant snakes onscreen (which goes on way too long as they are trampled under foot, the camera lingering on every dying convulsion of the poor animals). The Snake Prince isn’t a film that anyone could wholly recommend, but is definitely something almost impossible to top if one is looking for an experience well off the beaten path as it is unique in its own absurdity.

 

Danny Lee as the Oily Maniac, about thirty seconds away from becoming Castrol’s poster boy

 

Angela Yu Chien discovers there are worse things than a flagging career…

Returning to South East Asia, Oily Maniac (1976) saw Ho Meng Hua return to his more exploitative roots and the Shaws dig into Malaysian superstition to bring us another region-specific monster of populist folklore: the “Orang Minyak” (literally, from Malay, meaning “Oil Person”). For those unfamiliar with Malaysian folklore, the Orang Minyak is an oil-covered male phantom with a predilection for raping female virgins, often slipping into homes under the cover of darkness, which can only be warded off by biting its left thumb or covering it in batik (a patterned fabric created through the use of dyes and wax). Rather than taking the literal route of traditional folklore, Ho’s “oily man” is an altogether different creation, much more a distinct supernatural avenger than the predatory monster of superstition.

 

Chen Ping lends the Oily Maniac a generous amount of nudity in her role

When a dispute over the sale and ownership of a palm-oil factory leads to the accidental death of the new owner’s thugs, Ah Ba (Ku Feng) attracts the death sentence, but before his execution he imparts a powerful Malay spell to his polio-crippled son Sheng Yung (Danny Lee). Working for the lawyer who played a hand in his father’s death, Sheng witnesses injustice upon injustice day after day in his workplace (where money changes hand for satisfactory judicial outcomes), all the while pining for the beautiful Xiao Yue (Chen Ping) who only sees him as friend due to his disability and ignoring the interest of co-worker Xiao Ly (Lily Li), who sympathises with his plight. Eventually, Sheng’s temper boils and he invokes the spell, transforming into an oil-covered vigilante monstrosity that serves down throat-crushing, head-smashing justice on those that he determines have escaped their just deserts.

 

Even canoodling lovers aren’t safe from the Oily Maniac!

Ho Meng Hua’s Oily Maniac is one of those films, much akin to Lo Chen’s The Snake Prince, that really demands to be seen to be believed as, in its own way, it almost predates as a straight Chinese predecessor to Troma’s The Toxic Avenger (1985) being that both films feature monster vigilante protagonists who mete out gory justice on those they’ve determined have escaped punishment through the avenues of the judicial system. As was the norm of the period, the film is awash with nudity and salacious sexual interludes, which would appear at odds with the Malaysian locations as Malaysia itself is predominantly a conservative Islamic country, but all of the racier content was filmed domestically in the Shaw’s Hong Kong studios. Lee’s oily maniac takes two forms throughout: that of a rubber-suited humanoid creature and in stealthier moments an animated optical oil-slick, that is usually accompanied by John Williams’ Jaws theme(!). For all of its clunky monster-suit moments, as well as prurient diversions, Oily Maniac is an enjoyably engaging and entertaining slice of exploitation/horror cinema, with enough splashy treats and chunky head-crushing surprises to keep many a horror fan happy.

 

Lo Lieh shows just how hardcore he is when the shaman casts his spell in Black Magic 2 (1976)

 

Adopting the more is better adage, Black Magic 2 is a whole lot raunchier than the original

Continuing on in the same vein, Black Magic 2 (1976) returned the reigns to Shaw regular Ho Meng Hua, transplanting the action this time to Singapore (visitors to the region will immediately recognise locational footage of iconic landmark, The Merlion) and pressing on with a modestly more gruesome sequel than its predecessor. Two doctors (Ti Lung and Lin Wei Tu) and their wives (Tanny Tien Ni and Lily Li), whilst vacationing in Singapore (noted as the anonymous “A Tropical City” in the screen titles) investigate local beliefs in black magic and its direct effects on patients and their treatment at the city’s major hospital. This immediate raises the ire of the outlying bomoh (Lo Lieh) who has been responsible for a number of the medical cases as well as a series of inexplicable and mysterious deaths in the region. The shaman quickly zombifies Li, and places an adulterous spell over Ti’s wife (Tien) and his colleague (Lin). Expectedly, things go from bad to much worse, and the survivors call in the help of a rival shaman to escape with their lives.

 

Before you can face my enemy you must…EAT MY EYES!!!

Driving well beyond its already gruesome predecessor, Black Magic 2 pulls in some heavyweight black arts rituals and a whole plethora of suitably grisly sequences to delight and disgust its prospective audience. As with many sequels, Ho adopted the “more = better” adage and fills out this scenario with some astoundingly nauseating set-pieces, including but not limited to: naked native girls devoured by crocodiles, longevity potions derived from breast milk and pubic hair, lengthy iron nails driven into skulls to control zombie armies, worms disgorged from oozing sores, a victim’s sex partner turning from pert young-thing (ala Terry Liu) into withered old crone, and the ingestion of human eyeballs as a measure to channel supernatural energies. The sheer inventive outlandishness of it all is stupefying in the extreme, but again everything becomes a rich course in South East Asian superstition and ritualistic beliefs, leaving the film well beyond anything in the oft-pallid arena of most Western folklore. Akin to its predecessor though, Black Magic 2 ends up stunting itself somewhat with a climax that is underwhelming after the frenzied momentum of all that preceded it; that aside, it’s still more than worth a watch and expectedly gory to boot.

 

Shaw sexpot Dana spices up the otherwise dreadfully dull Fangs of the Cobra (1977)

Mention is worth being made of the modest thriller Fangs of the Cobra (1977) helmed by Shaw martial arts veteran Sun Chung which, although largely sold as a gender reversed successor to The Killer Snakes, is far removed from the production it shares a theme with nor is it a horror film at all. Rather it’s a modestly convoluted tale of a familial spat over a prized estate where one party, the naively innocent Ah Fen (Hsiao Yao) harbours a pet snake who does a bit of a land-borne Flipper by saving her from various near-misses and dastardly deeds set about by conniving couple Hu Lin (Frankie Wei) and Man Ling (Dana, best remembered for top-lining delightful sex-comedy Girl With the Long Hair a couple of years earlier). Other than numerous gratuitous nude scenes from co-star Dana, who was quite a doll in her heyday, there’s precious little to recommend this minor thriller, especially if one is expecting a retread of Kuei Chih Hung’s sleazy cult classic.

 

Wong Yue plays peekaboo with Gordon Liu: when is a corpse not a corpse?

 

…and to make matters worse, there’s a killer on the loose as well!

On the other hand, there is much to recommend in Liu Chia Liang’s The Shadow Boxing (1979) (aka: The Spiritual Boxer Part II), an in-name-only sequel to Liu’s similarly titled martial arts comedy of 1975 where hucksters Wong Yue and Chiang Yang feigned the channelling of spirits and deities as a means of tricking superstitious rich-folk out of their fortunes. The Shadow Boxing immediately crosses the parameters of the mortal world into the spirit realm by introducing us to its heroes, “Corpse Herders” Master Chen Wu (Liu Chia Yung) and his apprentice Fan Zheng Yuan (Wong Yue, 1955 -2008). “Corpse Herders” are specialist mediums responsible for delivering the wayward dead to their home for burial in jiang shi (literally “stiff corpse”, or zombie) form. Yes, you’ve guessed by now, this is the film that introduced the “hopping vampire” character into popular Hong Kong screen culture!

 

Not just one or two, The Shadow Boxing (1979) features a whole host of jiang shi!

Add in a dash of political intrigue, with a rebellious government soldier, Zhang Jie (Gordon Liu) masquerading as member of the jiang shi troupe so as to avoid government blockades, and the overall make-up becomes one of a resoundingly entertaining horror-comedy-kung fu hybrid. Much of the humour inherent derives from the Corpse Herders themselves, as they find themselves less than impressed that their tag-along body might hinder their delivery schedule, and the fact that they have constructed a whole martial arts philosophy based upon the vampires themselves. Essentially, there’s enough humour, light horror high-jinks, and patented spectacular fight choreography that one would expect of a Liu Chia Liang production that there ends up being something for everyone; especially worth checking out if you want to see where the jiang shi genre originated from.

 

Lo Meng: wondering why Chang Cheh stuck him in the middle of some very phallic spikes

Though not released theatrically until January 1980, Chang Cheh’s Heaven and Hell (1979) commenced production under the shooting title The Hell in 1975 before financing fell through and the film was temporarily shelved. In 1977 Chang  returned to the title with a new cast (for further details see our long-form review), eventually wrapping up in ’79 with an end result that’s an almost “experimental” side-step from the blood-drenched wuxia and action pieces he was more widely known for. Though not what many would define as a horror film by definition, Chang’s adoption of colleague Li Han Hsiang’s anthology format and a climactic (hour long) descent into Chinese Hell and its various torments and tortures assuredly makes the work a horror-hybrid by design if nothing else.

 

Yet another first for modern cinema: kung fu as interpretive dance

Utilising a single thread to tie its segments together, Chang takes his principle protagonist Xin Ling (Li Yi Min) through a journey of the reincarnating soul. Xin Ling starts out life as a Heavenly Guard who cast out to the mortal world when he assists two love-lorn deities (David Chiang and real-life wife Maggie Li) to elope, is reborn as a taxi-driver on Earth who is shot dead in a scuffle championing another couple (Alexander Fu Sheng and Jenny Tseng), and finally ends up the chivalrous protector of a young girl (Lin Chen Chi) in Hell. Though proceedings sometimes become an ordeal in viewer endurance, thanks to Chang’s predisposition towards interminably long martial arts bouts, the visualisation of Hell itself more than makes up for the film’s patch-work flaws.

 

Chiang Sheng cameos as Na Cha: don’t laugh at his glitter and feather boa

As much a Chinese variant on Dante Alighieri’s “Inferno” (from Divine Comedy) or Nobuo Nakagawa’s Jigoku (1960), Chang spares his audience none of the horror. Bodies are frozen, boiled in oil, ploughed asunder, split in two, hung from ceilings and skinned, tongues are torn out, fingers lopped off and tormented souls fed white-hot liquid gold or sold into slavery in the underworld’s brothels. Combining such jarring visuals with lengthy kung fu battles, musical numbers, teenage romance and high-wire fantasy throughout can, more often than not, produce a polarising effect. However, once one gets past the inspired lunacy of cobbling so may disparate genres together under the one umbrella, Heaven and Hell proves an effective genre piece as well as one that manages to operate well beyond its troubled production history.

 

Watch who you pick as a mistress – she may just steal your heart

 

Wang and Hua share an unnatural connection, though Wang is unaware of his ghostly host

Rounding out the decade in style, legendary Shaw director Li Han Hsiang once again turned his attentions from the kinds of historical dramas that had brought him accolades over the decades to the more commercially exploitative anthology pieces that had also brought him notice in that field. With raunchy sex comedies such as Sinful Confession (1974), Forbidden Tales of Two Cities (1975) and Crazy Sex (1976) under his belt, Li adopted their successful anthology form and applied it the horror genre. First of the two productions was The Ghost Story (1979), pairing two sexy ghost tales, a thousand years apart (with the core plot contrivance being reincarnation), commences with the humorous tale of three gorgeous spirits (Shirley Yu, Hu Chin and Lin Yang Yang) who lure men to their remote travellers’ inn, entertain them with food, wine and song, then transform them into cows at the height of sexual pleasure as a means to on-sell to local merchants for their financial benefit. When General Wang (Yueh Hua) and his platoon of soldiers arrive, the soldier to bovine ratio begins to alarm him, until he figures out a cunning trick to reverse the equation.

 

Hau transforms into a giant, multi-armed false Guanyin at the climax of The Ghost Story

A thousand years on Wang is reincarnated as a lecherous scholar, and inn-keeper Hua (Hu Chin) as a wandering ghost intent on seeking revenge in her new life. Once Hua insinuates her way into the Wang household, there seems nothing capable of preventing her from taking the heart of her former-life foe, unless of course the local Taoist priest can intervene. The opening story is played strictly for laughs, and cheeky ones at that due to the presence of Shaw’s superstar scarlet siren Shirley Yu, but the second story (although aggressively light in tone and similarly raunchy) harbours its fair share of ghostly antics including Hu rebuilding her phantom face from nothing as well as the aforementioned heart-devouring highlight. It goes orbital when Li wraps things up with a mind-boggling duel between the Taoist monk and a twenty-foot tall multi-armed Hu and her bevy of topless sword-wielding minions. Collectively, The Ghost Story is an effective blend of horror motifs and the sex-comedies that Li had made his own as well as a lot of ribald fun.

 

Towards the end of the 70s, Li Han Hsiang filled his anthologies with a wealth of prurient material

His follow-up anthology, Return of the Dead (1979) retained the headier adult-flavour of its predecessor, but plays its horror angle far straighter than the lighter tone of the previous film. Engaging three tales, related between the patients of an asylum, Return commences with a Chinese variant on W.W. Jacob’s “The Monkey’s Paw” supplanted to turn of the (20th) century Hong Kong with husband and wife bean-curd vendors (Ku Feng and Wang Lai) visited by a traveller who offers them a mystical amulet that can grant them three wishes. The consequence being that for each wish granted, an opposing misfortune must follow, so it’s with great carelessness that they wish for money to pay off their business when their son works at the local steel mill. The second tale relates the misfortunes of friends Jiang Tao (Yueh Hua) and Lin Kun Quan (Antonio Ho), who wash up on the shores of Blue Lake. Jiang is unconscious, and Lin dead. When interviewed by police Jiang explains how, one drunken evening, his meeting with a naked young woman swimming in the lake brought disaster to them both.

 

Would you believe…a naked female jiang shi? Crazy…but true!

The closing tale concerns a young beauty, Xiao Yun Yun (Linda Chu), who was rumoured to have died in the throes of pleasure in her marital bed-chamber. One evening a local rickshaw driver picks up a passenger who bears an uncanny resemblance to the late Xiao. She claims to be Xiao’s twin sister, but is she? Seemingly unrelated at first glance, further elucidation reveals that each story is linked by the consequences of seeking wealth with little forethought with which those ends are achieved. The first story is surprisingly effective, even if the subject matter is well-worn, and its conclusion especially unnerving. The twist in the second story most will twig to at the introduction of a primary character, however Li offsets this by having his female lead appear throughout the entirety of the tale sans wardrobe. The final episode ends the film on a lighter note, again with a healthy injection of gratuitous nudity, but the introduction of a grave-robbing necrophile succeeds only in transmuting the light tone to one of pitch black (comedy). Overall an impressive little anthology, and not without its merits.

 

 

SHAW BROTHER HISTORY

CHAPTER 1:- WELCOME TO MOVIETOWN (1957-1970)

 

Run Run Shaw

and his family had generated extensive wealth since the 1920s from various theatre and production companies spread across South East Asia, but rivals in Hong Kong were competitively ahead of them.

So in 1957,

Run Run Shaw went to personally oversee production and reinvent the company (Shaw and Sons) for modern times. He realised that this studio was primarily focused on exhibition rather than production and could not possibly compete with larger firms such as MP&GI. So on March 1958, he announced the establishment of a new company called Shaw Brothers and engaged in the construction of a modern Hong Kong film studio (1).

INDUSTRY

In 1961, Shaw Brothers’ studio “Movietown” was completed. To compete with rivals such as MP&GI, Run Run Shaw based his company on the Classical Hollywood mode of producing films where he “introduced a series of reforms to facilitate the implementation of the big studio system, that is, centralisation and systemisation of film production (2)” (Chung, 2003:9). For instance, his actors and staff were given fixed contracts, working on numerous pictures exclusively that allowed them to create and build on their successes at the Hong Kong box office (using director/star combos such as Jimmy Wang Yu and Chang Cheh repeatedly (3)). Through this system, the company was structured as a production line allowing films to come out fast and efficiently with 300 pictures in the company‘s first twelve years (4).

Yet despite mass producing films, each one would have high production values. The film industry in Hong Kong before the major studios arrived was primarily Cantonese cinema which was the dominant language spoken in the area and at the time relied only on the local market as its main source of exhibition. But Shaw Brothers favoured the Mandarin language (5) as it was spoken in other Asian countries such as Singapore and Taiwan and so this would allow them a larger market share internationally. Shaw’s were able to invest more money in their Mandarin films as the returns would be higher than if it were just for a local audience and so this devalued the Cantonese features with their lower production values which could only compete for a smaller market. Because of this, Shaw could comfortably invest HK$800,000 into every feature against the average Cantonese movie budget of about US$20,000 (6).

But Shaw Brothers had a major rival during the 60s that was in competition for the audiences. Before Run Run Shaw arrived in Hong Kong, its future rival MP&GI (later renamed to Cathay) flourished due to its westernised approach to filmmaking. Its manager, Loke Wan-tho adopted a “Fordist style” company similar to Shaw Brothers (featuring a patriarchal power structure (7)). Shaw knew that Loke would be his toughest competitor and made sure that Shaw Brothers would exclusively compete with the films of MP&GI, so “from the start, Shaw Brothers specifically targeted MP&GI and rushed to produce films that had been scheduled by their rival” (Zhang, 2004:168). However Shaw had the advantage since he had moved to Hong Kong to run his company allowing decisions to be made instantly. MP&GI on the other hand were based in Singapore and this caused MP&GI to drop various films just because Shaw Brothers could outpace their production or negotiate better deals with the local Hong Kong talent. As MP&GI’s headquarters were in Singapore, the line of communication was longer so decisions took longer to reach Hong Kong while Shaw was right at the top of his hierarchy (8).

With MP&GI struggling to compete, being outpaced by the efficiency of Shaw Brothers (and further set back by the unfortunate passing of Loke Wan-tho), Shaw’s created a virtual monopoly with no other major competitors since the local studios didn’t have the money to produce films of Shaw Brothers quality or the venues to distribute them such as the cinema chains that Shaw owned. “The professionalism, lavishness, rational management, advanced technology and aggressive marketing enabled Shaw Brothers to dominate the Hong Kong (and Southeast Asia) cinema” (Fu, 2000:79).

To consolidate its market, Shaw Brothers capitalised on generic trends and it was the martial arts picture that quickly became the most popular form of entertainment in Hong Kong. Shaw Brothers had originally found fame with their lavish wenyi melodramas and huangmei diao musical films such as The Kingdom and the Beauty (1959) and The Love Eterne (1963). Yet it is stated that “the huangmei diao musical was a monotonous form” (Law, 2000:131) which recycled old Chinese legends and tales so the audience desired new energy in their films. It was the wuxia (9) film which quickly gained the audience’s interest and when this genre proved successful, Shaw Brothers with their production line techniques quickly adapted to the trend with an increasing percentage of the studios assets and focus used on the “swordsplay” genre in particular (10) as their most important sector calling it the beginning of “the wuxia century“.

AESTHETICS

Two directors in particular represent the dominance of the Shaw’s wuxia genre and demonstrate the evolving martial arts film in the 1960s. The first is King Hu whose most famous work for the studio was Come Drink With Me (1965) which was Shaw Brothers first major wuxia box office hit and with this success led to a flood of sword fighting films with the genre becoming Shaw‘s most predominant. King Hu managed to fuse both Western and Eastern styles of filmmaking to create his own innovative approach. He had studied Peking Opera and incorporated this style into his films where “King Hu developed a unique style of motion and a film aesthetic grounded in traditional Chinese painting, literature and theatre” (Zhang, 2004:178). King Hu brought visual sophistication and energy to the new-style martial arts picture, for example his fighting scenes are synchronised with a percussive beat (drums and gongs) reminiscent of Peking Opera aesthetics. But to make the fights seem even more spectacular, King Hu fused these Eastern concepts of dance with Western forms of filmmaking.

King Hu had studied American styles of editing where “using Chinese cinema as a base, he endeavoured to include Western style of thinking and technology” (Zhang, 1999:17). King Hu was not an expert of fighting styles, yet his fights incorporate fast and fluid movements and to achieve this just like constructive editing, he broke the scenes down and called this technique “The Glimpse“. For example “Hu also frequently stages, shoots, and cuts his action so that it becomes too quick, too distant, or too sidelong for us to register fully” (Bordwell, 2000b:118). He would put in just enough of a comprehensive shot to make the audience think they have seen something spectacular but it is so quick to register that it plays with the audience’s imagination. These techniques allowed films such as Come Drink With Me to be huge successes as King Hu had created these magnificent martial arts heroes through tricks of the camera without using special effects such as wirework that can cheapen the action (11). This style was extremely successful because early martial arts films were shot statically. The camera would be motionless with long uncut takes, distanced from the action where two men perhaps would improvise a fight consistently for a few minutes (12) while King Hu used dance choreographers to plan the stylised action. It was the beginning of a progression into realism with directors appreciating the value of the fight scene. King Hu had managed to incorporate a sense of fantasy and energy in his films along with sophistication to the genre, which allowed it to become popular, but over time, the audiences wanted more realistic action aesthetics and this is where the second director arrived (13).

Chang Cheh was Shaw Brother‘s most successful wuxia director with his film The One Armed Swordsman (1967) being the first swordsplay film to make HK$1 million at the box office (14). Just like King Hu, Chang Cheh‘s “combat scenes seem strongly influenced by Japanese techniques” (Bordwell, 2000b:115). Shaw Brothers expansion into the wuxia genre could perhaps be seen in relation to the  popularity of the Japanese chanbara films flooding into the Hong Kong market such as Yojimbo (Kurosawa:1962) which became popular through their violence and realistic fight choreography (along with the strong leading man such as Zatoichi). Run Run Shaw was aware of the trend in Japan and the USA’s action cinema and influenced his directors by “scheduling mandatory screenings of Japanese and yakuza films for his staff” (Ho, 2000:115) to try and influence their style through the popular and more advanced Japanese cinema. Shaw had been influenced to such a degree from Japanese filmmakers that not only did he hire directors and technicians such as director Inoue Umetsugu, but he also sent his staff to Japan to learn various filmmaking techniques such as efficient set design and camera work. Shaw realised he could make money off this style of film and this helped boost the investment in Shaw’s wuxia films. For example Chang Cheh borrowed techniques used in chanbara (15) films such as Yojimbo featuring tracking shot‘s which follow the combat as a lone fighter proceeds to kill his opponents one by one and prolonged death sequences. Instead of the peaceful long shots that played a part in the Wong Fei-hung (Various:1955) series from the 1950s, Chang’s films were chaotic and full of quick cuts, handicams and fast zooms adding to the energy and innovation in the martial arts genre.

As mentioned earlier, realism was what the audience wanted in these martial arts films and Chang Cheh exploited this. Along with technological advances, his films used other various techniques to make them seem more “real”. Firstly Chang Cheh’s films used fake blood to make the fights appear more visceral instead of King Hu’s bloodless combat. Also weapon props were replicas made from metal, heightening the realism but most importantly, “the 1950s kung-fu films had simply allowed actors to improvise their fights, but now the martial-arts instructor became an important crew member” (Bordwell, 2000a:206). Chang Cheh was aware that the 1950s martial arts could never satisfy the tastes of the progressive 1960s audience due to its stilted combat and even King Hu’s action was more focused on dance traditions. So Chang Cheh used trained martial artists to choreograph the fights where Shaw‘s promotion stated that “the fake, fantastical and theatrical fighting and so-called special effects of the past will be replaced by realistic action and fighting that immediately decides life or death” (Ho, 2003:115). Choreographers enabled untrained actors to mimic actual martial arts moves and so the action began to move away from the style of dance choreography associated with Peking Opera to grittier, livelier and bloody aesthetic, reflective of the mood of the audience.

REPRESENTATION

When Shaw Brothers had started production and were competing with their rivals MP&GI, it was their huangmei film with high end production values which set them apart and allowed them to dominate the market. But with changing times and audiences, the studio’s focus as it began moving into the 1970s altered from a female focused studio into one that was more male orientated (in both audience and stars). Shaw Brothers and Chang Cheh specifically tried to cater for the audience of 1960s Hong Kong by creating heroes and plots reflective of the times and mood of the 60s, mentioned earlier by incorporating a sense of realism into the aesthetics. This can be pinpointed to 1967 with the Hong Kong Star Ferry riots (16). Hong Kong became a state of chaos and rebellion where violence and unrest went on for seven months. Young people in particular were challenging dominant patriarchs and rebelling against the system and the turbulence led to changes in entertainment. The audience needed escapism from the anarchy in reality but the current trends in romantic musicals could not possibly satisfy this new rebellious audience that needed a hero to represent these uncertain times (17). The trouble was the male characters of the 1950s were often scholarly and effete. The audience could see reflected in the films “characters to symbolise China’s subjugated and weak condition which prevailed for about a hundred years from the Opium Wars to 1949” (Teo, 1997:77). So there needed to be a change from the weak (such as the male lead of The Love Eterne (Han:1963)) or one dimensional heroes (such as Wong Fei-hung who critics claim lacked individuality or emotions) and Chang Cheh was the director to create the new heroic male version (18) who would embody the colony’s newly acquired self confidence and individuality rather than the older conservative Confucian values represented by Wong Fei-hung. “Young audiences were captivated, seeing the new trend towards violence as a purging of repressed emotions” (Teo, 1997:100).

Chang Cheh’s heroes suffer from living in their violent worlds and are usually self-reliant individualist’s (19). The character Fang Gang in The One Armed Swordsman for example, is a flawed hero (handicapped with one arm) that through sheer determination and the will to rise up against his violent surroundings turns his weakness into strength and makes his one arm powerful enough to defeat all of the villains (20). He starts the film off as a working class man who is not respected by his classmates due to his poor background but eventually rises to become respected and powerful (something which the young working class audience would associate with and so Shaw Brothers were able to exploit this as a character trait in their wuxia films). But occasionally even the villains overwhelm the hero and in these circumstances the hero dies a tragic death (unheard of before Chang Cheh‘s films). At the end of Vengeance! (Chang:1970), the main character battles hordes of enemies who easily outnumber him. But even with blood pouring from his wounds (heightening Chang‘s realistic aesthetic) and despite finding it difficult to stand, he fights to the bitter end until eventually dying, but not before vanquishing the villains so that he can rest in peace. These heroes are willing to sacrifice themselves for their “brothers” and for a better world (with slow motion shots to make their sacrifice more poignant). This conclusion could be accepted during the 1960s, as there was a lack of moral standards within the chaotic society. With themes of brotherhood and the betrayal of the patriarchy is a clear reflection of how Shaw Brothers could mass produce films which spoke directly to the Hong Kong audience and shows how in the late 1960s, they were the top of the Hong Kong film industry.

The aesthetics and representation of early Shaw Brothers films are due to the fact that “Zhang also said that violence was portrayed in films only because violence existed in society” (Teo, 2003:152). But as the violent wuxia hero was a portrayal of the feelings of late 1960s Hong Kong, could it still be popular in the 1970s as the violence in Hong Kong became subdued and economic stability arrived?…
 

ENDNOTES FOR CHAPTER 1

(1) Information from The Shaw Screen (Chung, 2000:7)

(2) For example, Shaw scheduled weekly production and script meetings to ensure every stage of filmmaking was systemised and that everything met his high standard of approval. Shaw Brothers films were practically Run Run Shaw’s films exclusively (every Shaw Brothers film has his name as a producing credit).

(3) For example the first time Chang Cheh and Jimmy Wang Yu worked together was on Temple of the Red Lotus (1965) but subsequently worked together again on Tiger Boy (1966), Magnificent Trio (1966), One Armed Swordsman (1967), The Trail of the Broken Blade (1967),  The Assassin (1967), The Golden Swallow (1968) and many others. Shaw Brothers realised that once a combination had success, they would repeatedly use them to make a “safe” profit.

(4) Information from Planet Hong Kong (Bordwell, 2000a:63)

(5) 90% of Hong Kong citizens speak Cantonese instead of Mandarin (Information from Cinema of Hong Kong (Desser, 2000:78). Mandarin is spoken by mainland Chinese.

(6) Figure from Planet Hong Kong (Bordwell, 2000a:62) (US$20,000 is around HK$100,000)

(7) Information from The Shaw Screen (Chung, 2003:8 )

(8) His business was almost like an empire with Run Run Shaw firmly in control. His actors and directors lived in apartments on his 65,000 square feet of land and he even had his own police force and bank for his staff.

(9) Wuxia is roughly translated as “Sword-fighting” (Cinema of Hong Kong, 2000: 97)

(10) Shaw Brothers is known primarily for their martial arts films despite making other popular genre films like Hong Kong Nocturne (Umeji: 1966), a musical but  “in 1968, Shaws released 12 wuxia films out of a total of 29. In 1969, 17 out of 35. In 1972 26 out of 37” (Law, 2003:138) showing that the wuxia film was priority for a long period.

(11) This filmmaking was related to constructive editing and enabled King Hu to portray spectacular feats without using acrobatics. With constructive editing, the action is broken down into stages for example a character would jump up into the air in the first shot. The second shot would be the man flying against the background of the sky and the final shot would be the man landing on a higher platform.

(12) Also the wuxia films of the 50s such as Buddha’s Palm featured magical feats such as fireballs. The wave of swordsplay films led by King Hu featured less magic though still exaggerated moves such as vaulting.

(13) King Hu had started as an actor with Shaw Brothers but in the mid 1960s he had begun co-directing work with Li-Han-hsiang with various huangmei diao films before eventually making the move to become a full time director. The success of Come Drink With Me was marred by the fact that Shaw was not happy with Hu’s filmmaking methods. Shaw Brothers was a company built on the principles of production line techniques so that films should be made fast and efficiently. Yet King Hu took his time with his filmmaking and this naturally didn’t fit with the structure of Run Run Shaw’s studio so it was no surprise that they parted ways after Come Drink With Me, while prolific directors like Chang Cheh lasted for a long period with the company.

(14) Information from Chinese National Cinema (Zhang, 2004:177)

(15) Chanbara (a.k.a. Chambara) is the name for the Japanese Samurai Action film

(16) Information from http://www.britains-smallwars.com/RRGP/HongKong.htm

(17) Which also links with International cinema with starts like Steve McQueen, Sean Connery and Toshiro Mifune dominating screens. Just as Run Run Shaw had observed the trends in popularity of the chanbara genre, he was also aware of the youth generations influence in cinema, especially in America. “While Chang and Shaws’ switch to a youth-orientated cinema was a response to a larger movement that originated from the West, the swing from a female sensibility to one of male took place at about the same time as -even ahead of- a similar trend in Hollywood” (Ho, 2003:118). Male characters such as James Dean and James Bond represented the fine line between good and bad with anti heroes popular in Chambara and Spaghetti westerns. But while these characters rebel against social conventions, it is Chang Cheh’s characters who must suffer if they are to succeed.

(18) Chang Cheh‘s heroes were predominantly male because “Zhang considered that the male image had suffered for nearly twenty years because of the long reign of female stars in traditional soft genres such as the wenyi (literary art) and melodramas….The female dominance had come about because of the conservatism of the female audience that made up the majority of cinema-goers” (Teo, 2003:148). It was Chang’s opinion that this situation was as it was because conservative women could not openly admit to liking male stars (so females watched females). Chang Cheh wanted to reform this by creating a hero that both men and women could enjoy through the strong male hero character.

(19) Chang Cheh’s often favoured themes of individuality but there were also strong themes of brotherhood where men would sacrifice themselves for other heroic men out of loyalty, respect and honour. Chang Cheh even coined a term for this brotherhood, calling it “yang gang”.

(20) The villains in Chang Cheh’s films such as The One Armed Swordsman or Golden Swallow are clearly representational of the patriarchy which the 1960s youth were challenging in reality. The villains of these films are overtly corrupted and devious who can only defeat the heroes through tricking them such as the villain of The New One Armed Swordsman using his former status as a hero to betray the martial arts world. It is only when the younger noble heroes arrive that the corrupted older hero/villain representational of the old establishment is punished and replaced.


 


CHAPTER 2: ENTER THE DRAGON (1971-1973)

After consolidating their power in the late 1960s by defeating MP&GI and striving to make films for the rising youth generation, Shaw Brothers met a new threat in 1970. Raymond Chow, a former production chief for Shaw Brothers, left the company to form his own called Golden Harvest. His biggest move in the industry was undoubtedly bringing Bruce Lee to Hong Kong and it was this arrival that marked the beginning of many problems for the Shaw organisation.

INDUSTRY

Golden Harvest formed as a response to the studio system of Shaw Brothers. Raymond Chow had reportedly left the company due to Run Run Shaw’s militaristic approach to running the studio (1) by how “he stressed not so much artistic innovation as standardization, rationalization, mechanization and efficiency” (Fu, 2000:79). Because of Shaw’s aggressive attack on MP&GI, Chow found luck in being able to buy the studio lot of Shaw Brothers former rivals. This posed a major problem for Shaw Brothers as a major company with MP&GI’s assets was once again challenging Shaw but this time the management was in Hong Kong so the ability to outpace production like they could with MP&GI was no longer feasible.

Golden Harvest’s mode of production was the opposite of Shaw Brothers. Instead of fixed contracts, Golden Harvest decentralised production, working through a system of independent organisations that “contrary to Shaw Brothers’ emphasis on huge scale and absolute control, which was typical of the studio system, Golden Harvest preferred “an independent production system where stars and directors could agree mutually profitable deals with the studio” (Zhang, 2004:179). For example, Golden Harvest would maintain “satellite” companies such as Concord Productions where Bruce Lee had broken records with his breakthrough film The Big Boss (Lo:1971), this arrangement put Lee on an equal footing with Raymond Chow, as opposed to simply being a hired actor. The result undermined Shaw Brothers’ studio system where actors began to realise that fixed contracts were potentially fatal to their careers. Before Golden Harvest, Shaw Brothers had a virtual monopoly on the industry with no real threats to their dominance but with Golden Harvest supporting independent studios, stars knew they could make more money elsewhere.

It was this offer of creative control that tempted Bruce Lee to join Golden Harvest. Lee had originally approached Shaw Brothers with a demand of US$10,000 a title but Shaw only offered US$2,000 per film and a 7 film contract. Shaw Brothers, despite Lee‘s potential, had fixed rates for offering new actors contracts and Shaw was not going to change that stance. Golden Harvest on the other hand countered with an offer of US$7,500 per title (2). While less money than what Bruce Lee wanted from Shaw Brothers originally, it did mean that Lee would gain the creative control that he desired and commercial stakes in his enterprises. Creative freedom was something that Run Run Shaw was not likely to give to his actors (3) as mentioned in the first chapter, he systemised and centralised the studio so that his decision was always final on matters such as script approval.

Using the talent of Bruce Lee, Golden Harvest capitalised on his potential and garnered the highest revenues seen at the box office. Originally The One Armed Swordman was one of the most profitable films in Hong Kong making over HK$1 million, however Bruce Lee’s debut film; The Big Boss made HK$3.2 million (4) and its success “ultimately resulted in the rise of a quasi-independent production mode in which a big studio such as Golden Harvest made deals with big stars to produce mega-hits and share profits” (Teo, 2000:97). While Shaw Brothers at the time had better production values, Golden Harvest now had greater star power and the Shaw studio system showed its first signs of weakness.

AESTHETICS

With creative control, Bruce Lee was able to escape the confines of formulaic production line films and form his own style. He was not only an actor but most importantly he was a highly skilled martial artist. Wuxia films had gone out of fashion with a further desire for realism and change from ancient Chinese tales, so kung fu had become the most popular genre of film in Hong Kong. Just as Shaw Brothers had continually recycled old stories for the huangmei diao genre, they fell into the same trap with the wuxia film, reusing old tales and themes and eventually it become monotonous.  However what this genre did was pave the way for another type of martial arts film. Kung fu was seen as modern compared to the fantasy and myth associated with previous Chang Cheh period wuxia films. Bruce Lee was an instant sensation starting a kung fu trend featuring “real” fighters using their own strength to fight without the gadgets and flying accustomed to many titles featured in the wuxia genre.

Run Run Shaw was aware of the hype being created by Bruce Lee and so Shaw Brothers’ own kung fu film, The Chinese Boxer (Wang:1971) was released ahead of Lee’s film The Big Boss. This demonstrates the keen business sense and ingenuity of Run Run Shaw, by making Shaw Brothers the first company to release a kung fu movie, taking away the spotlight from Lee’s arrival. At the time of being released, this move had worked because the audiences were experiencing a new type of action movie. The Chinese Boxer had more gritty realism than even Chang Cheh’s films with the lead character played by Jimmy Wang Yu using his raw strength to rip peoples eyes out and snap necks. But it also exhibits evidence of a rushed project to pre-empt Lee’s arrival. The film sacrifices artistic innovation, recycling the tired revenge narrative along with the typical heroic bloodshed styled character archetype from the 60s featured previously in many Shaw films (5) (a result of production line methods) which was further weakened by the insufficient physical ability of it‘s star.

Jackie Chan notes that Bruce Lee was a different kind of martial arts fighter. He says that “the film [Big Boss] showed a different kind of hero and a harder, faster, and more exciting kind of martial arts fighting- as quick and lethal as a cobra strike, pared down to the bare essentials” (Chan, 1999: 165). This fighting style was new to the audience mainly because they had been accustomed to actors performing martial arts but not martial artists performing the moves. Jimmy Wang Yu for example was never formally trained in fighting and required the choreographer to break down the moves for him one step at a time and he would mimic the actions (6) (learning the skills when required). Whereas Bruce Lee had trained since a young age in a form of martial arts called Wing Chun (7), so the audience was seeing a real fighter executing moves and the difference was clearly noticeable. For instance in the climatic battle of The Chinese Boxer, the hero executes five separate kicks on the villain and for those kicks, the shots are broken down into five separate shots along with various flips and somersaults, making the fight theatrical rather than realistic and breaking the motions. This disrupts the action and fluidity, and places into question the natural talent of Jimmy Wang Yu. On the other hand, “Bruce Lee insisted on longer takes and more distant views to assure viewers that his feats were real” (Bordwell, 2000a:214). Instead of broken down shots, Bruce Lee would position the camera so that the audience could see his whole body and know that there was no stunt double, executing numerous kicks in quick succession. For instance in Fist of Fury (Lo:1972), Lee when battling enemies in a Japanese dojo, proceeds to kick eight or nine of his foes in one take without pausing or editing the action/film into smaller shots.

Unlike King Hu’s filmmaking which uses constructive editing to create illusion, the lack of cuts emphasises natural ability as you can see Bruce Lee’s entire body performing kicks and punches as Bordwell notes, “the future belonged to a style that made constructive editing ever more crisp, legible and expressive” (Bordwell, 2000a:135). While King Hu was more interested in camera movements and trickery, Bruce Lee emphasised choreography and this led to a new form of realistic aesthetic, far away from the “dance-like” Peking Opera traditions of Shaw Brothers early kung fu films and wuxia epics. Bruce Lee’s approach was that “you learn kung fu in order to win real fights” (Bordwell, 2000a:52) which emphasises the gap between Lee’s realistic fights with King Hu’s dance theatrics and Chang Cheh‘s “artificial” fighters. So while Fist of Fury does reuse the revenge motif as its central theme, the story is allowed to often take a backseat since the addition of Bruce Lee’s charisma and talent allowed it to become a showcase of new forms of inventive choreography and editing which updated the genre.

Through independence, actors and directors had the chance to be inventive and escape the confines of the studio system. As previously mentioned Shaw always had to be kept up to date with film developments in his company and so productions usually took place in Movietown where he could monitor everything and have absolute control (alongside being cheaper than moving his cameras on location). But a company like Golden Harvest allowed creative freedom so stars like Bruce Lee could make their films wherever they wanted. Way Of The Dragon (Lee:1972) for example was the first ever Hong Kong film to be shot in Europe and not only did it give the audience exciting new visuals with the sights of a foreign country (instead of stock footage and painted sets) but it also indicated that kung fu films were moving into modern settings.

REPRESENTATION

Hong Kong society was beginning to change. No longer was there violence on the streets and the economy was improving so martial arts heroes began to change too (8) however the city and its people were still fragile from the past turmoil. Governor MacLehose (9) had just come into power and was starting to make changes to society such as economic stability and social welfare yet the violence of recent years was a close memory and this was a time of uncertainty if the changes could actually work. The steady transition in Hong Kong society from chaos to prosperity allowed change in the hero where training and victory were new themes instead of sacrifice and suffering. Shaw Brothers biggest kung fu successes of the early 1970s were The Chinese Boxer and King Boxer (Jeong:1973), both set in feudal Chinese eras with the Manchurians and Japanese as the villains. What Bruce Lee achieved outside the studio system was the ability to easily set his film in modern times and create a modern hero that could be more significant for the audience. While the themes of the period martial arts film may relate to the current times, as Chang Cheh’s violence was representational to the post 1967 moods, in The Big Boss and Way of the Dragon this was a hero fighting in present day scenarios, so perhaps the audience could see the direct link.  Teo suggests “the fact that Hu has stuck to period subjects almost always set in the Ming dynasty indicates that he is a director who relies on conventions of genre and myth. His affinity with ancient history is a sign of his alienation from the present” (Teo, 1997:88). Shaw films created mythical Chinese pasts while Bruce Lee represented modernity and his efforts helped begin to produce a modern Hong Kong identity moving away from the tradition of wuxia (which is typically seen as an ancient China tradition of storytelling) to create a sense of individuality and uniqueness. “Golden Harvest was less mechanised and China-centric….Golden Harvest’s productions gained vitality and freedom as they shifted from the ‘China dream’ to ‘Hong Kong sentiments” (Kei, 2003:43).

Lee’s characters were far from the self-suffering hero of Chang Cheh’s films like in The Boxer from Shantung (1972) or The Heroic Ones (1970). This was a regular man put into irregular situations and foreign lands (10) as Chan says; “Lee’s hero wasn’t a stoic noble soul, living his life in search of honourable revenge. He was a street brawler, a juvenile delinquent, sent away from home because of his love of fighting. In short he was a real guy” (Chan, 1999: 165). For instance the heroes of The Heroic Ones are princes and in The Chinese Boxer, the hero is a highly accomplished martial artist who learns near supernatural powers to defeat the enemies. While on the other hand in Bruce Lee’s Way of the Dragon, the hero is regarded as a “country bumpkin” by other characters. This is an everyday working class man who connected with the youth more than a wealthy prince could. “(Bruce Lee’s) arrogant and narcissist manners appealed to the young generation….the kung fu of Bruce Lee are demonstrations of a perfect body” (Lau, 1999:32)

The characters that Lee played were developments on Chang Cheh’s characters. For instance in The Big Boss, Lee plays a youthful and arrogant character that challenges the patriarchy (a drug lord) and fights for the innocent (the working class). Bruce Lee’s characters fight for the everyday man rather than the larger cause such as the Manchurian invasions. In The Big Boss and The Way of the Dragon the only reason that he has to fight is to protect his working class family. This was no longer the Chang Cheh model of a hero that must suffer for living in troubled times but a hero that could deal with his problems and succeed reflective of the transition from suffering to prosperity that Hong Kong was developing into during the MacLehose Era. Bruce Lee stood for a modern day martyr of Chinese self-respect, an updated version of the heroic model from Chang Cheh films that attempted to destroy the effete leading man. Bruce Lee emphasises that his fighting is real, (often demonstrated through real life tournaments) and the audience “are aware that his kung fu skills are not the result of supernatural strength or special effects” (Teo, 1997:114). Since his skills are available through training and fitness (11), the audience can take pride that Lee injects self-confidence into the common man who can achieve anything and destroys the “Sick man of East Asia” (12) stereotype with his body (instead of King Hu‘s heroes with artificial agility by “the glimpse”). Shaw Brothers representation of the leading hero was behind the times and trailing the much more relevant hero figure of Bruce Lee and this along with the cracks formed in the studio system, put Shaw Brothers behind their rivals for the first time.

However tragedy came to the Hong Kong film industry with the passing of Bruce Lee. With Golden Harvest losing their star, this was an opportunity for Shaw Brothers to capitalise and once again find their dominance in the Hong Kong film industry; however another type of hero was about to arrive which once again would upset the balance…

ENDNOTES FOR CHAPTER 2

(1) Information about Raymond Chow from I Am Jackie Chan (Chan, 1999:165)

(2) Information about Bruce Lee deals from Chinese National Cinema (Zhang, 2004:178)

(3) Jimmy Wang Yu for example asked Shaw Brothers for changes in his contract and the right to direct but Shaw didn’t agree and when refused, he left for Golden Harvest where he would be guaranteed creative control. *Information on Jimmy Wang Yu from The Cinema of Hong Kong (Desser, 2000:101)

(4) Figures taken from Chinese National Cinema (Zhang, 2004:178)

(5) For example, Chang Cheh in 1971 made The New One Armed Swordsman, which was partly a remake and an attempt to make money off the popularity of his own film 4 years previously, The One Armed Swordsman featured similar themes of revenge and mass bloodshed as does The Chinese Boxer.

(6) Noted in Planet Hong Kong (Bordwell, 2000a:207), Wang Yu was a trained swimmer.

(7) Information on Bruce Lee from Kung Fu Cult Masters (Hunt, 2003:30)

(8) Sourced from The Shaw Screen (Lui, 2003:172) which discusses the improvement of Hong Kong citizens lives after the troubles of 1967.

(9) Information on Governor MacLehose from The Shaw Screen (Lui, 2003:172)

(10) Bruce Lee sets himself out as “Chinese” against foreign oppressors. The Way of the Dragon features opponents highlighted as being from Japan, Rome and America and they are all defeated by Lee’s natural speed and strength. His characters are specifically Chinese and “Bruce Lee stood for…Chinese nationalism as a way of feeling pride in one’s identity” (Teo, 1997:110)

(11) This is especially demonstrated in the warm up scene before the final fight in The Way of the Dragon where for a long period of time, Lee warms up and physically stretches showing off his body that emphasises to the audience that his skills are a result of his training.

(12) Chinese in cinema had often been given the image of weakness, especially after Japan’s occupation in World War 2 and in Fist of Fury this is emphasised in two scenes. One where the Japanese villains call the Chinese, the “Sick Men of East Asia” and the second where Lee’s character tries to visit a park but a guard stops him, pointing to a sign saying “No Dogs and Chinese” humiliating his nationality. But Lee’s character uses his strength to physically destroy both signs and overcomes this prejudice and in doing so becomes a strong representation for China and Hong Kong in particular. Instead of battling the Manchu’s of Wuxia films, Lee was bringing an updated battle to contemporary audiences.


 


CHAPTER 3: INNOVATORS AND IMITATORS (1973-1985)

Shaw Brothers in the late 70s were still active and occasionally producing popular films such as Legendary Weapons of China (Liu:1982)  and House of 72 Tenants (Yuen:1973) however, box office revenues were not overall matching Golden Harvest‘s. Also independent studios were trying to capitalise on the kung fu phenomenon set out by Bruce Lee and this began to devalue the uniqueness of the genre. This was a chance for Shaw Brothers to capitalise and regain their dominance in the industry.

INDUSTRY

The death of Bruce Lee had put the Hong Kong film industry into a unique position. There were two major studios to produce high quality films but no major martial arts stars to rival the appeal of Lee in the still popular genre. Through the success of films such as Way of the Dragon, Golden Harvest now had the money to rival Shaw Brothers and compete on the same level of quality and “by 1975, [Raymond Chow] controlled the largest theatre circuit along with scores of screens throughout Asia” (Bordwell, 2000a:68). The kung fu genre was at its peak after Bruce Lee’s dominance and companies tried to exploit this with a wave of cheap movies but by having no strong star power, the quality began to dip. Shaw Brothers in particular as mentioned in the previous chapters capitalised on popular generic trends (in this case martial arts) and tried to saturate the market with similarly styled films like in 1972 where twenty-six out of thirty seven films from Shaw Brothers output were wuxia (1). Yet by putting most of their energy into one particular genre, once the kung fu film began to lose popularity they had few other stars groomed for stardom.

The rise of local television networks in Hong Kong however produced a new wave of stars into the industry yet Shaw Brothers failed to capitalise. For a period in the early 70s, production of Cantonese movies severely dropped (zero in 1972) in the face of the dominant Mandarin studios like Shaw Brothers (2) because small local based studios could not possibly compete with the quality and exportability of Mandarin films as mentioned in Chapter 1. Top Cantonese directors such as Chor Yuen were forced to produce films in the Mandarin language when Cantonese cinema vanished from the screens, demonstrating the impact the big studios of Hong Kong had on the industry and its talent. However during this period, television became popular (3) where local networks could specifically target the Hong Kong audience as its prime demographic.

As these TV shows were directed at the local audience, the programs were broadcast in Hong Kong’s most common dialect; Cantonese and when television stars moved into filmmaking such as Michael Hui they opted to make Cantonese movies over Mandarin (with one reason being that the local audience had become accustomed to these local entertainers speaking Cantonese through television drama series and variety shows). These television performers could achieve this at Golden Harvest which supported local independents such as Michael Hui‘s company. Hui had worked briefly for Shaw (4) but the creative freedom at Golden Harvest had enabled him to focus on Cantonese features where this language associated with the local audience allowed a sense of identity not present in the Mandarin films of Shaw Brothers. With the fear of the 1997 handover to China looming, Hong Kong was a colony with an identity crisis but with the rise of Cantonese cinema this led to a local voice being formed which spoke directly to the Hong Kong audience. This contrasts with how Shaw Brothers were trying to target a wider Chinese market by focusing on the Mandarin language and so their films tended to stay away from Hong Kong themes and politics to appeal to the larger audience without a clear identity (with narratives set in unspecific historical pasts such as in King Hu’s wuxia entries). Previously Cantonese films could not compete with Shaw’s wealth and so there was no comparison in quality, but with access to funds from Golden Harvest and its support of independent satellite groups, the local industry could flourish and the Hong Kong audience would stray away from Shaw‘s wider Chinese marketed films in favour of local varieties.

The interesting thing is Shaw Brothers had actually helped start the resurgence of Cantonese films in part by owning majority shares in the local television network HK-TVB and releasing the film House of 72 Tenants (5) but failed to capitalise on this revival because Cantonese stars and filmmakers like Michael Hui refused to work for the studio system when they could produce films for independent companies with freedom and better money. Also with the return of a strong Cantonese cinema, Hong Kong companies could make local films cheaper without the worries of competing in an international market (leading to many independents rising) and be without high studio overheads that burdened the prestigious Shaw Brothers (6) and the running of Movietown.

Shaw’s rivals in Hong Kong after the Cantonese resurgence were numerous and powerful unlike the days of the big studios where Shaw Brothers’ only major threat was MP and GI. This revival which Shaw had played his part in was another element in the studio’s demise and evidentially led to a dependence on their television department. Of course this rise in the popularity of television meant big budgeted studio features were at risk with the possibility of audience’s staying at home. So Run Run Shaw at least realised that the days of the studios in Hong Kong were numbered and was prepared to move into this new format by owning shares in a network.

Along with the wave of cheaply made independent kung fu films exploiting the legacy of Bruce Lee, the rise in quality of local regional specific films support by Golden Harvest and Cinema City weakened the status of Shaw Brothers whose high budgeted features had been a selling point to audiences. The success of Michael Hui’s Cantonese films (and later Jackie Chan) proved that the local market was dependable to make a profit from and so Hong Kong specific films could rise (7).

AESTHETICS

If it was Michael Hui who consolidated the new trend of Cantonese films in the industry, it was Jackie Chan who successfully combined the waning martial arts film with social comedy to create a new style of film. As previously noted, the kung fu movie was in crisis since “in terms of genre, it is true that the 1970s was unbalanced by the tendency of the industry to mass-produce martial arts pictures” (Teo, 2000:100). Many independent companies were searching for the “next” Bruce Lee with many clones such as Bruce Li and Bruce Le performing in cheaply made kung fu films, trying to cash in on the star power of Lee. This was simple to achieve through small independent companies since the kung fu film was much easier to make than the wuxia film before. There was no need for special effects or props as the spectacle was in watching men fight with their own strength. So this allowed a wave of poorly made kung fu films from independents which devalued the quality of the high budgeted Shaw Brothers output as people were growing sick of these Bruce Lee imitations and the constant barrage of kung fu films based on the tired motif of revenge. Shaw Brothers themselves were far from being inventive, reusing successful older formulas that were selling for example Chang Cheh’s films “were increasingly mechanical, running like clockwork, with action sequences and characters being repeated” (Teo, 1997:103). Chang’s films such as 5 Shaolin Masters (1974), Shaolin Temple (1976), and Two Champions of Shaolin (1978) repeatedly dealt with the basic narrative of the destruction of Shaolin Temple by the Manchus and the subsequent avengement by Shaolin masters (but typically still featuring the self sacrificing hero styled from The One Armed Swordsman). Chang Cheh’s films often still featured characters based on the turbulence of the late 60s not updating this model for modern audiences. Also if any upstart film company could make an average kung fu film, then to save the popularity of this genre, the model had to be updated.

The want for change clearly paved the way for the Cantonese comedy and more specifically the kung fu comedy. This was not exactly a realistic form of fighting but an over extended style of Peking Opera since “Chan and his contemporaries drew on the Peking Opera influence. Indeed, they intensified it, partly by absorbing Lee’s lesson that the action should be filled with emotion, partly by creating long routines displaying varied techniques and presenting a smoothly accented rhythm” (Bordwell, 2000a:56). This was the perfect balance that the Hong Kong audiences needed. The mix between the traditional arts and the modern themes represented in characterisation and comedy created a unique event to rejuvenate the genre from the cheap exploitation films which had devaluated it. While Chan’s outlandish moves on screen couldn’t be mistaken for real fighting moves, it is the fact that he is performing the stunts and sequences which differentiate him from King Hu and Chang Cheh actors (and even Bruce Lee who required a stunt double for acrobatics such as flips (8)). With the 15 minute fight at the end of Drunken Master (Yuen:1978) filled with athleticism and comedy, Chan had re-energised the martial arts fight scene building on the advances Bruce Lee made such as erasing constructive editing to demonstrate that there was no camera trickery involved.

Shaw’s output of the time was making profit but not on the same level of Golden Harvest’s in terms of box office. For example one of Shaw’s most popular films of the 1980s was Legendary Weapons of China making HK$9,913,000 at the box office. But compare this to Jackie Chan’s Project A (Chan:1983) which came out the following year with HK$19.3 million (9) and the tastes were clearly in favour of Cantonese kung fu comedy. Other examples include The Private Eyes (1976) from Michael Hui making 8.5 million HK dollars compared with Shaw’s martial arts film The Killer Clans (1976) making 1.5 million HK dollars. I do want to stress that box office receipts are not necessarily a sign of quality and while a great deal of Shaw Brothers later output could be seen as bland and repetitive (especially Chang Cheh’s reluctance to move away from formula), there were undoubtedly some classic films still being made by the studio, especially from an auteur such as Chor Yuen. His films such as Clans of Intrigue (1977) and The Magic Blade (1976) reinvented the wuxia genre when it was virtually moribund and of course as mentioned earlier, his film House of 72 Tenants revitalised Cantonese cinema. So it is true that Shaw Brothers had some energy left but the market was no longer theirs to dominate and the tastes of the audience were generally elsewhere with contemporary Cantonese comedy.  Perhaps part of the reason for this contrast could be that Shaw realised that they could cut costs by using martial arts choreographers to shoot whole movies, losing trained directors like Chang Cheh who privileged story as much as the fight scenes. The choreographers on the other hand would focus on the fights, with Shaw Brothers films becoming production line fight scenes losing quality and any need for “actors”.

Jackie Chan however realised the importance of narrative and characters to match the action and so created an interesting hero that would not face his problems with violence but with self-mockery and endurance. This was a regular person who beat his opponents through luck and determination, rather than natural kung fu talent and so this was a hero that working class Hong Kong audiences could relate to unlike the advanced Shaolin masters of Shaw‘s late 70s output like in Executioners From Shaolin (Liu:1977).

REPRESENTATION

Hong Kong society had been constantly progressing while Shaw Brothers were in production. The late 1960s were times of chaos and through Chang Cheh’s hero, there was an embodiment of violent sacrifice. But the late 1970s “was an unsettling time of double-digit inflation, economic recession, stock market crash, rampant crime and corruption” (Zhang, 2004:180). There was no violence in the streets and living was generally improved under Governor MacLehose but uncontrollable problems such as the stock market crash presented discomfort. This was a time when comedic relief was needed and Michael Hui and Jackie Chan in particular exploited this.

 This type of hero progressed further from Bruce Lee’s character type which had become a stereotype with the “clones”. Lee’s character in The Way of the Dragon (discussed in Chapter 2) is portrayed as a “country bumpkin” but is still an intense kung fu fighter. In Jackie Chan’s Young Master (Chan:1980), the hero is also a naïve buffoon but importantly, he lacks fighting skills and a “hard body”. He only defeats the villain by luck and in the end credits he is covered in bandages, victorious but only through determination (10). Shaw Brothers heroes like Jimmy Wang Yu created the illusion of them being masters through effects and choreography but Chan created the opposite illusion of being a regular working class hero. Whereas a film like Shaw Brothers The Heroic Ones punishes the hero for being a working class shepherd (who dies from jealously of others due to his rise from lower status to riches), the new comedy films focused on turning weakness into strength and class did not dictate power (11).

As the economy improved “the advent of the affluent lifestyle and the emergence of the middle class led to the belief that the institutionalisation and regulation of society (in 1976, the dream of hitting it rich was institutionalised with the introduction of the lottery) could bring about new opportunities for the people” (Lui, 2003:172). Economic development created self confidence (unlike the late 60s) so Chan’s characters that use luck and brawn to head off disaster were more accepted than violent sacrificing heroes. Since in the 60s there was no consensus for social order, to sacrifice yourself for greater goals was part of the ideology but in the 70s with economic stability, there were other ways to win battles.

Chan even reinvented classical Cantonese tales to relate to the wave of localised films targeting specifically the Hong Kong audience. His comedy take on the Cantonese popular series, Wong Fei Hung in Drunken Master was an indicator of Cantonese cinema moving into modern times and eventually in Police Story (Chan:1985) he set the action in the present day city and with this sense of time and place, Jackie Chan represented modern Hong Kong. On the other hand some of Shaw’s biggest directing names over the decades such as Inoue Umetsugu from Japan or Chor Yuen from Guangzhou, China could not infuse their films with the same levels of Hong Kong familiarity such as the natives Hui and Chan. Even their stages and sets in the studio helped add to distance the audience from the social realism of Hong Kong.

Shaw Brothers were quickly becoming trend followers with output such as The Master (Lu:1980) copying the storyline almost identically of Chan’s film Snake in Eagle Shadow (Yuen:1978), reflecting a lack of innovation. This left Shaw’s Mandarin period films (which avoided local politics in favour of myths and sentiments) trailing the infused local spirit of Jackie Chan’s Hong Kong films. Shaw’s films were still often featuring their China focused plots which on some levels worked for the International Chinese market but suffered in the local territory where Michael Hui with his political/social satires reigned supreme at the box office. Even Bruce Lee’s image was often more about Chinese empowerment than specifically Hong Kong but it had been important because it signalled change and the new wave stars developed on that. With Michael Hui’s and Jackie Chan’s success, it allowed the local Cantonese-dialect pictures to flourish and with the local language being represented on screen, the audience could see heroes who represented Hong Kong rather than the more generic Chinese sentiments of Shaw Brothers.

By this stage Shaw Brothers rivals were numerous and powerful and the days of the studio system were truly over. In 1985 they stopped production, moving their resources into television…

Horror, Humor and Hopping in Hong Kong

by Ian Whitney

Movies were made for horror. In North America and Europe, frightening films appeared not long after the first narrative films. The Cabinet of Doctor Caligari, considered the first psychological horror film, was made in 1920 and less than 10 years later, horror films were an established genre. Whatever the reason – World War I, industrialization, immigration or other unnerving assaults on the status quo – westerners wanted movies to frighten them. The feeling was not universal.

 

Leslie Cheung on the verge of succumbing to the tempation that is Joey Wong in A Chinese Ghost Story.

In Hong Kong, horror films were not big business; or, at least, no native filmmakers embraced the genre. Before 1980, all of the icons of western fears – the creeping vampire, the lumbering undead, the misunderstood freak – had little impact on films in the British colony. The Universal horror films of the 30s and 40s and the Hammer remakes of the 60s did not inspire, as they did in so many other countries, endless knockoffs. Hong Kong, it seems, simply didn’t want to be scared.

One reason, perhaps, is that Chinese mythology and religion have a radically different idea of the afterlife. Although it’s typically called “Hell,” the afterlife in China is usually described as an endless shadow world that’s more of a waiting area than a torture chamber. More important and frightening than the western notion of a fiery underworld were souls that had lost their way or corpses who had absorbed too much energy from the moon. These creatures, while dangerous, simply needed the guidance of a Taoist priest towards reincarnation. These creatures of legend made few appearances in Hong Kong film before 1980, either because no one was interested or because the audiences were perfectly happy with their operas, romances and swordplay films.

 

The Enchanting Shadow, an early supernatural romance from Shaw Brothers.
Not exactly scary, it it?

It wasn’t until the late 70s that Hong Kong made a serious attempt at western-style horror. As Shaw Brothers, the dominant Hong Kong film studio, faced real competition from upstart companies like Golden Harvest and western imports, they responded by adding horror films to their lineup of period kung fu and romance films. After co-producing Legend of the Seven Golden Vampires (1973) with England’s Hammer studios, Shaw released a few films like Human Lanterns, and Black Magic – psycho meldings of period kung fu and western third-generation horror imports like Italian zombie films. These films went on to inspire a slew of Asian exploitation horror, eventually evolving into films like Untold Story and Ebola Syndrome, but for most of the 80s, these films were on the fringes of the Hong Kong cinema industry. In 1983, Shaw Brothers ceased movie production and focused on TV; apparently kung fu killers wearing monkey costumes were not more lucrative than soap operas.

During the late 70s, Hong Kong audiences were more interested in laughing than screaming. New filmmakers like Sammo Hung found increasing success with a mishmash of kung fu, slapstick, bathroom humor and word play. Hung, who had been working in films since 1969’s A Touch Of Zen, used his Chinese opera school classmates Jackie Chan and Yuen Biao in a series of revolutionary comedies like Fearless Hyena (1979), Drunken Master (1979) and Knockabout (1979).

Based on the broad physical comedy of the stage, the films were juvenile (it’s not a true comedy until someone gets kicked and/or punched in the testicles), sexual and unsubtle. They were also incredibly successful. Throughout the 1980s, a river of comedies poured from Hong Kong studios, probably outnumbering the bullet-blasting ballets and fist-filled films that most western audiences identify with Hong Kong filmmaking.

Sammo Hung is an innovator in a film industry that’s more than willing to repeat past triumphs. While he has made his share of straightforward comedies, he is also willing to try something untested and bizarre. In 1981 (or 1980, depending on the source) he took his potent mix of bizarre comedy and elaborate fight choreography and added a third element, Chinese myths of the supernatural. With Close Encounters of the Spooky Kind (aka, Spooky Encounters) a new genre, the vampire comedy, was born and Hong Kong finally discovered a love for being scared.

 

Sammo has spells painted onto his body by Chung Fa in Spooky Encounters,
one of many films in which Sammo shows off his butt.

Like most genres, the vampire comedy is bound by specific rules, many of which came from Chinese folklore and were set in celluloid stone by Spooky Encounters. Knowing the rules is vital to understanding the films.1

Rule 1: Vampires Hop. Stiffened by death, the undead are not known for their agility. Instead, they hop, arms outstretched. Obviously, hopping monsters are not all that threatening, which is probably the main reason Hung used them for comic effect.

Indeed, Chinese vampires (sometimes called gyonshi or jiang shi by fans) are not what most people consider vampiric. They generally don’t suck blood; instead, they stab their victims with long blue/black fingernails. They don’t transform into bats or fear garlic. They don’t have bug-eating assistants or chase after long-lost loves. They are often blind and use their nose to find their victims, who can be treated with sticky rice and snake wine. They aren’t killed by crosses or stakes, but by a combination of magic and kung fu. And no monster is truly dead until it explodes.

 

Gyonshi at rest.
The paper that looks like a post-it note is a spell that immobilizes them.

These rules, however, are far from concrete; each movie gives its vampires a unique set of skills, often mixing in aspects of Dracula-style vampirism. Some films, in order to stage more elaborate fight scenes, grant their vampires greater mobility. Other rules are added or dropped for comic effect. Sometimes the film takes a break to explain how their vampires work, but in most cases you have to figure it out for yourself.

Rule 2: Beautiful women want to kill you. Hung’s first spooky encounter with a female ghost in a mirror updates a common Hong Kong rule for the supernatural world. In many Shaw Brothers classics, scheming women sent men to their doom. In Spooky Encounters and its offspring, ghosts and demons disguise themselves as attractive women in order to lure young men, whose energy the ghosts consume, to their deaths. Invariably the young men think with their crotch and take the bait, only to discover the ghost’s true, horrible form after a heavy make-out session.

 

I kissed that?!
A ghost shows her deadly side in Mr. Vampire.
Did I mention they can also detach their heads?

Rule 3: Spells, not fighting skills, rule the afterlife. Vampire comedies feature a lot of fighting, but, like all of those army attacks on Godzilla, brute force often proves useless. Fighting the undead requires a different type of weapon, the magical knowledge of a Taoist priest. Although they are only supporting characters in Spooky Encounters, the yellow-clad priests (Chung Fa and Chan Lung) steal the show. Writing with chicken blood, chanting over a coin sword and performing gymnastic rituals, these priests quickly became the whirling, dynamic center in nearly every supernatural comedy, once the right actor was discovered.

Spooky Encounters was a success, but did not inspire a lot of imitators. Perhaps because the comedy revolution in HK was still in its early phases; or perhaps it was just five years ahead of its time. In 1982, Sammo produced another horror comedy, The Dead And The Deadly. Featuring the same cast as Spooky Encounters, it also wasn’t followed by a horde of knock-offs. In 1984, he tried again with Hocus Pocus. Again, no takers. In 1985, the genre finally took hold with the release of the Sammo-produced Mr. Vampire, the first in Hong Kong’s longest series of vampire comedies. The film is a radical change from Hung’s earlier attempts, and the vampire comedy genre emerges from Mr. Vampire fully-formed, as if it had just emerged from a cocoon – or a coffin.

 

Ricky Hui burns incense to placate the dead in Mr. Vampire.
Taoist priests use more incense than a class of college freshman at Berkeley.

Mr. Vampire added two new rules to the genre, solidifying the basic formula that would be followed by all of its progeny.

Rule 4: The Taoist priest is the star. Lam Ching Ying, a gifted actor, thrilling fighter and opera student (watch 1981’s The Prodigal Son for a full sampling of Lam’s abilities) had a roles in Sammo’s earlier horror comedies, but in Mr. Vampire, he finally assumed the role of the Taoist priest, a role that controlled the next twelve years of his life (he died, at the age of 45, of liver cancer in 1997).

In nearly every film, Lam’s priest is a combination of magician and stern kung fu master. Grumpy, but hiding a tender heart, he has an encyclopedic knowledge of the spells and rituals that became increasingly complex throughout the development of the vampire comedy. He’s also recognizable by his bizarre eyebrows (or, more commonly, unibrow). Lam would go on to star or appear in at least 15 vampire comedies before his death, and his priest is often cited as a highlight of every single film.

 

Lam Ching Ying in the costume, and eyebrow, that would define the last twelve years of his life.

Rule 5: The Priest will have two bumbling assistants. One will be especially bumbling and ineffectual, the other will be somewhat irresponsible but have kung fu skills when the need arises.

Really, a Taoist priest’s life would be so simple without his students. He captures an evil vampire and their silly games free it again. He starts a ritual and they’ve bought the wrong kind of rice. He tells them not to fall prey to beautiful women (see Rule 2) and they go off and get possessed. Almost invariably it is the assistants’ mistakes that free the villainous vampire and set the plot in motion.

But the second, less ineffectual assistant is always there with an impressive kick or stunt when the time is right. Mr. Vampire follows the example of Spooky Encounters by interweaving impressive fight choreography with the vampires and comedy, another reason the physically gifted Lam Ching Ying was so popular in the priest role.

 

Fighting and stunts, like this one by Siu-hou Chin in Mr. Vampire, added excitement to the vampire comedy genre.

By 1985, the rules were set and a genre was born – an incredibly popular genre. Hong Kong rarely goes halfway; if an idea is popular, hordes of producers will seize on it and sequels will appear at a dizzying pace. Exact numbers are hard to determine, but a conservative estimate is that between 1985 and 1990, at least 45 horror comedies were released, including three sequels to Mr. Vampire.2 Almost one third of these films were released in 1990, the peak of vampire comedy production. Hong Kong at this time was one of the world’s largest film producers, turning out an incredible amount of films. But, even if these 45 films were only a small portion of the total output, that’s still a lot of vampire comedy and the genre quickly began to wear out its welcome.

Many of these films replicated the Mr. Vampire formula: Fighting + Horror + Comedy = Box Office Gold! But not all of the films were simple retreads. In 1987, Tsui Hark, who combined western effects and traditional Chinese wuxia pian swordplay stories in Zu, Warriors of The Magic Mountain (1983), produced Chinese Ghost Story, updating the Shaw Brothers 1960 supernatural melodrama The Enchanting Shadow. Tsui’s movie uses some of the established conventions, such as the Taoist fighter played by Hong Kong veteran Wu Ma, but is more interested in the lush visuals and the combination of Evil Dead-style effects and weepy Chinese romances. Less slapsticky and better acted, thanks to the late Leslie Cheung, Chinese Ghost Story is no less bizarre than its bawdy brethren; few movies sport tree demon villains who kill with thousand-foot-long tongues. The film, like nearly all films in Hong Kong, was followed by sequels.

 

The influence of western horror films on the creatures of Chinese Ghost Story is obvious.

 

But western influences can’t explain the giant tongue that has encircled Leslie Cheung.
That’s pure Tsui Hark.

Even the films that copied directly out of the Mr. Vampire book added new twists that make each film a unique, bizarre experience. A later, non-supernatural Hong Kong film captures the genre perfectly with its title Expect the Unexpected (1998). Disembodied onanism? That’s in Spooky Spooky (1986). Spiritual opera battles? Check out Hocus Pocus (1984). Zombies who look like members of Flock Of Seagulls? Go straight to Ultimate Vampire (1987). Lumpy, alien-like ghosts that can be distracted by menstrual blood? The Dead and the Deadly (1982), of course! All Chinese vampire films may start with the same set of rules, but each mutates them to create a constantly surprising genre.

After 1990, the production of vampire comedies began to wane and producers were obviously trying to find wacky ways to renew interest. Crazy Safari (1991) is a Mutt & Jeff pairing of vampire comedy and The Gods Must Be Crazy. One review captured the essence of the film in a single phrase, “Holy shit!”, which is exactly what most people say after watching Lam Ching Ying ride an ostrich.

 

Political subtext fills the screen when Taoist priest Lam Ching Ying meets Catholic priest Wu Ma in Exorcist Master.

In another attempt at innovation, Chinese vampires met western vampires in films like Vampire vs. Vampire (aka, One-Eyebrow Priest, 1989), Doctor Vampire (1990) and Exorcist Master (1993). These films, along with Tsui Hark’s Chinese Ghost Story films, transform readings of the vampire comedy genre from lewd comedies to an attempt to salvage traditional Chinese mythology from encroaching western media. Hong Kong’s conflicted feelings over British rule and the impending handover to China manifest themselves in the various treatments of western and Chinese vampires. In some films, all vampires are villains and must be destroyed. In others, the western vampires are an invading army, defeated by Chinese vampires or the power of Chinese Taoism.

 

Mr. Vampire gave gyonshi fangs, although many vampire comedies left them out.

Imitation, overexposure, the decline of the Hong Kong film industry and the early death of the genre’s greatest star sent vampire comedies back to the grave. Between 1991 and 1994, about a twenty vampire comedies were made; still a lot, but a significant drop off from the vampire-mad late 80s. After 1994, in which only two vampire comedies were released, the films disappear from Hong Kong theaters.

Of course the undying gyonshi continue to hop up from time to time; 2001 saw the release of Vampire Controller, and Tsui Hark returned to the genre with the animated version of Chinese Ghost Story (1997) and The Era of Vampires (2002, released in the US as Vampire Hunters) but, more often than not, vampires in today’s Hong Kong films, such as 2003’s The Twins Effect (to be released in the US as The Vampire Effect), are of the western, non-hopping variety. Perhaps the political subtext of the battles with western vampire were spookily prescient.

Hong Kong’s appetite for horror didn’t disappear along with the gyonshi. Cheap and quick horror compilations, featuring two or three self-contained stories, took the place of vampire comedies in the mid-90s. Troublesome Night, the best known horror compilation series, has pumped out 20 installments over the last six years. Beyond these quickie compilation films, Hong Kongies were increasingly finding their scares in a new wave of Asian horror.

Footnotes

1: Many people have used “The Rules” in order to explain vampire comedies. I am indebted to Stephan Hammond and Mike Wilkins, authors of Sex and Zen: A Bullet In The Head, for introducing me to the commandments of comedy horror.

2: These numbers are just short of wild-ass guesses. Searching through IMDb and the Hong Kong Movie Database turns up around 40 vampire horror comedies. But a quick skim through reference guides like Asian Trash Cinema turns up several dozen films that don’t appear in any other film database. Many of these films were made on the super-cheap by companies that have long since disappeared, taking the films with them. In this primer, I’ve mostly stuck to talking about the available horror comedies, but there are dozens more films available to the dedicated searcher.

 

GreenCine Recommends…

For a complete list – plus comments – of films to check out here at GreenCine, please see, well, this list. As for furthering your exploration:

The holy trinity of vampire comedies is available on DVD. Start with Close Encounters of the Spooky Kind and Mr. Vampire. These two films will ground you in an understanding of the Chinese supernatural comedy.

If those only whet your palate, pick up The Dead and the Deadly to complete your undergraduate degree in gyonshi studies. This overlooked film is light on the supernatural, instead focusing most of its plot on shysters who take advantage of superstition. But it makes up for its lack of vampires by featuring one of Sammo Hung’s finest fight scenes. Truly amazing. Technically, this film is Lam Ching Ying’s first appearance as a Taoist priest, but he’s a peripheral character and not the dominant force he would become in Mr. Vampire.

 

Many a vampire film ends with magical frogs. Don’t ask why.

All of the Mr. Vampire movies can be found on DVD, although you may not want to watch them all. Mr. Vampire 2 (1986) is a treacly story of a family of vampires set in the modern day. Radically different from Mr. Vampire, it led to a kiddie vampire craze in Japan, but is otherwise awful and should only be seen by the masochistic completist. Mr. Vampire 3 (1987) returns to more traditional vampire fighting, adding Richard Ng as a Taoist sham artist who works with a father-son vampire team. Mr. Vampire 4 (aka, Mr. Vampire Saga, 1988), arguably the best in the series, is an odd couple story of a fussy Taoist priest and his laid-back Buddhist monk neighbor. It’s one of the few great vampire comedies that does not star Lam Ching Ying.

Almost every vampire movie starring Lam Ching Ying is fun; unfortunately, many of them have not been released on DVD. Of those that are available, the best are Magic Cop (1990), which successfully transports the genre to modern Hong Kong and Exorcist Master (1993), which takes a while to get moving but is one of the better Western vs. Eastern vampire movies and features a hilariously schizophrenic ending. The one vampire comedy he directed, Vampire vs. Vampire (1989), is sadly forgettable. Movies unavailable on DVD can still be found on VHS if you’re fortunate enough to live near a Chinatown or a video store that specializes in obscurity.

All four Chinese Ghost Story movies (CGS 1, CGS 2, CGS 3 and CGS Animated) are available, many in unspectacular “Special Editions.” The third, despite the presence of Hong Kong superstar Tony Leung (Hard Boiled, In The Mood For Love), should be avoided as it’s nothing more than a poor remake of the first CGS. However, all of the films feature the lush visuals, beautiful actresses and insane monsters that made the original an international hit.

While New Mr. Vampire (1986) isn’t a great movie, the DVD release is notable for including an English commentary track by Rick Meyers who not only describes the genesis of gyonshi movies, but who also traces the career of every actor in the movie. It’s a great set of lessons about the often unnoticed but prolific Hong Kong actors like Wu Ma and Chung Fa. However, not even Meyers can bear sitting through the entire movie, leaving 10 minutes before the end.

Doctor Vampire, a comedy with invading western vampires, is full of great gags as Bowie Lam fights his conversion from a lazy doctor to a western vampire. It’s also one of the few vampire comedies that features no Chinese vampires.

Ian Whitney is the editor and designer of The Dual Lens, as well one of the site’s four authors. A long-time fan of Chinese vampire movies, he has organized showings of gyonshi classics and worked with Asian Media Access, one of the few remaining regular exhibitors of HK film. Sitting in his closet is a Taoist priest costume that is anxiously awaiting Halloween.

 

ENDNOTES FOR CHAPTER 3

(1) From (Law, 2003:138). This also led to a lot of repetition of narrative.

(2) Information from The Cinema of Hong Kong (Stephen Teo, 2000:91).

(3) The popularity of local television was due to the fact that ”in 1972, 72 percent of households had television sets” (Teo, 2000:91 ) which allowed for the rise of new Hong Kong talent. Many Cantonese performers were forced to work on television, since they were moved away from the film industry by Mandarin features and television was cheaper to produce.

(4) They had worked together on the film The Warlord (1972). But losing Michael Hui to the rivals just as they had failed to sign Bruce Lee, showed again the weakness of Shaw’s rigid studio system against independent satellite companies and also their failure to predict star potential

(5) House of 72 Tenants was an extremely popular Cantonese film from Shaw Brothers and helped bring prestige back to the language in cinema.

(6) So Shaw’s with their high costs of running Movietown had to produce these extravagant films for the international Chinese market rather than the domestic market, as they needed the larger returns. Independent companies could easily just make films for the local public as they could be made cheap but Shaw Brothers required more than that market for profit.

(7) Kung fu is heavily associated with Cantonese cinema (with the kung fu series of Wong Fei-hung being a famous Cantonese entry). The rise of comedy kung fu can clearly be seen linked with a return to Hong Kong traditions.

(8) Chan highlights the difference between special effects and realistic aesthetics by advertising the danger of the stunts he performs and that he does not use camera tricks like King Hu. Chan utilises outtakes in his films to prove that no stuntman was involved, creating an off-screen persona that is as powerful as his on-screen characters.

(9) Box Office figures taken from www.hkcinema.co.uk

(10) If Bruce Lee’s hero could be related to because his body had become perfect through training, Jackie Chan’s hero who doesn’t need any abilities but luck and adaptability to win, could be even more closely related to by the audience.

(11) Chan’s persona who could relate to both children and adults. The rebellious nature of Chan’s character and his slapstick comedy targets the youth demographic while his characters confidence projected the vision of Hong Kong entrepreneur spirit who refuses to give up despite the odds against him, unlike the self sacrificing hero or immortal warrior.


 


CONCLUSION

At the end of one of Shaw’s last films, Eight Diagram Pole Fighter (Liu:1984) the hero wanders off into the sunset claiming he has lost his place in the world. This self-reflective scene seems to acknowledge that by 1984, Shaw Brothers had completely lost their market and by 1985 they stopped production forever.

This work has explored the unique rise and fall of a studio, emphasising the chain of significant events which shaped Hong Kong cinema and explaining Shaw Brothers importance in film history. Each chapter has explored key moments from 1957 to 1985,  identifying how Shaw Brothers came to power and subsequently lost their dominance. For instance Chapter 1 looked at the late 1960s where Shaw Brothers consolidated power. Through production line methods, Shaw could mass produce popular films to defeat slower competition. No other rivals had the money or star power to match these films that exploited the violence in society through realistic aesthetics and self-sacrificing heroes. King Hu’s Peking Opera traditions had given the martial arts genre visual sophistication and Chang Cheh had rejuvenated the genre with gritty realism. Shaw Brothers in their early stages were incredibly astute to the market being able to spot international trends like the growing popularity of the action film and reinvent it in a Chinese form.

Yet as Chapter 2 demonstrates, Shaw Brothers faced their biggest challenge with Golden Harvest and Bruce Lee. Despite practically creating the craze for martial arts films in the 70s, issues such as losing Raymond Chow and not being able to sign Lee clearly left an impact and were the first signs that the industry giant could be faulted. Through localised independent companies, stars like Lee could update the genre for modern times and replace actors who mimic martial arts moves for genuinely trained fighters. Shaw’s violent self sacrificing hero was less relevant in calmer times, replaced by Lee’s rebellious hard bodied youth; a martyr for modern Chinese pride and respect.

As Chapter 3 concludes, the rise of Cantonese cinema marked the return of a local voice represented by Jackie Chan whose heroes spoke directly to the Hong Kong audience instead of the generic universality of Shaw’s attempt to appeal to International markets and its generic Chinese studio style stories. While the company had once been a frontrunner for new exciting aesthetics and genre’s, new companies with smaller overheads and local talent could easily outpace the large studio. Losing touch with the modern market by recycling older narratives featuring violent self-sacrificing heroes from the 1960s, Shaw Brothers had lost their dominance to “flexible” local companies who could easily adapt to changes in the industry. It became impossible for a studio like Shaw Brothers to run in this market.

Though despite their fall, Shaw Brothers have left a lasting impression in Hong Kong and indeed world cinema. Their films such as The One Armed Swordsman and Come Drink With Me are rightly recognised as genre making classics and directors such as Chang Cheh set in motion the need for realistic aesthetics of martial arts, paving the way for stars like Bruce Lee and Jackie Chan to develop and shape a unique industry. Shaw Brothers influence and trend setting of the late 60s have enabled the creation and development of a powerful Hong Kong cinema.



FILMOGRAPHY

· The 72 Tenants (Chor Yuen: Hong Kong 1973)
· 5 Shaolin Masters (Chang Cheh: Hong Kong 1974)
· The Big Boss (Lo Wei: Hong Kong 1971)
· The Boxer from Shantung (Chang Cheh: Hong Kong 1972)
· The Chinese Boxer (Wang Yu: Hong Kong 1971)
· Come Drink With Me (King Hu: Hong Kong 1966)
· Drunken Master (Yuen Woo-ping: Hong Kong 1978)
· Fist of Fury (Lo Wei: Hong Kong 1972)
· The Heroic Ones (Chang Cheh: Hong Kong 1970)
· King Boxer (Jeong Chang-hwa: Hong Kong 1973)
· Legendary Weapons of China (Liu Chia-liang: Hong Kong 1982)
· The Love Eterne (Han Hsiang Li: Hong Kong 1963)
· The Master (Lu Chin-ku: Hong Kong 1980)
· The One Armed Swordsman (Chang Cheh: Hong Kong 1967)
· Police Story (Jackie Chan: Hong Kong 1985)
· Project A (Jackie Chan: Hong Kong 1983)
· Shaolin Temple (Chang Cheh: Hong Kong 1976)
· Snake in Eagle Shadow (Yuen Woo-ping: Hong Kong 1978)
· Two Champions of Shaolin (Chang Cheh: 1978)
· Vengeance! (Chang Cheh: Hong Kong 1970)
· Way Of The Dragon (Bruce Lee: Hong Kong 1972)
· Wong Fei-hung (TV series, Various: Hong Kong 1955)
· Yojimbo (Akira Kurosawa: Japan 1962)
· Young Master (Jackie Chan: Hong Kong 1980)
 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

· Bordwell, D. (2000a)  Planet Hong Kong  Harvard University Press

· Bordwell, D. ‘Richness through Imperfection’ in Desser, D. (2000b) Cinema of Hong Kong: History, Arts, Identity  Cambridge University Press

· Chan, J. (1999)  I Am Jackie Chan  Ballantine Books

· Chung, P. ‘The Industrial Evolution of a Fraternal Enterprise’ in Ain-Ling, W. (2003)  The Shaw Screen  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Fu, P. ‘Modernity, Youth Culture and Hong Kong Cantonese Cinema’ in Desser, D. (2000) Cinema of Hong Kong: History, Arts, Identity  Cambridge University Press

· Ho, S. ‘One Jolts, the Other Orchestrates’ in Ain-Ling, W. (2003)  The Shaw Screen,  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Kei, S. ‘Shaw Movie Town’s ‘China Dream’ and ‘Hong Kong Sentiments’’ in Ain-Ling, W. (2003)  The Shaw Screen,  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Lau, T. ‘Conflict And Desire’ in Leung, R. (1999)  The Making of Martial Arts Films  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Lui, T. ‘Intrigue Is Hard to Defend’ in Ain-Ling, W. (2003)  The Shaw Screen,  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Teo, S. (1997)  Hong Kong: The Extra Dimensions  BFI Publishing

· Teo, S. (2002) ‘Movement and Transition’ in Desser, D. (2000) Cinema of Hong Kong: History, Arts, Identity  Cambridge University Press

· Teo, S. (2003) ‘Shaw’s Wuxia Films’ in Ain-Ling, W. (2003)  The Shaw Screen,  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Zhang, C. ‘Creating The Martial Arts Film’ in Leung, R. (1999)  The Making of Martial Arts Films  Hong Kong Film Archive

· Zhang, Y. (2004)  Chinese National Cinema  Routledge

 

THE END @ COPYRIGHT 2012

The Legend Of chinese Qing dynasty Kungfu Hero Wong Fei Hong

 

the LEGEND of WONG FEIHONG

created by

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

cOPYRIGHT @ 2012

THIS STORY OF WONG FEI HONG DEDICATED TO MY SON ALBERT AND ANTO JIMMI AS THE REMEMBRANCE DURING THE YOUNG BOYS THEY LOOK AT THE WONG FEI HONG FILM VCD WITH THEIR GRANDPA DJOHAN OETAMA

BIOGRAPHY

Wong Fei-Hung

Claimed to be the only known photograph in existence of Master Wong Fei-Hung – Some dispute this


The statue sitting in the Wong Fei Hung Museum in the Fu Shan district of China.


Jet Li playing the role of Wong Fei-Hung in Tsui Hark’s “Once Upon a Time in China II”

             Wong Fei-Hung was born in 1847 in the Fushan district of China. He died in 1924 of natural causes. His contributions to modern day Hung-Gar are unmatched, and can be considered one of the forefathers of modern day martial arts. He was renowned for protecting the weak and helping the poor. Wong Kay-Ying was his father, who was a physician and great martial arts master also..

        Wong Fei-Hung’s father ran a famous medical clinic called Po Chi Lam, and Wong Fei-Hung grew up there, assisting his father. He learned traditional Chinese medicine, and also learned many important values such as generosity and compassion. Wong Kay-Ying always treated a patient, even if he or she couldn’t afford any treatment. 

        The Ch’ing Dynasty consisted of Manchu emperors, who had conquered China from there home in Manchuria. They were foreign invaders to the southern Chinese.

The southern Shaolin Temple in Fukien was a place where the resistance would go to train to fight against the Ch’ing. The temple was first  burned down in 1734, but the few monks and students who survived traveled across China

 

teaching  their skills to others worthy

 enough along the way. Variations on the Southern Shaolin styles soon emerged such as

 

Wing Chun Kungfu style (Bruce Lee’s original style)

 

and Hung Gar Kung Fu style (Wong Fei-Hung’s style).

 

Hung Gar is a traditional Chinese martial arts system, the most widespread of the five prevalent southern systems. Its origin is from the “fighting monks” of the first Shaolin Temple in Henan province. The Shaolin system derived from Chuan (Zen) Buddhism, a hybrid of Dharma Buddhism and Taoism. As early as 500 AD, Da Mo, the legendary Bodhidharma, taught breathing exercises (qi-gong) to the monks. This helped them improve their physical health so they could endure longer periods of meditation. The breathing exercises evolved into a fluid self defense system that was much softer in execution of movement than what developed later. It included techniques, mimicking five animals – tiger, white crane, dragon, snake and leopard. These were developed, in an effort to protect the Henan temple, the most splendid of all the monasteries, from bandits and invaders.During the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), the Shaolin monks reached the pinnacle of their fighting skills, warding off intruders and assisting the ruling sovereignty and neighboring villages against attackers. This was the last native Chinese Empire, and the most fertile period for all the arts. It was also during this time when the majority of fighting styles was developed, including Hung Gar. Gee Sin Sim (Chi Shin), an abbot originally from the Henan Shaolin Temple, is given credit for planting the seed of Hung Gar, as well as other traditional systems. During the Ching Dynasty (1644-1912), in the mid 17th century, Ming family and former officials took refuge in the temple, masquerading as monks. The abbot opened the Shaolin system to these outsiders, in hopes of garnering support to overthrow the Manchurians. Of these followers, Hung Hei Goon stood out the most. His talent caught the attention of the abbott, who wanted to train him personally. The Shaolin monks, who were supported by the Ming government, were thought to be a threat to the new government. After many attacks to the temple, the Ching regime was successful in burning down the monastery. Most of the Shaolin monks died, defending their temple. Several of the surviving monks, including the abbot, fled to the southern temple in the Nine Lotus Mountain located in Fijian province. There, Gee Sin Sim felt the urgency to systematize the training, facilitating mastery of the system to further protect the temple.Hung Hei Goon was a tea merchant from Fijian, but couldn’t prosper in Kwungtung province under the tyranny of the Ching government. Hung Hei Goon’s grandfather was an official of the Ming Dynasty, and he, a supporter. Out of loyalty to the deposed government, he changed his family name from Jyu to Hung, in honor of the first emperor of the Ming Dynasty, Jyu Hung Mo. Under the directive of the abbot, Hung Hei Goon returned to Kwungtung province to open a school and spread the knowledge. The system was taught as the Hung Gar (Hung Family) system so it would not be associated with its source. He married Fong Wing Chun who learned the White Crane system from its founder, Ng Mui, a surviving abbess from the Henan Shaolin Temple. (Fong Wing Chun should not be confused with Yim Wing Chun, for whom the abbess named her White Crane system.) Hung Hei Goon became famous for his martial arts and gained the namesake of “The Southern Fist”. Hung Gar evolved as he incorporated the Shaolin Five Animals style with his wife’s White Crane system. The reputation of the school, and its master, became widespread in southern China. By this time, Gee Sin Sim had more followers. He sent his best students to Hung Hei Goon for further training. Luk Ah Choy who later became known as the forefather of several traditional Chinese systems, was among the students sent. After his training, Luk Ah Choy was sent to Guangzhau to spread the knowledge.In Guangzhau, Wong Tai became a student of Luk Ah Choy. He taught his son, Wong Kay Ying. In search of more knowledge, Wong Kay Ying studied with Luk Ah Choy and other disciples of Hung Hei Goon. He passed all this knowledge to his son, Wong Fei Hung. During a street performance, Wong Kay Ying and his son, rescued a martial artist in trouble for accidentally hurting a bystander. The performer was Luk Fuh Sing who was a student of Tit Kue Sam, a disciple from the Shaolin Temple. Luk Fuh Sing was so grateful that he passed on the knowledge of the “secret form” to the father and son. This form, Iron Wire Fist (Tit Seem Kuen) is considered to be the most advanced form in the Hung Gar system. The Tiger Crane (Fu Hok) form became the signature of Wong Fei Hung. Reputed as one of the “Ten Tigers of Kwungtung”,

READ MORE INFO ABOUT TEN TIGERS

 

Southern Chinese Kung Fu – Hung Gar Kuen  

 

The name of the style literaly means Hung Family Fist in Cantonese. It’s probably one of the most popular and best known kung fu styles in the world. This is of course for a part due to the legendary ‘Wong Fei Hung’, about whom there are more than 100 kung fu films made. ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ was born in the end of the 19th century, and became a legend in the first part of the 20th century, during the boxer rebellions in China. He created the most famous of all Hung Gar forms; the ‘Tiger & Crane‘ form. But before we tell you more about ‘Wong Fei Hung‘, let’s first start with the history and development of Hung Gar Kuen.

 

 

History :

 

Hung Gar Kuen is one of the original styles that came from the southern Shaolin (‘Siu Lum‘ in Cantonese) temple in Fukien after its destruction by Manchurian troops in the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911). Its founder was a Shaolin disciple named ‘Hung Hei Goon‘, a student of the famous last abbot of the southern Shaolin temple ‘Gee Shan Sin Si‘.  

 

Gee Shan Sin Si‘ was famous as a kung fu master because he helped create the ‘36 chambers of Shaolin‘, the ‘18 wooden Luohan dummies‘, and was the teacher of many monks and famous fighters such as ‘Fong Sai Yuk‘, ‘Luk Ah Choy‘, and ‘Ma Ling Yee‘.

 

While ‘Hung Hei Goon‘ was completing his training at Shaolin, the Qing army had found out about the rebel’s (that’s how they regarded the Shaolin monks) secret base and planned a full scale attack on the temple. The Qings knew about the high level of fighting skill of the monks, so they were hesitant in attacking, until they found their advantage in a traitor, named ‘Ma Ling Yee‘. He was a former monk who resented his difficult training at the temple, and decided to seek revenge by helping the Qings, and telling them of the temple’s secret escape tunnels. Some sources claim that it was actually ‘Bak Mei‘, (famous for the white eyebrow style), and not ‘Ma Ling Yee‘, that was a treacherous monk. Other sources claims that they were actually the same person with one real name, and one nickname. When the manchurians destroyed the temple, the famous fighters ‘Hung Hei Goon‘, ‘Luk Ah Choy‘, ‘Gee Shan Sin Si‘, and others , and others escaped. 

 

However the manchurian ‘Bak Mei‘ continued his pursuit for years, and finally killed ‘Fong Sai Yuk‘, ‘Gee Shan Sin Si‘, and others. 

 

Years before this all took place, ‘Hung Hei Goon‘ had married a girl named ‘Fong Wing Chun‘, and they had a son named ‘Hung Man Ting’. ‘Hung Hei Goon‘ was an expert in kung fu, along with his wife and son, but he only specialized in the powerful ‘tiger’ techniques (Because of this Hung Gar stylists often use their left hand as a tiger’s claw while greeting.), while his wife specialized in the elegant ‘crane‘ techniques. ‘Hung Hei Goon‘ was very powerful, and reportedly had killed a man with one punch, but when he fought ‘Bak Mei‘, no matter how many times he hit him, he couldn’t hurt him. This was because of ‘Bak Mei‘s skill in the ‘Iron Shirt Qi Gong‘. Eventually ‘Bak Mei‘ killed ‘Hung Hei Goon’ in addition to the other fugitives from Shaolin, making his revenge complete. 

 

Now, ‘Hung Man Ting‘ knew that in order to avenge his father and kill ‘Bak Mei‘, he would have to combine the techniques of his parents, and so kill ‘Bak Mei‘. When the encounter finally occured, ‘Hung Man Ting‘ was able to win, getting around his ‘Iron Shirt‘ defense, and killing him with a ‘crane’s beak‘ attack. 

It was mainly ‘Luk Ah Choy‘ (student of ‘Gee Shan Sin Si‘ and ‘Hung Hei Goon‘), and ‘Hung Man Ting‘ that were able to carry on the teaching of the Southern Shaolin Kungfu. They were still fugitives, and Shaolin was still associated with the rebels, so they had to go underground, and disguise their kung fu. That’s why they called it ‘Hung Kuen‘  (Hung Fist). Nowadays, it’s known as Hung Gar Kuen, (Hung family fist), and goes alongside the other famous family styles of the south such as Lau Gar, Mok Gar, Choy Gar, Fut Gar, and Li Gar.

 

 The tradition carried on from master to student from ‘Luk Ah Choy‘, to ‘Wong Tai‘, to ‘Wong Kay Ying‘ and his famous son, ‘Wong Fei Hung‘.

 

Wong Kay Ying‘ and ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ became two of the famous “Ten Tigers of Guangdong“, a group of the top ten kung fu masters in Guangdong province. Another master from the ‘ten tigers‘ was ‘Tiet Kiu Sam‘, whose real name was ‘Leung Kwan‘. He was also a Hung Gar master, whose master, ‘Kwok Yan Sin Si‘, had also learned at the Southern Shaolin Temple under ‘Gee Shan Sin Si‘. ‘Tiet Kiu Sam‘s top student, ‘Lam Fook Shing’ also played an important role in Hung Gar history, because he taught ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ the internal energy form ‘Tiet Sien Kuen‘ (Iron Wire Form), when he was young. . ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ also learned traditional Chinese medicine from his father. Both had earned excellent reputations for their medicine and martial arts.. There were many adventures that ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ was involved in, from training the military and being the leader of the Canton militia. One of those was a famous fight on the docks of Hong Kong where he was attacked by the dockyard workers. The story goes that he fought over a hundred men some armed with sticks and metal hooks. He was armed with a long staff, and had to fight and run to save his life. ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ also had several wives and children. Sadly the first 3 wives all died of illnesses, and his eldest son, ‘Wong Hon Sum‘, was killed by gangsters in the streets of Hong Kong. After this tragedy, he refused to teach any of his children martial arts, for fear that evil people would try to get to him through his children. 

Wong Fei Hung‘s fourth wife was ‘Mok Gwai Lan‘, a master of ‘Mok Gar‘ kung fu, another southern Chinese style. The story of their meeting is rather ironic, because ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ and his students were performing a lion dance and kung fu demontstration, when his shoe accidentally came off and struck ‘Mok Gwai Lan‘ in the face. Despite ‘Wong Fei Hung’s attempts to apologize, she slapped him.. ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ fell in love with her, and later married her, and had children with her. ‘Mok Gwai Lan‘ was responsible for the women’s kung fu and gynecology at her husband’s school and clinic, ‘Po Chi Lum‘. Later on in life, at age 87, she gave a powerful performance of the ‘Fu Hok Seung Ying‘ form, on HKTV, showing her high level of skill, and the benefits of good training. 

Wong Fei Hung‘ had thousands of students learning martial arts from him. Two of the most famous masters were ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ and ‘Tang Fung‘. ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ was a pork butcher from Canton. He was trained in many styles of martial arts, (many people believe he was trained in ‘Lau Gar‘ kung fu and ‘Choy Lay Fut‘ kung fu), and decided to challenge ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ in a fight. Even though ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ was a good fighter, he was defeated by ‘Wong Fei Hung‘s famous ‘Mo Ying Guek‘ (no shadow kick), which was called like that because it was so fast that one said it had no shadow. After seeing ‘Wong Fei Hung‘s high level of skill, he asked ‘Wong Fei Hung‘ to teach him his style of kung fu. ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ achieved a very high level of skill in Hung Gar and had many famous students including ‘Chan Hon Chung‘, ‘Wong Lee‘, ‘Jee Yu Jai‘, ‘Lum Jo‘, and others. ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ was also trained in medicine and passed his art down to ‘Chan Hon Chung’. He also added the ‘Lau Gar‘ kung fu forms, and numerous weapons to the Hung Gar kung fu. 

Tang Fung‘ was another student of ‘Wong Fei Hung‘. Together with ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ and a few other kung fu people, he had taken a job as a security force for a Chinese Opera company in Canton that was continually being robbed by gangsters. When the gangsters arrived, there was a huge fight. The kung fu masters were locked inside the theatre with a few of the gangsters, while the other criminals got reinforcements and set the building on fire. ‘Wong Fei Hung‘s students managed to break out of the building, but were severely outnumberred and almost unarmed. ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ unrooted a small tree to use as a staff for fighting their attackers. After they escaped, they decided to keep a low profile, with ‘Tang Fung‘ moving to Singapore, and ‘Lam Sai Wing‘ moving to Hong Kong. 

Nowadays Hung Gar kung fu has spread around the world, with thousends of followers, making it one of the most popular kung fu systems in the world.

 

Kung Fu : 

 

Like in every kung fu style, the first and most important aspect a student will learn are the basic stances (‘Ma Poh Fan Kai‘ in Cantonese):

 

(Click on the pictures to enlarge…)

 

Pai Tjoek Ma
Zee Ping Ma
Pad Chi Tai Ma
Ting Chi Ma
Tieuw Kug Ma
Chi Ng Ma
Kauw Ma
Kwai Ma
Poc Tooi
Tan Kug Ma

 

Fist Forms :

 

The first forms (called Kuen-Toh in Cantonese) a student will learn, when studying the Hung Gar system, are usually the long greeting and the first square, and then the second square (Sap Chie Kuen Toh). Then there are lots of other forms to be studied in this system, like : 

 

Gung Ji Fook Fu Kuen (taming the tiger form) 
Fu Hok Sueng Ying Kuen (tiger and crane form) 
Tiet Sin Kuen (iron wire form) 
Mui Fa Kuen (plum blossom form) 
Lau Gar Kuen (Lau family form) 
Deep Jeung (butterfly palm) 
Muk Yan Jong (wooden dummy form) 
Sup Ying Kuen (five animals, five elements form) 
Da Mo Yit Gung Ging (Bodhidharma muscle changing classic) 
Siu Lum Yut Jie Sin (Shaolin one finger zen) 
Gum Gong Yu Ga (Gum Gong Yoga)

 

 

read more about the shaolin Kung Fu art

 

Shaolin kung fu (shaolin Martial Arts)

 

learn shaolin kung fu in China

The students can learn traditional shaolin kung fu in China kunyu shaolin kung fu school with authentic shaolin masters from shaolin temple.

The Chinese Shaolin kung fu is not a creation of one person, but an accumulation of works by millions of people. Shaolin martial art is the pearl of Chinese wisdom, which was handed down by numerous generations of China’s top martial artists.

Shaolin kung fu training is very health mentally and physically,there are professional shaolin class in school.

Shaolin kung fu was divided into five major shaolin schools: Hen Na (Song Shan) shaolin, Fu Jian shaolin, Guang Dong shaolin, Si Chuan shaolin and Hu Bei shaolin. Shaolin began with many small schools and styles within the Shaolin art. It also can be divided respectively into northern and southern shaolin style as well.

Shaolin kungfu has a vast content and numerous forms. There are some important aspects of gong fu such as: internal kungfu, external kungfu, hard kungfu, light kungfu, qi gong, etc. The internal kungfu mainly focuses on practicing the strength of one’s body; the light kungfu focuses on the jump especially; qi gong includes practise and maintenance of qi. Shaolin Gongfu includes hand-to-hand defense as well as the use of weapons. There are forms: staff, spear, broadsword, straight sword, various other weapons, combat, equipments, performance sparring, sparring with weapons, etc.
Sadly, in time, many forms and soft-hard combination kungfu have been lost. According to some statistics, 234 kinds of boxing and 137 kinds of equipments/weapons exist, having been passed down from early generations. Many other styles of kungfu have been passed down as well.

These are pictures of students following masters learn shaolin kung fu in the academy.
shaolin kung fu traininglearn shaolinshaolin kung fushaolin kung fulearn kung fu
1. Shaolin Boxing
Shaolin Boxing is the origin of martial arts. Shaolin fist has the following forms: luo han quan, xiao hong quan,da hong quan, shaolin wu quan, zhao yang quan, lian huan quan, gong li quan,tan tui, rou quan, liu he quan,nei gongquan, tai zu chang quan, pao quan, di tang quan, shaolin quan, mei hua quan, tong bei quan, jin gang quan, qi xing quan, xin yi quan, fu hu quan, drunken fist, monkey fist, fan zi quan, eagle fist, chicken fist, puma fist, crane fist, dragon fist, tiger fist, snake fist, duck fist, dog fist, mantis fist, toad fist and so forth.
The performance sparring has san he quan, yao shou liu he quan, ti da liu he quan, fifteen he li wai heng pao, twenty four pao, shaolin dui quan, a hundred and eight dui quan, hua quan settled sparring, jie tan tui etc.

 

shaolin master-kunyu mountain shaolin kung fu academy


Shaolin kung fu boxing is hard, strong, fast and according to the Chinese is “filled with softness inside.” It also is plain and practical with every action, both attack and defense as well as in pose. As the old saying goes: practise in a place where only a cow can lie; such is shaolin boxing, you’re not limited by the place and its size. The shaolin style embodies a word — hard. It is practiced with both attack and defense, but mostly attack. The form is not only beautiful, but also practical. The stride is flexible. Shaolin teaches you actions forward, actions of retreat, reaction and to punch directly in front of you. On body and fist, it is required that the arm is not too straight and to keep all the forward and backward motion natural. The foot technique must be stable and flexible, the eye technique requires staring at the opponent’s eyes and for the breathing, the Qi should be “down to your dan tian'” before the Qi is released. “The action is as fast as a flash, a spin- like a turning wheel, a stance like pine and jump like a fly.” Shaolin boxing is divided into two schools, Southern, which emphasizes fists, and Northern, which emphasizes legs. There are many styles also within both Southern and Northern Shaolin kung fu.

 

ShiXingQing

             shaolin masters

 

2. Shaolin Staff
Shaolin staff has the following forms: drunken staff, monkey staff, feng huo gun, qi mei gun, da gan zi, qi mei gun, da ye cha gun, xiao ye cha gun, shaolin gun, xiao mei hua gun, yun yang gun, pi shan gun, yin shou gun, wu hu qin yang gun etc.
Performance staff sparring has pai gun,chuan suo gun, liu he gun, po yun shi er lu etc.
The staff is practical and forms and sparring can include several people. Staff practice has strong rhythm and an involved technique. It is fast, bold and swift; it can not only strengthen body, but also win the battle. It played an important role in fighting for generations.

3. Shaolin Spear
Spear was the king of the martial equipments in the old times. The shaolin spear school has shaolin qiang, wu hu qiang, ye zhan qiang, thirteen qiang, ti lu qiang, lan men qiang, jin hua shuang she qiang, twenty four ming qiang, twenty seven ming qiang, thirty one ming bao hua qiang, thirty six qiang, liu men qiang shi, shi qiang jia, six lu hua qiang, bao hua qiang, etc.
The settled spear sparring has spear vs spear, hand vs spear, double broad sword vs spear, zhan qiang, liu he qinag, thirty six spear po fa settled sparring, twenty one ming qiang poke each other etc.

 

shaolin weapon


There is a poem for shaolin spear: body technique like cat, poke like fighting with tiger and in a line, spear like an arrow from a bow, retract the spear like a tiger, jump for a step like climbing hills, one hand maneuvers the spear like a tiger, the other hand as a fulcrum, now spear like picking dragon.” The eyes look up and body technique should be natural: block, capture, pick jerk, sweep etc. These actions all have important meaning in Gong Fu.

4. Shaolin Broadsword
For over a thousand years, the broad sword has been one of the most important martial art weapons. Thus every action in broadsword needs to be brave and generous.

Shaolin broadsword has the following forms: chun qiu da dao, meihua dao, shaolin single broadsword, shaolin double broadsword, fen yong dao, xue pian dao, bao yue dao, pi shan dao, shaolin road one broadsword, road two broadsword, liu he single broadsword, road six broadsword, road eight double broadsword, tai zu crouching dragon broadsword, ma men single broadsword, swallow tail broadsword, mei hua shuang fa dao, di tang double broadsword, yun tang dao, dan dao chang xing dao, wu hu shaolin zhui feng dao, etc.

 

learn shaolin kung fu in china

The performance broadsword sparring has broadsword vs. broadsword, er he double broadsword, chop each other single broadsword, chop each other big broadsword, single broadsword vs. double broadsword etc. The characteristics of using broadsword are winding head, twisting body, chopping, sweeping, poking, slashing, bracing, picking and so on. And there are sayings like: watching hand when playing single broadsword, watching footwork when playing double broadsword, watch poking hand when playing big broadsword, chopping, slashing, cutting and poking are all like furious tiger.
5. Shaolin Straight Sword
Straight sword technique is ancient and prestigious, handed down from ancient times with characteristics: elegant, robust and strong.
Shaolin straight sword technique has the following forms: da mo jian, qian kun jian, lian hua jian, tai yi jian, drunken straight sword, dragon shape straight sword, flying dragon straight sword, white ape straight sword, ti pao jian, liu xuan de shuang jian, qing feng jian, walking dragon straight sword, martial double straight sword etc.
Performance straight sword sparring has er tang jian, wu tang jian dui ci, shaolin jian dui ci etc. The straight sword poem:”Straight sword is the blue dragon one, do it calmly when practicing and let the Qi follow the straight sword, eyes follow the tip, make the Qi down to the lower body and then it will be stable, body technique natural, move straight sword like flying swallow, land straight sword like wind stopping, retreat straight sword like flower and poke like steel staple.”

6. Other Shaolin Martial Arts Equipment
Shaolin martial equipments are numerous and varying in long, short, hard, soft, with hook, with spine and with blade and difficult to count. Beside the spear, staff, broadsword, straight sword above, it still has fang bian chan, e mei ci, yue ya chan, double hammer, big axe, double axe, san jie gun, shao zi gun, qi jie bian, jie jie bian, double whip, dao li jia bian, sheng biao,tiger head double hook, ji tou gou, mei hua dan guai, liu he shuang guai, horse teeth spine, turtle ring, shuang jian, qian kun ring, chan zhang, feng mo zhang, bow and shield, and so on.

shaolin weapon


7. Weapons, Performance Sparring, and Weapons vs. Boxing
Forms of equipment settled sparring and equipment vs. boxing include snatch broadsword with empty hands, snatch spear with empty hands, single broadsword vs. spear, snatch dagger with empty hands, stuff vs. spear, hake vs. spear, shao zi gun vs. spear, broadsword vs. spear, double broadsword vs. spear, qi mei gun vs. spear, dan guai vs. spear, shuang guai vs. spear, guai zi vs. qi mei gun, tiger head hook vs. spear, horse teeth spine vs. spear, tao san huan vs. spear, fang bian chan vs. spear, yue ya chan vs. double spear, yue ya he jian, san gu cha vs. spear, fang tian hua ji vs. spear, san jie gun vs. spear, big broadsword vs. spear, san jie gun vs. double spear, e mei ci vs. spear, etc
.

Shaolin kung fu in China-Kunyu mountain shaolin martial arts academy China

 

8. Shaolin Combat Technique
Shaolin combat technique is divided into ancient techniques, which means traditional combat and modern which is divided into San Da and actual combat. The ancient techniques include shan zhen yi shen ba, hu bu ba, you long fei bu, dan feng chao yang, shi zhi luan ba, ye di tou tao, hei hu tao xin, lao hou ban zhi, jin si cha fa, ying men tie shan zi, bo bu pao and so on.
Shaolin boxing nowadays features these kind of movements; boxing and Buddhism as a system, combination of spirit and movement, aggressive attack together with violent strikes and proceed or retreat with parts of the body. Generally speaking, Shaolin forms are short and the routine of the movements are mostly linear. The requirements of Shaolin actions and stances are as follows: straight head and follow the movements of the body (with extremities), eyes focused on a point, use great awareness, open chest and straighten back, and for the knees, hips and toes they are all pointed slightly inside to protect the groin. The shoulders should be relaxed, and the arms slightly curved when attacking. Make sure that when you are attacking you don’t forget to defend yourself and use decisive, strong, swift defense in event of another’s attack. Keep your balance at all times, be flexible when moving and stable when stationary. The footwork should be low when proceeding with attack, and high when retreating to coordinate the entire body. All movements should be fast!

9. Shaolin QiGong

Qi gong has a large influence on shaolin kungfu. Qi gong was taught in the Shaolin temple, and includes: yi jin jing, xiao wu gong, zhan zhuang gong, yi shou yin yang fa, hun yuan yi qi gong, da zuo, etc.

 

shaolin Chi kung-kunyu mountain shaolin martial arts academy


10. Combination of Soft and Hard kung fu
There are many Shaolin styles to practice the combination of soft and hard kung fu. For example, the martial aspects of xie gu fa, chin na fa, dian xue mi fa, duan da shou fa, all kinds of medicine methods, jiu zhi fa and so on.
Beside the Shaolin martial arts above, there are seventy-two other important kinds. They are distinguished by being either internal (i.e. xi ying gong) external (i.e. tie niu gong), soft (i.e. zhu sha zhang) or hard (i.e. tie bu shan).

 

shaolin Kungfu basic trainning

One. hand style and technique

palm

shaolin kung fu
P1         P2         P3          P4

P1 front standing palm  P2 side standing palm  P3 inversing stang palm    P4 turnning palm


P5                  P6

    P5 facing upward palm         P6 horizontal palm

claw

claw variouses in different types and techniques, such as dragon claw,monkey claw, eagle claw, tiger claw and five-flower claw etc.


P7                    P8

     P7 dragon claw              P8 monkey claw


P9           P10           P11

    P9 eagle claw     P10 tiger claw    P11 five-flower claw


hooking hand

hooking hand is seldemly used in shaolin boxing, while it is widely used in mantis boxing,five-animal boxing, wuzi boxing etc.(P12)


P12

fist

Being the most commonly used hand type in shaolin boxing, fist has two
variations. (P13\P14)


P13                   P14

shaolin kung fu
P15            P16            P17

   P15 biao fist        P16 yang fist     P17 yin fist


P18           P19            P20

   P18 crashing fist    P19 chopping fist     P20 flying fist


elbow

elbow is the complement of hand technique. holding fist and curving elbow rushing forward the opponent’s chest or abdomen is called rushing-heart elbow.(P21)

shaolin kung fu
P21

Two. foot type and trainning method

foot plays an important role in shaolon boxing

foot type

It is sorted in three types: stretching tight foot, flat foot and hooking foot.

foot technique and training method


P22            P23            P24

  P22 step-on foot   P23 swing-outside foot    P24 splashing foot


P25                 P26

      P25 hooking foot           P26 whirlwind foot


P27                 P28

P27 both flying foot        P28 crossed foot

Three. body type and trainning method

straight body, sideward body, slanted body, contract body, turn-over body, turnning body, facing down body, facing up body, rolling body.


Four. eye technique

apparent technique, hidden technique, empty technique, full technique, angry technique, meditation technique, wave technique, narrowing-eye technique.


Five. footwork and foot technique

footwork


P29             P30          P31

  P29 bow stance     P30 horse-riding stance   P31 empty stance


P32            P33           P34

  P32 insert stance  P33 sideward-leg stance    P34 rest stance

kung fu training
P35                P36

      P35 combining stance        P36 T-style stance

foot technique

foot technique is one of the important basics in shaolin boxing.

forward step, retreat step, jump step, arrow step, flying step, moving step, vertical step, hoping step.


Six. Leg technique

training of leg technique


P37           P38            P39

   P37 front stretch     P38 side stretch   P39 higher side stretch

shaolin kung fu
    P40               P41        P42

P40 backward leg   P41 highest lever front stretch P42 highest lever side stretch


P43            P44            P45

  P43 crouch holding     P44 sleep holding     P45 hang holding

Shaolin Kung fu school China
P46         P47              P48     

   P46\P47 to-the-back holding         P48 side split


P49

P49 front-back split


commonly used leg technique

Shaolin Kung Fu
   P50          P51            P52

    P50 treading leg     P51 front kick       P52 side kick


  P53             P54          P55

    P53 reverse kick   P54 front-flipping leg  P55 empty-flipping leg


P56                 P57

P56 swing-outside leg        P57 swing-inside leg

learn shaolin kung fu
P58

P58 front-sweeping leg


Seven. Jump technique

jump technique is a kind of sports that combines with foot technique and leg technique.


Eight. Acrobatic technique

shaolin kung fu school
P59                 P60

P59 wheel-turning         P60 flying-turning


Nine. Training of stance kungfu

shaolin kung fu
P61              P62

P61 horse-riding stance       P62 bow stance  

The ‘Tiger & Crane’ form, as created by ‘Wong Fei Hung’ :

 

 

´Tit Sin Kuen´ :

 

 

´Gun Ji´ :

 

 

Weapon Forms :

 

Hao Jie Kwun or Chai Mei Kwun (monkey king staff or eyebrow height staff) 
Lau Gar Pang (Lau family single headed staff, a.k.a. rat tail staff) 
Pek Kua Do (cutting the trap broadsword) 
Ng Long Pa Kua Kwun (fifth son’s eight trigrams staff) 
Hang Yuet Seung Do (moon flowing double broadsword) 
Seung Long Do (double dragon broadsword) 
Wu Diep Do (butterfly knives) 
See Gar Cheung (See family spear) 
Chun Choy Dai Do (spring and autumn big knife, a.k.a. General Kwan’s halberd) 
Kwan Lun Gim (kunlun mountain straight sword) 
Yu Gar Dai Pa (Yu family tiger fork) 
Cho Tao (hoe) 
Fu Tao Seung Ngao (tiger hooks) 
Luen Fa Bo Dang (lotus flower wooden bench) 
Gau Jie Bien (nine section whip) 
Seung Gau Jie Bien (double nine section whip) 
Ng Jie Bien (five section whip) 
Seung Ng Jie Bien (double five section whip) 
Tiet Sien (iron fan) 
Tong Siew (bronze flute) 
Gee Sau (dagger) 

 

Sparring Forms :

 

Gung Jie Fook Fu Doy Dar (gung jie fook fu sparring form) 
Fu Hok Doy Dar (fu hok sparring form) 
Ng Long Pa Kua Kwun vs Ng Long Pa Kua Kwun (ng long pa kua kwun sparring form) 
Do and Tung Pai vs Cheung (broadsword and Rattan shield vs Spear sparring form) 
Wu Diep Do vs Chueng (butterfly knives vs spear sparring form) 
Dan Do vs Chueng (single broadsword vs spear sparring form) 
Chai Mei Kwun vs Chai Mei Kwun (eyebrow height staff sparring form) 
Chai Mei Kwun vs Dang (eyebrow height staff vs wooden bench sparring form) 
Gim vs Gim (straightsword sparring form)

 

(Click on the Pictures to enlarge…)

 

 

choy lay fut hung gar wing chun

 

today, he is immortalized, with many movies and publications portraying his life. Wong Fei Hung’s life was also filled with tragedies; several of his wives died prematurely. A son he trained died in an ambush, and thereafter, he thought that he could protect his other sons by not teaching them. He later married Mok Gwai Lan, another descendent of one of the five southern systems, Mok Gar

 

One of Wong Fei Hung’s best students was Lam Sai Wing, a pork butcher from Guangzhau. He was a disciple for fifteen years before he was entitled to advanced training. Credit goes to Lam Sai Wing for perpetuating the system that we know today and setting precedence for future masters in the Hung Gar system. This system remains closest to its original Shaolin style and has maintained the integrity of the system.   Second row, third from left-Lam Jo, Lam Sai Wing to the right of him

 

Second row-Lam Jo, third from left, Kwong Tit Fu, far right Without any sons to carry on his legacy, Lam Sai Wing adopted his orphaned nephew, Lam Cho at age 6. He assisted his uncle in teaching the system at his schools and made his own imprint on the system. His hand techniques were superior, and he was reputed to have the agility of a northern stylist and the strength of a southern stylist. Today, Lam Cho continues to practice the Iron Wire Fist form. His sons, Lam Chun Fai and Lam Chan Sing now carry the family tradition. Lam Chun Fai, as the elder son, is now the reigning grandmaster of the Siu Lam Fu Hok Pai Hung Gar. 

 

Kwong Tit Fu began his Hung Gar training in Guangzhau under his uncle, Kwong Chong Sau. He learned several systems, and to further his knowledge, he sought out Lam Cho in Hong Kong. He later emigrated from Hong Kong to the United States. In 1971, shortly after Kwong Tit-Fu’s arrival, Calvin Chin secured him as a Kung Fu instructor for a youth athletic club where he was a martial arts instructor. He assisted his new teacher in establishing the first Hung Gar Tiger Crane school on the East Coast. After many years of extensive research and development, Kwong Tit Fu founded his own system, Fu Hok Tai He Morn. This system is a synthesis of the methods and principles of Hung Gar Fu Hok kung fu, Wu style tai chi and Mu Dong – Yat Hei Ngm Hahng Morn, an advanced level internal system. After receiving a black belt in the Uechi Ryu Karate system, Calvin Chin wanted to further his knowledge by studying a traditional Chinese system. He tried several different systems before he heard of Kwong Tit-Fu’s martial arts prowess. Calvin Chin was president of his teacher’s school, and its chief instructor. Today, he remains the top disciple of the Fu Hok Tai He Morn system and continues the tradition at his own school

read more about Wong Fei hong

 

WONG FEI HUNG (HUNG GAR)

 
WONG FEI HUNG (HUNG GAR)
Wong Fei Hung (; simplified Chinese:; Pinyin: Huáng Fēihóng; Cantonese Yale: Wòhng Fēihùhng) (July 9, 1847–March 25, 1924) was a martial artist, Chinese medicine practitioner, and revolutionary who became a Chinese folk her and the subject of numerous television series and films. As a healer and medical doctor, Wong practiced and taught acupuncture and other forms of traditional Chinese medicine ‘Po Chi Lam’ , his clinic in Foshan, Guangdong Province, China , where he was known for his compassion and policy of treating any patient. A museum dedicated to him was built in Foshan. Amongst Wong’s most famous disciples were Lam Sai Wing, Leung Foon, and Ling Wan Gai. He was also associated with Chi Su Hua, aka the Beggar So.
Early years
Legend has it that Wong Fei Hung was born in Foshan on the ninth day of the seventh month of the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang (1847). When Wong was five, he began his study of martial arts under his father Wong Kei Ying. To supplement his poor family’s income, he followed his father to Foshan, Guangzhou and throughout the rest of Guangdong Province to do martial arts performances and to sell medicines.

Well within his youth, Wong began showing great potential as a martial artist. At the age of thirteen, while giving a martial arts demonstration at Douzhixiang, Foshan, Wong Fei Hung met Lam Fuk Sing, the first apprentice of Tit Kiu Saam, who taught him the “tour de force” of Iron Wire Fist and Sling, which helped him become a master of Hung Gar. When he was sixteen, Wong set up martial arts schools at Shuijiao, Diqipu, Xiguan, Guangdong Province, and then opened his clinic ‘Po Chi Lam’ (寶芝林) on Renan Street in Foshan. By his early 20s, he was fast making his mark as a highly-respected physician and martial artist.

Later years
As a famous martial arts master, he had many apprentices. He was successfully engaged by Jiming Provincial Commander-in-Chief Wu Quanmei and Liu Yongfu as the military medical officer, martial art general drillmaster, and Guangdong local military general drillmaster. He later followed Liu Youngfu to fight against the Japanese army in Taiwan. His life was full of frustration, and in his later years he experienced the loss of his son and the burning of Po Chi Lam. On lunar year, the twenty-fifth day of the third month in 1924, Wong Fei Hung died of illness in Guangdong Chengxi Fangbian Hospital. His wife and two of his prominent students, Lam Sai-Wing and Tang Sai-King, moved to Hong Kong, where they continued teaching Wong’s martial art. Wong became a legendary hero whose real-life story was mixed freely with fictional exploits on the printed page and onscreen.

As a martial artist
Wong was a master of the Chinese martial art Hung Gar. He systematized the predominant style of Hung Gar and choreographed its version of the famous Tiger Crane Paired Form Fist, which incorporates his “Ten Special Fist” techniques. Wong was famous for his skill with the technique known as the “No Shadow Kick”. He was known to state the names of the techniques he used while fighting. Wong Fei Hung also became adept at using weapons such as the wooden long staff and the southern tiger fork. Soon after, stories began circulating about his mastery of these weapons. One story recounts how he defeated a 30-man gang on the docks of Canton using the staff.

Wong is sometimes included in the Ten Tigers of Canton (ten of the top martial arts masters in Guangdong towards the end of the Qing Dynasty (1644–1912), a group to which his father Wong Kei Ying belonged).Wong Fei-Hung was born in 1847 in the Fushan district of China. He died in 1924 of natural causes. His contributions to modern day Hung-Gar are unmatched, and can be considered one of the forefathers of modern day martial arts. He was renowned for protecting the weak and helping the poor. Wong Kay-Ying was his father, who was a physician and great martial arts master also..

Wong Fei-Hung’s father ran a famous medical clinic called Po Chi Lam, and Wong Fei-Hung grew up there, assisting his father. He learned traditional Chinese medicine, and also learned many important values such as generosity and compassion. Wong Kay-Ying always treated a patient, even if he or she couldn’t afford any treatment.

The Ch’ing Dynasty consisted of Manchu emperors, who had conquered China from there home in Manchuria. They were foreign invaders to the southern Chinese. The southern Shaolin Temple in Fukien was a place where the resistance would go to train to fight against the Ch’ing. The temple was first burned down in 1734, but the few monks and students who survived traveled across China teaching their skills to others worthy enough along the way. Variations on the Southern Shaolin styles soon emerged such as Wing Chun (Bruce Lee’s original style) and Hung Gar Kung Fu (Wong Fei-Hung’s style). The father of modern day Hung-Gar was Hung Hei-Kwun (another martial arts master that was portrayed by Jet Li in New Legend of Shaolin).

At first Wong Fei-Hung’s father was reluctant to teach him Hung-Gar, but his martial arts training soon began by his father’s teacher, Luk Ah Choi. Luk Ah Choi taught Wong Fei-Hung the basics of Hung Gar. After, Wong Kay-Ying took over his son’s training. By his early 20’s, Wong Fei-Hung had made a name for himself as a dedicated physician and a martial arts prodigy. In addition to becoming a master of Hung-Gar, he created the tiger-crane style and added fighting combinations now known as the “Ten Forms Fist / Sup Ying Kuen”, which consisted of the set of 10 individual fighting stances of: Dragon, Tiger, Crane, Snake, Leopard, Wood, Metal, Earth, Fire, and Water. Wong Fei-Hung was also skilled with many weapons, especially the long wooden staff and the southern tiger fork. On one occasion where he utilized his skill with the staff was when he defeated a thirty-man gang on the docks of Canton (Similar scene is Once Upon A Time in China I). He also protected the weak and poor from both criminal gangs and government forces. Wong Fei-Hung, like his father before him was know as one of the TEN TIGERS of CANTON. A title bestowed on the best of the best martial artists of the time.

Wong Fei-Hung’s son, Wong Hawn-Sum, followed his father’s ways of defending the weak. Unfortunately, he was killed in the 1890’s after being gunned down by the gang Dai Fin Yee. After this tragedy, Wong Fei-Hung vowed never to teach his remaining 9 sons martial arts to protect them from challengers seeking fame.If ever there really existed a true hero of martial arts, a person worthy of that title would definitely be Wong Fei-Hung. This website and online community is a tribute to that great hero Wong Fei-Hung.

Wong Fei Hung
A Painting of Wong Fei HungWong Fei Hung was born(circa 1847) in the Nam hoi district of Kwungtung province into a well respected and famous family of Gung Fu practitioners. He is undautabley the most famous and extremely well known hung gar master to date whose life has been immortalized by hundreds of movies, publications, TV shows etc. Wong Fei Hung is widely considered as the father of the modern day Hung Gar due to his additions and the pivotal role on the development of Hung gar as we know today.

Wong Fei Hung started learning gung fu and traditional Chinese medicine from a very early age under the guidance of his father Wong Kei Ying. As a young boy Wong Fei Hung traveled with his father all over China which gave him the opportunity to meet and train with some of the best gung fu masters of the time. During one of these travels (as mentioned above) he met Lam Foon Sing a student of the famous Master Tid Kiu Sam. Lam Foon Sing passed all his knowledge on to Wong Fei Hung including the form Tid Sin Kuen which was created by Tid Kiu Sam.

As Wong Fei Hung grow up, he earned an excellent reputation for his gung fu as well as for his skills as a doctor of traditional Chinese medicine. He also became known and respected for his strong character, honesty, righteousness and moral values. He always helped those in need without asking for anything in return. Wong Fei Hung’s martial skills and the effectiveness of his style (Hung Gar) was tested and proven time and time again in many open challenge’s. Many famous and skilled gung fu fighters of the time came to cross hands with Wong Fei Hung but none could defeat him. During his life Wong Fei Hung met many challengers and never lost a fight. He soon became one of the most famous masters of his time if not the most famous. His name and stories about his gung fu skills and moral values spread far and wide. Wong Fei Hung eventually inherited his fathers school and clinic “Po Chi Lum” where thousands of people came to be accepted as his disciple and study his famous gung fu Hung Gar. It must be mentioned that besides his martial and medical skills, he was well know for his excellent Lion Dance and was referred to as the “King Of Lions”. Wong Fei Hung was also the head instructor of the Kwuntung army and leader of the Civilian Militia.

A Painting of Wong Fei HungAs mentioned earlier, grandmaster Wong is widely known as the father of modern day Hung Gar due to the reason that using his excellent knowledge and hand on experience he further developed and modified Hung Gar.One of his greatest legacies and masterpiece is the Fu Hok Sheong Yin Kuen, or Tiger and Crane set, which he re-choreographed and further developed. Many important aspects and principles were further developed and added in , such as the unique internal training handed down by the Tid Kiu Sam, 10 special hands(sup duk sao- sup jeut sao) also known as 10 killing hands, theory of yin-yang, 5 elements, 7 stars etc. The ten special hands were the ten most favored techniques/principles of Wong Fei Hung which he used in many challenges to defeat his opponents.He is also accredited for developing and creating the Sup Ying Kuen as a bridge form between Fu Hok Seung Ying Kuen and Tid Sin Kuen.

Wong Fei Hung was married four times and had many children. Three of his wifes sadly died due to illness. It is said that his first wife died not long after their wedding. Wong had no children from the first wife however his second wife bore him two boys who were named Wong Hon-Sum and Wong Hon-Lam. Sadly she also died. Grandmaster Wong’s third wife did not live long either, she also bore two sons for Wong, they were named Wong Hon-Hei and Wong Hon-Hsu. It is said that Wong Fei Hung’s first son Wong Hon-Sum was excellent in gung fu, however he was ambushed and shot dead by gangsters. After this tragic incident Wong Fei Hung stopped teaching gung fu to his other children only to protect them.

Lion DanceHe did not remarry again for many years until he met Mok Gwai Lan(see photo)through a funny but rather embarrassing indecent on Wong Fei Hungs behalf. It is said that Wong Fei Hung and his students were asked to perform lion dance and demonstrate gung fu for the anniversary of the Lam Hoi Association. After excellent Lion Dance performance and gung fu demonstration by his students, the grandmaster Wong Fei Hung stepped out to demonstrate his famous skills to the eagerly waiting crowd. During his performance, one of his shoe accidentally came of, flew into the crowd and hit a young woman in the face. Wong Fei Hung quickly approached her and apologized. However the young woman was furious and slapped Wong in the face and told him off in front of the whole crowd saying that such a famous master of gung fu had no excuse and should be more carefully. After this incident Wong Fei Hung could not forget about the young woman and later found out that her name was Mok Gwai Lan and she was not yet married. She was also from a respectable family of gung fu masters and was skilled in her family style of Mok Gar gung fu. ( Mok Gar is one of the 5 main family styles of the southern gung fu). It is sad that she learned Mok Gar under his uncle who was also a good friend of Wong Fei Hung. Despite the age difference Wong Fei Hung eventually married Mok Gwai Lan. Because of her back ground in Mok Gar gung fu and her interest, grandmaster Wong taught her the Hung Gar system. Later she became an instructor at her husbands school and was responsible for teaching a all women’s class. After Wong Fei Hung passed away (circa 1924) she moved to Hong Kong with her children and lived in Wanchai where she carried on teaching gung fu until her death. She was interwieved by Hong Kong TV a few times in the late sixties, and seventies. When She was about 83, she was interviewed by the Hong Kong TV and performed the famous Tiger and Crane form .

Wong Fei Hung had many outstanding students. One of the most famous and well known of his student who carried on the legacy and teachings of his master was Lam Sai Wing. Wong Fei Hung had two other excellent students Leung Foon and Ling Wan Gai. However they both died at a young age and never had students of their own. It is said that Leung Foo was one of grandmaster Wongs top student, but sadly he got addicted to opium and soon fell ill and died.
Wong Fei Hung remains as the most famous of all Hung Gar masters to date. The story of his life has been immortalized by over hundred movies, publications, TV and radio shows. Kwan Tak Hing a well known Chinese actor rose to fame playing the character of Wong Fei Hung over 80 plus black/white and colured movies. Even today many movies and TV shows are still made about his life and his adventures by such famous actors like Jackie Chan and Jet Li.

 
 

 

 

The father of  modern day Hung-Gar was Hung Hei-Kwun (another martial arts master that was portrayed by Jet Li in New Legend of Shaolin). 

 

         At first Wong Fei-Hung’s father was reluctant to teach him Hung-Gar, but his martial arts training soon began by  his father’s teacher, Luk Ah Choi. Luk Ah Choi taught Wong Fei-Hung the basics of Hung Gar. After, Wong Kay-Ying took over his son’s training. By his early 20’s, Wong Fei-Hung had made a name for himself as a dedicated physician and a martial arts prodigy. In addition to becoming a master of Hung-Gar, he created the tiger-crane style and added fighting combinations now known as the “Ten Forms Fist

/ Sup Ying Kuen”, which consisted of the set of 10 individual fighting stances of:  Dragon, Tiger, Crane, Snake, Leopard, Wood, Metal, Earth, Fire, and Water. Wong Fei-Hung was also skilled with many weapons, especially the long wooden staff and the southern tiger fork. On one occasion where he utilized his skill with the staff was when he defeated a thirty-man gang on the docks of Canton (Similar scene is Once Upon A Time in China I). He also protected the weak and poor from both criminal gangs and government forces.  Wong Fei-Hung, like his father before him was know as one of the TEN TIGERS of CANTON.  A title bestowed on the best of the best martial artists of the time.

        Wong Fei-Hung’s son, Wong Hawn-Sum, followed his father’s ways of defending the weak. Unfortunately, he was killed in the 1890’s after being gunned down by the gang Dai Fin Yee. After this tragedy, Wong Fei-Hung vowed never to teach his remaining 9 sons martial arts to protect them from challengers seeking fame.

        If ever there really existed a true hero of martial arts, a person worthy of that title would definitely be Wong Fei-Hung. 

Wong Fei Hong

Wong Fei Hong or Huang Fei Hung (traditional Chinese: 黃飛鴻; simplified Chinese: 黄飞鸿; pinyin: Huáng Fēihóng; Cantonese Yale: Wòhng Fēihùhng) (1847–1924) was a martial artist, a medical doctor of traditional Chinese medicine, and revolutionary who became a Chinese folk hero and the subject of numerous television series and films.As a healer and medical doctor, Wong practiced and taught acupuncture and other forms of traditional Chinese medicine at ‘Po Chi Lam’ (寶芝林), his private practice medical clinic in Foshan, Guangdong Province, China, where he was known for his compassion and policy of treating any patient. A museum dedicated to him was built in Foshan.Amongst Wong’s most famous disciples were Lam Sai Wing, Leung Foon, Tang Fung, and Ling Wan Gai. He was also associated with Chi Su Hua, aka Beggar So.Wong Fei Hung (Cantonese) or Huang Fei Hong (Mandarin), was a real life person and Kung Fu Grand Master who lived in Foshan City. He was a renowned Doctor of Traditional Chinese Medicine, and a Kung Fu Grand Master. He was supreme in the Hung Ga form of Kung Fu. There is a school and museum dedicated to him in Foshan city today, located near Xi Qiao Shan. China Expat’s knows this well – we can see it from our office.Spelling and pronunciation:
This is basically a nightmare! We will use the official Mainland Cantonese, which is Wong Fei Hong. Wong Fei Hung is Hong Kong Cantonese. Huang Fei Hong is Mandarin. Now lets try ‘Hung Ga’ … well, there are around 20 different spellings of this worldwide, of which frequent alternatives are ‘Hun Gar’, ‘Hung Gar’, and ‘Hung Ga’. As this is a Cantonese name, and Cantonese cannot pronounce the letter ‘r’ and also drop last letter ‘g’ to a silent component – so you can see why we end up in a muddle. We will use the official Maniland Cantonese ‘Hung Ga’Then of course, Chinese people love to play tricks with langauge, and you may consider this name to also mean yellow (wong, huang) vs (fei) red (hong). Hung in HK Cantonese can mean ‘red’ or other things. And of course, the Characters are not correct – but the implied meaning is, and is presented as a joke or test – depending upon your personal perspective. Here is China!
 
Image: Wong Fei Hong   Biography:
Legend has it that Wong Fei Hung was born in Foshan on the ninth day of the seventh month of the twenty-seventh year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang (1847). When Wong was five, he began his study of martial arts under his father Wong Kei Ying, one of the Ten Tigers of Canton. To supplement his poor family’s income, he followed his father to Foshan, Guangzhou and throughout the rest of Guangdong Province to do martial arts performances and to sell medicines.
Well within his youth, Wong began showing great potential as a martial artist. At the age of thirteen, while giving a martial arts demonstration at Douzhixiang, Foshan, Wong Fei Hung met Lam Fuk Sing, the first apprentice of Tit Kiu Saam, who taught him the “tour de force” of Iron Wire Fist and Sling, which helped him become a master of Hung Gar. When he was sixteen, Wong set up martial arts schools at Shuijiao, Diqipu, Xiguan, Guangdong Province, and then opened his clinic ‘Po Chi Lam’ (寶芝林) on Renan Street in Foshan. By his early 20s, he was fast making his mark as a highly-respected physician and martial artist.Later years
As a famous martial arts master, he had many apprentices. He was successfully engaged by Jiming Provincial Commander-in-Chief Wu Quanmei and Liu Yongfu as the military medical officer, martial art general drillmaster, and Guangdong local military general drillmaster. He later followed Liu Youngfu to fight against the Japanese army in Taiwan. His life was full of frustration, and in his later years he experienced the loss of his son and the burning of Po Chi Lam, an academy that went unsurpassed in martial arts competitions. On lunar year, the twenty-fifth day of the third month in 1924, Wong Fei Hung died of illness in Guangdong Chengxi Fangbian Hospital. His wife and two of his prominent students, Lam Sai-Wing and Tang Sai-King, moved to Hong Kong, where they continued teaching Wong’s martial art. Wong became a legendary hero whose real-life story was mixed freely with fictional exploits on the printed page and onscreen.
 
Martial ArtistWong was a master of the Chinese martial art Hung Fist. He systematized the predominant style of Hung Fist and choreographed its version of the famous Tiger Crane Paired Form Fist, which incorporates his “Ten Special Fist” techniques. Wong was famous for his skill with the technique known as the “Shadowless Kick”. He was known to state the names of the techniques he used while fighting.Wong Fei Hung also became adept at using weapons such as the wooden long staff and the southern tiger fork. Soon after, stories began circulating about his mastery of these weapons. One story recounts how he defeated a 30-man gang on the docks of Canton using the staff.Wong is sometimes incorrectly identified as one of the Ten Tigers of Canton (a group of ten of the top martial arts masters in Guangdong near the end of the Qing Dynasty (1644–1912). His father Wong Kei Ying was one of the Ten Tigers, but Wong Fei-Hung was not. Due to his heroic efforts in defending China’s pride during a period when Chinese morale was at an all time low, Wong Fei-Hung is sometimes known as the “Tiger after the Ten Tigers.”Note:
For those new to Chinese Kung Fu and Martial Arts in China, please accept that fighting skills are always only one aspect of the Art. They are always complimented by Philosophy, Mental agility, Medicine, use of weapons, and other skills such as true Lion Dance and especially Chinese Calligraphy.It is said that a Chinese Grand Master of Kung Fu uses identical movements when wielding a Calligraphy brush and a sword. A fine example of this can be demonstrated in the excellent movie ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’ which stars Jet Li as a bonus! One subplot centres around a Grand Master being requested to find the 20th way of writing the character for ‘Sword’ Eventually he solves the conundrum, and writes the new character in a large sand box using continuous and unbroken strokes of a sword.Tourism:
Please note we live in Foshan, and Candy (Jonno’s PA) lives about half a mile from the Wong Fei Hong school and museum based in Xiqiao. We know this area very well, and though never claiming to be ‘travel agents’, we can get you a great deal at local prices. We can also make enjoyable excursions for partners who are not into Kung Fu studies, but travel with you.
 
 
Wong Fei Hung 黃飛鴻 – The Hung Gar Kuen Hero Who Fought 30 Gangsters By Himself AloneWong Fei-hung (July 9, 1847 – May 24, 1924) was a Chinese martial artist, a traditional Chinese medicine physician, acupuncturist and revolutionary who became a folk hero and the subject of numerous television series and films. He was considered an expert in the Hung Ga style of Chinese martial arts. Wong is visibly the most famous Hung Ga practitioner of modern times. As such, his lineage has received the most attention.As a physician, Wong practiced and taught acupuncture and other forms of traditional Chinese medicine at Po-chi-lam (寶芝林), his private practice medical clinic in Foshan, Guangdong, China. A museum dedicated to him was built in Foshan. Wong’s most famous disciples included Wong Hon-hei (his son), Lam Sai-wing, Leung Foon, Tang Fung, Wong Sai-wing and Ling Wan-kai. Wong was also associated with “Beggar So” of the Ten Tigers of Canton.BiographyWong was born in Foshan during the reign of the Daoguang Emperor in the Qing Dynasty. At the age of five, he started learning Hung Ga from his father, Wong Kei-ying. When he was 13, he learnt the Tour de Force of Iron Wire Fist and sling from Lam Fuk-sing (林福成), a student of “Iron Bridge Three” Leung Kwan, after meeting Lam in Douzhixiang during a martial arts street performance. He learnt the Shadowless Kick from Sung Fai-tong (宋輝鏜) later.In 1863 at the age of 17, Wong set up his first martial arts school in Shuijiao. 26 years later in 1886, he opened his Po-chi-lam (寶芝林) clinic at Ren’an. In 1919, Wong was invited to perform at Chin Woo Athletic Association’s Guangzhou branch during its opening ceremony.Wong died of illness on May 24, 1924 in Chengxi Fangbian Hospital in Guangdong. He was buried at the foot of Baiyun Mountain. Wong’s wife, Mok Kwai-lan (莫桂蘭), and his two sons, along with his disciples Lam Sai-wing and Tang Sai-king (鄧世瓊), later moved to Hong Kong and established martial arts schools there.In legend, Wong was recruited by Liu Yongfu, commander of the Black Flag Army, to be the army’s medical officer and martial arts instructor. Wong also instructed Guangdong’s local militia in martial arts. He followed Liu’s army to fight the Imperial Japanese Army in Taiwan before as well.
LifeWong married four times in his life. His last wife, Mok Kwai-lan, died in Hong Kong on March 11, 1982. He had four sons. The oldest, Wong Hon-sam (黃漢森), was shot to death by a colleague in a drunken brawl in 1923.Wong was a master of Hung Ga (also called Hung Fist). He systematized the predominant style of Hung Ga and choreographed its version of the famous “Tiger Crane Paired Form Fist”, which incorporates his “Ten Special Fist” techniques. Wong was famous for his skill with the technique known as the “Shadowless Kick”. He named the techniques of his skills when he performed them.Wong was adept at using weapons such as the staff and southern tiger fork. One tale recounts how Wong defeated a group of 30 gangsters on the docks of Guangdong using the staff.Wong is sometimes incorrectly identified as one of the “Ten Tigers of Canton”. His father, Wong Kei-ying, was one of the ten but he was not. Wong is dubbed as “Tiger after the Ten Tigers” for his heroic efforts to defend the pride of the Chinese when the Chinese faced oppression from foreign powers.
 

THE  STORY OF WONG FEI hONG

Wong Fei-hung (aka Huang Fei-hong)

is one of the most revered folk heroes in China, particularly among residents of Guangdong Province and Hong Kong where he came to be immortalized on screen more often than any other historical figure in the world. Although he died long before his fame spread into the film arena and elsewhere, this figure has come to epitomize the ideal Chinese hero.

For the past 70 years, mostly fictional exploits of Wong Fei-hung and his top martial arts students have been retold in serialized novels, TV series and in over 100 martial arts films. Wong has been repeatedly portrayed by such illustrious screen-fighting legends as Kwan Tak-hing, Jackie Chan and Jet Li. While relatively little is known about his personal life, this celebrated kung fu expert and healer has become a symbol of Chinese pride and has left an indelible mark on Hong Kong cinema and the martial arts world.

“Every great civilization has its cultural heroes. America has Davy Crockett; the British have Robin Hood. The Chinese have Wong Fei-hung, master of the martial arts and healing.”

 

In Chinese kung fu, one’s martial arts lineage is of nearly equal importance to one’s family lineage. The handing down of kung fu techniques from sifu (teacher) to student is of grave importance as many of the forms and techniques widely used today can often be traced back to a single figure. Such is the case for the Southern Fist technique which would become the basis for Wong Fei-hung’s Hung Kuen or Hung Fist style, a branch of Southern Shaolin kung fu.

Avid kung fu movie fans have likely seen at least one movie dealing with the destruction of the Southern Shaolin Temple. While the facts of this event and even the existence of the temple itself remain shrouded in myth, it is known that the Qing Dynasty began to look on the martial arts-trained monks of Shaolin as a potential threat and this forced many of the temple’s students to take their training underground.

 

Through years of rigorous and highly disciplined training these monks had become highly skilled in unarmed and armed combat. They had been recruited by emperors and warlords to fight invaders and Japanese pirates. In addition, they had for years trained emperors and generals in their fighting arts. Shaolin had long been seen as an ally of the government but during the Qing Dynasty, the temples became havens for rebels.

In the mid-1700s,

the Manchu government reputedly sacked the Southern Shaolin Temple and the surviving monks and lay students scattered throughout Southern China, particularly in the Guangdong region. One such student of notable skill was Hung Hei-kwun who settled near the city of Guangzhou and began teaching martial arts. His most successful student was Luk Ah-choy. Luk, himself a monk handed down his skills to Wong Tai. Wong Tai handed down his knowledge to his son, Wong Kai-ying. Wong Kai-ying became the father of Wong Fei-hung and in due time passed on what had become the family’s martial arts to his son.

Wong’s father was himself a folk hero of considerable distinction. He was a member of the Ten Tigers of Guangdong, all martial descendents of the Southern Shaolin Temple. Although it is unlikely that they interacted with each other much, if at all, the Ten Tigers of Guangdong were reputed to be the greatest fighters among their generation in Southern China. Like Wong Fei-hung, their exploits became the subject of popular stories.

Wong Fei-hung was born in 1847 at the end of the Qing Dynasty, by some accounts in Foshan, a city within Guangdong Province which borders Hong Kong in Southeast China. According to an alternate legend, his father would not teach Fei-hung martial arts for fear that it might endanger his life. Still desiring to learn, Fei-hung purportedly took lessons from his father’s master. More likely, Wong learned directly from his father.

The young Fei-hung was known to travel frequently with his father and perform kung fu in the streets for money, as seen in the 1993 kung fu movie IRON MONKEY. As a young adult, he took on the responsibility of becoming a martial arts instructor to the 5th Regiment of the Cantonese army as well as the Guangzhou Civilian Militia. He became quite involved with the local government after having trained two generals and becoming the assistant to the governor of the Fujian province.

Much of the political turmoil surrounding Wong as fictionally depicted in ONCE UPON A TIME IN CHINA and its sequels centered on a popular uprising where the people of Fujian demanded that the governor be appointed head of a new democratic state. Wong was to become the commander-in-chief. This riot was suppressed by thousands of government troops. This put an end to Wong’s political career as he fled to Guangzhou. There, Wong opened an herbal medicine shop called “Po Chi Lam” and took on a number of martial arts students.

Wong was married four times and endured the loss of his first three wives to illnesses. His fourth wife, Mok Kwai-lan was only a teenager when she married the elderly Wong. He lived to the age of 77 and died in 1924. This was not long after Po Chi Lam was burned down during the Guangzhou Merchant Corps Rebellion.

As a martial artist, Wong Fei-hung was famed for his skill in Hung Kuen. Early films depicted Wong performing what became signature forms such as the Iron Wire Fist, Five Forms Fist, Vanquishing Fist, and the Shadowless or No-Shadow Kick. Wong was also known to have excelled at the traditional Southern Chinese art of Lion Dancing. In Guangzhou, he was known as the “King of the Lions,” a title borrowed for one of the many Cantonese movies made about him.

Wong had a number of students to pass on his martial arts training. Notable disciples included Leung Foon, Ling Wan-kai, Chan Tin-biu, and Lam Sai-wing (aka Butcher Wing). While Wong spent little time in Hong Kong during his life, possibly as a result of killing a man in a street fight, his students set up academies in Hong Kong, the most famous run by Lam Sai-wing who also published several widely distributed fist form manuals. Lam had a number of students in Hong Kong, one of them was Lau Cham, father of future legendary kung fu moviemaker Lau Kar-leung and a kung fu consultant on the initial Wong Fei-hung films.

It wasn’t until a decade after his death that Wong Fei-hung’s legend began to seep into popular culture with the serialized publication of the Legend of Wong Fei-hung, authored by Chu Yu-chai, another one of Lam Sai-wing’s students. The topic of this fictional account, printed in local newspapers, propelled Wong Fei-hung’s posthumous fame to mythic proportions with heroic tales embellished by the author’s imagination.

It is suggested by Hong Kong film critic Po Fung that Chu’s writing was highly flawed by literary standards. It typically put Wong Fei-hung into crude plots involving simple challenges against an endless assortment of villains. Po unflatteringly describes the stories as repetitive and boring and reserves praise only for Chu’s authentic depiction of Guangdong customs. Of more noteworthy importance in its relevance to the Wong Fei-hung legend is Chu’s worldly and aggressive depiction of the hero which includes references to smoking opium and being a combative youth. In subsequent years, this rugged persona would gradually be replaced by the more idealistic and Confucian image depicted on screen.

The first feature film concerning the exploits of Wong Fei-hung appeared in 1949 and created a sensation that lasted for over a decade. THE STORY OF WONG FEI-HUNG: PART ONE was director Wu Pang’s adaptation of a radio drama, itself based on Chu Yu-chai’s novel. Chu was a consultant on the film, as was Wong Fei-hung’s son Hon-hei and his surviving wife Mok Kwai-lan. Mok also played a fighting role in PART THREE.

Cast in the starring role was a 44-year-old, steely-eyed Chinese opera performer named Kwan Tak-hing who had earlier toured China in support of the war movement against Japan during World War II. With morale still low in Hong Kong following the end of Japanese occupation, Kwan’s portrayal of a famed kung fu hero proudly fighting against challengers with realistic techniques must have struck a chord with audiences. Not only did Wu Pang direct three close-knit sequels but he went on to film over 50 more serial features through 1961 with Kwan in the lead. Nearly half were released in 1956 alone during an unprecedented peak for a film franchise

Promotional flyers for WONG FEI-HUNG, PART 2: WONG FEI-HUNG BURNS THE TYRANTS’ LAIR (1949). Image courtesy of Jean Lukitsh.

The Wong Fei-hung films began during a surge in martial arts movie production in Hong Kong after Word War II and were virtually the only films of their kind to survive a genre decline in the early ’50s. This could be partly attributed to the success of their stars. Kwan was a gifted performer with tremendous presence who grew to be nearly as legendary as the character he portrayed so often. In addition to substantial acting and opera experience, Kwan was skilled in White Crane kung fu and managed to adapt it with the aid of the Lau family to fill in for Wong Fei-hung’s Hung Kuen techniques. Playing opposite Kwan in the majority of the Wong Fei-hung films was Sek Kin, another screen legend, trained in several northern kung fu disciplines. Sek was always defeated by Wong and yet generally lost graciously, thus making him just as popular among audiences. Sek would eventually gain worldwide fame in 1973 when starred as the villainous Mr. Han in ENTER THE DRAGON.

In the first four Wong Fei-hung films, great attention was paid to realistic action choreography and stunt work that set a new standard for its time, where previously Shanghai and Hong Kong martial arts cinema had been dominated by fantasy wuxia conventions. Takes were very long and stunt actors were required to come up with long sets of sparring routines, many of them improvised on the spot. A high volume of Wong Fei-hung films in a short amount of time provided the perfect test bed for the martial artists, Cantonese opera performers and stuntmen and women working on the series. In these films we can find the roots of what would become the kung fu movie genre leading up to as far as Jet Li’s FEARLESS. It was on the set of these early kung fu films that future martial arts action directing masters Lau Kar-leung and Yuen Wo-ping learned their craft.

Even while Lau Kar-leung and his cohorts honed their skills behind and in front of the camera for what would become the foundation for the ’70s martial arts boom, the emphasis on shooting quality action scenes gradually decreased as the speed of shoots increased to meet demand. Action choreography would not take its next evolutionary step until the late 1960s when director Chang Cheh teamed with some of the same stuntmen from the Wong Fei-hung series to produce cutting-edge action choreography for his slick Mandarin-language wuxia and kung fu films. By this point, the Wong Fei-hung series was fading into irrelevance despite a brief comeback from 1967 to 1970.

It could be argued that the downfall for the Wong Fei-hung series was its descent into Confucian morality. It was a Chinese-styled “Disneyfication” of of history and myth that, along with the increasingly stiff action choreography, would look increasingly out of step with edgier action film trends developing in the 1960s. Kwan Tak-hing’s depiction of Wong Fei-hung had evolved over the years to embrace the kind of high-minded virtuousness that was already widely reflected by heroes in the wuxia genre. Unlike his early depictions on screen, Wong was no longer the aggressive fighter quick to throttle his adversaries as described in Chu Yu-chai’s novel and depicted in the first few movies. Over time, the character became intertwined with the aging actor and it was increasingly difficult to tell the two apart, especially since the unembellished accounts of Wong Fei-hung’s real life had been almost completely consumed by the fictional accounts.

By the time that the original Wong Fei-hung series finally came to an end with the release of WONG FEI-HUNG: BRAVELY CRUSHING THE FIRE FORMATION in 1970, a total of 77 movies had been released with Kwan Tak-hing starring in all but three. Although Kwan and Sek would find opportunities to reprise their characters in supporting roles, their time as the bearers of the Wong Fei-hung legend had come to an end. In addition, Cantonese-language cinema was in decline and young audiences were itching for a new kind of action. The Wong Fei Hung series stuntmen were finally getting to unleash their full potential in the martial arts films of Golden Harvest and Shaw Brothers. For the legend of Wong Fei-hung it was only a transitional state as the next generation took their turn at telling the story in a new way.

The influence of the early Wong Fei-hung movies on the kung fu boom of the 1970s cannot be understated. Many of the actors in the original series were parents or mentors of future kung fu movie legends like Bruce Lee, Yuen Wo-ping and Lau Kar-leung. Some would pass the torch by appearing alongside next generation stars. Kwan Tak-hing reprised his famous role in several new Wong Fei-hung films produced by Golden Harvest including THE SKYHAWK (1974), THE MAGNIFICENT BUTCHER (1980) and DREADNOUGHT 1981). Meanwhile, Sek Kin re-teamed with Wong Fei-hung series filmmaker Wong Fung by co-starring in RIVALS OF KUNG FU (1974).

Many of the supporting cast from the original series would turn up in new martial arts movies as well. Series regular Walter Tso made a comeback as an elder in many Shaw Brothers martial arts movies during the late 1970s and early ’80s. By far, the biggest comeback by an elder veteran of the Wong Fei-hung series was by none other than Yuen Clan patriarch Simon Yuen who was brought in by his son, Wo-ping to portray an iconic kung fu master for several films including the biggest Wong Fei-hung movie since Wu Pang’s 1949 serial premiere.

Jackie Chan’s breakout role in DRUNKEN MASTER (1978) was as a younger and more irresponsible Wong Fei-hung, re-tooled for a new generation of viewers. Unlike previous portrayals of Wong, Chan and director Yuen Wo-ping realized that rather than focus on the noble deeds of his later life, it would be more interesting to see how he might have developed into the legend with more of an irreverent twist in keeping with their sensibilities. Having created a unique action comedy formula in their previous film, SNAKE IN THE EAGLE’S SHADOW, Chan and Yuen brought physical slapstick humor Wong Fei-hung for the first time. Creating a story of a mischievous adolescent Fei-hung who must overcome his own faults proved to be a huge success and turned Chan into Hong Kong’s new martial arts superstar. Like Wu Pang’s 1949 film, the success of DRUNKEN MASTER led to a series of mostly inferior knockoffs. Jackie Chan, who was looking to break out of the period kung fu scene, would not revisit this character in a sequel until 1994.

Wong Fei-hung was featured in a variety of films of the classic kung fu era (1970-1985) with different actors taking on the mantle and virtually all of them had Yuen Wo-ping, Lau Kar-leung or Sammo Hung involved in one way or another. Talented filmmaker Ho Meng-hua had Yuen assist him in directing kung fu cinema’s greatest character actor, Ku Feng, in one of his few starring roles as Wong Fei-hung in Shaw Brothers’ THE MASTER OF KUNG FU (1973). In this film Ho took an unusual approach by putting Wong into a more realistic and gritty setting, likely influenced by the hard-biting, karate-styled martial arts action that followed in the wake of Bruce Lee’s THE BIG BOSS (1971) and Chang Cheh’s THE BOXER FROM SHANTUNG (1972). Yuen’s other Wong Fei-hung entries were DRUNKEN MASTER, DREADNAUGHT and THE MAGNIFICENT BUTCHER which was a rare collaboration with Sammo Hung who played Wong’s famous student Lam Sai-wing. In addition to this film, Hung co-starred and choreographed the action for THE SKYHAWK.

Working at Shaw Brothers, Lau Kar-leung was not to be outdone by his peers at Golden Harvest. He cast his emerging star protégé Gordon Liu as Wong Fei-hung in CHALLENGE OF THE MASTERS (1976). Lau followed this up in 1981 with MARTIAL CLUB where Liu again portrayed Wong. Of all the classic kung fu era Wong Fei-hung films, these two arguably stay closest to the moral-driven films of Kwan Tak-hing’s era. Also, as the only martial descendent of Wong Fei-hung who was directing films at the time, Lau had a unique opportunity to explore the intricacies of Hung Fist in ways that no other martial arts filmmaker could. Lau visited the topic of Wong Fei-hung only twice but repeatedly worked authentic Hung Kuen forms into the choreography of many of his films.

The 1970s saw the rise of television in Hong Kong as a major competitor to film and it was inevitable that the tales of Wong Fei-hung would find their way onto television sets. What no one could have predicted is that a TV series would ultimately have as much if not more impact on the future development of the Wong Fei-hung legend than any feature film or novelization. In 1976, Kwan Tak-hing portrayed Wong Fei-hung in a 13-part series for TVB. The series delved into the historical backdrop of Wong Fei-hung’s era in greater detail than any film had previously. It developed elements that would become a staple of not only future incarnations of the Wong Fei-hung legend but also a sizable number of loose spin offs. It was in this series that Wong Fei-hung was introduced to historically-inspired plots involving slave trading, opium smuggling and underground sects. It was from this broad historical perspective that filmmaker Tsui Hark approached the Wong Fei-hung legend with the highly ambitious “wire-fu” epic, ONCE UPON A TIME IN CHINA, a film that briefly rekindled the kung fu movie genre in the early 1990s amid an explosion of advanced, wire-enhanced stunt work.

Tsui Hark enjoyed a rare level of commercial and artistic success in Hong Kong as a director, producer and occasional actor. He first established himself as one of Hong Kong’s emerging New Wave directors with his debut, a horror-wuxia hybrid titled THE BUTTERFLY MURDERS (1979). Taking his experience in studying American film, his limitless imagination and his tireless devotion to the craft, Tsui began a career of redefining genres within the Hong Kong film industry. ZU: WARRIORS FROM THE MAGIC MOUNTAIN (1983) brought Hollywood special effects to Hong Kong, A BETTER TOMORROW (1986) created the heroic bloodshed craze and A CHINESE GHOST STORY revolutionized the classical Chinese ghost story. With success in just about every other film genre it was only a matter of time before Tsui turned his attention to the kung fu genre.

After the success of THE SWORDSMAN (1990), which revitalized the wuxia film, Tsui began work on an epic reworking of the Wong Fei-hung legend. This time, Wong would be portrayed neither as a Confucian master who uses martial arts only as a last resort or a comically naive bumpkin, but as an intense and commanding martial artist in his prime. Jet Li, a mainland Chinese actor and wushu champion was chosen over local talent to become this latest incarnation. Li, with his boyish looks and astounding wushu abilities had starred in several mainland-produced kung fu films promoting the new Shaolin Temple.

Tsui Hark’s ONCE UPON A TINE IN CHINA (OUATIC) premiered in 1991 and was a huge success. Jet Li went on to play the same character in three sequels. Vincent Zhao played Wong in the fourth installment.

The commercial success of this film franchise guaranteed that kung fu films would rule the box office for at least the first half of the decade as numerous period martial arts films appeared shortly after. Director and choreographer Yuen Wo-ping, who had helped to create the comic Wong Fei-hung in DRUNKEN MASTER, returned to the legend in 1993 with IRON MONKEY. Yuen went even further back to create a fictional account of an adolescent Fei-hung. The young Fei-hung was portrayed by Tsang Sze-man, a talented young girl who gave a surprisingly impressive performance. Visually, the highly-stylized film is a huge departure from the more authentic martial arts seen in the original film series. Yuen’s best wirework was on full display and created a fun, if purely fantastical representation of Fei-hung’s childhood.

One of the most entertaining films to feature Wong Fei-hung during this period was conceived by Jackie Chan as an answer to the excessive wire-enhanced kung fu seen in the films of Tsui Hark and Yuen Wo-ping. DRUNKEN MASTER 2 (1994) brought back Chan’s breakthrough 1978 role as a bungling drunkard who must rise above his faults to defeat the villain. Although past his physical prime, Chan gave the performance of a lifetime in this film which featured more authentic kung fu without the use of wirework to give the martial arts a superhuman quality. Like Chan’s previous film, DRUNKEN MASTER 2 used Wong’s name but made little effort to accurately recreate the man or what is known of his life. The film also provided a historic teaming of Jackie Chan with Lau Kar-leung, although it was short-lived. Creative differences compelled Lau to leave the production early and tackle DRUNKEN MASTER 3. This was a sequel in name only and a poor one at that

Since the release of DRUNKEN MASTER 2, Hong Kong’s film industry has shrunk and kung fu movie production has gone into indefinite hibernation apart from the occasional genre work of Yuen Wo-ping. Wong Fei-hung has not been seen on the big screen in nearly a decade, apart from Sammo Hung’s East-meets-West actioner ONCE UPON A TIME IN CHINA AND AMERICA and his brief and simplified portrayal of Wong Fei-hung in Disney’s AROUND THE WORLD IN 80 DAYS. In Chinese territories, kung fu on television remains popular and several Wong Fei-hung series have aired such as TVB’s WONG FEI-HUNG: MASTER OF KUNG FU (2004).

As entertaining as many of the existing Wong Fei-hung films may be, none can claim to be a definitive filmic depiction. Each has its own strengths. Tsui Hark’s OUATIC series is the best-rounded in terms of story development and provides an excellent starting point. However, its martial arts action is dominated by contemporary wushu and extensive wirework that falls far from Wong Fei-hung’s Hung Kuen skills and its initial depiction in the films of Kwan Tak-hing. Jackie Chan’s DRUNKEN MASTER films are genre masterpieces but awful representations of Wong Fei-hung. Lau Kar-leung’s two films, CHALLENGE OF THE MASTERS and MARTIAL CLUB, are closer in spirit to the original film series but they also share the same simplistic plotting. They do possess some of the best Hung Fist-inspired choreography of any of the Wong Fei-hung films, although not as good as some of Lau’s other films

Audiences can find parodies of the original Wong Fei-hung legend in a number of Hong Kong films. From the maniacal mind of Wong Jing, LAST HERO IN CHINA is a complete parody of Wong Fei-hung as depicted in Tsui Hark’s OUTIC. It’s made funnier by having Jet Li lampoon his own previous performance. Kwan Tak-hing briefly reprised his role in ACES GO PLACES IV while Sek Kin participated in a humorous spoof of the original series in Sammo Hung’s THE MILLIONAIRE’S EXPRESS. Stephen Chow even paid tribute to the original series in ROYAL TRAMP where he and an opponent mimic the distinctive poses Kwan and Sek would assume when facing each other.

This all proves that the legend of Wong Fei-hung, in all of its states, has become as much of an integral part of popular culture in Southeast China as wuxia novels and Bruce Lee. Thanks to home video and the internet, the popularity of Wong Fei-hung has grown even more throughout the world.

Whether fact or fiction, Wong Fei-hung is remembered as a Chinese patriot, a healer, a philosopher, and a superb martial artist who stood for the rights of the oppressed within a country long plagued with corrupt leadership and foreign invasion. Yet the more we see Wong portrayed in film, the less we really know the man. While still hugely popular in China, little serious effort has been made in film or fiction to chronicle an accurate version of his little-known life. Portrayed as a budding martial artist, an immature young adult, an austere patriot, or as a Confucian father figure, the real Wong Fei-hung continues to elude us. Perhaps this is not so important. Like all great heroes of history, the legend of Wong Fei-hung will undoubtedly continue to inspire and entertain people around the world for years to come.

The Music of Wong Fei-hung

Over the years, Wong Fei-hung has become closely associated with a distinctive theme song. Wu Pang’s original series frequently used an old folk tune titled “On the General’s Order.” The late composer James Wong rearranged this music with new lyrics for Tsui Hark’s ONCE UPON A TIME IN CHINA. The result was a powerful ballad titled “A Man of Determination” (aka “A Man Should Better Himself”), originally sung by artist George Lam and later by action star and singer Jackie Chan for the closing credits to OUATIC 2.

“A Man of Determination” (WONG FEI-HUNG theme song / nan er dang zi qiang)
Written by James Wong and originally performed by George Lam
Chinese lyrics

With a defiant spirit, I sneer at all adversity.
With a spirit burning hotter than the red hot sunlight,
With daring forged of iron, with character forged in steel,
With the broadest aspirations, with a far-sighted vision,
I vow to push myself to become a true hero.

To become a great hero, each day you have to push yourself:
A man’s spirit should burn brighter than the red hot sun.

I’ll gather the power of the seas and the skies,
I’ll rend the heavens, and split open the earth,
Just so I can seize upon my dreams.

Gaze upon the lofty, azure waves and the vast blue skies:
That is me, the man of determination.

Step confidently and stand boldly, like pillars of the nation! Become true heroes!
Use my example to ignite a hundred souls, shining forth like a thousand points of light.

To be a true hero, your soul and your courage must burn, burn brighter than the red hot sun

Wong Fei-Hung cinematography

2004 – Around the World in 80 Days
1997 – Once Upon a Time in China and America
1994 – Drunken Master 2
1994 – Once Upon a Time in China 5
1993 – Iron Monkey
1993 – Last Hero in China
1993 – Once Upon a Time in China 4
1993 – Once Upon a Time in China 3
1993 – Kickboxer
1993 – Fist from Shaolin
1992 – Once Upon a Time in China 2
1992 – Martial Arts Master Wong Fei-Hung
1991 – Once Upon a Time in China
1986 – Millionaire’s Express
1981 – Dreadnaught
1981 – Martial Club
1980 – The Magnificent Kick

1979 – Butcher Wing
1979 – The Magnificent Butcher
1978 – Drunken Master
1977 – Four Shaolin Challengers
1976 – Challenge of the Masters
1974 – The Skyhawk
1974 – Rivals of Kung Fu
1970 – Wong Fei-Hung: Bravely Crushing the Fire Formation
1969 – Wong Fei-Hung in Sulphur Valley
1969 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Combat with the Five Wolves
1969 – Wong Fei-Hung: The Duel for the Shark Reward
1969 – Wong Fei-Hung: The Conqueror of the Sam-hong Gang
1968 – Wong Fei-Hung Conquers Mooi Fai Chong
1968 – Wong Fei-Hung: The Eight Bandits
1968 – Wong Fei-Hung: The Duel against the Black Rascal
1968 – Wong Fei-Hung Challenges Ng Yong Seng
1968 – Wong Fei-Hung: Duel for the Championship
1967 – Wong Fei-Hung against the Ruffians
1961 – How Wong Fei-Hung Smashed the Five Tigers
1960 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Battle with the Gorilla
1960 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Combat in the Boxing Ring
1959 – Wong Fei-Hung on Rainbow Bridge
1959 – The White Lady’s Reincarnation
1959 – How Wong Fei-Hung Defeated the Tiger on the Opera Stage
1959 – Wong Fei-Hung Trapped in the Hell
1958 – How Wong Fei-Hung Pitted an Iron Cock against the Eagle

1958 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Victory at Ma Village
1958 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Story: Five Poisonous Devils against Twin Dragons
1958 – How Wong Fei-Hung and Wife Eradicated the Three Rascals
1958 – How Wong Fei-Hung Stormed Phoenix Hill
1958 – How Wong Fei-Hung Subdued the Invincible Armour
1958 – Wong Fei-Hung Seizes the Bride at Xiguan
1958 – Wong Fei Hung’s Battle with the Five Tigers in the Boxing Ring
1958 – Wong Fei Hung Saves the Kidnapped Leung Foon
1958 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Fierce Battle
1957 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Rival for a Pearl
1957 – How Wong Fei-Hung Spied on Black Dragon Hill at Night
1957 – How Wong Fei-Hung Smashed the Flying Dagger Gang
1957 – Wong Fei-Hung, King of Lion Dance
1957 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Battle at Saddle Hill
1957 – How Wong Fei-Hung Fought a Bloody Battle in the Spinster’s House
1957 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Three battles with the Unruly Girl
1957 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Fight in He’nan
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Pitted a Lion against the Unicorn
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Saved the Lovelorn Monk from the Ancient Monastery
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Story: Iron Cock against Centipede
1956 – How Wong Fei-hung Set Fire to Dashatou
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Subdued the Two Tigers
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Pilgrimage to Goddess of the Sea Temple
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Vanquished the Twelve Lions
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Battle at Mount Goddess of Mercy
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung and the Lantern Festival Disturbance
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung Goes to a Birthday Party at Guanshan
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Battle at Shuangmendi

1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Seven Battles with Fiery Unicorn
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Fight in Foshan
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung at a Boxing Match
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung and the Courtesan’s Boat Argument
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Thrice Captured So Shu-lim in the Water
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Vanquished the Bully at the Red Opera Float
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Pitted Seven Lions against the Gold Dragon
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Fought Five Dragons Single-Handedly
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Thrice Tricked the Lady Security Escort
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Saved the Dragon’s Mother Temple
1956 – How Wong Fei-Hung Vanquished the Ferocious Dog in Shamian
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Victory in Xiao Beijiang
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung Rescues the Fishmonger
1956 – Wong Fei-Hung Wins the Dragon Boat Race
1955 – The True Story of Wong Fei-Hung 2
1955 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Victory at the Fourth Gate
1955 – The True Story of Wong Fei-Hung
1955 – Wong Fei-Hung’s Rival for the Fireworks
1955 – How Wong Fei-Hung Vanquished the Bully at a Long Dyke
1954 – Wong Fei-Hung Tries his Shadowless Kick
1954 – The Story of Wong Fei-Hung and Lam Sai-Wing
1953 – How Wong Fei-Hung Defeated Three Bullies with a Rod
1953 – How Wong Fei-Hung Redeemed Haitong Monastery Part 2
1953 – How Wong Fei-Hung Redeemed Haitong Monastery Part 1
1951 – The Story of Wong Fei-Hung: Grand Conclusion

1950 – The Story of Wong Fei-Hung 4: The Death of Leung Foon
1950 – The Story of Wong Fei-Hung 3: The Battle by Lau Fa Bridge
1949 – The Story of Wong Fei-Hung 2: Wong Fei-Hung Burns the Tyrant’s Lair
1949 – The Story of Wong Fei-Hung 1: Wong Fei-Hung’s Whip that Smacks the Candle

the end@copyright 2012

THIS IS ONLY THE SAMPLE cd-rom,THE COMPLETE ONE WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST BUT ONLY FO RPREMIUM MEMBER,PLEASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT.THANKS VERY MUCH