PADANG WEST SUMATRA HISTORY COLLECTIONS PART THREE

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PADANG WEST SUMATRA

MY LOVING BIRTHCITY

Part

 Introduction

Minangkabau

 

Created by

 

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Private Limited Edition In CD_ROM

Copyright@DR Iwa Suwandy 2011

 

batang arau padang litho from the history of sumatra 1810

PREFACE

 

.As the opening of the writings that I collated as a sign of my love for the born land , his wife and entire family, hoping to be nostalgic for the old and add insight for future generations so that the root dtaang origins can be traced.
Writing with illustrations image collections, postal history and other dedicated  to my son Albert and Anton Jimmi, and the grandson of Sesa, Celin and Antoni, and also all my extended family and wife.
These literary works are still many shortcomings so that corrections and additional information and advice legendary from all my friends so I would expect.
Thank you kep there are many people who have helped me to  complete this paper

 

West Sumatra called Sphere minang or Land Minangkabau was the birthplace and the land where the author was raised until the age of 45 years (1945-1989).

Various ups and downs have been experienced on Earth Minang by name Hotel-ever besides the residence of the last author of the years 1950-1989, the author was born in Padang Small Road, behind the Land Market Kongsi from 1945 until 1950.
During their stay in Padang authors have kept memoriable  objects or memorabilia collection which is a love filling to  homeland and is able to evoke memories of the realm Minang Beautiful, peaceful and full of such intimacy.

Information from The book also discusses information collection dzari choice and displayed in such a way that can satisfy the longing  Minang people  In Overseas wherever it is located on a remote village in the eyes of beloved pages, such as the song always sung the nomads as follows:

Rumah gadang nan sambilan ruang,Pusako bundo sajak dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hatinya ta ibo ta ibo Ta bayang-bayang diruang mato..

In the Indonesian language as follows:
A  Big House with nine-room, Heritage from nowadays .If I remember my heart recalls sad. Memory  shadows (village) in the eyelid

Indonesia version:

Sumatera barat yang disebut Ranah minang atau Tanah minangkabau adalah tempat kelahiran dan tanah dimana penulis dibesarkan sampai berumur 45 tahun( 1945-1989). Berbagai suka duka telah dialami di Bumo Minang sesuai nama Hotel yang pernah ada disamping rumah kediaman penulis terakhir dari tahun 1950-1989,penulis dilahirkan di Jalan Kali Kecil Padang ,dibelakang Pasar Tanah Kongsi dari tahun 1945 sampai 1950.

Selama berada di Padang penulis telah menyimpan benda-benda koleksi kenagan atau memorabilia yang merupakan laupan rasa cinta terhapa tanah kelahiran dan mampu membangkitkan ingatan kepada ranah Minang yang Indah, damai dan penuh keakraban tersebut.

Informasi dari Buku juga membahas informasi dzari koleksi pilihan dan ditampilkan sedemikian rupa agar dapat memuaskan kerinduan urang Atau Orang Miang Di Rantau dimanapun dia berada terhadap kampong halaman tercinta yang jauh dimata, seperti lagu yang selalu dinyanyikan para perantau sebagai berikut:

Rumah Gadang Nan Sambilan Ruang, Pusako Bundo Sajak dulu dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hati den ta ibo .Tabayang bayang di ruang mato.

 

 

Dalam bahasa Indonesia sebagai berikut:

Rumah Besar yang sembilan ruang,Pusaka Ibu sejak dulunya.Bila saya kenang hati saya sedih.terbayang-bayang (kampung) di pelupuk mata.

Sebagai pembukaan dari tulisan yang saya susun sebagai tanda cinta kepada tanah kelahi ran saya ,isteri dan seluruh keluarga, dengan harapan dapat dijadikan nostalgia bagi yang tua dan menambah wawasan bagi generasi yang akan datang sehingga akar asal usulnya dapat diketahui.Tulisan dengan ilustrasi koleksi gambar,postal history dan lainnya ini.

Pada kunjungan terakhir 5 Maret 2012 ke Sumatra Barat saya memperoleh tambahan informasi tentang mayor Tionghoa Li Say(Li Ma say) dan menemukan koin perak era The Holy Roman Empire dari German tahun 1541 dan beberapa temuan baru.

Karya tulisa ini masih banyak kekurangannya sehingga koreksi dan tambahan informasi serta saran dari seluruh teman-teman sangat saya harapkan.Terima kasih kep[ada berbagai pihak yang telah membantu saya untuk dapat menyelesaikan karya tulis ini.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 lareh soegei poear

Karya tulis ini saya persembahkan kepada Isteri tercinta

Lily Widjaja,

Putra and Mantu

Albert Suwandy –Alice,

 Anton jimmi suwandy-Grace  look below

 

serta para cucu cesa,celin dan Antoni

 

Preface

I was borned in Padang city February,9^th.1948 at the old wooden house which belonging to the sister of My grandfather IpoTjoa Bun Tak and Ntiokong Lie Seng Tok (  Sinyo),this house located behind the Chinese camp Market called Tanah Kongsi(Joint Land).

I had found the pictures of this house  were taken by my father in 1948,three pictures black and white,my profile and with mother Anna Tjoa Giok Land with my brother Gho Bian Hoat(Dr Edhie Johan),Sister Elina(Gho soe Kim) and younger sister Gho soei Lian (Dr Erlita Lianny Djohan),

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

We lived there until 1950 and move to latest House at Gereja Street near Ambacang Market and now became Bundo Kandung Street,the old Dutch house which built into wooden house,and then we built three stair house,until sold to my nice Gho Bian An(Ir Andri Virgo) ,he built Fried Chieckinen and Ambacang Plaza ,later became Ambacang Hotel which broken during earfrthquake 2008,now re built again with new name Elena hotel in 2012.

 

 

 

Brug over de Padang rivier tussen Padang en Emmahaven, krib in aanleg

 

The famous old Padang City are Padang Beach, Muara Sungai Arau , Chinese Camp(Kampung Tionghoa),Pondok,Hilligoo –Pasar ambacang,complex Rooe catholic one church Theresia, two chapel Agnes ,basic School(Sekolah Rakyat-Dasar )Zuster  Hollanse Indisce School then Theresia and Agnes, Frater fransiscus and andreas,Middle School MULO Frater ,later SMP Zuster Maria, Frater,and Hig School (SMA) Don Bosco

My teacher in memoriam Frater Servaas (A.J.M de beer) sugest to me to collect all kind of information because in 1959 the communication system via internet will growth after the Satelite have send to the outer space.

All the informations now I put in my web blog in 2009

Hhtp://www.Driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com

And after thatin 2011  I am starting made the special informations in CD_ROM,pravited limited editions special for my web blog premium member.

This Padang west Sumatra is one of the CD_ROM pravite edition.

I hope all my family and another friend from Padang west Sumatra will help me to add the informations about their family and relative informations which made this CD_ROM more complete for the next generations.

This CD-ROM became two part,the part one contain the general informations, and part two special for Chinese oversees or Tionghoa informations only.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

PART THREE

PADANG DAREK)BOVENLANDEN) HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

Kajutanam

Fort Kajoetanam 1825

 

 

 

Padang Pandjang

 

 

 

 

Hotel merapi

 

Hotel Merapi te Padang-Pandjang” (Hotel Merapi di Padang Panjang) dibuat tahun 1899

 

 

 

The House Of Padang Pandjang dutch controleur

 

 

 

Earthquake 1929

 

 

 

The Tjan Tji seng house after rebuild with wooden,still exist until now

 

 

Anai valley train bridge

 

 

 

Merapi Padang Panjang

volcano Earthquake

june,28^th. 1926

 

 

 

 

Brug op de weg naar Padang-Pandjang

 

1935

 

 

Padangpanjang road to fort de Kock(BukittinggI)

 

 

Batipuh merapi

In

Ini adalah foto sebuah rangkiang yang biasa digunakan untuk menyimpan pada padi sesudah panen. Semua padi sehabis dijemur disinar matahari disimpan dirangkiang ini.

 

 

 

 

 Terus terang saya kurang yakin ini dinagari Batipuh bagian mana,apakah Batipuh Baruh atau Batipuh Ateh. Kalau kita lihat gambar beberapa orang dewasa ini dalam foto ini, kemungkin ini ada para Datuak. Para Datuak pada masa dahulu umumnya memiliki sawah yang banyak, sawah yang khusus diberikan oleh sukunya untuk digarap oleh Datuak untuk kehidupan dia dan keluarganya. Karena beras adalah komoditas yang sangat vital bagi masyarakat, maka harganya sangat tinggi pada waktu itu.

Pada masa itu petani yang mempunyai lahan adalah orang-orang kaya. Keadaan seperti masih berlaku sampai akhir tahun 80′an dimana dengan adanya beberapa petak sawah dapat menjamin kelansungan hidup. Tapi keadaan sekarang tentu berbeda, sawah tidak dapat lagi diandalkan sebagai mata pencaharian utama. Sehingga anak muda lebih suka melanjutkan pendidikannya menjadi serorang profesonal atau terjun menjadi enterpreunur/pedagang.

Gambar dibawah ini berada dinagari Batipuh Ateh, Kemungkinan gambar ini diambil di Simpang Ampek ( Simpang Empat). Kalau kita lihat beberapa Bundo Kanduang ini menderita penyakit gondok. Hal ini disebabkan kurangnya Iodiom yang berasal dari garam laut. Bisa jadi Ibu-Ibu tempo dulu ini jarang menggunakan garam dapur karena harganya yang mahal. Harga mahal bisa jadi disebabkan karena Batipuh sendiri berada pada daerah pegunungan (daerah darek) yang jauh laut. Distribusi yang jauh menyebabkan harga garam yang mahal sehingga digunakan hanya oleh sebagian kalangan saja. Beberapa Ibu-ibu ini mengangkut goni yang isinya rumput. Rumput ini digunakan untuk memberi makanan ternak (biasanya kerbau) yang digunakan untuk membajak sawah.

Beberapa anak-anak tempo dulu, kemungkinan mereka semuanya satu keluarga dan berasal dari keluarga kaya, bisa jadi anak-anak  dari Datuk. Biasanya Datuk memiliki istri lebih dari satu, Datuk yang memiliki hanya satu istri mungkin Datuk yang miskin. Biasanya Datuk yang beristri satu ini memiliki harta kekayaan yang sedikit dan kurang berpengaruh dikaumnya.

Tempat dibawah ini saya juga kurang pasti dimana lokasinya, kemungkinan adalah di Balai Gadang. Karena dilokasi ini terdapat sebuah Balai (ruang pertemuan) yang didepannya terdapat sebuah lapangan.

Di Balai Gadang ini dahulunya pada masa kerajaan Pagaruyung berdiam Tuanku Nan Gadang yang dikenal sebagai Harimau Batipuh,yang mempunyai kedudukan sebagai panglima militer kerajaan Pagaruyung.

Daerah Batipuh ini beberapa kali menjadi tempat pertumpahan darah. Mulai dari perang Paderi dimana golongan Adat melawan golongan Agama. Pada waktu itu Batipuh menjadi basis golongan adat yang dipimpin oleh Datuk Pamuncak yang memberontak terhadap koleganya sendiri  pasukan Belanda tahun 1841.

 Kemudian pada zaman revolusi tahun 60′an wilayah ini terjadi pergesekan antara Masyumi dan Komunis yang menyebabkan terjadinya beberapa penculikan tokoh-tokoh Masyumi.

.

The road to fort de Kock Boekittinggi

 

 

 

 

Singkarak

 

 

 

 

 

 

1895

Train railways from sawahloento(ombilin) to Solok-Padang Panjang

Inauguration of railways

 

 

 

 

 

Railways station

 

 

Native Minang Padang Panjang

 

 

 

 

Singkarak Batang ombilin

 

 

 

Now

 

 

Singkarak

LAREH SINGKARAK

 

LAREH merupakan bentuk pemerintahan yang ada pada zaman Hindia Belanda setelah hilangnya pemerintahan Regent pada abad XIX di Minangkabau.

Lareh merupakan bentuk pemerintahan yang setara dengan Kecamatan pada saat ini, dan merupakan bentuk pemerintahan khusus buat Minangkabau setelah Sistim Monarchi Minangkabau di obrak abrik oleh Belanda.

 

Lareh di kepalai oleh seorang Tuanku Lareh yang ditunjuk dan diangkat oleh Belanda, di tunjuk dari seorang Penghulu kepala pada sebuah negeri yang bergelar Datuak. Tak ubahnya dengan nagari lain yang ada di Minangkabau, di Singkarak pun di tempatkan seorang Tuanku Lareh sebagai perpanjangan tangan pemerintah.

 

Lareh Singkarak sesuai dengan namanya wilayah ini berada di sekitaran danau Singkarak X koto Dibawah yang mana daerah ini ditunjuk untuk mengatur dan mengkoordinir beberapa Nagari di sekitarannya yang mana daerah tersebut diantaranya : Nagari Singkarak, Nagari Tikalak, Nagari Kacang, Nagari Paninggahan, Nagari Saniang Baka, Nagari Koto Sani dan Nagari Sumani. Lareh yang di angkat oleh Belanda tadi otomatis mendapatkan subsidi dari pemerintah sebagai imbalan atas jasanya.

 

Lareh Singkarak sudah ada empat kali Pengangkatan dan yang tersebut sebut namanya adalah Lareh yang Ke -4 yakni Tuanku Lareh Badoe Intan gelar Datuak mangkuto Sati di akhir tahun 1800 an sampai awal 1900 an. Tidak beberapa lama Tuanku Badoe Intan menjabat Tuanku Lareh, sistim Lareh ini pun dicabut dan di ganti dengan DEMANG (damang) dan Tuanku Badoe Intan naik pula menjadi Tuanku Damang atau lebih populernya Angku Damang I di Singkarak bahkan di Minangkabau yang mana kekusaannya lebih besar dari pada Lareh.

 

Salah Satu jasa yang ditinggalkan Tuanku Lareh/Angku Damang Badoe Intan buat negerinya adalah memprakarsai pelebaran dan pendalaman  pintu air danau Singkarak di Batang Ombilin karena sebelum pintu air tersebut di perlebar Nagari singkarak sering kebanjiran saat meluapanya air danau.

Setelah Angku Damang I Badoe Intan ini maka beliau di gantikan oleh keponakannya Yang bernama Loedin Datuak Mangkuto Sati Angkoe Damang II tapi sayangnya tak banyak juga cerita tentang Angkoe Damang II Loedin Datuak Mangkuto Sati ini yang tertinggal hanya kematian beliau yang memilukan rakyat, beliau mati di Sengat listrik oleh Jepang sebagai hukuman atas ketidak kooperatif beliau pada pemerintahan pendudukan Jepang. Karena beliau berada pada dua masa pemerintahan penjajah yakni pada masa pemerintahan Hindia Belanda dan masa pendududkan Jepang. Beliau dianggap pembelot oleh Jepang dan tidak mau di bawa kompromi yang nota bene benci pada Jepang.

 

 

 

Narasumber : Bp Ramli Suit Gindo Kayo (71)

The Minang adat meeting House at Singkarak in 1900

Remember the Poem

Singkarak Koto nan tinggi sumanik Mandulang-dulang Jadi Urang babuek baik karnao Budi baik salau dikanang urang

 

Solok

Dahulu wilayah Solok (termasuk kota Solok dan kabupaten Solok Selatan) merupakan wilayah rantau dari Luhak Tanah Datar, yang kemudian terkenal sebagai Luhak Kubuang Tigo Baleh.

Disamping itu wilayah Solok juga merupakan daerah yang dilewati oleh nenek moyang Alam Surambi Sungai Pagu yang berasal dari Tanah Datar yang disebut juga sebagai nenek kurang aso enam puluh (artinya enam puluh orang leluhur alam surambi Sungai Pagu). Perpindahan ini diperkirakan terjadi pada abad 13 sampai 14 Masehi.

Jalan menuju Solok di masa Hindia Belanda

 

Road to Solok

 

 

 

 

 

Koto anau solok

 

Pantun Minangkabau # 88 –

TUAN KALI DI LIMAU LUNGGO

‘Khazanah Pantun Minangkabau’ menyambung cerita yang  lalu. Bait-bait pantun yang kami sajikan ini masih berkisah tentang keunikan kurenah masyarakat dan pemimpin nagari-nagari di daerah Solok.

Pantun-pantun tersebut berbentuk pantun berkait. Ini tentu dapat menjadi jalan bagi warga Kabupaten Solok dan sekitarnya untuk menapaktilasi aspek politik, sosial dan budaya masa lampau daerah mereka. Selamat menikmati.

680.

Bakasua daun katari,

Takalanduang si daun anau,

Rajo Mansyur di Kinari,

Nan laduang di Koto Anau.

681.

Takalanduang si daun anau,

Takalapak si daun birah,

Nan laduang di Kota Anau,

Nan lambuak di Tanah Sirah.

682.

Takalapak si daun birah,

Palapah di kandang banyak,

Nak lambuak di Tanah Sirah,

Tunggang gagah di Batu Banyak.

683.

Palapah di kandang banyak,

Pangali di Indopuro,

Tunggang gagah di Batu Banyak,

Tuan Kali di Limau Lunggo.

684.

Pangali di Indopuro,

Daun silodang laweh-laweh,

Tuan Kali di Limau Lunggo,

Nan gadang di Koto Laweh.

685.

Daun silodang laweh-laweh,

Daun katari mudo-mudo,

Nan gadang di Koto Laweh,

Babaua jo Tujuah Koto.

686.

Daun katari mudo-mudo,

Daun marunggai laweh-laweh,

Kok lah babaua nan Tujuah Koto,

Padamaian di Koto Laweh.

687.

Badia sadaga duo dantun,

Badia nak urang Banda Puruih,

Kok dipikia kato ibaraik pantun,

Bak maminun aia tak auih.

Dalam bait-bait di atas terekam ciri pemimpin beberapa nagari lagi di daerah Solok dan sekitarnya, juga karakteristik anak nagarinya, serta hubungan dengan nagari-nagari tetangganya.

Beberapa nagari yang disebut dalam tujuh untaian bait pantun di atas adalah: Kinari, Koto Anau, Tanah Sirah, Batu Banyak, Limau Lunggo, Koto Laweh, dan Tujuah Koto.

Kalau di Kinari Rajo Mansyur nan tasabuik, maka Koto Anau terkenal karena lekukannya (laduang). Melihat konteksnya, barangkali kata laduang ini mengarah pada ciri fisik orang Koto Anau (bisa saja merujuk kepada kaum wanitanya). Demikian refleksi bait 680.

Ciri fisik (yang juga kemungkinan merujuk ke kaum wanita) Tanah Sirah lain lagi: lambuak. Dalam konteks ini lambuak berarti agak gendutan, sintal (bait 681). Sedangkan anak nagari Batu Banyak terkenal karena kegagahan atau ketampanannya (bait 682). Wah, warga Batu Banyak sekarang ini bolehlah sedikit berbangga diri. Rupanya nenek moyang mereka dulu banyak yang jombang, yang mungkin digilai oleh banyak perempuan dari nagari-nagari sekitarnya.

Dua nagari berikutnya yang disebut, yaitu Limau Lunggo dan Koto Laweh, juga memiliki keunggulan masing-masing. Nagari Limau Lunggo terkenal karena Tuan Kali berasal dari sana (bait 683). Jadi, orang Limau Lunggo terkenal karena aspek keagamaannya. Sedangkan Koto Laweh terkenal karena rupanya banyak orang-orang besar (urang gadang) berasal dari nagari tersebut (bait 684). Nagari ini rupanya mempunyai hubungan yang kompetitif (babaua) juga dengan Nagari Tujuah Koto (bait 685). Seperti sudah dicatat dalam banyak kajian antropologis mengenai Minangkabau, hubungan antar nagari bisa sampai tahap konflik fisik, tapi lebih banyak diwujudkan dalam rivalitas seni-budaya.

Jika kita merujuk ke bait berikutnya (686) tampaknya di masa lalu mungkin rivalitas itu di antara nagari Koto Laweh dengan Tujuah Koto. Kalau muncul konflik, tampaknya Koto Laweh bisa menjadi penengah atau pendamai.

Nomor ini ditutup dengan kiasan mengenai bagaimana hakekat bahasa pantun Minangkabau. Dijelaskan bahwa hakekatnya seperti orang yang tidak haus diberi air. Artinya, ia palamak bicara, alat untuk mempererat pergaulan dan juga untuk menambah kearifan dalam berbicara. Ia bukan sesuatu yang kalau tidak ada bisa bikin orang mati. Dengan kata lain, berpantun bukan merupakan suatu paksaan. Ia mestinya dilakukan dalam suasana hati yang senang, bukan ketika perut belum lagi kenyang.

(bersambung minggu depan)

Suryadi [Leiden University, Belanda] | Padang Ekspres, Minggu, 8 Juli 2012

 

 

 

Satu Keluarga dari Kinari, Solok

Published By niadilova under Minang Saisuak

 

‘Kinari-kinari sajo / Kinari talatak di pambatang / Bukan kami kamari sajo / Gadang mukasuik nan dijalang’, demikian bunyi sebait pantun Minangkabau yang mengingatkan kita pada Nagari Kinari.

Kinari adalah nama sebuah nagari daerah Solok. Nagari ini berjarak sekitar 2 km dari Muaro Paneh dan sekitar 10 km. dari kota Solok. Nama nagari ini, yang berada di punggung Bukit Barisan dan bertetangga dengan Nagari Koto Anau, jelas diambil dari nama sejenis pohon yang disebut ‘kinari’ yang sangat mungkin banyak tumbuh di nagari ini sejak dulunya.

Nagari Kinari, yang memiliki dialek bahasa Minang yang khas, sering disebut sebagai ‘Nagari 1000 rumah gadang’ – istilah yang saya dengar dari anggota RantauNet Muchlis Hamid dan Armen Zulkarnain (organisator LPM Marapalam). Di kiri-kanan labuah nan goloang di Nagari Kinari serta di jerok-jerok jorongnya dapat ditemukan banyak rumah gadang yang sebagian besarnya masih berdiri sampai kini.

Rubrik ‘Minang Saisuak’ kali ini menurunkan satu foto klasik tentang satu keluarga dari Kinari. Foto yang aslinya berukuran 20,6×26 cm. ini dibuat sekitar tahun 1895. Foto ini memperlihatkan satu keluarga yang kelihatannya cukup terpandang di Kenagarian Kinari, Solok. Di latar belakang terlihat sebuah rumah gadang yang rancak dengan rankiang baririk di halamannya. Tidak disebutkan dari keluarga datuk mana para lelaki, perempuan, dan anak-anak yang terekam dalam foto ini berasal. Namun, dari pakaian mereka dapat dikesan bahwa mungkin salah seorang di antaranya (yang berpakaian putih) bekerja dalam jajaran Department Binnenlandsch Bestuur (BB) kolonial di zaman itu. Foto ini juga merekam pakaian adat kaum wanita Kinari atau Solok pada umumnya. Nagari Kinari, dengan keunikan alam dan budayanya, serta warisan rumah gadangnya yang masih terjaga, mungkin pantas dipromsikan menjadi salah satu daerah tujuan wisata budaya di Sumatra Barat.

Suryadi – Leiden, Belanda. (Sumber foto: Tropenmuseum Amsterdam).

| Singgalang, Minggu, 3 Juni 2012

 

 

 

Kinari solok 1900

 

TUO KAJOE SOLOK

 

 

 

 

The Minang adat meeting House at Singkarak in 1900

 

Pantun Minangkabau

SUTAN MANSYUR DI KINARI

Published By niadilova under Khazanah Pantun Minang, Sastra & Budaya Minang

Pelestarian sifat-sifat suatu nagari dalam pantun, rivalitas antara nagari-nagari, dan hubungan politik antara nagari-nagari dapat kita kesan lagi dalam rubrik ‘Khazanah Pantun Minangkabau’ ini . Selamat menikmati.

 

672.

Takanak deta ujung sangka,

Lakek baju babuah aru,

Bangkik Singkarak Saniangbaka,

Dapek rajo Koto Baru.

673.

Lakek baju babuah aru,

Marantak di paleh-paleh,

Kok lah dapek rajo Koto Baru,

Babaua nan tigo baleh.

674.

Marantak di paleh-paleh,

Limpatiak di batu tigo,

Babaua nan tigo baleh,

Kaciak hati nan batigo.

675.

Limpatiak di Batu Tigo,

Karikan di ladang urang,

Kaciak hati nan batigo,

Sirukam lah di tangan urang.

676.

Mangkudu dari Sailan,

Alah rabah ditutuah urang,

Datuak panghulu nan sambilan,

Baso lalu dikicuah urang.

677.

Mangkudu dari Sailan,

Iyo lah rabah ditutuah urang,

Basipasin dalam buluah,

Mari dikarek diparampek,

Datang panghulu nan sambilan,

Kok lah kanai dek kicuah urang,

Bapasan ka Koto Tujuah,

Tibolah urang Koto Ampek.

678.

Nan talatak ateh batu,

Tabalintang di paleh-paleh,

Susah Datuak Bagindo Ratu,

Malintang di Muaro Paneh.

679.

Tabalintang di paleh-paleh,

Bakasua daun katari,

Malintang di Muaro Paneh,

Rajo Mansyur di Kinari.

Rupanya dalam salah satu naskah Minangkabau yang berisi pantun yang tersimpan di Perpustakaan Universitas Leiden, terdapat rangkaian pantun berkait ini. Isinya boleh dibilang semacam sejarah politik lokal dalam konteks hubungan antar nagari. Untaian pantun itu memperlihatkan dinamika sosio-politik nagari-nagari di daerah Solok dan sekitarnya pada abad ke-19.

Bait 672 merefleksikan kaitan politik lokal antara Singkarak, Saniangbaka dan Koto Baru. Dulu bila ada pengangkatan raja atau penghulu pucuk di sebuah nagari, itu berarti akan ada pesta besar selama beberapa minggu, dan sebagai wujud kegembiraan dan ucapan selamat, nagari-nagari lain di sekitarnya akan berpartisipasi meramaikan gelanggang seni pertunjukan tempat kompetisi dan rivalitas juga diperlihatkan.

Rupanya pengangkatan raja di Koto baru mempererat atau mempertemukan pembesar-pembesar dari nagari itu dan nagari-nagari sekitarnya yang berjumlah tiga belas orang. Kita tidak diberitahu siapa penghulu atau pembesar yang tiga belas orang itu. Demikian refleksi bait 673.

Jatuhnya Sirukam ke tangan orang membuat kecil hati tiga orang pembesar lainnya. Kita juga tidak diberitahu nama-nama penghulu yang bertiga itu. Demikian refleksi bait 674 dan 675. Rupanya penyebab Sirukam jatuh ke tangan orang lain agak jelas melalui keterangan dalam baris-baris isi dua bait berikutnya (675, 676). Penghulu yang sembilan dari nagari itu rupanya ‘dikecoh’ orang. Dalam konteks ini ‘kecoh’ (kicuah) bisa berarti mendapat malu atau mungkin juga kalah dalam pertarungan politik lokal tradisional.

Yang jelas kicuah yang dialami oleh para penghulu yang sembilan itu telah membuat kaum penghulu dari nagari-nagari lain bereaksi dan bertindak membantu. Dalam bait panjang 677 digambarkan reaksi dari pemimpin nagari Koto Tujuah yang diberitahu mengenai kejadian itu. Pesan berantai itu sampai ke Nagari Koto Ampek, yang kemudian bergerak melakukan tindakan.

Dua bait terakhir (678, 679) merekam dinamika politik lokal tradisional di nagari Muaro Paneh dan Kinari. Di kedua nagari itu rupanya dulu ada pemimpin lokal yang bernama Datuk Bagindo Ratu dan Rajo Mansyur.

Sejauh yang saya pahami, konteks baris-baris isi dari bait-bait di atas sepertinya menggambarkan aliansi dan rivalitas antara nagari-nagari. Cukup banyak catatan sejarah yang menunjukkan bahwa beberapa nagari bahkan terlibat bentrokan. Banyak catatan klasik mengenai Minangkabau merekam apa yang disebut sebagai ‘perang batoe’ yang sering terjadi antara nagari-nagari tertentu. Sampai di zaman modern ini perang antara nagari itu kadang-kadang masih terjadi. Rupanya arketipnya di zaman lampau.

(bersambung minggu depan)

Suryadi[Leiden University, Belanda] | Padang Ekspres, Minggu, 1 Juli 2012

Dr Iwan pernah bertugas di solok dari tahun 1974-1979, seorang putranya Anto Jimmi suwandy lahir di kota solok, sehingga membaca pantun-pantun dan melihat foto Solok membuat Dr Iwan jadi nostalgia, Poliklinik Polres solok yang didirikan dr Iwan masih ada sampai saat ini, saat pulang kampung tahun 2007 masih sempat ketemu dengan perawat Ennie , sedangkan yang lainnya sudah meninggal yaitu aleks,herminus datuk, pai,dan yang satu lagi namanya sudah lupa,teringat Mak asih almarhum di selayo,(Catatan dr Iwan)

 

 

 

 

Pantun Minangkabau

YANG CERDIK ORANG SIRUKAM

Mungkin di era globalisasi yang telah memunculkan masyarakat elektronik (electronic community) ini timbul keinginan untuk mengekspresikan perasaan dan pikiran melalui genre-genre sastra tradisional. Ini dapat dikesan dari munculnya fb group-fb group yang mengangkat kembali khazanah pantun. Begitu juga dalam sms-sms lebaran sering kita menerima teks-teks yang digubah dalam bentuk pantun atau genre sastra tadisional lainnya. Di nomor ini (86) kami sajikan kembali beberapa bait pantun klasik Minangkabau, penyambung nomor yang lalu.

662.

Buang sagalo nan paguno,

Elok sagalo lah tabao,

Kubuang manjadi ampang limo,

Solok manjadi bandaharo.

663.

Elok sagalo lah tabao,

Tidak tabado di nan tido,

Solok nan jadi bandaharo,

Nan jadi rajo nan batigo.

664.

Tidak tabado di nan tido,

Lakek sarawa panjang hitam,

Nan jadi rajo nan batigo,

Nan cadiak urang Sirukam.

665.

Lakek sarawa panjang hitam,

Nak bagaduang bakudarang,

Nan cadiak urang Sirukam,

Nan bapayuang urang Supayang.

666.

Nak bagaduang bakudarang,

Kapa nan ilang alah dapek,

Nan bapayung urang Supayang,

Sabab dek cadiak Koto Ampek.

667.

Kapa nan ilang alah dapek,

Ka Limbukan maambiak kopi,

Nan cadiak urang Koto Ampek,

Nan jadi sutan urang Palangki.

668.

Ka Limbukan maambiak kopi,

Bagala Mangkuto Sati,

Jadi Sutan urang Palangki,

Tabanam sawah Sungai Lasi.

669.

Galanyo Mangkuto Sati,

Manatah uang jo pitih,

Tabanam sawah Sungai Lasi,

Silungkang labuah bakikih.

670.

Kok buliah uang jo pitih,

Manatah uang limo busuak,

Silungkang labuah bakikih,

Apo katenggang Padang Sibusuak.

671.

Kok buliah uang limo busuak,

Takanak deta ujuang sangka,

Mintak tenggang di Padang Sibusuak,

Bangkik Singkarak Saniangbaka.

Nomor ini merekam kebiasaan dan ciri khas masing-masing nagari di daerah Solok dan sekitarnya. Menarik bahwa pantun-pantun Minangkabau ternyata juga merekam ciri-ciri atau kelebihan suatu nagari. Para penggemar sastra lisan Rabab Pariaman tentu tahu betul bahwa satu pertunjukannya yang disebut “Jalan Kuliliang Bilang Nagari” (lihat misalnya kaset dan VCD-nya yang diproduksi oleh Tanama Record) merekam ciri-ciri masyarakat nagari-nagari di rantau Pariaman yang digubah dalam bentuk pantun.

Dengan demikian kita boleh menyimpulkan bahwa pantun-pantun Minangkabau juga merupakan laman budaya (cultural site) tempat sejarah dan kekhasan nagari-nagari direkam dan disampaikan kepada generasi kini. Ini tentu jadi mungkin karena pantun-pantun itu kebetulan dituliskan atau direkam dalam kaset/VCD. Mungkin itulah salah satu manfaat pendokumentasian khazanah sastra tradisional Minangkabau.

Dalam sistem geopolitik tradisional masyarakat Solok masa lampau rupanya dulu Kubuang mendapat jatah untuk menjabat sebagai panglima (662), sementara jabatan bendahara dipegang oleh orang Solok. Dan tiga pucuk pimpinan adat di daerah itu yang paling berpengaruh menjabat sabagai raja (663).

Orang Sirukam rupanya terkenal karena kecerdikannya (664; ada beberapa teks klasik lagi yang tersimpan di Leiden University Library yang merekam masyarakat Sirukam masa lampau), sedangkan orang Supayang dianggap tinggi derajat kebangsawanannya (nan bapayuang) (665).

Orang Koto Ampek juga terkenal cerdik (666), sedangkan orang Palangki mendapat jatah sebagai su(l)tan (667). Ketinggian derajat orang Palangki ini dikonfrontasikan dengan orang Sungai Lasi (668). Sedangkan Silungkang terkenal dengan jalannya yang bagus (labuah bakikih) (669), yang tentu saja masih dapat dilihat sampai kini. Akibatnya jatuh prestise Padang Sibusuak (670). Dan rupanya lain pula mantagi Singkarak dan Saniangbaka yang tampaknya punya rasa percaya diri yang tinggi (671).

Kita tahu bahwa nagari-nagari (‘republik-republik kecil’) di Minangkabau duduk sama rendah, tegak sama tinggi. Masing-masing nagari berkompetisi (yang antara lain bisa dikesan dalam pesta ‘alek nagari’). Walaupun saling berkompetisi dan menjaga mantagi masing-masing, nagari-nagari juga saling membantu dan sama-sama menaruh respek kepada Pagaruyung.

Begitulah, dulu setiap nagari di Minangkabau punya ciri khas. Paling tidak ada satu ciri yang menonjol pada setiap nagari, mungkin menyangkut alamnya, gaya (berbusana) kaum perempuannya, gaya dan laku para pemudanya, makanan khasnya (misalnya dalam “Jalan Kuliliang” Rabab Pariaman disebutkan: “katupek sasak rang Sicincin, lamang baminyak Sungai Asam, di Gadua dadiah nan tasabuik, santiang bantainyo Pakandangan…”), kepintaran mereka dalam bisa seni, ilmu bela diri atau magis tertentu, ketinggian derajat para kaum penghulunya, dan lain sebagainya. Ciri-ciri khas itulah yang menjadi mantagi masing-masing nagari.

Walaupun demikian, nagari-nagari punya semangat gotong royong, sambil tetap menjaga mantagi dalam kultur kompetisi. Itulah aura kehidupan sosial masyarakat Minangkabau zaman lampau. Kini entahlah apa yang telah terjadi. Yang terdengar: banyak nagari telah (dan akan) membiak, membelah diri, seperti amuba.

(bersambung minggu depan)

Suryadi[Leiden University, Belanda] | Padang Ekspres, Minggu, 24 Juni 2012

 

 

The Minang Family of Solok with dutch women and children in 1890

Kabupaten Solok dibentuk berdasarkan Undang-undang Nomor 12 Tahun 1956

tentang pembentukan daerah otonom dalam lingkungan Provinsi Sumatera Tengah.

Pada tahun 1970,

 ibu kota Kabupaten Solok berubah status menjadi kotamadya, namun pusat pemerintahan Kabupaten Solok waktu itu tetap berada dalam wilayah pemerintahan Kota Solok.

Pada tahun 1974

Lettupol dr Iwan Suwandy bertugas di solok selaku Perwira Polres solok dengan kaporlresnya Let,Kol Pol Widodo dengan daerah pengawasan Polres sawahlunto sijunjung and tanah datar,

December,13^th. 1975

Lahir putra pertama Albert suwandy di Padang, saya masih ingat malam itu saya lagi menolong pasien melahirkan di rumah sakit Korem solok dengan letak lintang dan mendapat telpon bahwa isteri lily wijaja di Padang perdarahan, segera malam itu jam 17.00 WIB menyetir mobil pribati Toyota Corolla 1300 cc tahun 1974 sendiri karena tidak ada supir, dengan sangat berhati-hati takut saat itu banyak tikungan dijalan antara sungei selasih sampai lading padi indarung banyak belokan terjal serta takut diserang Harimau, dekat kelokan terjal kelihatan bianatng seperti ahrimau yang kaget berhenti kena sinar lampu, saya menebakan revover ketatas larilah binatang tersebut, sampai di rumah sakit dr M Jamil sekitar jam  23.00 WIB langsung ke kamar bersalin ternyata sudah ada tanda-tanda melahirkan  tanggal  14 Desember 1975 dan baru lahir besoknya jam 10.00 pagi lahirlah putra pertama Albert suwandy ditolong oleh dr kebinanan A.R. Sjahrial dengan spontan.

January 11th 1977

Isteri Lily sudah saatnya untuk melahirkan tetapi belum ada tanda-tanda sedangkan saya harus berangkat ke Watukosek Pandaan Jawa timur untuk mengikuti Sekolah Peralihan Perwira Milsuk di PUSDIK Porong tersebut, maka saya pagi itu mengajak isteri naik mobil jeep willys dinas ke Sukaramai restoran denddeng abtokok agar ada rangsangan untuk melahirkan ternyata berhasil jam 14,00 ketika sudah sampai di rumah di solok mulai timbul tanda-tanda melahirkan, tilpon bidan poliklinik POLRES Solok untuk membantu(isteri si Ucok) ternyata ia datangnay lamabat sekitar jam 15.00 lahirlah putra kedua yang saya tolong sendiri Anton jimmy suwandy . Anton adalah warga Negara Indonesia pertama yang lahir di kotamaduya solok ,surat lahirnya ditanda tangani oleh walikota Solok al8imin sinapa.

 Segera setelah itu saya berangkat ke padang untuk menuju Surabaya liwat Jakarta dengan pesawat terbang.

(catatan dr Iwan)

 

 

1979

Secara berangsur angsur kemudian pusat pemerintahan kabupaten Solok “digeser” ke Koto Baru, kecamatan Kubung.

Namun seiring dengan perkembangan pemerintahan kemudian, Koto Baru tidak memadai lagi untuk berfungsi sebagai pusat pemerintahan karena beberapa faktor, antara lain:

1. Lahan milik pemerintah yang tersedia sangat terbatas, sehingga tidak mungkin untuk mengembangkan gedung / sarana perkantoran.
2. Lahan masyarakat disekitar Koto Baru adalah sawah yang subur yang didukung oleh irigasi yang baik dan produktivitasnya cukup tinggi, sehingga “sayang” kalau mesti dialih fungsikan

 

 

Padang Taji

…

SILOENGKANG

 

Train raiway Silungkang  during DEI

Siloengkang in 1920

“Misteri” Indonesia, Muluk Nasution dan Silungkang

Oleh : Muhammad Ilham

 

Rupanya Datuk Sinaro Chatib,

 Sekretaris Sarikat Rakyat Silungkang memiliki koleksi buku lebih dari 1.000 buah.

 

Di sebuah nagari yang biasa-biasa saja, di tahun 1920-an. Salah satu koleksi buku Datuk Sinaro Chatib ini adalah Uncle Tom’s Cabin (Gubuk Paman Tom).

 

 Datuk Sinaro yang tercerahkan ini, bahagia dikunjungi banyak orang hanya untuk sekedar membaca koleksi buku yang dimilikinya. Buku Uncle Tom’s Cabin menjadi salah satu bacaan favorit orang yang berkunjung ke rumahnya.

 

Dalam catatan Ruth Mc. Vey yang menyinggung

 

 “Pemberontakan Silungkang”,

 

ada anak muda yang bernama Muluk Nasution, atau Abdul Muluk Nasution. Profesinya sebagai pegawai pos, mungkin membawa putra Mandahiling ini “hinggap” di Silungkang.

 

 Ia sering membaca buku-fiksi Uncle Tom’s Cabin tentang perjuangan budak belian Afrika di Amerika Serikat.

 

Secara imajinatif, Muluk menghubungkan lingkungan yang dilihatnya dengan apa yang menjadi pesan buku-fiksi ini.

 

 Melalui buku fiksi ini, Muluk dan mungkin rakyat Silungkang menemukan apa yang dikatakan Bennedict R. O’Gonnor Anderson, the imagines communities – bayangan akan sebuah komunitas yang lebih besar dengan membandingkan lingkungan dan pesan Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

 

 “Penderitaan dan kesengsaraan budak belian Afrika dalam buku tersebut, saya bandingkan dengan penderitaan dan nestapa kuli-kuli kontrak yang bekerja paksa ditambang Ombilin Sawahlunto atau di perkebunan Ledang dan Tinggam yang pernah saya lihat”, demikian Muluk. Kedekatannya dengan Datuk Sinaro Chatib, membuatnya memasuki ranah politik via Sarikat Rakyat Silungkang.

 

Bulan Februari 1924,

 Muluk ditangkap dengan sebelumnya dipecat menjadi pegawai pos, sebuah posisi yang cukup terpandang kala itu.

 Apa kesalahan Muluk ?

Bersama Buyung Enek (saya yakin dan percaya, namanya tak ada dalam buku sejarah) Muluk mengumpulkan beberapa orang pemuda Silungkang lalu menyanyikan lagu Barisan Pemuda yang menggelora dengan aura pembebasan dari ketertindasan dan keinginan untuk menyatukan barisan, barisan yang bernama Indonesia.

 

Sungguh, negara Indonesia sebagai sebuah konsep yang diimaginasikan, telah tertanam dengan kuat pada tahun 1920-an. Muluk dan Buyung Enek menyampaikan pesan pada sejarah.

Dan mereka bukanlah figur yang dianggap penting dan tak diperhitungkan oleh sejarah. Kita tidak tahu apa arti “Indonesia” dan kemerdekaan bagi rakyat masa itu.

Tapi bagi kawan-kawan Muluk yang lain, seperti Kamaruddin alias Manggulung bersama dengan Sampono Kayo dan Ibrahim yang dijatuhi hukuman gantung, bagi mereka Indonesia sebagai sebuah imagines communities adalah sebuah keniscayaan.

Dalam pledoinya, mereka mengatakan “terus terang” motif pemberontakan mereka – hasrat untuk merdeka.

Mereka meminta untuk di hukum gantung di pasar Silungkang, daerahnya mereka sendiri.

 Menghadapi kematiannya, Kamaruddin masih tetap imajinatif, menuntut agar dagingnya diiris-iris dan dikirimkan kepada Ratu Belanda, Wilhelmina.

 “Setelah tembok Cina selesai berdiri, kemanakah para budak disembunyikan”, kata filosof Cina klasik Lut Szun ratusan tahun lalu

 

 

Toko Delima

 

Rombongan Hizbul Wathan (HW) Muhammadiyah berpose

di depan toko Delima

Keterangan :
Sumber : Alm. Bp. A. Murad Rivai (Dalimo), Silungkang
Koleksi : Bp. Alwis Munaf (Dalimo Jao), Jl. H. Soleh II/6, Jakarta

 

Meajoen Langkah Ke Conferentie Ke I Di Siloengkang

Posted by munirtaher under Buletin, Foto, PKS, Politik, Sejarah, Silungkang
[7] Comments

Beberapa masalah jang bersangkoet dengan masjarakat negeri kita Siloengkang jang sangat benar besar gelombangnja sekarang dalam dada rata-ratanja anak negeri Siloengkang jang tinggal di kampoeng, lebih-lebih jang tinggal di rantau.

Masalah itoe menoeroet garis besarnja, adalah :
1. Jang bersangkoet dengan masalah air boeat mandi. Oleh karena kekoerangan tempat mandi, maka ntjata-ntjata tersinggoeng kesoetjian dan kesopanan negeri kita Siloengkang :

1. Lihatlah tapian mandi indoek-indoek kita di batang air, dengan terang kelihatan oleh orang banjak waktoe mandi dan boeang air.
2. Dengan mandi di batang air, maka gampang sadja penjakit menoelar menghinggapi badan kita, lebih-lebih badan anak-anak. Dan penjakit t.b.c serta decentry gampang benar berdjangkitnja.
3. Dan karena kekoerangan air, maka apabila ada kecelakaan roemah jang terbakar, amat soesah sekali oentoek memberi pertolongan ditempat jang soelit-soelit.

2. Jang bersangkoet dengan masalah kesoetjian nama negeri Siloengkang. Oleh karena kelalaian kita anak negeri Siloengkang, maka dengan leloeasa sadja soerat-soerat kabar menjiarkan kabar jang boekan-boekan oentoek memboesoekkan nama negeri kita.

3. Jang bersangkoet dengan pendidikan anak-anak. Oleh karena kita anak negeri Siloengkang selama ini tidak mengatjoehkan tentang pendidikan anak-anak kita, maka sekarang terasalah bagi kita bersama betapa roeginja bagi kita anak negeri Siloengkang. Betapa lagi sekarang orang dirantau sangat bersoebhat dengan keadaan sekolah agama jang ada di Siloengkang sekarang, tentang boeah pendidikannja. Dan dimanakah tersimpangnja sikroep itoe, entah digoeroe-goeroe entah pada anak negeri Siloengkang sendiri.

4. Soal jang bersangkoet dengan kain tenoenan Siloengkang.

1. Sebahagian besar penghidoepan indoek-indoek kita di Siloengkang tergantoeng dengan kain tenoenan Siloengkang. Djika kain tenoenan Siloengkang koerang lakoe, tentoelah hal-hal jang tidak baik, moengkin akan terdjadi di dalam negeri kita.
2. Oleh karena banjak anak negeri Siloengkang jang dalam soesah hidoepnja di rantau, karena itoe oeang Belandja boeat indoek-indoek, koerang poela datangnja. Dan djika koerang poela lakoenja kain tenoenan Siloengkang, tentoe bahaja akan lebih besar mengantjam negeri Siloengkang.
3. Oleh karena K.O.T.S. tidak diberi bantoean oleh anak negeri Siloengkang, sedangkan bantoean dar oeang Leenfonds soedah dikembalikan, maka akan perdjalanan K.O.T.S. jang soedah ditangah djalan sekarang, akan dihidoepkan teroes, amatlah soesahnja, dan kalaoe dimatikan sadja amat sajang kita.

5. Soal jang bersangkoet dengan perantaun anak negeri Siloengkang.

1. Oleh karena kebanjakan anak negeri Siloengkang jang berjalan ke rantau, djarang sekali jang berdjalan dengan membawa pokok, maka tak heran lagi kita, tentoe hidoepnja berkoetjar-katjir, betapa lagi jang djadi personel toko oerang awak djoega, djarang sekali jang berketjotjokan. Personel tadi tentoe terpaksa bertjerai kembali. Gadjinja terpaksa ditjari orang negeri lain, dan dengan ini penganggoeran anak negeri Siloengkang bertambah banjak, sedangkan pengharapan dari kampoeng dari iboe bapaknja dan anak istrinja, merekalah jang diharapkan akan mengirimkan oeang Belandja tiap boelan. Djangankan oeang jang akan dikirimkannja, malahan kabar kesoesahan hidoepnja di rantau jang hanja 100 dapat dikirimkannja ke kampoeng.
2. Di beberapa tempat ada jang banjak sekali anak orang awak jang menganggoer, padahal dibeberapa tempat masih banjak lapangan oentoek mentjari penghidoepan. Dan karena tak ada persatoean kita, maka banjaklah lapangan rantau oerang awak jang telah direboet orang lain.

—oOo—

 

LAMANJA CONFERENTIE

Conferentie diadakan seboelan lepas poeasa jaitoe dari 15 sampai 22 Desember 1939.

HARI PERTAMA, Senin 15 – 12 – ’39

Receptie
Bertempat dalam Loods kajoe
el 3.30 sore

Tentoonstelling diboeka dari poekoel 10 pagi sampai djam 12
Boeat laki-laki

Agenda :

1. Lagoe Conferentie dari anak-anak
2. Pembitjaraan dari voorzitter C.v.O
3. Pidato dari secretaris C.v.O
4. Soembangan pembitjaraan dari hadirin
5. Djawaban dari C.v.O

MALAMNJA
Besloten vergadering oetoesan
Bertempat di Taman Pembatjaan
moelai poekoel 8 malam

Agenda :

1. Menerima pendapatan-pendapatan dari oetoesan tentang Conferentie.
2. Memperbintjangkan soal Waterleiding.

HARI KEDUA, Selasa, 19-12-’39

Besloten vergadering dari orang jang diundang special
Bertempat di roemah sekolah agama moelai poekoel 8 pagi

Tentoonstelling diboeka moelai poekoel 9 pagi sampai jam 12

Agenda :

1. Pengoemoeman dari Secretaris C.v.O
2. Menerima pemandangan-pemandangan
3. Memperbintjangkan soal memperloeas toean Textiel lakoenja tenoenan Siloengkang

MALAMNJA
Besloten vergadering oetoesan
Bertempat di Taman Pembatjaan
moelai poekoel 8 malam

Agenda :

1. Memperloeas rantau anak Siloengkang
2. Menjaga kesoetjian nama negeri Siloengkang

HARI KETIGA
Rebo 13-12-’39

Openbare vergadering
Bertempat dalam Loods Kajoe
moelai poekoel 8 pagi

Agenda :

1. Lagoe Conferentie anak-anak
2. Pidato dari Comite van Ontvangst
3. Memperbaiki sangka antara orang di rantau
4. Pidato dari oetoesan dari rantau
5. Pidato toean Textiel

Tentoonstelling diboeka dari poekoel 12 siang sampai poekoel 2 sore.

Pemeriksaan anak-anak dari oemoer 1 sampai 6 boelan oleh 2 dokter serta dapat hadiah mana jang bagoes didikannja

Di Fort de kock dalam tahoen 1906, sesoedah itoe di Djawa djuga pasar tahoenan di Brussel dalam tahoen 1910 dikoenjdoengi oleh kaoem iboe Siloengkang jang banjak kemaoean itoe, gambar mana dari mereka ada tergantoeng di bangsal ini, adalah menolong besar atas perniagaan dari tenoenan Siloengkang ini.

Lakoenja tenoenan itoe mendjadi besar, jang mendjadikan perkakas tenoenan jang moelanja sangat sederhana. Ta’ sanggup lagi mengisi permintaan orang jang mana orang moelailah membeli perkakas jang lebih bagoes, ditolong dengan wang getah. Selandjoetnja benang-benang sendiri makin lama makin banjak ditoekar dengan benang-benang dari negeri-negeri loearan, poen begitoe dari hal mentjeloep.

Lebih-lebih diwaktoe getah masih mahal kira-kira dari tahoen 1926 sampai 1929, lakoenja tenoenan Siloengkang ta’ terkira-kira banjaknja, seperti ke Koentan dan Djambi, djoega kelain-lain tempat, waktoe mana boleh dibilang waktoe mas bagi negeri Siloengkang, dan jang dikenang-kenang oleh anak negeri dengan sedih itoe.

Diwaktoe itoe perlawan dengan barang-barang Japan moelai poelalah perdjuangan mana masih teroes ada.

Selandjoetnja djoega moelai naiknja peroesahaan saroeng Djawa dan perlawanan tenoenan negeri-negeri Minangkabau jang lain-lain, beserta bikin koerang madjoenja pertenoenan Siloengkang dalam beberapa tahoen, jang berkesoedahan Siloengkang hanja tinggal memakai nama sadja lagi.

Perlawanan ini dilawan teroes, soenggoehpoen sebeatas oleh pertenoenan Siloengkang dengan mengeloearkan barang-barang jang kwaliteitnja lebih rendah, jang mendjadikan perniagaan tenoenan Siloengkang bertambah ketjil.

Kedjadian jang sekarang itoe memaksa pendoedoek Siloengkang memboeat barang jang soekar-soekar didapati, jang tidak dikeloerkan oleh fabriek-fabriek djoega tanoenan tangan jang mahal-mahal.

Karena tenoenan Siloengkang sekarang telah mendjadi barang lux dan tidak djadi barang pakaian lagi, Siloengkang memang dalam kemadjuan tiap-tiap economic, tetapi kalah dalam tiap-tiap ketoeroenan harga. Dari sebab itoe perniagaan tenoenan Siloengkang sedjak tahoen 1929 sangat koerangnja, dan berada sekarang ditempat jang rendah. Hanja dengan pertoekaran perkakas berdikit-dikit, dengan jang baroe-baroe, djoega dengan bekerdja bersama dari segala pihak jang bersangkoetan dengan peroesahaan ini, akan memberi Siloengkang kesempatan oentoek merampas kedoedoekannja dahoeloe itoe.

Inilah sebabnja, padoeka Njonja Besar, maka pendoedoek Siloengkang dengan penghoeloe-penghoeloe serta kantor jang didirikan oleh beberapa handelaar-handelaar jang berkemaoean menjamboet kedatangan padoeka Njonja Besar seperti tanda, dimana pengharapan mereka terletak.

Moga-moga kedatangan padoeka Njonja Besar itoe beserta menoloh perhatian besar berbalik lagi ke Siloengkang moelai lagi mengeloearkan tenaganja, agar perhatian padoeka Njonja Besar itoe tetap hendaknja.

Catatan sr Iwan

Saya kenal dengan seorang penjual obat merangkap pedagang antic, dari dia saya menemukan uang bonk rafles EIC benkulu, serta Mokun pancawarna kembang Aceh, serta tempayan Ming naga yang sampai saat ini masih ada dalam kjoleksi saya

Sawahloento

 

PETA SAWAHLOENTO

 

 

 

SAWAHLOENTON TAHUN 1939

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Zuster St Lucia sawahloento 1925

 

 

sawahloento

Sabtu, 12 Desember 2009

foto tempo doeloe 43

 

 

 

foto tempo doeloe 42

 

Sawahlunto now

 

Sapu ijuk dari silungkang

 

Gereja Sawahlunto dulu dipimpin almarhum pastor Mario Bagiani dan kemudian Partor Morini.

Saat dr Iwan bertugas di solok,setiap hari rabu berkunjung ke asrama polsekta Sawahlunto yang lokasinya dekat tambang batubara ombilin, saat itu kepala polisinya sangat baik sekali yang diganti kapten Pol nana Permana yang terakhir berpangkat Letnan JUendral Polisi sebagai Wakapolri ,dan kapolresnya sudah almarhum letkol pol terakhir Kol Pol kap[olda KALBAR saat dr Iwan bertugas disana almarhum berkunjung sayng bertemu saat ia mengalami stokr dan meninggal dunia.,wakilnya juga saya kenal baik kapten Muchlis (terakhir Kolonel Pol kapolda Riau)

Bangunan  tua di sawahlunto lainnya

bangunan tua

 

 

foto Sawahlunto kini

 

 

 

Ombilin Coalmine

 

 

 

 

Sidjoendjoeng

1942-1945

The Death Railway

pengantar ke Part Pekanbaru-Muaro Sijunjung

Logas adalah kawasan di tengah hutan belantara antara Sumatera Barat dan Riau. Pada 1943-1945, Jepang membangun rel kereta api di sini, menghubungkan Sumatera Barat dan Riau. Puluhan romusha dikerahkan untuk mengerjakannya. Logas menjadi kawasan pekuburan dan saksi bisu tragedi yang mengerikan.

Romusha terdiri dari pemuda-pemuda pribumi yang ditangkapi secara paksa sepulang sekolah; bahkan yang sedang nongkrong atau jalan-jalan. Mereka diangkut dengan truk dan dibawa ke Logas. Beberapa tawanan Belanda juga dijadikan romusha.

Para romusha hidup di tengah hutan belantara. Dikomandoi Letnan Doi Isamu yang kejam, mereka bekerja keras siang-malam, makan seadanya dan tidur berselimutkan dingin dan sengatan nyamuk malaria. Kalau mereka lari, harimau sumatera dan binatang buas lainnya siap menerkam di hutan. Tak ada catatan pasti tentang jumlah kematian, tapi yang jelas: belasan romusha mati tiap harinya selama dua tahun.

Bagaimana dengan romusha Indonesia yang dikirim ke negara lain? Di negara Burma, sebagaimana diakui dan digambarkan presiden Soekarno: hampir 99% mati

Kumpulan artikel ini saya rangkum dari berbagai sumber mengenai jejak aktivitas tentara Jepang pada periode 1942-1945.

Para romusha dari berbagai daerah di Indonesia banyak dipekerjakan dalam beberapa proyek mercusuar tentara Jepang, salah satunya adalah pembangunan jalur kereta api.
Istilah The Death Railway secara global diperuntukkan bagi jalur KA Burma-Thailand sepanjang 415 km yang banyak memakan korban jiwa. Jalur ini juga salah satu proyek Jepang pada masa WWII. Namun untuk thread kali ini, Julukan The Death Railway ini saya alihkan pada dua jalur kereta api legendaris di Indonesia, yaitu jalur KA Saketi-Bayah (Banten) dan jalur KA Pekanbaru-Muaro Sijunjung.

 

jalur kereta maut Pekanbaru-Muaro Sijunjung

karena, jalur ini masih digunakan untuk mengangkut batubara hingga tahun 1950-an. Tidak seperti jalur Pekanbaru-Muaro Sijunjung yang hanya digunakan sekali untuk menjemput para romusha yang masih hidup dan tertinggal di tengah belantara hutan Sumatera.

 

 

 

Jalur kereta api Pekanbaru – Muaro Sijunjung

dibangun oleh Jepang bertujuan menghubungkan bagian barat Sumatera dengan bagian timur Sumatera untuk mempermudah perpindahan pasukan tambahan tentara Jepang yang didatangkan dari Singapura.

Selain itu, tujuan lain dibangunnya jalur kereta api ini adalah sebagai salah satu cara untuk mengangkut batu bara dari Tapui menuju Pekanbaru untuk kemudian dibawa ke Singapura dengan kapal. Jepang bisa membangun jalur ini karena telah mempelajari arsip tentang rencana pembangunan jalur kereta api yang menghubungkan pantai barat dan timur Sumatera yang tersimpan di Nederlands-Indische Staatsspoorwegen (Perusahaan Negara Kereta Api Hindia Belanda).

 

Pembangunan jalur kereta api Pekanbaru-Muaro Sijunjung dimulai

pada bulan Maret 1943.

Hampir sekitar 100.000 romusha yang dilibatkan dalam proyek maut ini. Sebagian besar didatangkan dari Jawa dan sisanya diambil dari penduduk sekitar serta dari Medan dan Bukittinggi. Ditambah lebih dari 5000 orang tahanan perang (Prisoner of War / POW) asal Amerika Serikat, Australia, Belanda, Selandia Baru, dan Inggris dilibatkan pula dalam pembangunan jalur kereta api yang selesai tepat saat Jepang menyerah kepada sekutu pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1945 ini. Sebelum dibangun, jalur kereta api ini telah banyak memakan korban baik dari romusha ataupun dari tahanan perang. Para romusha dan tahanan perang telah banyak yang tewas saat perjalanan menuju Padang dan Pekanbaru karena kapal yang membawa mereka menuju kedua kota tersebut tenggelam ditembak kapal-kapal sekutu. Kapal Junyo Maru yang membawa 6500 romusha dan tawanan perang yang diberangkatkan dari Tanjung Priok, tenggelam di barat perairan Muko-Muko Bengkulu setelah ditorpedo oleh kapal selam Kerajaan Inggris HMS Tradewind. Hal itu mengakibatkan sekitar 5620 romusha dan tawanan perang yang ada di kapal itu tewas. Kapal kedua adalah kapal Harukiku Maru yang ditembak di Selat Malaka, dalam pelayaran dari Belawan menuju Pekanbaru.

Proses pembangunan jalur kereta api ini dilakukan dengan cara mengerjakannya bermula di dua titik, yaitu Pekanbaru dan Muaro Sijunjung hingga bertemu di titik tengah keduanya. Para pekerja sangat menderita karena selama pembangunan jalur kereta api ini, mereka mendapat perlakuan yang buruk dari para tentara Jepang. Henk Hovinga dalam bukunya menulis,

Dalam suatu neraka hijau, penuh ular, lintah darat dan harimau, lebih buruk lagi miliaran nyamuk malaria, di bawah pengawasan kejam orang-orang Jepang dan pembantu mereka orang Korea.

 

Selain itu dalam situs COPEFOW beberapa korban yang bertahan hidup menceritakan apa yang mereka lihat dan alami selama membangun jalur kereta api Pekanbaru-Muaro Sijunjung ini. “Bagi mereka yang sudah sakit dan tidak mampu bekerja mereka akan dibawa ke perkemahan. Beberapa dokter dengan menggunakan peralatan yang sederhana berjuang keras untuk memberi harapan hidup kepada para korban.

 Salah satunya adalah W.J van Ramshorst dokter bedah militer dari Den Haag yang mengoperasi dan mengamputasi korban hanya dengan menggunakan pisau dan garpu sederhana……..”

Dalam cerita lain diberitahukan bahwa, ketika para pekerja kekurangan makanan, mereka memakan apa saja termasuk belatung. “Saya melihat ayam memakan belatung, lalu berpikir jika baik bagi ayam baik bagi orang-orang juga.  Jadi kami mengambil belatung dengan ember dari kakus, mencucinya, memasaknya, kemudian tampak orang-orang yang sakit membaik setelah memakan ini karena porsi ekstra protein”.

Dalam pembangunan jalur kereta api sepanjang 220 Km ini, banyak romusha dan tawanan perang yang meninggal. Beberapa hal yang menyebabkan banyaknya korban yang meninggal dalam pembangunan jalur ini adalah kurangnya obat-obatan yang disediakan, kelelahan, penyakit tropis seperti; diare, malaria, dan disentri, kurangnya makan yang tersedia, buruknya kondisi kamp-kamp romusha, dan lain-lain.

 

Tentara Jepang sepertinya sengaja tidak terlalu memperhatikan kondisi kesehatan para pekerja, karena setelah perang berakhir diketahui bahwa ada banyak bantuan obat-obatan dari Palang Merah yang tertahan di Pekanbaru. Menurut alm. H. Rosihan Anwar, jumlah korban yang tewas dari tahanan perang berjumlah 2.596 orang sedangkan dari 100.000 romusha yang hidup sekitar 20.000 orang.

 

Setelah memakan waktu hampir dua tahun, pada 15 Agustus 1945, jalur ini selesai dibangun. Namun jalur ini tidak difungsikan seperti tujuan semula, jalur ini kemudian digunakan hanya untuk menyelamatkan para romusha dan tawanan perang yang masih ada di kamp-kamp yang terdapat di pinggir rel seperti di daerah Taratak Boeloeh, Soengeitengkrang, Soengaipagar, Lipat Kian, Logas, Kota Baroe Moeara, Tapoei, dan Petai.

 Setelah digunakan untuk mengangkut para pekerja tersebut, jalur ini tidak pernah digunakan kembali sampai sekarang.

Untuk mengenang para pekerja yang membangun jalur ini, maka dibangun Monumen Lokomotif dan Tugu Pahlawan Kerja di Riau. Tidak hanya dibangun di Riau, di Inggris pun dibangun National Memorial Arboretum Staffordshire.

Daftar Pustaka :

Henk Hovinga : “Eindstation Pakan Baroe 1943-1945 – Dodenspoorweg door het oerwoud”

Jan de Bruin, Het Indische spoor in oorlogstijd

Pikiran Rakyat, 25 Februari 2004.

http://www.riaudailyphoto.com/2011/05/napak-tilas-kereta-api-di-riau.html

http://pakanbaroe.webs.com/

http://www.cofepow.org.uk/pages/asia_sumatra3.html

http://kadaikopi.com/?p=934

Lembah anai(Valley)

 

 

 

 

 

Tunnel

 

 

 

 

 

 

Singalang waterfall anai

 

 

 

The painting by Datoek Sati 1930

 

 

 

Boekittinggi

(Fort de Kock)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1929-1930

 

Henk Pos sends us this family photo shot in the former Fort de Kock, now Bukittinggi, in West Sumatra, the Minangkabau area. It came to him from a niece. Her father is to be seen here on the right of the chauffeur of the big 7 seat Tourer. Henk presumes the car is a Bentley. However the hubcap design and overall view points more into a US made direction: 1929-1930 Lasalle, Chrysler-rish ?

 

 

 

Ngarai sianok(karbouwenkat)

 

 

 

 

1900

 

 

 

Now

 

Rome catholic church

 

 

 

 

 

Chinese Camp

Liem Soe Yam Agam Shop

 

 

Belum banyak kajian sejarah yang dilakukan mengenai kedatangan kaum Tionghoa di darek (pedalaman Minangkabau). Apakah orang Cina masuk ke pedalaman Minangkabau menyusul kemenangan Belanda dalam Perang Padri (1837) atau mereka sudah melakukan hubungan dagang dengan orang Minang di dataran tinggi (darek) sebelum orang Eropa datang ke pantai barat Sumatra? Apakah mereka masuk ke pedalaman Minangkabau dari ‘pintu timur’ atau ‘pintu barat’? Hal ini belum jelas benar terdeskripsi dalam buku Erniwati, Asap Hio di Ranah Minang; Komunitas Tionghoa di Sumatera Barat (Yogyakarta: Ombak dan Yayasan Nabil, 2007), dan oleh karenanya perlu diteliti lebih lanjut.

Di Bukittinggi (yang di zaman kolonial bernama Fort de Kock) orang Tionghoa sudah lama juga  memainkan peran yang cukup siginfikan di bidang bisnis. Rubrik ‘Minang Saisuak’ SinggalangMinggu telah  menurunkan foto klasik satu sudut kawasan Pecinan di Bukittinggi. Tidak ada keterangan kapan foto ini dibuat, tapi mungkin dalam periode seperempat pertama abad ke-20 atau lebih awal. Disebutkan bahwa produsernya adalah Toko Agam yang bentuk fisiknya terekam dalam foto ini. Toko ini adalah milik seorang Cina yang bernama Liem Sioe Yaam. “Fort de Kock Chineesche-kamp”, demikian judul foto yang aslinya berbentuk kartu pos (prentbriefkaart) ini. Jadi, tampaknya kartu pos yang dicetak oleh Toko Agam ini sekaligus merupakan media untuk mempromosikan toko tersebut: fungsinya kurang lebih sama dengan almanak yang diproduksi oleh toko-toko modern sekarang.

 

Bagunan fisik Toko Agam ini kelihatan cukup kokoh. Toko ini bertingkat dua, dengan pintu dan jendela dibuat besar menyerupai pintu-pintu dan jendela bagunan-bangunan di Eropa. Jalan di depan dan di samping toko ini kelihatan masih lapang. Dalam koran-koran lama ditemukan beberapa iklan atas nama Toko Agam ini. Barang-barang yang dijual berupa tekstil dan juga jenis-jenis barang impor lainnya.

 

Seperti banyak kota lainnya di dunia, kawasan Pecinan jelas merupakan salah satu landmark kota Bukittinggi yang menjadi salah satu kota kebanggaan orang Minang. Sekarang di kawasan ini masih tersisa bangunan-bangunan lama, dan mungkin juga bekas Toko Agam masih ada. Kalau saya tidak salah dekat toko ini dulunya juga ada Percetakan Merapi yang cukup terkenal, yang telah ikut menyumbang dalam menumbuhkan tradisi keberaksaraan (literacy) di Minangkabau. Barangkali juga keturunan pemilik Toko Agam, Liem Sioe Yaam, masih meneruskan usaha nenek moyangnya sampai sekarang.

 

. (Sumber foto: Leo Haks en Steven Wachlin, Indonesië; 500 oude prentbriefkaarten. [Alphen aan de Rijn]: Atrium, 2005:34).

 

 

 

Pajakoemboeh

 

 

 

1900

 

1911

Native restaurant(lapau)

 

1920

 

Rome catholic church

1930

 

Mosque Palembajan

 

 

1931

Overstrooming

 

 

1950

STEMPEL DINAS PANGKALAN UDARA Republik Indonesia Serikat  DI KALOEMBOK PAYAKUMBUH

 

Lapangan terbang ini sudah tidak ada lagi.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fort Tandjong Alam 50 koto Pajakumbuh

 

 

 

 

 

Lembah Arau

 

 

de Kloof van Aroe, Padangse Bovenlanden aan de westkust van…

 

De kampong Kotanan Ampat te Payakombo, Padangse Bovenlanden

De kampung Palimbajang

 

Dari Bukittinggi ke Lubuk sikaping,Tapan rimba Panti sampai muara Sipongi

THE MINANGKABAU HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

Bonjol(perang Padri)

1810

Fort suroasso

 

1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1911

 Minangkabau bride(Pengantin) in 1911

 

 

Minangkabau “ basilek” dance  in 1911

Minangkabau Tilatang Kamang brides in 1911

Minangkabau school at Tilatang kamang  in 1911

Minangkabau Sugar”pengiling goela  Taboe “Molen with karbaouw in 1911

Minangkabau native house in 1911

Minangkabau House with Rice storage”Loemboeng padi” in 1911

Minagkabau house with Teboe”Sugar cane”in 1911

Minangkabau rice storage”loemboeng Padi” in 1911

 

Minangkabau house in kotogadang 1911

 

 

1913

 Padang’s Mohamaddijah school in 1913

Kota Baru Bondjol 1954

Pada tahun 1954

 

 tarian adat minang untuk menyambut kedatang Wapres Moh. Hatta di Kota baru(bpndjol)

 

Loeboeksikaping

 

Ophir lubuk sikaping

MENANTI BADAI SAWIT REDA ; KISAH KELAM DARI LUBUAK PUDIANG –

MENANTI BADAI SAWIT REDA ; KISAH KELAM DARI LUBUAK PUDIANG

II. Dari Koto Sibadaguang ke Pasaman

Seperti yang sudah dijelaskan dibagian sebelumnya, Minangkabau terbagi atas daerah Minangkabau Asli dan Minangkabau Rantau.

Menurut Syarifudin (1984) daerah Minangkabau dapat dibagi dalam dua lingkungan wilayah yaitu :
1. Minangkabau asli, yang oleh orang Minangkabau disebut daratan (darek),yang terdiri dari tigo luhak yaitu Luhak Agam. Tanah Datar dan Limo Puluh Kota.
2. Daerah rantau yang merupakan perluasaan bentuk koloni dari setiap luhak tersebut diatas yaitu :
a. Rantau Luhak Agam yang meliputi dari pesisir barat sejak Pariaman sampai Air Bangis, Lubuk Sikaping dan Pasaman.
b. Rantau Luhak Limapuluh Kota yang meliputi Bangkinang, Lembah Kampar Kiri, Kampar Kanan dan Rokan Kiri dan Rokan Hilir.
c. Rantau Luhak Tanah Datar meliputi Kubuang Tigo Baleh, Pesisir Barat/Selatan dari Padang sampai Indrapura, Kerinci dan Muara Labuh.

Jika diperhatikan hal diatas, dapat kita tarik kesimpulan, Pasaman adalah daerah rantau Minangkabau dan persisnya merupakan rantau Luhak Agam. Sebagaimana ketentuan adat, di Pasaman memakai sistem adat beraja-raja dimana sistem pemerintahan adat diatur secara hirarkis, berpuncak pada raja atau pucuk adat setempat.

a. Pasaman, Dari Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parik Batu Ke Pemerintahan Administrasi NKRI

Sebagai daerah rantau, Pasaman tunduk dalam rentang kendali Raja Alam Minangkabau.

 Sebagian wilayah yang saat ini menjadi Kabupaten Pasaman Barat, dalam struktur Kerajaan Minangkabau yang berpusat di Pagaruyung, berada dibawah kendali Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parit Batu yang berpusat di Nagari Lingkuang Aur-Simpang Empat, Pasaman Barat.

Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parit Batu menggorganisasikan nagari-nagari semi otonom dibawah rentang kendalinya.

 Kerajaan Parik Batu mulai dibangun dilereng Gunuang Pasaman. Tempat asal mereka bernama Koto Sibuluan.

 Diawal perkembangan wilayah, Daulat yang Dipertuan Parik Batu mengangkat pimpinan-pimpinan adat dinagari-nagari dibawah kendalinya. Wilayah kekuasaannya diantaranya

1) Sibadaguang ba ampek koto,

2) Sariak balareh limo koto,

 3) Koto Tinggi Tabiang Tinggi dan

 5) Lubuak Basiku Koto Birah.

Untuk mengendalikan dan menggorganisasikan wilayah tersebut, dibentuk struktur adat yaitu Tuan Kadi mengatur masalah Agama dan Hakim Nan Sambilan mengatur masalah pemerintahan.

Selain itu ditunjuk pejabat-pejabat yang ditempatkan di wilayah-wilayah nagari (Jambak Nan Ampek Induak) yaitu

 

1)   MAJOLELO Di Lubuak Batang, 2) Datuk Jolelo Di Kampuang Jambak, 3) Jolelo Di Aur Kuniang jo 3) Panji Alam Di Aie Gadang.

Setelah daerah-daerah kekuasaan berkembang, Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parik Batu kemudian mengorganisasikan kekuasaan nagari-nagari dibawahnya. Daulat kemudian membentuk wilayah semi otonom yang disebut dengan Luak Saparampek.

2)    

3)    Luak Nan Saparampek terdiri dari 1) Aua Kuniang yang dipimpin oleh MAJO INDO 2) Aie Gadang yang dipimpin oleh Sutan LAUIK API, 3) Lubuak Pudiang (Kapar) dibawah pimpinan GAMPO ALAM dan 4) Koto Baru dibawah pimpinan SINARO. Selanjutnya nagari-nagari berkembang dan berdirilah lembaga Rajo Nan Batujuah.

Nagari-nagari tersebut adalah 1) Kanaikan dibawah pimpinan MAJOLELO di, 2) Tampek Digungguang dibawah pimpinan DT. SATI, 3) Sikabau dibawah pimpinan DT. PANCANG 4) Bungo Tanjuang (Aia Bangih) dibawah pimpinan RANGKAYO 5) Sikilang dibawah pimpinan DT. BASA, 6) Tanah Taban dibawah pimpinan KAPALO DEWA dan 7) Ampalu dipimpin oleh SUTAN.

Seluruh wilayah kekuasaan adat Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parik Batu kemudian menjelma menjadi nagari-nagari administrasi saat ini. Ikatan adat mesih kuat terbangun, tapi secara administrasi pemerintahan, nagari-nagari ini berada dalam rentang kendali pemerintahan administrasi NKRI.

Kabupaten Pasaman terbentuk bersamaan seiring dengan berdirinya Sumatera Barat sebagi sebuah propinsi.

 Pada awal terbentuknya, administrasi pemerintahan tingkat terendah di Kab. Pasaman tetap berdasarkan sistem nagari-nagari seperti layaknya kabupaten lain di Sumatera Barat.

Tetapi setelah keluarnya UU No. 5 Tahun 1974 tentang Pemerintahan Desa,

fungsi nagari sebagai penyelenggara pemerintahan terendah dihapus dan digantikan dengan sistem desa. Berdasarkan Perda Sumbar No. 13 Tahun 1983 tentang Nagari sebagai Satu kesatuan Masyarakat Hukum Adat, fungsi nagari sebagai satu pemerintahan adat/asli di Minangkabau diperkecil fungsinya menjadi satu kerapatan adat saja yang tidak mempunyai hak eksekusi keputusan-keputusan administratif penyelenggaraan nagari. Nagari sebagi satu kesatuan pemerintahan terendah di Minangkabau berubah menjadi kawasan politik yang didalamnya terdapat pemerintahan-pemerintahan desa uang sangat sentralistik dan hirarkis.

Di Kabupaten Pasaman sampai lahirnya Perda Sumbar No. 9 Tahun 2000 tentang Nagari

terdapat kenagarian-kenagarian yaitu 1}. Aia Bangih, 2}.Aia Gadang, 3}. Aia Manggih, 4}. Alahan Mati, 5}. Aua Kuniang, 6}. Batahan, 7}. Binjai, 8}. Cubadak, 9}. Desa Baru, 10}. Durian Tinggi, 11}. Jambak, 12}. Ganggo Hilia Bonjol, 13}. Ganggo Mudiak, 14}. Kajai, 15}. Katiagan, 16}. Kapar, 17}. Kinali, 18}. Koto Baru, 19}. Koto Nopan, 20}. Koto Kaciak, 21}. Koto Rajo, 22}. Ladang Panjang, 23}. Lansak Kadok, 24}. Languang, 25}. Limo Koto, 26}. Lingkuang Aua, 27}. Lubuak Gadang, 28}. Lubuak Layang, 29}. Malampah, 30}. Muaro Kiawai, 31}. Muaro Sei. Lolo, 32}. Muaro Tais, 33}. Padang Gelugur, 34}. Padang Matinggi, 35}. Panti, 36}. Parik, 37}. Pauah, 38}. Robi Jonggor, 39}. Sasak, 40}. Silayang, 41}. Simpang, 42}. Simpang Tonang, 43}. Sinurut, 44}. Sundatar, 45}. Sungai Aua, 46}. Talu, 47}. Tanjuang Beringin, 48}. Taruang Taruang dan 49}. Ujuang Gadiang.

Pada tahun 2003,

 secara resmi Kab. Pasaman di mekarkan. Wilayah Kabupaten Pasaman di pesisir pantai barat Sumatera Barat kemudian membentuk Kabupaten Sendiri dengan nama Kabupaten Pasaman Barat .

Kabupaten Pasaman Barat mempunyai batas wilayah a) sebelah utara berbatasan dengan Kabupaten Mandailing Natal Provinsi Sumatera Utara, b) sebelah timur berbatasan dengan Kecamatan Duo Koto, Kecamatan Panti, Kecamatan Lubuk Sikaping, dan Kecamatan Tigo Nagari Kabupaten Pasaman, c) sebelah selatan berbatasan dengan Kecamatan Palembayan dan Kecamatan Tanjung Mutiara Kabupaten Agam dan d) sebelah barat berbatasan dengan Samudera Indonesia.

Kabupaten Pasaman Barat berasal dari sebagian wilayah Kabupaten Pasaman yang terdiri atas

1)   Kecamatan Talamau; 2) Kecamatan Kinali, 3) Kecamatan Pasaman, 4) Kecamatan Gunung Tuleh, 5) Kecamatan Lembah Melintang, 6) Kecamatan Sei Beremas; dan 7) Kecamatan Ranah Batahan.

b. Tinjauan Selintas Pengaturan Tanah Ulayat di Lubuak Pudiang-Luhak Saparampek Kapa.

Jika anda ke Minangkabau (Sumatera Barat), langkahkanlah kaki menyusuri pantai barat, melangkahlah ke utara. Disepanjang jalan dari satu nagari-kenagari selanjutnya akan diselingi dengan angin pantai yang berhembus diantara semak-semak bakau.

Setelah sampai di nagari Manggopoh, belokkanlah kendaraan anda kekiri. Disepanjang jalan akan diselingi oleh bentangan perkebunan sawit. Ketika anda sampai di sebuah sungai besar yang bernama Batang Masang, itulah batas terluar antara Kabupaten Agam dengan Kabupaten Pasaman Barat dan pada sungai itu pula batas akhir areal perkebunan sawit PT. Agro masang Plantation-Wilmar Group.

Melangkahlah lagi untuk melihat perkebunan demi perkebunan. Seiring dengan tertinggalnya Simpang Padang Sawah, terlewati Nagari Kinali, kemudian Koto Baru Simpang Tiga, Nagari Jambak dan pas pada hitungan ke 180 Km dari titik berangkat dikota Padang kearah utara tadi, terdapat kota kecil yang telah melewati rentang sejarah panjang yang saat ini menjadi ibu kota Kab. Pasaman Barat yang bernama Simpang Ampek. Jalan yang anda jejaki akan membelah menjadi empat ruas dan ditengah-tengah jalan itu terdapat satu tugu berbentuk tandan buah segar kelapa sawit.

Mengarahlah kekiri, 8 Km dari tugu ini terdapat Lubuak Pudiang-Luhak Saparampek Kapa atau saat ini bernama Nagari Kapar, nagari yang posisinya terdapat diantara nagari Aur Kuning dan Nagari Sasak yang berbatas dengan ”Ombak Badabua”, Lautan Hindia.

Nagari Kapar secara adat berada dalam rentang kendali Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parit Batu. Pada saat itu, Kapar disebut sebagai ”Luhak Saparampek Kapa” dibawah pimpinan Gampo Alam. Nagari Kapar adalah terletak didataran yang landai, datar dan pada bagian barat berbatasan dengan Nagari Sasak dipantai barat lautan Hindia.

 Nagari Kapar sebagaimana layaknya daerah Pasaman Barat, kab Pasaman sangat potensial untuk dijadikan daerah perkebunan besar. Sebelum diundangkannya Perda Sumbar No. 9 Tahun 2000 Tentang Pemerintahan Nagari, Nagari Kapar terbagi atas tiga desa yaitu; Desa Kapar Timur, Desa Kapar Utara & Desa Kapar Selatan, berpenduduk kurang lebih 5000 jiwa dengan luas areal tanah Ulayat Nagari Kapar ± 3500 Ha.

Dibawah Gampo Alam terdapat struktur Ninik Mamak Ampek Didalam yang terdiri dari Jando Lela, Rajo mahmud, Rangkayo Mudo, Sutan Ameh dan Ninik Mamak Ampek Dilua yang anggotanya terdiri dari Rangkayo Basa, Sutan Majo Lelo, Tan Kabasaran, DT. Bungsu (Panyambah Tuah) menjaga kebesaran Gampo Alam, penegak hukum pidana adat dan perdata adat. Ninik Mamak Ampek Didalam bertugas untuk mengelola sumberdaya alam (ulayat) di nagari Kapar atau dalam bahasa adat disebut dengan ”Panaani Sako”. Sedangkan Ninik Mamak Ampek Dilua bertugas untuk menegakkan hukum adat untuk menjaga kebesaran Gampo Alam atau dalam bahasa adat disebut dengan ”Panyambah Tuah”.

Secara adat di Nagari Kapar, konsep pengelolaan sumberdaya alam khususnya tanah (ulayat), disebut dengan ”Babingkah Adat” . Konsep berbingkah adat membagi tanah ulayat atas dua yaitu :
a. Ulayat yang sudah di Ulayati
Ulayat yang sudah diulayati adalah bidang-bidang ulayat yang merupakan hak masing masing suku dengan batas-batas tertentu. Misalnya kampung Dt. Tan Ameh. Dt. Tan Ameh mempunyai kekuasaan untuk mengatur pemamfaatan dan distribusi aset tersebut kepada anak kemenakan disukunya. Meskipun sudah diadakan pembagian ulayat kepada seluruh anak kemenakan, tentu ada juga lahan kosong yang tidak tergarap. Maka jika ada anak kemenakan dari suku lain ingin menggarap lahan kosong tersebut, maka Dt. Tan Ameh mau tidak mau harus memfasilitasi/memberikan ijin. Demikian juga sebaliknya.
b. Ulayat
Yang dimaksudkan dengan ulayat disini adalah aset-aset lain yang belum didistribusikan kepada masing-masing suku. Dinagari lain disebut dengan ulayat nagari. Pengelolaan Ulayat diatur oleh ninik mamak Barampek Didalam . Fungsi Ninik Mamak Ampek Didalam dalam mengelola ulayat ini disebut dengan dengan “Mainang Mangubalo Adat”. Ulayat tersebut dapat berupa hutan-hutan dan lain-lain. Jika anak kemenakan sudah sangat membutuhkan ulayat tersebut untuk kehidupannya, maka ninik mamak yang tergabung dalam kelompok Ampek Didalam akan menyelenggarakan rapat untuk mengkaji dan mengatur distribusi lahan ulayat tersebut. Anak kemenakan yang dimaksud disini adalah anak kemenakan keseluruhan di Nagari Kapar. Tidak hanya terbatas kepada sukunya saja. Sekaligus dipertegas ketentuan bahwa ulayat ini tidaklah boleh dijual. Hal ini ditegaskan dalam pepatah adat yang menyebutkan bahwa mahal tidak dapat dibeli dan murah tidak dapat diminta.

Namun demikian, meskipun telah ada pembagian ulayat menjadi ulayat yang diulayati, hak pengusaan belum penuh sampai pada waktu tertentu, tanah tersebut tetap di peladangi atau dikelola oleh sipenerima hak. Lazimnya, jika anak kemenakan ingin menguasai tanah tersebut untuk jangka waktu yang lama, maka pada pinggir tanah tersebut ditanam tanaman tua.

Berbeda halnya dengan nagari Kinali, kurang lebih 30 Km dari Kapar, konsep penguasaan tanah ulayat disebut dengan ”Babingkah Tanah”. Babingkah tanah artinya seluruh tanah-tanah yang ada di nagari Kinali telah terbagi habis dalam penguasaan suku-suku yang ada di nagari tersebut. Suku yang satu tidak dapat mengausai lagi tanah-tanah yang telah dikuasai oleh suku lainnya, kecuali melalui mekanisme gadai dan sebagainya. Tidak ada tanah yang bebas dari penguasaan salah satu suku di nagari ini seperti pada Ulayat di nagari Kapar.

Kembali ke Nagari Kapar, Pelepasan hak hanya bisa dilakukan atas ulayat yang sudah diulayati. Terhadap ulayat, tidak seorangpun bisa melakukan pelepasan hak. Karena prinsip dari ulayat adalah areal cadangan untuk kebutuhan anak kemenakan dikemudian hari. Ada tiga hal yang menjadi syarat dibolehkannya pelepasan hak atas ulayat yang sudah diulayati. Sama dengan daerah di minangkabau lainnya, untuk bisanya tanah ulayat yang sudah diulayati dilepaskan melalui lembaga gadai haruslah memenuhi syarat-syarat 1) Gadih gadang indak balaki, 2) Rumah gadang katirisan, 3) Mayik tabujua ditangah rumah dan 4) Mambangkik Batang Tarandam.

Jika salah satu diantara ketiga syarat tersebut terpenuhi, maka pelepasan hak dapat dilakukan. Pelepasan dilakukan bukanlah dalam bentuk jual beli, tetapi hanya dalam bentuk gadai. Anak kemenakan yang akan menggadai harus mendiskusikan dengan mamak Jurainya. Mamak Jurai akan mengizinkan dengan syarat, sipenerima gadai tersebut haruslah dari kalangan keluarga sendiri. Atau paling jauh anak kemenakan sekampung/sesuku. Atau kemungkinan terburuk adalah kepada anak kemenakan se-nagari. Jika kesepakatan didapat maka dilakukanlah penggadaian.

Jika kesepakatan tidak terwujut, secara berjanjang naik anak kemenakan tersebut akan menyampaikan kepada mamak kaum. Jika tidak juga tercapai, maka pada lefel penyelesaian sengketa selanjutnya adalah kepada mamak suku/kampung yang tergabung kedalam ninik mamak Ampek Didalam. Contohnya mamak suku Tanjung adalah Rangkayo Mudo.

Pada tingkat selanjutnya, jika Rangkayo Mudo tidak juga mengizinkan maka anak kemenakan tersebut dapat meminta izin kepada ninik mamak lain yang menjadi anggota Ampek Didalam.

Jika tidak juga dapat diputuskan maka secara hirarkis, Rajo Mahmud sebagai yang tertua (koordinator) dari ninik mamak Ampek Didalam akan menyampaikan hal tersebut kepada Pucuk Adat Gampo Alam. Berdasarkan hal tersebut kemudian Gampo Alam akan memutuskan apa yang terbaik. Tapi jika ternyata urusan lancar-lancar saja, semua ninik mamak di Nagari Kapar mempunyai kewenangan untuk memutuskan perkara yang menyangkut anak kemenakannya. Sesuai dengan levelnya masing-masing.

Pada semua tingkat penyelesaian sengketa tersebut, anak kemenakan mempunyai hak untuk diikutsertakan dalam proses pengambilan keputusan. Bisa dalam benduk diskusi, tanya jawab dan lain-lain. Tindakan ini diambil untuk mendapatkan keputusan yang dapat diterima oleh semua pihak. Proses pendiskusian ini didalam adat disebut dengan istilah “Pancang Silao”.

Beberapa ninik mamak di Nagari Kapar tidak mempunyai hak untuk memutuskan perkara anak kemenakannya. Ninik Mamak yang tergabung kedalam “ninik mamak yang tagaknyo indak tasundak, duduaknyo indak tapampeh” (Dt. Sutan Majo Lelo dan Majo Lelo) tidak mempunyai kewenangan ”gantiang nan mamautuih, biang nan mancabiak” atau kewenangan untuk memutuskan.

 Jika terjadi sengketa dalam kaumnya, maka yang berhak memutuskan adalah mamak suku yang tergabung kedalam ninik mamak Ampek Didalam.

Tentang pembagian ulayat, mereka sangat tergantung atas kemurahan ninik mamak yang tergabung dalam ninik mamak Ampek Didalam. Karena sebenarnya kedua orang ini lebih dekat berhubungan dengan Dulat yang Dipertuan Parik Batu. Karena beliau adalah orang yang ditempatkan di dalam Nagari Kapar

Dalam beberapa kasus, posisi Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parik Batu sangat menentukan dalam penyelesaian sengketa, mengingat posisi ini level tertinggi dari semua ninik mamak di Pasaman, termasuk Nagari Kapar. Fungsi ini dijalankan oleh Hakim Nan Sambilan.

Pada intinya tidak ada satupun alasan yang bisa membuat seorang anak kemenakan ataupun ninik mamak untuk dapat melakukan pelepasan hak terhadap ulayat maupun ulayat yang sudah diulayatinya. Berdasarkan prinsip kolektifisme kekeluargaan , pelepasan hak dapat dihindari.

Bagaimanakah jika ada pihak lain yang ingin berladang di nagari Kapar ?. Berdasarkan prinsipnya, ulayat di Nagari Kapar berfungsi sebagai tanah cadangan bagi anak kemenakan. Namun demikian, tetap terbuka kemungkinan bagi pihak lain diluar anak kemenakan penduduk nagari Kapar untuk mengelola tanah ulayat.

Ada dua istilah adat yang berkembang dan begitu populer digunakan pada awal-awal perkebunan masuk ke Pasaman dan Kapar, istilah tersebut adalah ”Adat Di Isi, Limbago Di Tuang” dan ”Siliah Jariah”. Istilah ”Adat Di Isi, Limbago Di Tuang” mengandung makna serangkaian usaha-usaha memenuhi ketentuan adat untuk memperoleh hak tertentu dan dalam konteks ini adalah hak berladang. Sedangkan ”Siliah Jariah” secara sederhana dapat diartikan sebagai pengganti jerih payah. Dapat diartikan bahwa”Siliah Jariah” merupakan pengganti dari energi dan fikiran dalam mengusahakan sebidang tanah yang dilakukan oleh pemiliknya.

Kedua istilah ini sangat populer dalam perolehan hak atas tanah. Tetapi dari wawancara yang dilakukan, baik lembaga ”adat di isi, limbago dituang” dan lembaga ”siliah jariah” ini tidak mengakibatkan hak atas tanah berpindah, yang berpindah hanyalah hak pengelolaan.

Bagaimana jika seseorang dari komunitas diluar komunitas asli ingin mendapatkan hak pengelolaan yang kuat dan penuh sebagaimana layaknya hak atas tanah yang lahir dari peruntukan melalui lembaga ”ganggam bauntuak, hiduik bapadok” ?.

 Orang tersebut semestinya melalui rangkaian inisiasi adat berupa penundukan diri dan lebur dalam suku-suku asli.

Disinilah kemudian berlaku pembedaan kamanakan. Dalam kasus ini, orang tersebut dapat berstatus ”kamanakan dibawah lutuik” dan jika dilihat dari penyebab timbulnya kamanakan ini, dia dapat digolongkan kedalam ”kamanakan batali ameh”.

c. Perkebunan Merambah Pasaman

Seperti yang telah kita ungkap diatas, Pasaman sebagai satu kawasan, telah lama menjadi kawasan perdagangan yang melibatkan berbagai bangsa.

 Bagian barat Pasaman yang terdiri dari daerah-daerah pantai yang dimulai dari Katiagan dibagian Selatan dan berakhir di aia Bangih di bagian utara telah menjadi persinggahan pedagang-pedagang eropah seperti Inggris dan Belanda.

Katiagan yang dibatasi oleh batang Masang yang memisahkan wilayahnya dengan Tiku di daerah Agam pernah terdapat pusat perdagangan yang sangat maju dengan pialang utama bernama Peto Mage’, seorang Minangkabau setengah Aceh yang memiliki gudang agak kedalam dari muara Batang Masang. Christine Dobbin menulis sebagai berikut;

Ketika pedagang swasta Inggris memasuki mulai perairan ini,daerah pasaman juga bisa memasok mereka dengan lada dan ini berlanjut sampai akhir abat delapan belas, ketika tempat ini juga menjadi daerah pemasok beras bagi daerah kekuasan Inggris lebih jauh di pantai.

 Pasaman juga menyediakan jalan keluar bagi eksport emas dari Rao, yaitu lembah langsung disebelah utara Alahan Panjang, yang merupakan daerah pengeksport emas sejak dahulu kala.

 Perdagangan Inggris dengan daerah Pasaman semakin berkembang sehingga pada tahun 1766 Belanda juga mengibarkan benderanya disana, tapi mereka hanya bisa bertahan sampai tahun 1772.

 Sesudah itu pelabuhan-pelabuhan berkembang karena hubungannya dengan orang-orang Inggris, sedangkan para pedagang Aceh juga datang dan menetap di pantai antara Pasaman dan Sungai Masang. Daerah Pasaman dengan demikian berkembang menjadi bagian dari jaringan dagang pantai yang maju berdasarkan kebutuhan pedagang swasta Inggris .

Jika kita layangkan pandangan agak ketimur, tidak jauh dari pusat kota kecil Simpang Ampek, disanalah terletak daerah yang bernama Gunung Ophir. Dalam kosa kata bahasa Minangkabau, tidak terdapat kata ”Ophir”. Dalam satu literatur disebutkan bahwa kata Ophir berasal dari kosa kata bahasa Portugis. Apa yang membuat orang Portugis tertarik pada daerah perbukitan tersebut, sehingga mereka menamainya dengan Gunung Ophir. Tapi kita tidak akan membahas hal ini.

Dikawasan Gunung Ophir inilah sebelum Indonesia merdeka, salah seorang pengusaha Belanda membangun perkebunan kelapa sawit dan saat itulah pertama kali tumbuhan asing yang bernama sawit menyentuh Pasaman. Setelah terjadi nasionalisasi perusahaan-perusahaan Belanda berdasarkan UU No. 56 Tahun 1958, perkebunan ini menjadi milik PTPN VI .

Pembangunan perkebunan Pola Inti-Plasma untuk pertama kali di Kabupaten Pasaman dilakukan di areal perkebunan PTPN (Perusahaan Terbatas Perkebunan Nusantara) VI di Ophir pada tahun 1981. PTPN VI mengelola 10.000 Ha lahan diatas tanah bekas erfpach di kawasan Gunung Ophir. Lahan tersebut di kelola dengan pola 50 % untuk perkebunan inti dan 50% untuk perkebunan plasma. PTPN IV membagikan 2 Ha perkebunan sawit beserta dengan 0,2 Ha lahan perumahan kepada setiap petani peserta plasma.

Pada tanggal 27 September 1989 diadakanlah pertemuan antara Bupati Kab. Pasaman (Radjudin Nuh, SH) dengan seluruh ninik mamak dan tokoh masyarakat Pasaman di Gedung Tsanawiyah Silaping untuk membicarakan pengembangan perkebunan di Pasaman. Pertemuan ini juga dihadiri oleh Pembantu Bupati Wilayah Pasaman Barat, Ketua BAPPEDA Pasaman, Kepala Dinas Perkebunan Pasaman (IrRusli Ersy), Kepala BPN Kantor Pasaman (Drs. Syafrin Sirin), Kabag Perekonomian (Anasrul BA), Wakil Pemda Sumbar beserta dengan Muspika masing-masing kecamatan.

Pada pertemuan tersebut, Bupati Pasaman menyampaikan bahwa tujuan utama dibukanya perkebunan di Pasaman adalah untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan dan taraf hidup masyarakat setempat. Jangan sampai kehadiran Investor perkebunan justru memiskinkan masyarakat setempat, sehingga masyarakat harus diikutsertakan dalam bentuk Plasma.

Pada pertemuan tersebut, seluruh peserta menyambut baik maksud pemerintah untuk mengundang investor perkebunan. Peserta juga melahirkan kesepakatan yaitu 1) Peserta sepakat untuk menerima investor perkebunan, 2) tanah-tanah masyarakat yang akan menjadi perkebunan tidak digusur begitu saja, tetapi di tata dan dikelompokkan, 3) ninik mamak dan cucu kemenakan diikutsertakan dalam pengembangan perkebunan dengan pola plasma, 4) tanah-tanah masyarakat yang dipakai untuk pembuatan jalan-jalan ke perkebunan tidak akan di ganti rugi kecuali diatas tanah tersebut terdapat tanaman, 5) prosesi penyerahan tanah-tanah ulayat dilaksanakan dengan cara terbuka dan 6) jumlah uang ”siliah jariah” adalah Rp. 50.000,- per Ha. Pada tahun 1992, pertemuan yang sama juga dilaksanakan di Aula PTPN IV Ophir. Gubernur Sumbar (Hasan Basri Durin) mensosialisasikan pembukaan perkebunan di Pasaman dengan harapan perusaaan-perusahan perkebunan dapat membangun membangun kemitraan dengan masyarakat setempat seperti yang dilakukan oleh PTPN VI .
Pertemuan-pertemuan ini mengawali pembukaan perkebunan sawit swasta di Kabupaten Pasaman. Sejak itu Kabupaten Pasaman lebih dikenal karena produksi kelapa sawitnya, yang merupakan komoditas primadona subsektor perkebunan. Tanaman ini tersebar di 6 kecamatan, antara lain kecamatan Sungai Beremas, Lembah Melintang, Gunung Tuleh, Kinali, Ranah Bantahan, dan Pasaman. Di beberapa wilyah di kecamatan Bonjol dan Rao Mapat Tunggul (dua kecamatan sebelum dimekarkan menjadi kecamatan III Nagari dan Mapat Tunggul), beberapa waktu lalu juga mulai diusahakan untuk penanaman komoditas unggulan ini. Pada tahun 1999, produksi kelapa sawit di Kabupaten Pasaman tercatat 566.957 ton. Jumlah tersebut dipanen dari areal seluas 63.249 hektar. Salah satu kecamatannya yaitu Pasaman, menjadi wilayah penghasil utamanya dengan menyumbang 65 persen dari total produksi. Kawasan Simpang Ampat yang terdapat di kecamatan ini, bahkan dikenal sebagai pusat perkebunan kelapa sawit di Kabupaten Pasaman .
Namun demikian, kehadiran investor perkebunan di Pasaman juga diikuti dengan timbulnya masalah-masalah dengan masyarakat. Pada hari Selasa 8 Mei 2001, wakil Bupati Pasaman menyatakan hal tersebut.
Menurut Wakil Bupati Pasaman, Benny Utama, di daerahnya terdapat 21 investor besar perkebunan kelapa sawit. Ironisnya, rata-rata investor tersebut bermasalah sejak belasan tahun lalu. Masalahnya selama ini bagai lingkaran setan yang sulit diselesaikan. “Permasalahan investor itu terutama soal tidak duduknya pembagian uang siliah jariah (ganti rugi) dan janji pembuatan lahan plasma untuk masyarakat,” katanya. Perusahaan perkebunan sawit yang dinilai bermasalah antara lain PT AMP seluas 1.950 ha, PT TSJ 800 hektar, PT ASM 500 ha, PT Puska 550 ha, PT Grasindo 2.800 ha, PT AW 3.899 ha, PT PM 2.104 ha, dan PT PMJ 3.118 ha, bahkan juga PT Perkebunan Nusantara 6 .
Selain itu, sebagai daerah yang memiliki perkebunan besar, tentunya tingkat kesejahteraan penduduk setempat akan meningkat, namun demikian tingkat kesejahteraan berbanding terbalik dengan tingkat perkembangan perkebunan. Kompas menulis bahwa berdasarkan data tahun 2000, di daerah seluas 7.835,40 kilometer persegi dan terluas di Sumbar (Pasaman) yang berpenduduk 504.530 jiwa ini terdapat 23.885 kepala keluarga atau 92.033 jiwa (10.034 di antaranya anak balita) yang hidup dalam kemiskinan dan rawan pangan. Tahun 2000 (Juli 2000) terdapat 778 balita mengalami gizi buruk dan KEP, 159 anak di antaranya kategori berat dan sisanya sedang. Bila dimasukkan balita yang mengalami KEP kategori ringan, angkanya semakin besar. Jumlah ini berkurang dibanding tahun 1999, di mana angka penderita gizi buruk (kategori berat dan sedang) mencapai 2.003 anak balita .

d. Kasus PT. PHP

Simpang Ampek Kadai Sabalah, Sasimpang Jalan ka Kinali, Buah Labek dahannyo Lamah, Masak Ranun Tagantuang Tinggi, Mudiak Padati Rang Andaleh, Tiok Kelok Bapandakian,
Nan Den Sangko Buah Ka Lareh, Kiro Tampuaknyo Bapatian, Antah Ka Jo Apo Kadijuluak Pinggalan Lai Sayuik Pulo, Kok Ranggang Buah Dari Tampuak, Balungguak Karuang Manantinyo .

Pada tanggal 28 April 2000, panas terik matahari jatuh di Simpang Empat Pasaman Barat. Sekelompok massa sedang melakukan negosiasi dengan aparat Polsek Pasaman. Masyarakat meminta Polsek Pasaman untuk membebaskan beberapa anggota masyarakat yang saat itu ditahan di ruang tahanan Polsek tersebut. Masyarakat meminta aparat membebaskan 1) Firdaus, 2) Iwan, 3) Pingai, 3) Acong, 4) Sisyam, 5) Ijen dan 6) Ucok. Suasana sangat tegang, masyarakat tetap bertahan dengan tuntutan agar anggotanya dibebaskan, sementara aparat Kepolisian Polsek Pasaman tetap bertahan untuk menahan ke enam masyarakat tersebut.

Tepat ketika matahari semakin meninggi, sebongkah batu melayang dan memecahkan kaca kantor Polsek Pasaman. Seperti sebuah perintah, seperti air bah masyarakat kemudian maju kedepan, memasuki kantor Polsek dan membebaskan anggota masyarakat yang ditahan dan membawa mereka pulang ke Nagari Kapar.

Sesampainya di Polsek Simpang Empat Pasaman, utusan masyarakat Kapar bertanya ke petugas jaga, apakah ada saudara kami yang diambil dari lahan, lalu petugas menjawab “ada”, “orang yang ditahan ini titipan Bapak Bahar A dan Waka Polres dan utusan yang empat orang tersebut memohon agar orang ini dilepaskan, karena kesalahannya tidak jelas dan tidak ada surat penahanan. Kembali petugas tersebut menjawab “tidak bisa”, karena Waka Polres yang menitipkan, sedangkan Waka Polres sudah pulang ke Lb. Sikaping yang berjarak ± 90 km. Lalu utusan masyarakat tersebut minta sekali lagi supaya saudaranya dilepaskan, sambil berkata, “kalau tidak dikeluarkan nanti akan datang massa yang lebih banyak”, lalu petugas tersebut hanya berkata “tidak bisa” . Disaat negosiasi itu sedang berlangsung, massa yang berasal dari Nagari Kapar, datang secara spontan dan langsung menuju sel tahanan. Mereka membuka kunci tahanan dan akhirnya semua tahanan yang ada ikut lari keluar. Saat peristiwa tersebut berlangsung, terjadi kegaduhan dan tiba-tiba kaca-kaca Polsek Pasaman pecah. Lalu aparat melepaskan peluru karet dan peluru tajam keudara. Akibat dari tembakan yang dilakukan oleh aparat Kepolisian Polsek Pasaman tersebut, ada beberapa masyarakat yang terkena peluru karet. Sering dengan semakin gencarnya aparat Kepolisian melepaskan tembakan menyebabkan masyarakat bubar dan kembali ke rumah masing-masing .

Tapi masalah tidak berhenti begitu saja, tindakan masyarakat yang membebaskan anggotanya dari ruang tahanan Polsek pasaman tersebut menimbulkan reaksi yang keras dari aparat kepolisian.
Besoknya tanggal 29 April 2000, Nagari Kapar didatang satu truk petugas polisi dan satu Toyota Kijang serta beberapa motor dengan senjata lengkap. Aparat melakukan sweping dan menyatakan mau perang dengan masyarakata Nagari Kapar. Berbagai ancaman dikeluarkan oleh aparat sambil melepaskan tembakan ke udara. Bebarapa masyarakat nagari Kapar diambil ditangkap serta dipukul oleh Polisi pada saat mereka duduk di warung dan saat bekerja. Masyarakat nagari Kapar yang ditangkap tersebut lalu dibawa ke Polsek Pasaman, di Simpang Empat. Sebagian masyarakat Nagari Kapar yang menjadi target penangkapan Polisi pada saat peristiwa tersebut tidak berada ditempat. Kemudian aparat Kepolisian melakukan penggeledahan di rumah-rumah penduduk. Tindakan sweping dan penyisiran yang dilakukan oleh aparat Kepolisian tersebut menimbulkan ketakutan yang luar biasa bagi penduduk nagari Kapar. Sebagian besar anak nagari yang berjenis kelamin laki-laki, melarikan diri dari nagari Kapar, kehutan-hutan sekeliling nagari, kekebun-kebun yang jauh dipelosok perkampungan, meninggalkan anak dan istrinya. Setelah keadaan tidak memungkinkan lagi, sebagian anak nagari melarikan diri keluar Propinsi, terutama ke Jakarta.

Tanggal 30-4-2000 jam 9.00 WIB, polisi bersama dengan kaki tangan Sdr. Bahar A datang lagi ke nagari Kapar untuk mencari penduduk laki-laki yang masih tersisa. Pada saat itu bertemu dengan Sdr. Bujang (zulkifli) yang sedang membersihkan motor dirumahnya. Bujang kemudian ditangkap dan dibawa ke Polsek Pasaman. Sepanjang perjalanan mulai dari nagari Kapar, Sdr Bujang dipukuli. 5 hari setelah itu, ditangkap lagi anak nagari Kapar yang berada di Air gadang Pasaman yaitu anak bapak Asik (Alisman) dengan sangkaan melarikan diri. Padahal faktanya, dia sedang berada di rumah ibu tirinya.

Melihat kondisi ini, pada tanggal 17 Mei 2000, sebagian besar ibu-ibu yang sudah tidak tahan lagi dengan intimidasi aparat, kemudian mendatangi DPRD Pasaman, berdemonstrasi. Mereka mendesak anggota DPRD Pasaman untuk menyelesaikan persolaan Kapar. Mengusahakan pemulihan keamanan dan mendesak Dewan untuk menyampaikan kondisi terakhir nagari Kapar kepada Kapolres Pasaman. Para ibu-ibu ini dipimpin oleh, Ibu Mai, Ibu Inar dan One.

Masyarakat nagari Kapar yang ditahan oleh polisi baru dibebaskan setelah membayar uang jaminan Rp. 500.000 per orang dan segel 2 buah. Keluarga Bujang, karena sudah tertekan, kemudian memenuhi semua persyaratan agar Bujang segera bebas dari tahanan Polisi. Pada awal bulan Juni 2000 Bahar A dengan kaki tangannya beserta Waka Polres Pasaman menangkap Yurisman di daerah Rao dan ditahan di sel Polres. Selama ditahanan Polres, Yurisman dipukuli sampai kemudian dirawat di Rumah Sakit Umum Lb. Sikaping .

Apakah yang terjadi sehingga menyebabkan masyarakat ditangkap aparat Polisi Polsek Pasaman, masyarakat membebaskan secara paksa anggotanya yang di tahan di Polsek Pasaman dan berakibat terjadinya sweeping aparat Kepolisian di nagari Kapar yang mengakibatkan semua laki-laki untuk sementara waktu meninggalkan Nagari Kapar untuk menghindari penangkapan. Untuk itu, marilah kita lihat pokok masalahnya di bawah ini.

d.1 Konflik Tanah Ulayat di Nagari Kapar

Pada tanggal 26 Juli 1992, Perseroan Terbatas Permata Hijau Pasaman (PT. PHP) mendapat surat rekomendasi pencadangan lahan perkebunan kelapa sawit dari Bupati Pasaman (taufik Marta). Rekomendasi Bupati Pasaman tersebut dituangkan dalam SK Bupati No. 525.25/1575/Perek-1992 tentang Rekomendasi Pencadangan Lahan Perkebunan Kelapa Sawit Pt. Permata Hijau Pasaman. Dalam SK ini memuat pokok-pokok pikiran sebagai berikut:
1. Berdasarkan pernyataan ninik mamak / pemuka adat pemilik dan penguasa ulayat wilayah kenagarian Sasak dan sikilang wilayah kenagarian Sunagi Aur Kec. Lembah Malintang tanggal 26 dan 16 Juli 1992, maka pada prinsipnya kami dapat menyetujui pencadangan lahan seluas ± 12.000 Ha untuk perkebunan kelapa sawit oleh PT. Permata Hijau Pasaman dengan ketentuan sebagai berikut:
a. Sepanjang yang dicadangkan adalah kawasan hutan, maka PT. PHP harus mengajukan permohonan pelepasan kawasan hutan kepada Menteri Kehutanan RI.
b. Berhubung karena status tanah yang dicadangkan tersebut adalah tanah ulayat nagari, maka diharapkan kepada PT. PHP untuk menyelesaikan dengan ninik mamak/pemangku adat setempat atas dasar musyawarah dan mufakat.
c. Luas lahan yang efektif akan ditentuakan setelah ada pengukuran oleh BPN.
d. PT. PHP diwajibkan menjadi bapak angkat dalam pengelolaan kebun anak kemenakan ninik mamak setempat (kebun anak angkat setempat) yang luasnya minimal 10 % dari luas kebun bapak angkat.
2. Apabila PT. PHP tidak dapat merealisasikan kegiatan administrasi atau kegiatan fisik lapangan dalam tempo satu tahun, maka dengan sendirinya rekomendasi ini batal.

Sebagaimana yang diuraikan diatas, Rekomendasi Bupati Pasaman tersebut dituangkan dalam SK Bupati No. 525.25/1575/Perek-1992 tentang Rekomendasi Pencadangan Lahan Perkebunan Kelapa Sawit Pt. Permata Hijau Pasaman diterbitkan setelah adanya penyerahan hak dari Ninik Mamak nagari Sasak kepada Pemerintah untuk di berikan kepada PT. PHP. Surat penyerahan ninik mamak Sasak adalah sebagai berikut:

Surat rekomendasi pencadangan lahan dari Bupati Pasaman ini ditindaklanjuti dengan SK Gubernur Sumbar No. 525.26/1477/Prod.92 Tentang Persetujuan Prinsip Pencadangan Lahan Untuk Perkebunan Kelapa sawit di Kab. Pasaman. Dalam surat ini dinyatakan bahwa Gubernur Sumatera Barat (Hasan Basri Durin) menyetujui pencadangan lahan seluas 12. 000 Ha di Kenagarian Sasak, Kec. Pasaman Kab. Pasaman dengan syarat-syarat diantaranya pada angka 3 SK Gubernur ini dinyatakan;
”Apabila areal tersebut merupakan tanah ulayat/suku maka PT. PHP harus melakukan pembebasan tanah melalui Pemda TK II Pasaman”.

Pada angka 5 disebutkan
” PT. PHP diwajibkan menjadi Bapak Angkat dan menampung hasil-hasil petani kelapa sawit disekitarnya”.

Jika dibandingkan klusul angka 1 huruf a SK Bupati pasaman No. 525.25/1575/Perek-1992 dengan angka 3 SK Gubernur Sumbar No. 525.26/1477/Prod.92 diatas tergambar dengan jelas perbedaan pandangan terhadap status tanah yang dicadangkan untuk PT. PHP tersebut. SK Bupati Pasaman dengan tegas menyebutkan bahwa lahan yang dicadangkan tersebut adalah tanah ulayat sehingga untuk penggunaannya diperlukan musyawarah dengan ninik mamak. Sk Bupati pasaman ini secara tegas mengakui lahan tersebut termasuk ulayat nagari. Dalam lingkup ulayat nagari, areal yang dicadangkan tersebut dapat berupa hutan yang mungkin saja termasuk dalam kawasan hutan yang ditunjuk oleh Departemen Kehutanan. Namun status kawasan hutan tersebut tidak memberikan peluang PT. PHP untuk mengabaikan ninik mamak pemegang ulayat.

Berbeda halnya dengan SK Gubernur, Gubernur mempersempit ulayat menjadi ulayat suku sehingga mengakibatkan lahan-lahan diluar penguasaan suku (dalam penguasaan nagari/ulayat nagari) tidak diakui sebagai ulayat. Padahal secara adat di kawasan ini, tidak semua tanah-tanah terbagi habis kedalam penguasaan suku (berbingkah adat). Dampaknya tentu saja lingkup negosiasi hanya pada tingkat penguasa suku, untuk lahan ulayat suku dan untuk itu Gubernur memberikan opsi ganti rugi tanah terhadap lahan-lahan suku. Sementara untuk lahan lain diluar ulayat suku, SK ini secara tidak langsung, tidak mengakui hak ulayat nagari.

Pada tanggal 22 November 1992, Menteri Pertanian RI mengeluarkan persetujuan prinsip usaha perkebunan Kelapa Sawit untuk PT. PHP di Kec. Pasaman Kab. Pasaman, Sumatera Barat seluas 9.000 ha diatas areal yang dicadangkan oleh Gubernur Sumbar seluas 1.2000 Ha diatas .

Berdasarkan persetujuan prinsip yang diberikan oleh Gubernur Sumbar kepada PT. PHP melalui SK Gubernur Sumbar No. 525.26/213/Perek-95 tanggal 4 April 1995, Kepala Kantor Pertanahan Pasaman kemudian menerbitkan SK No. 402.1144/BPN-1995 Tentang Pemberian Ijin Lokasi Untuk Keperluan PT. PHP. SK ijin lokasi ini diberikan untuk lahan seluas 3.850 Ha yang lokasinya terletak di Kec. Pasaman Kab. Pasaman. SK Ijin Lokasi ini menentukan bahwa
1. Perolehan tanah harus dilakukan secara langsung antara pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan melalui pelepasan hak yang dilaksanakan dihadapan pejabat yang berwenang setempat dengan pemberian ganti kerugian yang bentuk dan besarnya ditentukan melalui musyawarah.
2. Pembayaran ganti kerugian tanah serta tanaman tumbuh dan atau bangunan yang ada diatasnya tidak dibenarkan melalui perantara dalam bentuk atau nama apapun juga, melainkan harus dilakukan langsung kepada yang berhak.
3. Perolehan tanah harus dilakukan dalam jangka waktu 12 bulan sejak tanggal ditetapkan SK ini dan dapat diperpanjang selam 12 bulan.
4. dan seterusnya…

Pada tahun 1998 BPN Kab. Pasaman kembali mengeluarkan SK No. 402.103/BPN-1998 Tentang pemberian Ijin Lokasi Untuk PT. PHP selauas 1.400 ha lahan inti dan 2.118 Ha lahan plasma yang terletak di Desa Maligi Kec. Pasaman dan Sikilang Kec. Lembah Malintang. Salah satu bahan pertimbangan di keluarkannya Ijin Lokasi ini adalah Surat Pernyataan Pelepasan Hak/Penyerahan Hak Ninik Mamak Desa Maligi Kenagarian Sasak tanggal 14 September 1997 yang diketahui oleh Ketua Kerapatan Adat Sasak. Ketentuan-ketentuan yang harus dijalankan oleh PT. PHP dalam proses pembebasan lahan tersebut sama dengan keputusan ijin lokasi diatas.

Peta Ijin Lokasi PT. PHP

Bagaimana dengan ulayat Nagari Kapar sendiri ?. Ketika kebijakan perkebunan menyentuh Kab. Pasaman diawal tahun 1980-an, Nagari Kapar sebenarnya dicadangkan untuk pencetakan sawah baru dengan irigasi Batang Tongar. Tetapi karena proyek tersebut gagal maka mulailah perkebunan besar merambah Nagari Kapar. Untuk itu pada tanggal 23 Januari 1980 dibuatlah satu surat keputusan bersama yang ditandatangani oleh beberapa ninik mamak Nagari Kapar . Keputusan tersebut berisi pernyataan areal yang menjadi ulayat Nagari kapar. Didalam surat pernyataan tersebut dinyatakan;
1) Bahwa yang dimaksud dengan tanah ulayat, adalah tanah ulayat Luak Saparampek Nagari Kapar dengan batas-batas sebagai berikut:
a. Dengan Nagari Lingkuang Aur : Mulai dari Tarok Tongga, Padang Durian Hijau terus ke Bintungan Sarang alang di Talao Titisan Kiduak, terus ke Rantiang Tibarau sampai ke Lubuak Languang.
b. Dengan Nagari Koto Baru : Mulai dari tarok Tongga, terus ke Anak air Pabatuan, Sailiran Batang Sungai Talang sampai ke Tikalak Basi.
c. Dengan Nagari Sasak : Mulai dari Tikalak Basi, terus ke Tunggua Hitam Pamatang Sariak, sampai ke Labuang Sigoro-Goro/Pulau Kalimonyo.
d. Dengan Batang Pasaman : Mulai dari Lubuak Languang, Sapantakan Galah (sejauh lontaran galah) dari Batang Pasaman, seiliran Batang Pasaman terus ke Labuang Sigoro-Goro/Pulau Kalimonyo.
2) Bahwa tanah ulayat tersebut dapat digunakan untuk keperluan pembangunan, baik untuk kepentingan pemerintah maupun kepentingan nagari Kapar sendiri, berupa:
a. Proyek landasan udara yang terletak di kampuang Laban, Jorong Kapar Utara
b. Proyek percetakan sawah baru di Baramban Sasak, Pematang Jambu
c. Mulai perbatasan Lubuak Languang, seiliran Batang Pasaman menuju Rantau Panjang akan digunakan untuk cadangan lahan perkebunan tanaman tua dan tanaman pertanian lainnya.
3) Bahwa setiap badan hukum/ badan usaha lain yang ingin mendapatkan lahan tersebut mesti seizin pucuk adat bersama ninik mamak yang menandatangani surat ini dengan persetujuan Daulat Parik Batu beserta Hakim Parit Batu, Pasaman.
4) Bahwa kebulatan ini dibuat adalah demi kepentingan serta untuk mengangkat taraf hidup cucu kemenakan yang berekonomi lemah.

Jika diperhatikan, materi isi dari surat diatas, ninik mamak Nagari Kapar juga membuka peluang untuk masuknya investor yang akan menanamkan modalnya di Nagari Kapar. Pada poin tiga surat keputusan tersebut dinyatakan bahwa setiap badan hukum/badan usaha lain yang ingin mendapatkan lahan tersebut mesti seizin pucuk adat bersama ninik mamak yang menandatangani surat ini dengan persetujuan Daulat Parik Batu beserta Hakim Parit Batu, Pasaman. Ini artinya adalah undangan untuk para infestor membangun perkebunan di wilayah nagari Kapar, walaupun pada prinsipnya, nagari Kapar juga mendukung pemda untuk membangun sawah baru diatas tanah ulayatnya.

Pada tanggal 3 April 1981 diadakanlah rapat ninik mamak dan pemuka masyarakat Nagari Kapar yang akan membicarakan soal kehadiran masyarakat pendatang ke wilayah Nagari Kapar. Pada rapat tersebut kemudian diputuskan bahwa:
1. Penerimaan pendatang baru dari daerah Jambak/Padang Sari disetujui.
2. Tempat/lokasi perkampungan yang akan ditempati oleh pendatang tersebut adalah di Lajur Pematang Lubuk Gadang dan pangkal pematang ke Tandikat.
3. Luas tanah yang akan diberikan kepada masyarakat pendatang berupa satu persil untuk perumahan ditetapkan seluas 0,25 Ha, dan untuk persawahan seluas 1,75 Ha. Jadi luas maksimum yang diberikan adalah 2 Ha setiap KK.
4. Lokasi tanah persawahan yang diberikan kepada para pendatang terletak di perbanjaran masyarakat Lubuak Gadang sampai ke Batas Batang Saman.
5. Tanah pesawahan yang sudah dimiliki oleh anak kemenakan dalam Nagari Kapar, tidak akan diganggu gugat. Sepanjang anak kemenakan tersebut dapat menunjukkan tanda bukti yang syah bahwa areal tersebut adalah miliknya.
6. Kepada para pendatang diminta ganti rugi sebanyak Rp. 75.000,- per Ha persil tanah dengan tiga kali tahap pembayaran.
a. Tahap pertama, setelah memenuhi syarat pemindahan dan setelah menandatangani surat perjanjian/pernyataan yang disediakan untuk itu oleh pemerintahan Nagari Kapar, dengan pembayaran sebanyak 35 % dari keseluruhan kewajiban.
b. Tahap kedua, sebesar 35 %. Pembayaran dilakukan setelah panen pertama pada areal yang sudah diberikan.
c. Tahap ketiga, sebanyak 30 %, dibayar setelah empat bulan pembayaran tahap kedua .

Dalam rapat ini juga ditunjuk orang yang akan mengurus segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan penerimaan anak kemenakan baru dari Jambak. Maka ditugaskanlah Kerapatan Adat Nagari Kapar untuk mengurus segala sesuatunya. Ganti rugi tanah tempat pendatang baru ditempatkan kemudian menimbulkan gejolak ditengah-tengah anak nagari Kapar, karena tidak adanya transparansi & yang menikmati ganti rugi tersebut hanyalah sekelompok ninik mamak saja .

Tapi jika dilihat dari beberapa surat yang ada keresahan masyarakat tidak hanya masalah pengelolaan ganti rugi oleh ninik mamak tetapi lebih jauh adalah masalah kewenangan ninik mamak. Pada tanggal 12 September 1989, sekelompok pemangku adat dan tokoh masyarakat Kapar membuat surat kepada Camat Kec. Pasaman. Salah satu klausul pada surat tersebut menyebutkan bahwa tanah ulayat adat tidak bisa di monopoli oleh sekelompok ninik mamak saja, karena dalam peraturan adat antara ninik mamak hanyalah berbingkah adat saja tidak berbingkah tanah (kewenangan pengelolaan-penulis). Otomatis permohonan sertifikat tanah di Padang Panjang dan sekitarnya menyalahi ketentuan adat.

Surat yang bernada sama juga dibuat oleh masyarakat kepada Camat Kec. Pasaman, Kepala BPN Pasaman dan Bupati Kab. Pasaman. Surat bertanggal 22 Februari 1993 dengan judul ”Gugatan Pengukuran Dan Penjualan Tanah Kosong Yang Belum Digarap” ini pada intinya menjelaskan tindakan ninik mamak menguasai untuk kepentingan pribadi tanah-tanah ulayat nagari Kapar untuk kepentingan pribadi dan untuk di jual tidak sesuai dengan ketentuan adat. Akibatnya pengukuran yang dilakukan oleh BPN terhadap tanah tersebut dihentikan oleh kurang lebih seribu orang massa yang terdiri dari tokoh masyarakat, alim ulama dan ninik mamak yang tidak ikut dengan kelompok ini.

Kembali kepada areal PT. PHP, berdasarkan perijinan diatas PT. PHP mulai membangun perkebunan di Sikilang dan Sasak. Tapi dalam perjalanannya kemudian diketahui ulayat yang diserahkan oleh Nagari Sasak untuk areal perkebunan PT. PHP juga termasuk ulayat nagari Kapar, seperti yang diungkapkan oleh Wilmar Group dibawah ini :
” Sampai hari ini batas antara ulayat Nagari sasak dengan Nagari Kapar itu tidak jelas. Pada awalnya PT. PHP membangun berdasarkan penyerahan ulayat Nagari Sasak. Perjanjian dengan dengan Sa 714 Ha Plasma sesuai dengan kapasitas KKPA. Dalam perjalanan di ketahui adanya ulayat Nagari Kapar yang diserahkan oleh Nagari Sasak. Tahun 1997 Kapar menyerahkan lagi, sementara itu batas tanah ulayat Nagari Kapar belum jelas dengan perjanjian 50 % untuk Inti dan 50 % untuk plasma. Menurut perusahaan perjanjian ini tidak berdiri sendiri yaitu pembangunan perkebunan berdasarkan ploting perkebunan. Pembangunan perkebunan inti tetap berjalan, sedangkan pembangunan perkebunan dilahan plasma terhambat karena ada konflik tanah. Saat ini masyarakat menuntut bahwa seluas tanah yang tertanam saat ini harus dibagi dua sesuai dengan perjanjian. Padahal tanah lahan tersebut berdasarkan perencanaan pembangunan kebun adalah lahan inti .

Pada hari Kamis tanggal 6 Februari 1997, lahir sebuah surat yang berjudul ” Surat Kesepakatan Ninik Mamak/Penghulu Adat Pemegang Tanah Ulayat Dalam Wilayah Desa Kapar Utara Dan Kapar Selatan Kenagarian Kapar Kec. Pasaman Kab. Dati II Pasaman Tentang Penyerahan Tanah Ulayat Dalam Wilayah Desa Kapar Utara Dan Kapar Selatan Kec. Pasaman Kab. Dati II Pasaman Untuk Keperluan Perkebunan Kelapa Sawit Oleh PT. Permata Hijau Pasaman”. Surat ini menempatkan Ninik Mamak sebagai Pihak Pertama dan Taufik Marta, Bupati Kepala Daerah Dati II Pasaman sebagai Pihak Kedua. Substansi yang dimuat oleh surat perjanjian ini adalah:
1. Pihak Pertama menyambut baik rencana PT. PHP untuk membuka dan mengusahakan perkebunan kelapa sawit di wilayah Desa Kapar Utara Dan Kapar Selatan Kec. Pasaman Kab. Dati II Pasaman.
2. pihak pertama menyediakan dan menyerahkan tanah ulayat dalam wilayah desa Kapar Utara dan Kapar Selatan yang dimiliki, dikuasai dan dibawah penguasaannya menurut adat salingka nagari Kapar kepada pihak kedua guana keperluan usaha perkebunan kelapa sawit seluas ± 1.600 Ha yang batasnya :
a. Sebelah utara berbatas dengan nagari Lingkuang Aur
b. Sebelah selatan berbatas dengan nagari Sasak
c. Sebelah barat berbatas dengan Batang Pasaman
d. Sebelah timur berbatas dengan ulayat nagari Kapar
3. Penyerahan tanah ulayat dari pihak pertama kepada pihak kedua adalah dengan memenuhi ketentuan ”adat di isi, limbago di tuang” oleh PT. PHP kepada Pihak Pertama dengan perbandingan 50 % lahan untuk areal inti dan 50% lahan untuk areal plasma. Pengerjaan kebun inti harus bersamaan dengan kebun plasma.

Surat ini ditandatangani oleh Syahrun Gampo Alam (Pucuk Adat Nagari Kapar) beserta dengan beberapa ninik mamak lain yang menyatakan diri sebagai Mamak Kepala Waris sebagai Pihak Pertama dan Bupati Pasaman sebagai Pihak Kedua dengan saksi-saksi kepala desa Kapar Utara, kepala Desa kapar Selatan, Camat Pasaman dan Pembatu Bupati Pasaman.

Surat penyerahan ulayat ini diikuti dengan surat pernyataan tanggal yang sama, yang pada intinya menyatakan bahwa ninik mamak bertanggung jawab untuk menyelesaiakan masalah-masalah dan gugatan yang timbul di kemudian hari karena penyerahan ulayat ini.

Surat Pernyataan Pertanggungjawaban Ninik Mamak

Penyerahan tanah ini juga mendapat reaksi dari masyarakat Kapar. Dalam sebuah surat tanggal 12 Februari 1997 yang ditujukan kepada Camat Pasaman yang berjudul ” Penyerahan Tanah Ulayat Nagari Kapar” perwakilan masyarakat menyatakan sebagai berikut;
1. bahwa kami masyarakat kapar pada hari Jum,at tanggal 7 Februari 1997 telah dihebohkan dengan turunnya pembagian uang ”Siliah Jariah” dari tanah ulayat kami di Kanagarian Kapar.
2. bahwa dalam hal tersebut, kami sangat merasa heran karena samapi saat ini kami tidak sedikitpun mengetahui dari awal terhadap penyerahan tanah ulayat kami sebagaimana lazimnya menurut aturan yang berlaku;
a. Kapan diadakannya musyawarah/mufakat para ninik mamak/alim ulama/pemuka masyarakat dengan investor yang akan menerima penyerahan tanah ulayat kami.
b. Berapa luas serta batas-batas tanah ulayat yang diserahkan dan seandainya didalamnya terkena tanah olahan masyarakat atau tanah olahan kelompok tani, bagimana cara penyelesaiannya dan siapa investornya.
c. Berapa jumlah ”siliah jariah” per hektarnya.
d. Berapa untuk plasma (masyarakat) dan kebun inti.
e. Untuk apa uang ”siliah jariah” dipergunakan
3. Menurut hukum adat tanah ulayat bukanlah kepunyaan oknum akan tetapi adalah kepunyaan atau hak masyarakat dalam kenagarian tersebut. Jadi bila seandainya telah terjadi penyerahan terhadap tanah ulayat kami, kemungkinan telah dilakukan oleh beberapa oknum ninik mamak yang telah berada dalam kenagarian kami tidak secara terbuka kepada masyarakat, hal mana sekarang tidak masanya lagi dan bertentangan dengan hukum yang berlaku.
4. Berdasarkan hal yang kami kemukakan diatas, mohon penyelidikan dan penyelesaian dari bapak secepatnya terutama mengenai poin dua diatas semoga kegelisahan dari masyarakat tidak meledak.

Berdasarkan data-data diberikan oleh masyarakat kepada LBH Padang, daftar tanah ulayat yang dilepaskan adalah sebagai berikut :

1. Sebelum tahun 1990 ± 60 Ha dijual oleh oknum ninik mamak kepada Sdr. H. Zainir (pengusaha dari Padang).
2. Pada tahun 1991, ± 240 Ha tanah ulayat yang telah diolah oleh kelompok Tani RTTSK, penduduk asli Kapar yang berasal dari 3 Desa dijual oleh oknum Ninik Mamak kepada PT. Permata Hijau Pasaman (PHP).
3. Sebelum tahun 1994, oknum ninik mamak menjual ± 70 Ha tanah ulayat kepada Sdr. Jayus.
4. Pada tahun 1995 tanah ulayat adat Nagari Kapar diserahkan ninik mamak kepada PT. Permata Hijau Pasaman (PHP) seluas ± 2200 Ha.
5. Pada tahun 1995, oknum ninik mamak menjual lagi tanah ulayat Nagari Kapar kepada H. Sarmal, seluas ± 10 Ha.
6. Pada tahun 1996, kelompok tani Sidodadi yang dibentuk oleh oknum ninik mamak dengan didanai oleh Dt. Dawar, seorang pengusaha dan ninik mamak nagari Air Gadang, mengusai tanah ulayat nagari Kapar seluas ± 400 Ha
7. Pada tahun 1996, salah seorang anak nagari kapar yang bernama H. Buyung Norman, mengolah tanah ulayat nagari Kapar seluas ± 300 Ha.
8. Pada tahun 1997, ± 12 Ha tanah ulayat nagari Kapar, dijual oleh oknum ninik mamak kepada karyawan RS. Yarsi, Pasaman.
9. Sisa tanah ulayat nagari Kapar seluas ± 200, kemudian diolah secara bersama-sama oleh anak nagari Kapar.

Lahan 200 ha tersebut kemudian menjadi lahan sengeketa anta masyarakat dengan oknum ninik mamak tersebut, dalam kronologis kasus yang ditulis oleh LBH Padang disebutkan sebagai berikut :
Pada tahun 1999, masyarakat kenagarian Kapar mulai mengolah lahan sisa dari yang dijual oleh para ninik mamak (± 200 Ha). Kelompok ninik mamak melakukan teror dan intimidasi terhadap masyarakat. Salah seorang petani korban bernama Boy Martin, dibacok ketika sedang menggarap. Pembacokan dilakukan oleh Buyuang Picak, salah seorang kaki tangan Bahar. A, yang menyebabkan luka robek di kepala bagian kiri bawah Boy Martin.

Selanjutnya sampai pada april tahun 2000, ketika masyarakat Kapar sedang menggarap lahan yang tersisa tersebut, tiba-tiba didatangi oleh ninik mamak (Bahar. A) dan kawan-kawan beserta aparat kepolisian Polsek Simpang Empat, dengan maksud mengintimidasi masyarakat agar jangan mengolah lahan sisa tersebut. Pada saat itu Polisi menangkap tujuh orang masyarakat yaitu 1) Firdaus, 2) Iwan, 3) Pingai, 4) Acong, 5) Sisyam, 6) Ijen dan 7) Ucok. Ketujuh orang tersebut kemudian dibawa dan ditahan dalam tahanan Polsek Simpang Empat (Pasaman).

Setelah masyarakat mengetahui adanya anak nagari Kapar yang ditahan oleh pihak Kepolisian, secara spontan masyarakat kenagarian Kapar berkumpul di pasar Kapar, membicarakan penangkapan yang dilakukan oleh aparat Kepolisian Polsek Pasaman tanpa alasan yang jelas. Selanjutnya masyarakat sepakat untuk mengirimkan utusan ke Polsek Pasaman untuk mengkonfirmasi soal penangkapan ketujuh orang masyarakat Kapar tersebut.

Situasi ini kemudian berkembang menjadi insiden perusakan kantor Polsek Pasaman, penangkapan-penangkapan petani, praperadilan Polisi dan sebagainya. Dengan sangat baik LBH Padang mengungkap fakta kasus kapar dalam pembelaan salah seorang petani Kapar yang dipidana di Pengadilan Negeri Lubuk Sikaping pada tahun 2002 lalu, sebagai berikut :
Sebagaimana kita ketahui bersama, perkara yang sedang kita periksa pada saat ini dilatarbelakangi oleh peristiwa tanggal 28 April tahun 2000 yaitu demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh lebih kurang 300 orang anak Nagari Kapar ke kantor Polsek Pasaman, karena adanya penangkapan dan penahanan yang dilakukan oleh aparat polsek Pasaman terhadap tujuh orang anak nagari Kapar yang sedang bekerja dan mengolah tanah ulayat mereka. Alasan polisi, penangkapan ini dilakukan karena tanah yang sedang diolah oleh beberapa anak nagari tersebut telah diperjualbelikan oleh oknum ninik mamak kepada pihak investor, padahal sesungguhnya proses jual beli tersebut dilakukan tanpa sepengetahuan dan persetujuan dari anak nagari Kapar. Menurut ketentuan hukum adat yang berlaku di Minangkabau, tanah ulayat tersebut tidak dapat diperjualbelikan, tapi hanya dapat dinikmati (diolah untuk mendapatkan hasil) oleh anak nagari yang dijadikan sebagai sumber pemenuhan kebutuhan hidup bagi anak nagari.

Dengan dilatarbelakangi oleh tindakan penangkapan yang dilakukan tanpa alasan dan prosedur yang benar dari aparat kepolisian, maka anak nagari Kapar merasa terpanggil jiwanya untuk memperjuangkan nasib saudara–saudara mereka yang ditangkap oleh aparat kepolisian sektor Pasaman karena apa yang mereka lakukan itu bukanlah perbuatan yang dilarang oleh hukum adat tetapi merupakan hak anak nagari untuk mengolah tanah ulayatnya sendiri. Dengan semangat persaudaraan dan solidaritas sesama anak nagari yang diikat oleh tali persaudaraan secara geneologis-teritorial tentu anak nagari Kapar merasa bertanggung jawab atas keselamatan saudara–saudara mereka. Hal inilah yang mendorong masyarakat Kenagarian Kapar melakukan aksi spontanitas tanpa ada yang mengomandoi untuk menuntut dibebaskannya warga mereka dari tahanan Polsek Pasaman.

Bahwa ternyata lebih kurang satu tahun pasca aksi demonstrasi yang dilakukan oleh anak nagari Kapar yang mengantarkan terpidananya dua orang warga Kapar dan keadaan masyarakat telah tenang kembali, pada bulan Agustus 2001 terjadilah perkelahian antar pemuda di Kapar yang mengakibatkan terjadinya aksi pembakaran sebuah rumah warga Kapar.

Atas kejadian tersebut, aparat Kepolisian Sektor Pasaman melakukan penangkapan terhadap pelaku pembakaran rumah tanpa prosedur yang dibenarkan hukum terhadap Yulisman dan Fitrizal Rahmat –yang saat ini dihadapkan sebagai terdakwa atas tuduhan melanggar Pasal 170 Ayat (2) KUHP dan Pasal 160 KUHP. Namun, dengan tidak adanya bukti keterlibatan para terdakwa ini maka aparat kepolisian Sektor Pasaman menghubung–hubungkan peristiwa penangkapan ini dengan peristiwa aksi masyarakat Kapar ke Polsek Pasaman pada tanggal 28 April tahun 2000 lalu, dan menjadikan para terdakwa ini sebagai pelaku perusakan kantor polsek tersebut serta menyebut-nyebut keduanya sebagai Daftar Pencarian Orang (DPO) Polsek Pasaman. Padahal kedua terdakwa ini bukanlah termasuk DPO sebagaimana yang tertuang dalam Surat Tuntutan Jaksa Penuntut Umum NO.REG.PERKARA : PDM-06/LSKPG.1/7.00 atas Nama Terdakwa Alisman Cs. tanggal 18 Oktober 2000 (Surat Tuntutan terlampir). Jadi, penangkapan ini adalah merupakan suatu rekayasa antara oknum ninik mamak, investor dan aparat penegak hukum untuk mengkriminalkan para petani Kapar agar tidak berani merebut asetnya kembali yang telah dirampas selama in .

d.2. Masalah Plasma PT. PHP di Nagari Kapar

Ketika tim berkunjung kelapangan, pada saat yang sama areal perkebunan PT. PHP sedang diduduki oleh masyarakat yang menuntut pembagian plasma disamping sebagian besar masyarakat yang tergabung kedalam Kelompok Tani Tunas Mekar.

Berbeda dengan Kelompok Tani Tunas Mekar yang menuntut dikembalikannya tanah ulayat Kapar karena tidak adanya musyawarah yang dilakukan oleh pimpinan-pimpinan adat mereka dalam pelepasan tanah tersebut kepada investor, kelompok yang menduduki lahan ini lebih karena keinginan untuk mendapatkan plasma berdasarkan pernajian penyerahan lahan yang menyebutkan bahwa 50 % dari luasan lahan yang diserahkan kepada PT. PHP adalah untuk lahan plasma yang akan dibagikan kepada masyarakat.

Dari keterangan masyarakat yang tergabung kedalam kelompok Tani Tunas Mekar, kelompok yang menduduki lahan PT. PHP terdapat juga anggota dari Koperasi Unit Desa (KUD) Kapar. KUD Kapar adalah KUD yang menjadi mitra PT. PHP dalam pembangunan dan pengelolaan perkebunan kelapa sawit di nagari Kapar berdasarkan perjanjian kerjasama No. 029/PHP-DIR/PK-III/97 dan 03/KUD-KAPAR/III/1997 tanggal 15 maret 1997.

Ikut sertanya anggota KUD Kapar dalam kelompok yang menduduki lahan agak sedikit mengherankan, karena menurut perusahaan, hasil dari palsma sudah diberikan kepada KUD yang harusnya mendistribusikan kepada masyarakat.

” Tahun 1997 Kapar menyerahkan lagi, sementara itu batas tanah ulayat Nagari Kapar belum jelas dengan perjanjian 50 % untuk Inti dan 50 % untuk plasma. Menurut perusahaan perjanjian ini tidak berdiri sendiri yaitu pembangunan perkebunan berdasarkan ploting perkebunan. Pembangunan perkebunan inti tetap berjalan, sedangkan pembangunan perkebunan dilahan plasma terhambat karena ada konflik tanah. Saat ini masyarakat menuntut bahwa seluas tanah yang tertanam saat ini harus dibagi dua sesuai dengan perjanjian. Padahal tanah lahan tersebut berdasarkan perencanaan pembangunan kebun adalah lahan inti sementara lahan yang diperuntukkan untuk plasma masih konflik, sehingga kebun tidak dapat dibangun……………………..

perusahaan telah membagikan hasil plasma kepada KUD, pembagian ini yang kisruh. KUD mempunyai kewajiban RAT (rapat tahunan anggota). Tugas dari KUD adalah wadah dari masyarakat peserta plasma. Yang menentukan siapa yang penerima plasma adalah ninik mamak. Masalahnya peserta plasma yang ditetapkan oleh ninik mamak tidaklah semua anak kemenakan yang dulu mengusai tanah. Misalnya mereka yang telah meninggalkan tanah itu. Selain itu tidak semua anak kemenakan yang akan menerima plasma itu. Apalagi ninik mamak tidak mempunyai kreteria siapa yang berhak mendapatkan plasma itu

Berdasarkan keterangan perusahaan, masyarakat yang menduduki lahan PT. PHP melakukan panen tandan sawit segar sebanyak lima truk per hari. Masalah ini telah didiskusikan dengan pemda. Perusahaan memberikan solusi, perusahaan akan membangunkan plasma diluar areal yang ada dan akan memberikan subsidi sebanyak Rp. 100 ribu per bulan selama setahun. Untuk masyarakat yang menduduki lahan dan melakukan panen TBS, perusahaan telah berkoordinasi dengan pihak keamanan dan saat ini menunggu ijin Bupati untuk penertiban. Tetapi pemda mencarikan lahan tersebut diluar areal yang ada. Lahan yang ada saat ini telah diplot menjadi lahan inti. Bupati Pasaman menyampaikan bahwa masalah plasma di PT.PHP telah didiskusikan antara perusahaan, masyarakat dan pemda. Tapi perusahaan tetap bertahan untuk tidak membagi lahan yang ada di Kapar yang telah ada sawit saat ini, sehingga masalah menjadi tidak terselesaikan.

Dari keterangan perusahaan ini, tergambar dengan jelas bahwa masalah plasma tersebut berupa tidak samanya pembangunan perkebunan inti dengan perkebunan plasma. Adanya ketidaktransparanan KUD dan yang lebih berat adalah masalah pembagian plasma kepada anak kemenakan. Selain tidak adanya kreteria siapa penerima plasma, juga tidak ada kontrol yang efektif dari masyarakat dan pemerintah terhadap pelaksanaan kewenangan ninik mamak dalam menetapkan peserta plasma. Sehingga membuka peluang penjualan lahan-lahan plasma kepada pihak-pihak yang bukan pemilik ulayat semula.

Berdasarkan hal diatas, beberapa kemungkinan dapat terjadi, misalnya masalah ini akan tetap mengambang sampai HGU habis, sehingga ketika HGU habis, masyarakat tidak akan mendapatkan apapun karena sawit tidak produktif lagi. Kemungkinan lain adalah dengan alasan adanya panen TBS oleh masyarakat yang menduduki lahan, akan ada upaya penertiban yang melibatkan aparat keamanan. Kedua kelompok masyarakat yang ada di lahan PT. PHP termauk kelompok tani Tunas Mekar yang berada dilokasi lahan kosong yang di plot untuk plasma akan terkena dampak. Perusahaan juga memperkirakan bahwa ada kelompok yang diuntungkan dalam pendudukan lahan ini, karena TBS yang di ambil tersebut dijual kepada penampung lain.

d.3. Pergulatan Kepentingan; Antara Tanggung Jawab Kultural dengan Kepentingan Ekonomi

Ada satu dimensi khusus yang sangat menarik ketika membaca dan mencermati kasus Kapar yaitu bagaimana pergeseran kepemimpinan ninik mamak dan hubungannya dengan pelepasan lahan di nagari Kapar. Salah satu contoh kasusnya adalah kasus pemangku gelar Rangkayo Mudo.

Gelar adat Rangkayo Mudo termasuk kedalam struktur ”ninik mamak ampek di dalam” yang mempunyai kewenangan mengatur pengalokasian tanah ulayat nagari Kapar. Berdasarkan wawancara dengan M. Rangkayo Mudo, beliau menyatakan bahwa dia tidak setuju melepaskan lahan ulayat nagari Kapar kepada PT. PHP. Tapi dalam surat penyerahan ulayat Kapar kepada Pemda Pasaman untuk PT. PHP terdapat tanda tangan orang lain yang menyetujui pelepasan ulayat tersebut dengan memakai gelar Rangkayo Mudo. Ternyata M. Rangkayo Mudo telah diganti secara sepihak dengan M.J. Rangkayo Mudo. Surat penyerahan lahan tersebut di tandatangani oleh M.J. Rangkayo Mudo yang baru diangkat tadi. Menurut pengakuan M. Rangkayo Mudo (yang disingkirkan), sejak itu beliau selalu ditakut-takuti agar tidak melaksanakan lagi fungsi-fungsi yang semestinya menjadi tanggung jawab jabatan/gelar adat Rangkayo Mudo .

Kasus lain, Jando Lela adalah koordinator dari ”ninik mamak ampek di dalam” yang mempunyai kewenangan mengatur pengalokasian tanah ulayat nagari Kapar. Gelar adat Jando Lela pada awalnya dipangku oleh BA. Tapi karena anak kemenakan tidak menyenangi BA, gelar adat Jando Lela kemudian dipindahkan kepada B. B kemudian memberikan kuasa pelaksanaan jabatan Jando Lela kepada R .

Tetapi BA tetap bersikeras bahwa dialah yang merupakan Jando Lela asli dan definitif. BA dengan jabatan Jando Lelanya kemudian menyetujui dan menandatangani penyerahan lahan ulayat nagari Kapar kepada PT. PHP dan kepada indifidu yang lain. Posisi BA sebagai Jando Lela diperkuat dengan SK Bupati Kepala Daerah TK II Pasaman No. 97/Kpts/Bup-Pas/1986 Tentang Pengukuhan Susunan Kepengurusan Kerapatan Adat Nagari (KAN) Dalam Kabupaten Pasaman.

Masalah-masalah pergantian pemangku adat ini cukup menimbulkan keresahan masyarakat, bahkan cendrung melahirkan konflik-konflik horizontal. Pergantian ini juga sampai pada level pemangku pucuk adat sebuah nagari yang merupakan jabatan adat tertinggi di nagari-nagari di Pasaman. Pergantian ini banyak melibatkan Pucuk Adat Pasaman yaitu Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parik Batu. Karena itu dalam surat no. 147/1738/Pemkab-1989 dengan perihal Pemberian Surat-Surat Keputusan, Bupati Pasaman memberikan peringatan kepada Tuantu Marah Sudin pemangku Daulat Yang Dipertuan Parit Batu, Pucuk Adat Pasaman agar tidak secara serampangan memberikan surat keputusan pengangkatan pucuk adat di nagari-nagari dalam wilayah adatnya.

Dari paparan diatas jelas terlihat adanya pertentangan kepentingan ekonomi yang mempengaruhi proses pergantian pemangku adat dengan keinginan beberapa pemangku untuk tetap menjalankan fungsi aslinya dengan konsisiten, namun kalah.

Dalam belitan berbagai masalah-masalah yang mengikuti pembangunan perkebunan besar di pasaman ini, menjadi relevan bait lagu rakyat yang dikutip pada awal bagian ini.
Simpang Ampek Kadai Sabalah, Sasimpang Jalan ka Kinali, Buah Labek dahannyo Lamah, Masak Ranun Tagantuang Tinggi, Mudiak Padati Rang Andaleh, Tiok Kelok Bapandakian, Nan Den Sangko Buah Ka Lareh, Kiro Tampuaknyo Bapatian, Antah Ka Jo Apo Kadijuluak Pinggalan Lai Sayuik Pulo, Kok Ranggang Buah Dari Tampuak, Balungguak Karuang Manantinyo.

Simpang Empat Kedai Sebelah, Sesimpang Jalan Ke Kinali, Buah Lebat dahannya Lemah, Masak Ranum Tergantung Tinggi, Mudik Pedati Orang Andaleh, Tiap Kelok Berpendakian, Yang Kukira Buah Akan jatuh, ternyata Tampuknya Di Patriakan, Entah Dengan Apa Akan Di Jolok, Penjolok Punya, Tapi Panjangnya Kurang, Jika Renggang Buah Dari Tampuk, Menumpuk Karung Menunggunya.

Lagu ini menceritakan ketidak mampuan sesorang untuk meraih sesuatu. Dalam konteks sawit, besarnya TBS seolah mau jatuh dengan sendirinya ketangan masyarakat nagari di Pasaman, tapi ternyata tidak, karena tangkai buahnya teramat kuat dipegang orang lain seperti dipatri. Kalaupun diusahakan untuk memperolehnya dengan menggunakan berbagai cara, kalaupun berhasil, akan melahirkan masalah baru, karena ada banyak orang yang berkepentingan terhadap sawit tersebut.

Lari dari Polisi

20 Warga Pasaman Minta Perlindungan LBH

TEMPO Interaktif, Padang: Sebanyak 20 dari 30 orang warga Kapar,

Catatan Dr Iwan

Pada saat kampanye keluarga berej]ncana dengn BKKBN tahun 1979-1900 saya sempat berkunjung ke kebun kelapa sawit di lubuksikaping dan bertemu dengan orang jawa  dari suriname yang ditempatkan didaerah tersebut.

panti

 

 

 

 

 

Taloe

Catatan dr Iwan

Saat Dr Iwan Praktek co-assisten di bagian Jiwa RSCM, ada pasien yang menynyanyi lagu yang dipopularken Oslan Husen, Urang Talu, kucing balang baranak balang urang talu

Sangat sulit mendapatkan koleksi driatalu, apalagi desa disampingnya Kajai.

Untung ditemui info dari talu tahun 2009 dibawah ini silahkan menikmatinya

Padang-Talu-Bukit Tinggi-Padang, SUMBAR 8-13 Disember 2009

 

Dijemput abang Nurman Shah setiba di Bandara Minangkabau Padang jam 9 pg tanggal 8 Disember 2009

 

 

Rumah pusako padusi abang Afri tegar menyimpan sejarah keluarga di Bangkok Lombah

 

 

 

Anjung Rumah Gadang di Koto Dalam

 

 

 

Rumah Gadang yang didirikan anak-cucu urang Nagari Talu

 

 

Terkonang urang nan jauh

 

 

Pasar Talu becek disimbahi hujan pagi pada hari Rabu

 

 

Pasar Talu rancak berjual-beli

 

 

Kacang goreng di Kg Melayu

 

 

Umah Mak Tuo Norshima di Koto Panjang

 

 

Uni Norshima Bt Kabut

 

 

Umah pusako Omak keturunan Timolah di Koto Panjang

 

 

Umah pusako sebolah Abah di Bangkok Lombah

 

 

Jendela yang menyingkap seribu kenangan dan pengalaman

 

 

Seusai musim panen

langit Talu membiru syahdu

 

 

Tanda arah Talu – Simpang Empat

 

 

Ikan Garing di Lubok Landur

 

 

Danau Maninjau di Lubuk Basung, panorama yang memukau

 

 

Kelok 44 yang melelahkan namun mengujakan

 

 

Mercu wisata Jam Gadang di Bukit Tinggi, ia diredupi awan Disember yang berhujan

 

 

Ngarai Sianok ada Lubang Jepang

 

 

Ngarai Sianok mengalir lesu ke penjuru waktu

 

 

Restoran Pak Datuk yang tersohor di Bukit Tinggi

 

 

Dendeng balado,bumbu ayam,rendang ayam,

lomak kikir dan sambal bisa menambat salero

 

 

Ayuk! Singgah Pak beli sulaman

dan bordir di Pandai Sikek dan Rumah Hjh Rosmah

 

 

Gempa tanggal 30 Sep 09 meranapkan

banyak bangunan bertingkat di Padang

 

 

Bangunan yang tewas kepada gempa

Sang Penguasa Alam

 

Sisa-sisa Hotel Ambacang di Padang. Suatu waktu dulu ia sesak disinggahi dan diinapi ribuan pelancong.

Kini sang gergasi pengaup sedang rancak

menggelidah sisa untuk memberi

laluan kepada pembangunan

Hotel Ambacang yang baharu

 

 

Jalan yang ambrot angkara gempa

 

 

 

Pantai Padang menjelang senja

 

 

 

Tuan gerobak masih rancak berniaga

 

 

Sempat merakam kenangan terindah

bersama ayahanda Jalaluddin dan bonda

Zaharah di Pantai Padang pada suatu petang Sabtu yang sayu

tanggal 12 Dis 2009

 

Airbangis

Air Bangis Punya Sejarah

 

 

Muara te Air Bangis
Tahun publish : 1910
Arsip KITLV Belanda

 

Properti Rumah Penjaga Mercusuar di Pulau Pangka Air Bangis.
Tanggal Foto : 31 Desember 1913/Old album 3 / 114. Album dari C.H. Para Goeje

 Arsip KITLV Leiden Belanda

 

Detasemen infanteri diperintahkan oleh Letnan Air Bangis H. Hartsman
Tahun Foto : 1912

Arsip KITLV Leiden Belanda

 

Mercusuar Pulau Pangka Air Bangis
Tanggal: 31/12/1913/Album dari C.H. Para Goeje
Arsip KITLV Belanda

 

Rumah kontroler C. Schultz untuk Airbangis
Tahun publish : 1900/Album dari asisten komisaris C. Schultz
Arsip KITLV Belanda

 

/Aia Bangih

dilingkuang taluak/Taluak dilingkuang pulau sambilan/Manangih adiak sambia taduduk/Aia mato jatuah ka pinggan/

 …………. Air Bangis, Nagari dimana saya menghabiskan masa kecil dibawah asuhan “kritis” ayahanda tercinta, Fadli Al-Maturidi Nasution (tukang jahit yang pernah kuliah di Medan dan menjadi Ketua Pemuda Marhaenis Kota Medan tahun 1965 — sayang “sejarah mengalahkannya”).

Di nagari ini pula, ibunda tercinta saya, Nurlian (wanita lugu-sederhana asli Minang suku Jambak yang “buta huruf” tapi kaya hati, wanita yang jarang pakai “sandal”, yang selalu membasahkan rambutnya dengan “kemiri” setiap ayah saya pulang kerja, yang tidak pernah menangis walaupun kehidupan begitu pahit dan selalu sering mengeluarkan nasehat terkesan nyinyir : NAK JANGAN LUPA SHOLAT ) mengajarkan kepada saya makna pentingnya kehidupan.

 Mereka berdua telah “dipanggil” sang Khalik (2005 dan 1999) dan sekarang “berada” ditempat yang berdampingan. Mereka berdualah yang membuat “nagari” saya selalu memanggil pulang.

Source: Muhamad Ilham

 

RAO

1826

 

 

 

Tuanku rao

 

“Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan.

Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam serta taktik perang dengan Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau. “

Disebut sebagai Harimau Nan Salapan karena jumlah anggotanya delapan orang, yaitu : Tuangku Nan Renceh, Tuangku Kubu Sanang, Tuangku Ladang Laweh, Tuangku Padang Lua, Tuangku Galuang, Tuangku Koto Ambalau, Tuangku Pamansingan dan Tuangku Haji Miskin

Menurut DP Asral, seorang pengamat sejarah Minangkabau asal Bukittinggi, gelar tuangku mereka sandang bukan semata karena mereka paham dan mengerti serta mengamalkan ajaran Islam dengan baik. Tetapi lebih disebabkan mereka berani berjauang memimpin pasukan menyerang kaum penjajah. Artinya merekalah orang-orang terkemuka, atau disebut saja sarjana masa itu.

Kata Onggang Parlindungan dalam buku Tuangku Rao, Harimau Nan Salapan, juga dikenal sebagai Presedium Negara Darul Islam Minangkabau pada masanya.

Tuangku Nan Renceh mereka tunjuk sebagai Ketua Presedium. Cita-cita Nan Renceh sangat besar. Dia ingin membebaskan Tanah Jawi (Nusantara) ini dari kegelapan Islam dan cengkraman penjajah.

Sebagai langkah awal, Kelompok Delapan ini membuka selimut hitam yang mengatapi Minangkabau.

Masyarakat Minang yang pada masa itu terlena dengan kebiasaan bersuka ria, menikmati hidup dengan keramaian judi dan sabung ayam, menjadi sasaran utama untuk dibersihkan.

Sejarah mencatat, usaha pembersihan ini tidak semudah membalik telapak tangan.

Sebab, kaum adat yang suka menikmati hidup duniawi, merasa kesenangannya terusik.

Karena itu mereka pun mengadakan perlawanan terhadap gerakan kaum putih yang dipimpin Nan Renceh.

 Berkat ketegasan dan kematangan rencana dari kaum putih ini pula, akhirnya Ranah Minang bisa juga dikuasai kaum ulama.

Selanjutnya, perjuangan Harimau Nan Salapan menghasilkan perdamaian antara kaum adat dan kaum agama di Minangkabau pada tahun

 1834.

Perdamaian ini pula yang dikenal sebagai Kesepakatan Bukit Marapalam yang membuahkan istilah ABS-SBK (Adat Basandi Syarak – Syarak Basandi Kitabbullah).

Tuangku Nan Renceh sendiri tidak hadir dalam upaya perdamaian ini karena dia gugur dalam pertempuran melawan Belanda di Bukittinggi,

1826.

Sepak terjang Harimau Nan Salapan juga dikenal di Daerah Tapanuli Selatan. Masyarakat Tapsel yang pada masa itu mayoritas masih menganut Pagan (semacam animisme), berhasil diislamkan oleh Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela yang bergelar Tuanku Rao, Hamonangan Harahap bergelar Tuanku Tambusai, Mansur Marpaung bergelar Tuanku Asahan, Jatenggar Siregar bergelar Tuanku Ali Sakti dan sejumlah pemuda lain yang belajar agama Islam serta taktik perang dengan Tuangku Nan Renceh di Kamang, Luhak Agam, Minangkabau.

Jika dicermati, apa yang dilakukan Tuangku Nan Renceh selama perjuangannya, sebagaimana sejarah juga mencatat, tentulah tidak bisa dilepaskan dari keberadaan Trio Haji yang pulang dari Mekah di akhir abad ke 18.

 

Mereka adalah Haji Piobang, Haji Sumanik dan Haji Miskin. Ketiga orang ini memiliki keahlian masing-masing dalam menanamkan paham wahabi di Ranah Minang.

Beberapa catatan menyebutkan, Piobang adalah seorang lulusan Universitas Al-Azhar yang sempat menjadi tentara Mesir kemudian bergabung dengan tentara Turki melawan Napoleon. Terakhir Piobang berpangkat kolonel.

Haji Sumanik berpanglat mayor, dia kawan Piobang di Al-Azhar yang juga ikut melawan tentara Napoleon. Sedangkan Haji Miskin merupakan seorang berpengetahuan luas tentang Islam lama mengambara di Jazirah Arab.

Trio Haji inilah yang sejak kepualngan mereka ke kampung halaman, mendampingi Nan Renceh dalam berjuang menegakkan syariat Islam di Ranah Minang. Mereka pula yang membina angkatan perang, serta meletakkan fondasi perjuangan melawan kaum penjajah.

Tentara padri bentukan Haji Piobang, bukannya tentara kampungan. Tetapi sudah terstruktur rapi hingga ke desa (nagari-nagari). Kepala Nagari merupakan komandan tentara di pedesaan.

Beberapa litelatur mencatat, dalam menegakkan syariat Islam di Minangkabau masa itu, masing-masing Tuangku di daerah kekuasaannya menerapkan sistem lihat batu tapakan (batu yang menjadi injakan terakhir ketika naik ke atas rumah).

Apa bila dalam pemeriksaan di pagi hari batu ini tidak basah oleh air wuduk shalat subuh, maka orang yang ada di atas rumah itu dianggap tidak Islam. Eksekusi pun dijalankan di tempat. Hukumannya beragam, mulai dari cambukan sampai hukum pancung.

Untuk daerah Luhak Tanah Data, masa itu dikenal ketegasan Taungku Lintau (atau disebut juga Tuangku Alim Tahu). Beliau ini terkenal dengan parajuritnya yang sangat aktif memeriksa batu tapakan setiap pagi di setiap rumah-rumah penduduk. Derap langkah kaki kuda prajurit ini sangat di takuti oleh orang-orang pelanggar syariat agama.

Tapi, semua ini adalah cerita masa lalu. Kini hanya tinggal kenangan. Soal basah atau tidaknya batu tapakan di rumah-rumah penduduk menjelang sembahyang subuh, tidak ada lagi yang akan memeriksa dan mengingatkannya, keculai diri mereka masing-masing.

*A.S. Patimarajo

Buku ‘Greget Tuanku Rao’ dan Kontroversi Kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai

Oleh Suryadi

Kompas (Kamis, 16/10/2008) memberitakan hasil diskusi tentang versi Bahasa Indonesia terbitan kedua (yang pertama 1992 oleh INIS) buku Christine Dobbin yang sudah cukup klasik: Gejolak Ekonomi, Kebangkitan Islam dan Perang Padri (Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu, 2008). Buku itu juga didiskusikan lagi di Padang tanggal 18 Oktober ini.

Diskusi buku itu adalah semacam kelanjutan dari polemik tentang

 Perang Paderi (1803-1837)

yang telah berlangsung sejak tahun lalu.

Salah seorang penggagas polemik itu adalah Basyral Hamidi Harahap (BHH), penulis buku Greget Tuanku Rao (Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu, September 2007). Dalam buku itu penulisnya antara lain mengeritik Tuanku Tambusai (1784-1882), Pahlawan Nasional pertama asal Riau berdasarkan Keputusan Presiden RI Nomor 071/TK/Tahun 1995.

Polemik mengenai Perang Paderi yang mencuat lagi, dengan BHH sebagai salah seorang motor penggeraknya yang utama, pada awalnya dipicu oleh republikasi buku M.O. Parlindungan, Pongkinangolngolan Sinamabela gelar Tuanku Rao: Teror Agama Islam Mazhab Hambali di Tanah Batak, 1816-1833 (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2006) yang edisi pertamanya (1964) telah dikritisi Hamka (1974).

Bersamaan dengan itu muncul pula petisi yang menggugat gelar kepahlawanan Tuanku Imam Bonjol yang dituduh melanggar HAM karena pasukan Paderi menginvasi Tanah Batak (1816-1833) yang menewaskan “jutaan” orang di daerah itu (lihat: http://www.petitiononline.com/bonjol/petition.html).

Kini tampaknya polemik itu maju selangkah lagi: judul laporan dalam Kompas tanggal 16 Oktober 2008 itu cukup kontroversial: “Korban Perang Paderi Minta Pelurusan Sejarah”. Dengan demikian, tersurat klaim dari anak cucu korban perang yang terjadi hampir duaratus tahun yang lalu itu bahwa sejarah Perang Paderi yang sudah diketahui umum selama ini “belum lurus” untuk tidak mengatakan tidak benar.

Tulisan singkat ini mengulas sedikit pandangan BHH dalam Greget Tuanku Rao (GTR) mengenai kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai, yang dapat ditarik benang merahnya dengan diskusi yang berlangsung di Medan seperti yang diberitakan Kompas itu.

Walaupun isi buku ini ‘menjalar’ ke sana-sini, kurang terarah, dan lemah dari segi teori dan metodologi, tapi isinya yang memang penuh greget itu jelas berfokus kepada kritik terhadap kekejaman dan kebrutalan Kaum Paderi ketika mereka melakukan invasi ke Tanah Batak. Invasi itu telah ikut menyengsarakan nenek moyang BHH sendiri. Dalam GTR BHH mempertanyakan patriotisme dan kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai dan Tuanku Imam Bonjol (hlm.106-7).

Tuanku Tambusai dan ironi Perang Paderi

Tak dapat dimungkiri bahwa Perang Paderi telah meninggalkan kenangan heroik sekaligus traumatis kepada masyarakat di tiga daerah: Sumatera Barat, Sumatera Utara (Tapanuli dan sekitarnya), dan Riau (Rokan dan sekitarnya).

Selama sekitar 20 tahun pertama perang itu (1803-1821) praktis yang saling berbunuhan adalah sesama orang Minangkabau dan saudara-saudaranya dari Tanah Batak.

Mulai bulan April 1821

Kompeni melibatkan diri dalam perang itu karena “diundang” kaum Adat. Selanjutnya perang itu adalah perlawanan mengusir penjajah Belanda.

Kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai lebih dihubungkan dengan episode akhir Perang Paderi. Setelah Benteng Bonjol jatuh pada

 17 Agustus 1837

(lihat Teitler 2004),

 medan perang beralih ke daerah Rokan Hulu dan sekitarnya dengan pusatnya di Benteng Dalu-dalu. Tuanku Tambusai, rekan seperjuangan Tuanku Imam Bonjol, ternyata tidak mau menyerah kepada Belanda. Ini menandakan bahwa sistem organisasi Gerakan Paderi bukan mengenal hirarki kepemimpinan dan rantai komando.

Belakangan muncul kontroversi mengenai kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai setelah BHH menulis dalam GTR bahwa dalam mengembangkan ajaran Wahabi di daerah Rokan dan Mandailing dan sekitarnya, panglima Paderi itu bersama para pengikutnya telah membunuhi banyak orang, tak terkecuali para pengikut Datu Bange dari Simanabun. Datu Bange adalah salah seorang kepala suku di Mandailing yang gigih melawan Tuanku Tambusai (GTR, hlm. 54-76).

BHH menilai Tuanku Tambusai dan Tuanku Imam Bonjol tidak patriotis. Orang yang tidak patriotis tentu tidak pantas menjadi pahlawan nasional. Menurutnya, Tuanku Imam Bonjol mengatur sendiri penyerahan dirinya kepada Belanda (ini berdasarkan tafsirannya terhadap Naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol [lihat Sjafnir Aboe Nain, 2004]). Tuanku Tambusai yang melarikan diri ke Malaysia, meninggalkan para pengikutnya, karena takut ditawan atau dibunuh Belanda, juga dianggap pengecut.

“Kita bertanya di manakah jiwa kepahlawanan seorang yang telah banyak membunuh, menculik kaum perempuan untuk dijual sebagai budak atau dijadikan gundik di kalangan bangsa sendiri? […] Apakah seorang yang […] tidak [mampu] mempertahankan tanah tumpah darah sampai titik darah penghabisan […] dan menginjak-injak harkat dan martabat bangsa sendiri pantas menjadi pahlawan? […] Seorang patriot sejati, sekalipun terpojok pastilah tetap berjuang mempertahankan bumi persada sampai titik darah penghabisan”, tulis BHH dalam GTR (hlm.106).

BHH adalah salah seorang keturunan Datu Bange. Faktor genealogi inilah yang melatari kritiknya yang penuh emosi (yang mewakili kaumnya) terhadap Tuanku Tambusai dalam GTR. “Pertanyaan ini diajukan oleh orang yang leluhurnya adalah korban kekajaman Tuanku Tambusai, ialah Datu Bange, Raja Hurlang, Bandaro dan seluruh kerabat dan rakyat Simanabun”, tulisnya dalam GTR (hlm. 107). Kalimat-kalimat subjektif dan emotif seperti itu segera menghilangkan kesan ilmiah GTR.

Pelajaran yang dapat dipetik

Setidaknya ada dua hal penting yang dapat disimak dari polemik ini: pertama, soal pengaruh etnisitas dalam penulisan sejarah (di) Indonesia; kedua, munculnya kritik terhadap prosedur dan mekanisme pencalonan dan pengangkatan seseorang menjadi pahlawan nasional.

Narasi “buku sejarah” GTR merefleksikan perasaan kedaerahan (regionalisme) yang kuat, karena itu menimbulkan bias yang kentara. Ini sulitnya –tapi bukan tidak bisa dihindari– menjadi seorang yang menulis sejarah satu daerah sekaligus menjadi warga etnis daerah itu sendiri. Inilah dilema BHH yang orang Mandailing dan juga menulis sejarah tentang Mandailing.

Tentu saja sejarawan yang mendalami ilmu dan metode penelitian sejarah tidak akan terpeleset ke dalam subjektifisme seperti dalam penulisan GTR. Memang tak mungkin menggunakan otak semata-mata dalam penulisan sejarah. Akan tetapi kesadaran penuh atas konvensi ilmiah ilmu sejarah akan mencegah seseorang jatuh ke dalam subjektifisme tanpa ambang batas dalam menulis buku sejarah.

Penulis GTR agak cuai terhadap konteks sosio-historis daerah Mandailing pada paruh pertama abad ke-19.

Peran Belanda, rivalitas dan sentimen antar suku, pengaruh Aceh, penghijrahan orang Minangkabau yang sudah begitu lama terjadi di sepanjang pantai barat Sumatera (lihat misalnya kisah Nakhoda Muda [Drewes, 1961] dan biografi Muhammad Saleh Dt. Rangkayo Basa, 1965) dan suku pendatang lainnya di kawasan itu agak luput dari perhatian BHH. Sangat mungkin bahwa penerimaan dan penolakan ajaran yang dibawa Tuanku Tambusai di daerah Mandailing dan sekitarnya ikut dipengaruhi faktor-faktor tersebut di atas.

Gerth van Wijk dalam pengantarnya terhadap Kaba Puti Balukih (Hikayat Putri Balkis) (1881) mengatakan bahwa Kaum Paderi juga berusaha mengganti sastra pagan seperti cerita mambang, peri, dan dewa-dewa dengan sastra yang bernuansa Islami. Bukan tidak mungkin faktor ini ikut menentukan pertikaian keras antara Tuanku Tambusai yang menganut Islam puritan dengan marga Babiat yang dipimpin Datu Bange yang menyembah totem harimau (hlm.13-48).

Sebaliknya, pengusulan Tuanku Tambusai menjadi pahlawan nasional juga sarat dengan kebanggan regionalisme. Pemrakarsa utamanya adalah anak keturunan Tuanku Tambusai sendiri. Salah satu di antara pemrakarsa utama adalah H Saleh Djasit, SH seorang anak keturunan Tambusai yang pernah menjadi Bupati Kabupaten Kampar. (http://www.riaumandiri.co.id/berita/380).

Mereka menekankan nilai perjuangan Tuanku Tambusai yang bertahun-tahun memerangi kolonialis Belanda (1830-1839) dan tidak pernah menyerah dan tidak mau berdamai dengan Belanda (lihat: Ekmal Rusdy, Riau Pos, 30-11-2007).

Sama halnya dengan cara penulisan buku “sejarah” GTR yang sangat subjektif itu, kontroversi kepahlawanan Tuanku Tambusai memberi pelajaran kepada kita bahwa di masa datang perlu studi sejarah yang lebih komprehensif terhadap seseorang yang akan diajukan sebagai pahlawan nasional, yang melibatkan tokoh akademis yang kredibel dan lintasetnis.

Satu hal yang perlu dicatat dari polemik ini adalah bahwa rupanya wacana “pelurusan sejarah” sekarang meluber kemana-mana. Pada mulanya wacana itu hanya menyangkut “pelurusan sejarah” Revolusi 1965. Sekarang wacana itu melebar ke sejarah lokal seperti Perang Paderi. Pada level ini sebenarnya hubungan etnisitas ikut dipertaruhkan. Bangsa ini masih kuat tradisi lisannya. Isu apapun potensial ditelan mentah-mentah atau dijadikan komoditi politik oleh pihak-pihak tertentu.

Mudah-mudahan polemik “pelurusan sejarah Perang Paderi” tidak membuat keruh hubungan antaretnis di negara multietnis ini.

Suryadi, Dosen dan Peneliti pada Opleding Talen en Culturen van Indonesië, Faculteit der Letteren Universiteit Leiden, Belanda

PadangKini.com; Minggu, 19/10/2008

PANTI

THE NUMISMATIC COLLECTIONS FOUND IN WEST SUMATRA

 

*ill C-001

*ill C-001 rare Ned.Indie koin 1 cent 1855 in very find condition found at Bukittingi 1986.

I.PENDAHULUAN(Preface)

1.Sejak tahun 1976, saya setiap Sabtu sore dan minggu berkunjung kerumah Ayah dan Ibu mertua di Padang Panjang, dengan mengendarai mobil Toyota Corona 1976 yang baru saya beli dari tempat tugas saya di Solok,melalui jalan indah sepanjang danau Singakarak yang saat ini setiap tahun diadakan loma sepeda.( Since 1976, every weeks I visit my father and ZMother in Law house at Padang Panjang with my Toyota Coronoa 1976 car which I have just bought when I was in duty at Solok City. I drive through the beautiful road  beside Singkarak lake,now every year there were the Singkarak Roadrace there.)

More english traslation will be progress,please the foreigner collector be patien-

Setiap Minggu putra saya Albert dan kemudian ditambah Anton bermain-main dirumah mertua di Guguk Malintang Kota Padang Panjang yang penuh dengan  unga-bungaan, saya dan isteri Lily , sambil isteri belajar mengendari mobi kami bertualang ke Bukittinggi dan disana bertemu banyak teman-teman yang sebagian besar sudah pesnsiun dan almarmum, sampai saat ini tinggal satu orang yang masih aktif Haji Edhie Makmur. SElain itu saya juga ke Padang untuk menemui orang tua yang saat itu masih sehat walafiat sampai saya pindah tugas di Padang dari Tahun 1979 sapai 1989.

2.Selama di Padang hampir setiap sore hari kerja mulai jam 2.00-4.00 saya bertualang ke Pasar Jawa(Raya) untuk berburu koin di toko Mas dan lapak pengumpul barang bekas dari tembaga ,terutama almahum Haji Kiman,saat ini dilanjutkan isterinya.Lokasi rakyat kecil ini telah diselamatkan oleh Yang Mha Kuasa dari goncangan dan tarikan gempa bumi yang dahsyat tahu 2009, bagunan lain disekitarnya telah ambruk sehingga pedagan lainnya berjualan di jalan didepan bioskop Padang theater (dulunya Rio dan sebelumnya Scala Bio ex milik almarhum kakek buyut saya- pen )

II. KOIN KUNO YANG PERNAH BEREDAR DI SUMBAR(The Ancient Coin have circulated in West Sumatra)

Catatan : Harap sabar install illustrasi masih dalam proses,lengkap untuk anggota Premium.(the illustration isntall still in process,the complete info only for the premium members-auth)

1.Selama kurun waktu tersebut saya menemukan bebrapa koin mata uang asing kuno yang pernah beredar di Sumatera Barat antara lain :

(1)Koin Bonk kecil seperti Kancing dari Barus,mirip dengan koin mojopahit dan sriwijaya illustrasi bagian depan huruf Na *ill 001artinta uang dan belakang bintang ill oo2 ,yang mirip dengan simbol kejaan mingkabau (lihat token menangkabau)

*ill 001

* ill 002

(2)Koin Gobok atau Cash Coin dari Tiongkok(Jepang dan Vietnam. saya temukan di Bali dan di era tersbut-pen)

(a) Cash coin Tiongkok

ill G-001

(a)Koin Gobok  yang paling tua umurnya ditemui di SUMBAR adalah dari dinasti tang Kaisar KHAI YUAN *ill G-001,  koin dinasti paling tua di Indonesia dari Dinasti Han saya temukan di toko Kuta bali, bersal Makasar atau surabaya.-

(b) koin gobok Tiongkok dinasti Tang Khai Yuan dengan gaya tulisan antik

 

(c) Koin Gobok dari masa enam dinasti  Thian Ping ( Xia)

 

(d) Koin Gobok Pemberontakan Thai Ping abad ke 19(baca aksara tiongkok ata dan bawah lubang,mau mengetahui secara lengkap tehnik mengungkapakan koin gobk ,baca “mengungkapkan misteri koin gobok yang ditemui di Indonesia,, hanya untuk anggota premium-pen)

 

Koin kuno lain yang ditemui disumbar

1) VOC and Ned.Indie

 

 

 

 

 

2)The Iran  Sasanid kindom during Empress Puran 7th Century,bring by Gujarat Trade during Srivijaya empire in Indonesia and they had trading with the Minangkabau marchant at Mingkabau Kindom (Pagaruyung),(more info only for premium member.The first report found in Indonesia-auth,anoher report from Rusia)

 

3) The middle east coin (Ottoman Kingdom)

 

4) EIC

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

5) VOC and Ned.Indie

 

 

 

 

 

6) Chinese empire cash coin(more info only for the premium membar complete with the history and smaple of rare coin’s valued,please register via comment-auth)

 

 

 

7) Cash coin Jepang dan Vietnam belum pernah ditemui di SUMBAR

illustrasi khus untuk anggota Premium (illustration only for premium member)

8)Koin Perak dari Negeri Belanda, Spanyol (Hispan) yang dibuat di Kerajaan spanyol (merk Hi spanarium), atau Jajahannya (merk Hispan et Indie)  di Meksiko (merk OM), Chile (merek OS-santiago),TSo mint Bolivia dsbya

Illustration only for premium member,

9)Koin dari masa penjajahan Inggris dibawah gubernur Jendral Sir Atmaford Thomas Raffles 1811-1816

(a)Koin yang berasal dari kompeni Inggris di India dengan markasnya dikota Madras (Madras EIC mint Coin)

the naration only for premium members

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

10) Koin penganti uang atau Token Pedagang Singapura masa Raffles dengan mata uang Sakepeng dalm bahasa arab-malayu,dan didepannya nama  berbagai  Negeri  seperti Acheh,Deli,Siak sri Indra Pura, Menangkabau, Ina Ugi Tanah Ugi dari Bugis, Island Of Sumatra dan Island of Sultana yang dikenal dengan uang ayam karena ada yang memakai simbol ayam atau uang sakepeng, di Tanah Tapanuli disebut Hepeng,masih ingat dengan seruan merekan “Nan Hadong hepeng ” atau Tak Ada Uang.

Islutration only for premium member

10)Uang Dirham Aceh dari Emas

illustraiononlyfor premium members

11)Uang perunggu dari Barus yang bentuknya mirip kancing baju ,seperti uang dari Kerajaan Mojopahit sehingga dinamakan Uang Kancing,

 

12)Token kompeni Inggris di India bentuk bulat kecil dengan disain udang dan orang.(EIC TOKEN)

 

13) Koin bentuk peluru dari kerajaan kuno Siam Thailand, museum pusatmemiliki yang ukurannya sangat besar,yang sya temui ukuran kecil seperti peluru senapan angin.(illustration only for premium members.)

14)Uang Lokal juga Token dari perkebunan tembakau  di Deli. seperti perusahaan tembakau Asahan dan Pulau Raja.(illustration only for premium members)

15)Uang Singapura dengan nama uang sekepeng Negeri selangor,negeri perak,(illuastration only for premium members)

16)Koin skepeng pulau Pinang

 

17) East India Company divisi 4 beredar di bengkulu dan sumatra barat

 

(, India Staits dan Strait Settlement ditemukan di Pontinak).

18)Koin  East India company dari Madras (narration only for premium member).

 

 

 

19)Koin Charles Brooke serawak terbitan tahun pertama 1870 (ini temuan pertama dan mengejutkan ,karena belum pernah ada bukti faktual hubungan dagang dari Rajah kulit puti  Serawak tersebut, mungkin dibawa pedangan dari Singapura karena Singapura adalah pusat pemerintahah Kompeni Inggris EIC dikawan Asia Tenggara. Dari koleksi koin kita dapat ,membuktikan sejarah,menarik sekali belum pernah ada yang melaporkan seperti in kecuali Dr Iwan Suwandy yang sudah mendapatkan tanggapan dan penghargaan daroi seorang Pakar dari Siak Riau ,baca dalam tulisan Riau Ancient Collections dalam blog ini dan komentar dibawah tulisan ini.

 

Koin masa Rajah James Brooke Serawak belum pernah ditemukan di SUMBAR , saya temukan di Pontinak (baca kisah pertualang dan koin yang saya temukan di Pontianak.

19) uang perak dari Hongkong dan Filipina.(Silver coin from Hongkong and Phillipines,illustration only for premium member)

20) Koin kuno terbitan Hindia Belanda (Nederland Indie) yang mulanya dipergunakan nilai duit VOC satu dan setengah duit yang dibedakan dari ukurannya , kemudian masa Dandeals Indie Batav tetap nominal Stuiver dan koin LN atau Lodewijk Napoleon , serta  Nederland Indie Steuver mulai dari 1/56 sampai dua steuver, juga Uang Perak VOC satu dan tiga gulden.(Ancient Netherland Indie coins, illustration only for premium memberes)

(1) VOC  1730 satu duit, tetapi koin 1/2 duit belum pernah ditemukan, saya temukan di Banten. akan dapat dilihat dalam tulisan yang akan saya kirim berjudul Banten Ancient Collections.

 

(2) koin India Batav 1803 pada masa Penjajahan Prncis dibawah Gubernur Jendral Dandeals, ini juga suatu penemuan baru di Sumatera Barat, karena hampir seluruh koleksi saya dari era ini ditemukan di Jawa, lihat dan baca dalam artikel yang sudah saya kirim diblog ini judulnya Koleksi Masa Perang Pasukan Napoleon dan Inggris di Jawa.

 

(3) Koin Masa Hindia Belanda berkuasa lagi setelah Indonesia diseerahkan kembali oleh Inggris(Raffles) dan ditukarnya Bengkulu dan Sumatera Pantai Barat oleh Belanda dengan Pulau Tamasek(Singapura) dan Malaka dengan Pemerintah kompeni Inggris (Raffles)

(a) koin awal Hindia Belanda -Ned: INdie 1822, more coins illustraiononly for premium members

 

(b) koin awal Hindia Belanda yang berlaku tahun 1855 setelah seluruh koin yang beredar di indonesia ditarik dari peredaran dengan suatu sistem mata uang tunggal yang berlaku diseluruh Indonesia,kendatipun para pedagang masih bertahan menerima koin gobok dan koin skepeng samapi tahun 1952 saat Indoneisa menerbitkan mata uang brau mengantikan seluruh mata uang yang bereedar di Indonesia, sunguh unik dan menarik sistem moneter di Indonesia, ganti terus yang korban rakyat.

Koin Tembaga satu cent 1855 yang sangat langka dalam kondisi Very Find AOU-hampir mint dan antique

 

Koin stengah sen dari tembaga tahun 1855 tidak beredar ,hanya bentuk Proof baru ditemukan tiga biji saya belum pernah menemukannya di Indonesia, yang sulit ditemukan juga koin setengah sen 1858 dibawah ini penemuan terbaru dari SUMBAR dibawah ini :

 

2.Pada kunjungan terakhir Agustus 2010 , saya menemukan koin aneh :

 

 

(1)Koin Medal dari bahan perak dengan gambar raja dan tulisan arab kuno yang tidak jelas asalnya (Slver Arabic-India King with Hindi arabic script coins),setelah diteliti ternyata koin ini dari kerajaan Queen Puran  persia.tahun 629-631

 

Compare from literature

 

 

 

 

The profile of queen puran

 

 

Name:	Item #2053 Sasanian, Queen Buran (or Puran), AD 629-631, AR drachm, SK (Sakastan mint) Gobl 228 VERY RARE (YEAR 3)
Description:	Ruler’s name & Her Reign: Queen Buran (AD 629-631)Mint: SK (Sakastan) in AD 631 (year 3) Metal & Denomination: silver drachmSize: 33 mm. Weight: 3.73 gr.Obverse: crowned bust of the Queen right, with Pahlavi legend.Reverse: with the usual Sasanian reverse, two guards on both sides of the Fire altar. Pahlavi legend with clear symbol for the mint.References: Gobl 228 VERY RARE , Sellwood 71var. Notes: Queen Buran was the daughter of Khusro II. She probably ascended to the throne in the summer of 629 AD, and ruled for about a year and a half. She either died of a severe illness or, more likely, was murdered. This coin must have minted right before her death. Year 2 for her reign from this mint is the most common but year 3 is very rare piece even for SK mint. (There are corrosion and scratches on this piece). BRIEF HISTORY: After Ardashir I, the first king of the Sasanians, consolidated his position in Persis (modern Fars province), he moved into southern Mesopotamia, and Mesene submitted. In 224 he defeated and killed the last Parthian ruler, Artabanus V, after which Mesopotamia quickly fell before him and Ctesiphon became the main capital of the Sasanian empire. In 230 Ardashir besieged Hatra but failed to take it. Hatra called on Romanaid, and in 232 the Roman emperor Severus Alexander launched a campaign that halted Ardashir’s progress. At the death of Severus Alexander in 235 the Sasanians took the offensive, and probably in 238 Nisibis and Harran came under their control. Hatra was probably captured in early 240, after which Ardashir’s son Shapur was made coregent; Ardashir himself died soon afterward.   The Roman emperor Gordian III led a large army against Shapur I in 243. The Romans retook Harran and Nisibis and defeated the Sasanians at a battle near Resaina, but at Anbar,  renamed Peroz-Shapur (‘Victorious Is Shapur’), the Sasanians inflicted a defeat on the Romans, who lost their emperor. Under Shapur II the Sasanians again took the offensive, and the first war lasted from 337 to 350; it ended with no result as Nisibis was successfully defended by the Romans. In 359 Shapur again invaded Roman territory and captured the Roman fortress Amida after a long and costly siege. In 363 the emperor Julian advanced almost to Ctesiphon, where he died, and his successor Jovian had to give up Nisibis and other territories in the north to the Sasanians. The next war lasted from 502 to 506 and ended with no change. War broke out again in 527, lasting until 531, and even the Byzantine general Belisarius was not able to prevail; as usual, the boundaries remained unchanged. In 540 the Sasanian king Khosrow (Chosroes) I invaded Syria and even took Antioch, although many fortresses behind him in northern Mesopotamia remained in Byzantine hands. After much back-and-forth fighting, peace was made in 562. War with the Byzantine Empire resumed 10 years later, and it continued under Khosrow’s successor, Hormizd IV. Only in 591, in return for their assistance in the restoration to the Sasanian throne of Khosrow II, who had been deposed and had fled to Byzantine territory, did the Byzantines regain territory in northern Mesopotamia. With the murder in 602 of the Byzantine emperor Maurice, who had been Khosrow’s benefactor, and the usurpation of Phocas, Khosrow II saw a golden opportunity to enlarge Sasanian domains and to take revenge for Maurice. Persian armies took all northern Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine,Egypt, and Anatolia.

 

 

(2)Koin Perak dari Turki(Ottoman Kingdom),masih perlu diteliti lebih lanjut

 

 

 

 

(3)Koin perak kuno dari British East India company(kompeni Inggris) dari Madras

 

 

(3) Koin Pitis Kerajaan  Palembang Darusalam dari bahan baku  tembaga, yang umumnya dari timah , satu yang biasa dengan satu bagian dengan tulisan sebaliknya polos, tetapi dua koin  yang aneh,salah cetak bagian yang polos dengan cetak cermin alias terbalik tulisannya, dikenal dalam dunia numismatik Brokadge ,belum pernah dilaporkan sebelumnya(Palembang Pitis coins and also from copper may be Minagkabau kingodom coin which never report before,the arabic-malay script on two side head and tail side ,but different stile one without hole and one with hole maybe from the Ming Kingdom coins-illustration only for premium member)

(4) Koin pedagang Singapura ,Pulau Perca (Pulau Perca Singapore toke, Perca Island means Sumatra Island whic expot mani perca or Karet).

 

Pada tahun 2012,ditemukan sebuah koin perak tahun 1521 era kekaisaran Holy Romawi dengan lambang double eagle,

Carolvs.v.ger.rom.imper.

1541

MONETA.NOVA.GRAISCH.HAG

 

 

ini menunjukkan adanya hubungan dagang dengan Eropa saat itu mungkin dibawa oleh saudagar Portugis dan Spanyol sebelum kedatangan VOC

Kemudian juga ditemukan Koin

HISPAN ET INDIE

mulai dari

koin bola dunia (DOUBLE Pillar)

OM –MEXICO

 

 

EMPEROR PHILLIPUS

 

 

 

dan Carolus III s/d IV

 

 

 

Ferdinand

 

Selanjutnya juga ditemui Koin

Yang langka Hispan dari

OS-Chile Santiago ,

 

PTS- Potosi Columbia

 

Hispanarium

 

 

dan

yang tidak langka Mexicana.

 

III.PENUTUP

1.Mempelajari jenis koin kuno serta menghimpunannya sebagai koleksi adalah hal yang menarik, karena peningkatan nilai jualnya sangat tinggi ,dulu hanya dibeli Rp.100. per biji sdekitar 0.25 cent US$,sekarang sudah Rp.5000.- sampai Rp.10.000. (Us$ 1/2 dan 1,-). rata-tara per biji  ,tetapi kalau ketemu yang aneh dan langka harganya dapt mencapai UD$ 60,- sampai 100.-( The study of Ancient coin were made profit in nowadays because the investation value of that ancient coins will up more than 1000% in 25 yeras-auth)

2.Bagaimana pembaca ,mau mulai berinvestasi dengan koin -koin kuno yang ditemukan di Indonesia, sebelum terlambat,karena setelah saya muali menulis di BloG internet saya,dan jugA dikompasiana,atau natinyA akan diterbitkan harian kompas , TENTU harganya akan jadi selangit seperti yang dapat dibaca dalam katalogus  international. ok selamat berburu koin kuno di indonesia. Tetapi tempatnya dimana ,harus melakukan penelitian terlebih dahulu dan awas sudah banyak tiruannya alias fake coins, oleh karena itu rajin baca info di blog internet saya.

3.Sekali lagi SELAMAT BERBURU KOIN KUNO,DAN WASPADA KOIN KUNO PALSU

4.KOIN KUNO MEMBUKTIKAN SEJARAH KEBESARAN BANGSA INDONESIA DENGAN HUBUNGAN DAGANG DARI MANCA NEGARA.(the Ancient oins have the Factual info to prove the trading communication between WEst Sumtra with Foreign Trader ‘s history)

READ MORE PART FOUR

PRRI

pADANG wEST sUMATRA hISTORY cOLLECTIONS PART tWO

THIS IS THE SAMPLE OF e-book IN cd rom.RTHE COMPLETE cd WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMEBER PLEASE SUBSCRIBE VIA COMMENT TO GE THE cd-rOM

PADANG WEST SUMATRA

MY LOVING BIRTHCITY

Part

 Introduction

Minangkabau

 

Created by

 

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Private Limited Edition In CD_ROM

Copyright@DR Iwa Suwandy 2011

 

batang arau padang litho from the history of sumatra 1810

PREFACE

 

.As the opening of the writings that I collated as a sign of my love for the born land , his wife and entire family, hoping to be nostalgic for the old and add insight for future generations so that the root dtaang origins can be traced.
Writing with illustrations image collections, postal history and other dedicated  to my son Albert and Anton Jimmi, and the grandson of Sesa, Celin and Antoni, and also all my extended family and wife.
These literary works are still many shortcomings so that corrections and additional information and advice legendary from all my friends so I would expect.
Thank you kep there are many people who have helped me to  complete this paper

 

West Sumatra called Sphere minang or Land Minangkabau was the birthplace and the land where the author was raised until the age of 45 years (1945-1989).

Various ups and downs have been experienced on Earth Minang by name Hotel-ever besides the residence of the last author of the years 1950-1989, the author was born in Padang Small Road, behind the Land Market Kongsi from 1945 until 1950.
During their stay in Padang authors have kept memoriable  objects or memorabilia collection which is a love filling to  homeland and is able to evoke memories of the realm Minang Beautiful, peaceful and full of such intimacy.

Information from The book also discusses information collection dzari choice and displayed in such a way that can satisfy the longing  Minang people  In Overseas wherever it is located on a remote village in the eyes of beloved pages, such as the song always sung the nomads as follows:

Rumah gadang nan sambilan ruang,Pusako bundo sajak dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hatinya ta ibo ta ibo Ta bayang-bayang diruang mato..

In the Indonesian language as follows:
A  Big House with nine-room, Heritage from nowadays .If I remember my heart recalls sad. Memory  shadows (village) in the eyelid

Indonesia version:

Sumatera barat yang disebut Ranah minang atau Tanah minangkabau adalah tempat kelahiran dan tanah dimana penulis dibesarkan sampai berumur 45 tahun( 1945-1989). Berbagai suka duka telah dialami di Bumo Minang sesuai nama Hotel yang pernah ada disamping rumah kediaman penulis terakhir dari tahun 1950-1989,penulis dilahirkan di Jalan Kali Kecil Padang ,dibelakang Pasar Tanah Kongsi dari tahun 1945 sampai 1950.

Selama berada di Padang penulis telah menyimpan benda-benda koleksi kenagan atau memorabilia yang merupakan laupan rasa cinta terhapa tanah kelahiran dan mampu membangkitkan ingatan kepada ranah Minang yang Indah, damai dan penuh keakraban tersebut.

Informasi dari Buku juga membahas informasi dzari koleksi pilihan dan ditampilkan sedemikian rupa agar dapat memuaskan kerinduan urang Atau Orang Miang Di Rantau dimanapun dia berada terhadap kampong halaman tercinta yang jauh dimata, seperti lagu yang selalu dinyanyikan para perantau sebagai berikut:

Rumah Gadang Nan Sambilan Ruang, Pusako Bundo Sajak dulu dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hati den ta ibo .Tabayang bayang di ruang mato.

 

 

Dalam bahasa Indonesia sebagai berikut:

Rumah Besar yang sembilan ruang,Pusaka Ibu sejak dulunya.Bila saya kenang hati saya sedih.terbayang-bayang (kampung) di pelupuk mata.

Sebagai pembukaan dari tulisan yang saya susun sebagai tanda cinta kepada tanah kelahi ran saya ,isteri dan seluruh keluarga, dengan harapan dapat dijadikan nostalgia bagi yang tua dan menambah wawasan bagi generasi yang akan datang sehingga akar asal usulnya dapat diketahui.Tulisan dengan ilustrasi koleksi gambar,postal history dan lainnya ini.

Pada kunjungan terakhir 5 Maret 2012 ke Sumatra Barat saya memperoleh tambahan informasi tentang mayor Tionghoa Li Say(Li Ma say) dan menemukan koin perak era The Holy Roman Empire dari German tahun 1541 dan beberapa temuan baru.

Karya tulisa ini masih banyak kekurangannya sehingga koreksi dan tambahan informasi serta saran dari seluruh teman-teman sangat saya harapkan.Terima kasih kep[ada berbagai pihak yang telah membantu saya untuk dapat menyelesaikan karya tulis ini.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 lareh soegei poear

Karya tulis ini saya persembahkan kepada Isteri tercinta

Lily Widjaja,

Putra and Mantu

Albert Suwandy –Alice,

 Anton jimmi suwandy-Grace  look below

 

serta para cucu cesa,celin dan Antoni

 

Preface

I was borned in Padang city February,9^th.1948 at the old wooden house which belonging to the sister of My grandfather IpoTjoa Bun Tak and Ntiokong Lie Seng Tok (  Sinyo),this house located behind the Chinese camp Market called Tanah Kongsi(Joint Land).

I had found the pictures of this house  were taken by my father in 1948,three pictures black and white,my profile and with mother Anna Tjoa Giok Land with my brother Gho Bian Hoat(Dr Edhie Johan),Sister Elina(Gho soe Kim) and younger sister Gho soei Lian (Dr Erlita Lianny Djohan),

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

We lived there until 1950 and move to latest House at Gereja Street near Ambacang Market and now became Bundo Kandung Street,the old Dutch house which built into wooden house,and then we built three stair house,until sold to my nice Gho Bian An(Ir Andri Virgo) ,he built Fried Chieckinen and Ambacang Plaza ,later became Ambacang Hotel which broken during earfrthquake 2008,now re built again with new name Elena hotel in 2012.

 

 

 

Brug over de Padang rivier tussen Padang en Emmahaven, krib in aanleg

 

The famous old Padang City are Padang Beach, Muara Sungai Arau , Chinese Camp(Kampung Tionghoa),Pondok,Hilligoo –Pasar ambacang,complex Rooe catholic one church Theresia, two chapel Agnes ,basic School(Sekolah Rakyat-Dasar )Zuster  Hollanse Indisce School then Theresia and Agnes, Frater fransiscus and andreas,Middle School MULO Frater ,later SMP Zuster Maria, Frater,and Hig School (SMA) Don Bosco

My teacher in memoriam Frater Servaas (A.J.M de beer) sugest to me to collect all kind of information because in 1959 the communication system via internet will growth after the Satelite have send to the outer space.

All the informations now I put in my web blog in 2009

Hhtp://www.Driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com

And after thatin 2011  I am starting made the special informations in CD_ROM,pravited limited editions special for my web blog premium member.

This Padang west Sumatra is one of the CD_ROM pravite edition.

I hope all my family and another friend from Padang west Sumatra will help me to add the informations about their family and relative informations which made this CD_ROM more complete for the next generations.

This CD-ROM became two part,the part one contain the general informations, and part two special for Chinese oversees or Tionghoa informations only.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

PART TWO

THE PADANG WEST SUMATRA HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

PADANG CITY HISTORY COLLECTIONS

Padang History Collections

Sebuah kota yang berkembang tentu akan melahirkan budaya urban, yang salah satu unsurnya adalah musik. Kota Padang sudah sejak akhir abad ke-19 memiliki ciri-ciri budaya urban, berkat perkembangan pesat kota ini akibat pembangunan jalan kereta api dan pelabuhan Emma Haven (kini: Teluk Bayur) yang mulai dibuka tahun 1892.

Sejak itu dunia entertainment di kota Padang berkembang cukup pesat: bioskop dan panggung-panggung teater rakyat dan yang berciri hibrida (bangsawan, komedie Stamboel) bermunculan (lihat: Ch. E.P. van Kerckhoff 1886).

Dunia pers pribumi dan yang berbahasa Belanda juga hidup subur. Salah satu aspek dunia entertainment yang cukup berkembang di Padang adalah musik.

Dalam rubrik ini sudah pernah diturunkan foto satu grup musik dari Padang yang bernama ‘Petit Advendo’ (Singgalang, Minggu, 19 Juni 2011). Kali ini kami turunkan lagi foto klasik satu grup musik yang pernah eksis di Padang pada akhir abad ke-19. Foto yang berukuran  17 x 12 cm. ini dibuat sekitar tahun 1895. Judul foto ini adalah “Studioportret van de muziekkapel ‘Si Doeta’ van Padang, Sumatra`s Westkust” (Foto studio dari orkes musik ‘Si Doeta’ dari Padang, Sumatra Barat).

 

 

 

Sangat mungkin orang yang bernama ‘Si Doeta’ (Si Duta) itu adalah pemimpin orkes ini. Barangkali orangnya adalah orang yang dalam foto ini berbaju putih dan sedang memegang biola.

Berbeda dengan Grup musik ‘Petit Advendo’ yang personilnya terdiri dari orang Eropa dan indo, seluruh personil grup orkes ‘Si Doeta’ ini tampaknya berasal dari kalangan pribumi.

Oleh sebab itu, dapat diduga pula bahwa para penanggap mereka juga dari kalangan pribumi dan mereka juga tampil dalam keramaian-keramaian yang melibatkan masyarakat pribumi, sebab di zaman kolonial segregasi kelas sosial juga terefleksi dalam ranah seni.

Foto ini memperlihatkan ciri khas pakaian grup musik pribumi yang ada di Padang pada zaman kolonial. Pakaian mereka–kombinasi sarung dan celana batik Jawa dengan jas berkerah tutup dan tutup kepala yang unik– dan jenis alat musik yang dipakai merefleksikan unsur hibrida musiknya. Kini kita masih dapat menikmati salah satu warisan musik hibrida itu, yaitu gamaik.

Sejarah urban entertainment di kota Padang menarik untuk dikaji. Data-data tertulis dan visual mengenainya cukup banyak. Mungkin ada seorang mahasiswa UNAND atau UNP yang keras hati yang dapat mewujudkannya jadi sebuah disertasi.

Suryadi – Leiden, Belanda. (Sumber foto: Tropenmuseum Amsterdam).

Singgalang, Minggu, 18 Maret 2012

Pesta keramaian orang Nias di Padang

Published By niadilova under Minang Saisuak    

Dalam rubrik ‘Minang Saisuak’ edisi Minggu, 25 Maret 2012, kami sudah menurunkan satu foto tentang tarian orang Nias di Padang. Di nomor ini kami sajikan lagi satu dokumentasi visual tentang pesta keramaian yang diadakan oleh saudara-saudara kita dari Pulau Nias itu.

Imigran dari Nias termasuk pendatang paling awal yang menghuni kota Padang. Konon mereka sudah sampai ke Padang sejak zaman kejayaan Aceh di abad ke-16 (atau mungkin lebih awal lagi). Namun, tampaknya mereka bukan melakukan migrasi spontan. Walaupun orang Nias tinggal di pulau-pulau di pantai barat Sumatra (pulau utama: Pulau Nias), tampaknya kehidupan mereka lebih berorientasi darat dan mereka tidak begitu pintar dalam tradisi pelayaran. Banyak orang Nias yang sampai ke pantai barat pulau Sumatra dibawa oleh orang-orang Aceh. Kaum bangsawan pantai, seperti di Pariaman dan Padang, mengolah tanah-tanah mereka dengan bantuan tenaga budak, yang umumnya didatangkan dari Pulau Nias.

J.T. Nieuwenhuisen dan H.C.B. Rosenberg (1863) mengatakan bahwa tradisi bekerja untuk orang lain penebus hutang, gadai, atau jadi budak sudah merupakan tradisi dalam kehidupan orang Nias di kampung halaman mereka. Tampaknya budaya mereka itu dimanfaatkan oleh orang-orang luar, seperti orang Aceh. Banyak di antara mereka menjadi orang yang tergadai karena tak mampu membayar utang (pandeling; semacam perbudakan terselubung). Beberapa surat dari raja-raja lokal di pantai barat Sumatra (seperti Singkil, Trumon, Susoh, Bulusama, dll.) yang kini tersimpan di Perpustakaan Universitas Leiden, Belanda, menunjukkan bahwa orang Aceh sering merompak perkampungan-perkampungan di Pulau Nias dan secara paksa membawa penduduknya ke pantai barat Sumatra untuk ‘dijual’ kepada orang-orang kaya guna dipekerjakan di pelabuhan, di perkebunan dan sebagai jongos dan babu (De Stuers 1850, II:68). Dalam perjalanan waktu, akhirnya komunitas pendatang dari Pulau Nias ini menjadi bagian dari masyarakat Minang di pantai barat Sumatra.

Judulnya foto di atas (9×12 cm.) adalah: ‘Niasser feesten met grote poppen te Padang, Sumatra’ (Pesta orang Nias dengan boneka besar di Padang, Sumatra). Tarikh pembuatan foto ini dan mat kodaknya tidak jelas. Tapi dengan melihat gaya pakaian orang-orang yang terekam dalam foto ini dapat diperkirakan bahwa foto ini mungkin dibuat pada akhir abad ke-19 atau awal abad ke-20. Kurang jelas juga apakah foto ini diambil di perkampungan orang Nias Palinggam dan Seberang Padang atau di enclave pemukiman mereka Kenagarian Tanjuang Basuang, Kabupaten Padang Pariaman.

Tradisi membuat boneka besar cukup menonjol pada bangsa-bangsa penghuni berbagai kepulauan di Samudera Hindia dan Pasifik. Foto ini mengingatkan kita pada situs-situs arkeologis yang ditemukan pada suku-suku di Kepulauan Melanesia dan Mikronesia. Mungkin ada ahli kebudayaan Nias (seperti Dr. Anatona Gulo, dll.) yang tahu nama boneka besar ini dan makna simbolisnya dalam kebudayaan Nias.

Suryadi – Leiden, Belanda. (Sumber foto: Tropenmuseum Amsterdam). | Singgalang, Minggu, 15 Juli 2012

Gaba-gaba menyambut Tuan Limburg Stirum di Padang

Published By niadilova under Minang Saisuak    

Pada bulan Maret 1916 Gubernur Jenderal Hindia Belanda Earl Johan Paul van Limburg Stirum melakukan kunjungan resmi ke Sumatra’s Westkust. Van Limburg Stirum menjabat Gubernur Hindia Belanda dari tahun 1916-1921. Rombongan besar orang penting dari Batavia itu sampai di Emmahaven (kini: Teluk Bayur) dengan menumpang kapal ‘Insulinde’. Mereka disambut bagai raja dan dielu-elukan oleh kawula. Gubernur Jenderal Van Limburg Stirum menginap beberapa hari di Padang sebelum meneruskan lawatan resminya ke Tapanuli dengan naik oto lewat jalan darat melewati Pasaman.

Foto klasik yang kami turunkan dalam rubrik ‘Minang Saisuak’ kali ini merekam salah satu aspek yang terkait dengan kesibukan para pejabat Sumatra’s Weskust dalam menyambut kedatangan Gubernur Jenderal Van Limburg Stirum itu. Foto ini memperlihatkan sebuah gaba-gaba besar – ‘gerbang’ kata orang sekarang – yang sengaja dibuat untuk menyambut kedatangan Sang Gubernur Jenderal di Ranah Minang. Gaba-gaba ini dibangun mengapit jalan raya ketika hendak memasuki kota Padang. Posisinya mungkin di muka Jembatan Muaro Panyalinan sekarang. Kelihatan terpampang ucapan selamat datang dalam bahasa Belanda ‘Welkom te Padang’ yang ditulis dengan huruf besar. Di kiri kanan bagian atas gaba-gaba tersangkut bendera tigo corak.

Sebagaimana halnya bila orang penting dari pusat datang ke daerah, seluruh pejabat daerah kasak-kusuk dan repot dibuatnya: gaba-gaba didirikan, jalan-jalan cepat di-tumbok, yang busuk-busuk ditaruh ke kungkuangan dapur, yang cantik-cantik dan harum-harum ditaruh di depan rumah. Ingatlah misalnya kebiasaan yang sama yang berlaku di Zaman Orde Baru yang, sampai batas tertentu, masih berlaku di Zaman Reformasi ini. Dengan membaca kisah ini Anda dapat mengerti kini bahwa tradisi tunggang-tunggik pejabat daerah bila dikunjungi oleh pejabat pusat itu sudah merupakan warisan dari Zaman Kolonial jauh di masa lampau. Namun belum diperoleh data apakah pendirian gerbang ‘Welkom te Padang’ untuk menyambut Gubernur Jenderal Van Limburg Stirum ini sudah mendapat izin atau belum dari Walikota Padang pada waktu itu.

Suryadi – Leiden, Belanda. (Sumber foto: Tropenmuseum Amsterdam). | Singgalang, Minggu, 24 Juni 2012

 

 

Michelsplein monument

 (now broken change to tugu Pancasila)

1910

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Compare with waterloplein(lapang banteng)

 

 

 1948

Afscheidsrede te Padang op 10 maart 1948 voor de U-Brigade door kolonel J.W….

 

 

 

1950

Tugu Pancasila

The michelsplen was destroyed and built tugu Pancasila,look the picture below with Dr iwan with brother and sister.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Justice court(now Museum)

1910

 

 

 

Situation now(2011)

 

 

 

 

 

 

CINEMA CORNER

HILIGOO,PASAR AMBACANG AND PONDOK STREET

 

 

 

 

Paul baumer shop

pondok

 

Large buildings are visible in this photograph is the main office of Paul Baumer Maatschappij Winkel & Co. (Shop Paul Baumer & Co. company.).

Seen beside a row of other shops. Urban atmosphere of that era can dikesan in this photo: people cycling and walking, mostly dressed in white. Who knows this area is one of the favorite places for Sitti Nurbaja and Samsoelbahri to shop while Their loving story begun,

 

 

and look another Paul Baumer shop picture whick taken from Pondok street

 

 

 

 

Hiligoo-Pasar ambacang

(now rebuild ambacang hotel)

 

 

Before ambacang Hotel

1900-1945

 

 

 

 

 

EX Dr Iwan’s House

1950-1990

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The winner  used shirt Kam Teng Jan,Gho Bian Hoat( Dr Edhie)and gho Bian Goan(,dr iwan),the looser whithout shirt Lie Hok Sin,Tjoa Keng sioe,and Lie Hok Tiauw.

Tjoa keng sioe just pass away in 2012.

Ambacang hotel before earthquake 2008

 

 

 

After earthquake

 

 

 

 

After all the building off,the new Ambacang Hotel build and will louncing in 2012

Saat ini 2012 telah berdiri hotel ditempat ini dengan nama baru hotel Alena dengan pemilik yang sama sepupu saya Ir Andri Virgo.

 

 

 

 

 

Pondok street

Pondok means housing, this from Cinema Bioscope corner to Kinol aphotek Corner, at left the house of chineseoverseas richer marchant,

Hongkong and photo studio Hongkong belonging to Gho wu look Dr Iwan and brother sister picture made there

 

, beside Hong Kong Studio the house of  Liet Tjay Tay ,his son Lie Oen Kiong and Lie Oen sam (his wife the sister of my father in law) and his son Lie Eng Goan(his wife also the sister of My father In Law), after that the house of Ang Eng Lay Chinese major, his son Ang ie Siong, after that the house Of  Yap SamBie,his grandchild Pauline Yap  merried to my friend Tan Tjay Goan (son of Tan Tjong Kiet Kampung nias,my father friend)

 

 

 

 

 

AT right side Sho goan Seng lamp shop(his son Sho Toan qan was my school friend),then Toko sin,toko allegro,hidangan  Kita family Maria Tjui te famous painter,her sister my classmate Tjoei Hang,(Lie Hok sin,my naighbour had told me that Boumer have merried his grandgrandma youngest sister-ietjo,they did not had children and they have two stepchildren,the sister of his mother ,Lie Lian seng’s mother and Olly-mrs Yan Lim the mother of my friend Freddy Lim and Sing.

 Toko Gho Leng,Bola Dunia Wassery, toko kacamata Lie Sek an,lily Salon, Oei Boen Goan

 

 

 

Jalan pintas disebelah rumah ang eng Lay ke jalan didepan Mesjid bairtul ahman,lihat Moh Hatta meresmikan mesjid tersebut

 

Didepan mesjid ada rumah

Ghan Tiam goan , anaknya ghan Keng soen,Ghan Keng siang(Siangkasa gani, putranya Ghan hok an dan ghan Hok liong),sekarang rumahnya Oei tiong Djin, dan disebelahnya rumah keluarga lie Goan seng (ex ketua ISDB-don Bosco Padang angkatan 1958,saat ini lulusan kedokteran UI bermukim di USA) dan Lie Goan kie(ria Prahra) the friend of my wife during Highschool Don Bosco . Rumah Lie Tiang Hien (sdrnya Lie giem lin)

Jalan disamping bioskop Cinema, Liem Gim Mo,Lim Gim To alias haji balon ayahnya Jusuf Wanandi(lim bian koen,Lim bian Tiat-Biantoro),diseberangnya Rumah anaknya Kho sin Kong(isterinya Miss padang),sebelahgnya Ibu Martha(suaminya Lie Tian Koan  di Lam Kiauw kerjanya)

Jalan dibelakang lapangan Imam Bonjol,rumahnya Ghan Keng siang,Dr A.Rahim Oesman(putranya Dr Aviscena teman saya, Razes dan apother POLRI ),dan dr ahli Paru mantunya saudara pabrik minyak Hadis Didong,

Langan Imam bondjol dulunya terkenal dengan istilah tanah Lapang,didepannya ex rumah kakek saya tjoa gin toen yang lengkap dengan Lapanangan tennis, didekat tanah lapang alang Laweh  ada toko

 

Toko A.H. tunneberg milik keluarga J.Boon, took serba ada pada awal abad ke-20 yang iklannya ada dalam surat kabar terbitan Padang masa hindia belanda sinar Sumatra dan warta berita dll. Toko ini menjual barang impor seperti  sepeda jam,alat music dan gramofon.

Kakek saya punya jam saku merk Junghans,mungkin berasal dari took ini yang lokasinya disamping rumahnay, kakek tersebut kami pangil engkong tanah lapang. Toko ini juga menerbitkan kartus Pos bergambar yang memiliki tulisan agenschaap  Ne.Indie sport maatscapij  dan dibawahnya ada tulisan Rijwelhandel A.H.Tuuelberg.lihat kartu pos diatas yang dicetak tahun 1899. Kartus pos ini diterbitkan dalam rangka promosi olah raga sepeda yang kelihatan dari deretan sepeda didepan took yang merknya Fonger

Betul kata tukang rabab pariaman Amir Hosen

Lakuak Ubahnya tabingnya tinggi

Padang gantiang duo basimpang

La batandiang Honda jo Suzuki

Tampak tacia releigh Usang

disamping stadion Imam Bondjol,

  ada Asrama Tentara dan Balai Prajurit,lihat foto Dr iwan saat menerima piala juara Pimpong(tennis meja) di depan Balai Prajurit tersebut tahun 1960.

 

 

 and at the front of this picture the Tennis court

 

,I remember in the corner at the front of this court there was the delicious Pada Sate(barbeque and kebab(martabak mesir)

Beside the tennis court

Padang Hotel(Ang Eng Hoat builded,now belonging to MHI Industri Wirako Angriawan SH)

Vintage

 

Now new

 

Belantoeng Street(now Jendral Sudirman street)

resident H. de Stuers in Padang

 

 

SWK Resident Palace(now Gouvernor WS.Palace)

 

Beside this house living dr Azhari rivai Sp.THT,he operated my Amandel at that house,,later became rival in Padang west Sumatra tennis Champioinship in 1962.

Look my profile with him and Mother of Colonel maririnir Tato,tatok father was thw chief of military Helath West Sumatra KODAM 17 agustus and Dr Gho Tjeng Oen(A.J.Gozali),at Military Tennis Court Ganting.

.

Padang Gouvernment Office

 

Military Hospital Padang

 

 

The river near Military Hospital Padang

Batang arau(muara)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bootjes te Moeara Padang

 

 

 

1890

Pelabuhan muara batang Arau,banyak gudang dan bank escompto,dan Javasche Bank(Bank Indonesia),kantor Garuda Indonesian airways, dan MHI-Ang Eng Hoat(saat ini wirako SH),saat ini banyak dijadikan sarang burung wallet.

 

Sebagian gudang rusak saat gempa 2008 dan tahun 2012 mulai direnovasi.Untuk menyebrang sungai telah dibangun jembatan oleh Hutama Karya Tahun 2002 saat dipimpin oleh Ir Adiwijaya

Lomba Perahu Naga

 

Selayang PandangLomba perahu yang ada di Kota Padang sudah  dimulai sejak zaman
pemerintah kolonial Belanda berkuasa. Pada saat itu,  masyarakat
menyebut lomba perahu dengan  Selaju Sampan (Pacu Sampan Perahu).
Sampan yang dipakai, dihiasi dengan berbagai bentuk hiasan. Sehingga,
sampan  yang tampil dalam  selaju sampan  melaju dengan bentuk hiasan
yang beraneka  warna.

Pada  tahun 1995, Cina memperkenalkan Lomba Perahu Naga kepada dunia
termasuk Indonesia. Tidak  selang beberapa lama, kegiatan lomba Perahu
Naga berkembang cukup pesat di  negeri ini. Beberapa daerah yang kaya
dengan sungai bahkan mengandalkan lomba Perahu  Naga sebagai salah satu
aset wisata, termasuk Kota Padang. Sejak tahun 2001, di  Kota tersebut
telah digelar lomba Perahu Naga untuk tingkat nasional. Memasuki tahun
2002 dan seterusnya, lomba Perahu Naga yang diadakan di Kota Padang
menjadi satu  agenda rutin dari Persatuan Perahu Naga Dunia (IDBF).
Lomba Perahu Naga diadakan dalam rangka  memperingati hari ulang tahun
(HUT) Kota Padang yang jatuh pada tanggal 7  Agustus. Untuk beberapa
tahun terakhir, lomba Perahu Naga yang diadakan di Kota  Padang sudah
menjadi event tingkat dunia.

Keistimewaan
Sungai untuk tempat lomba Perahu Naga memiliki  sisi yang lebar, lajur
yang datar, air yang tenang dan kedalaman beberapa meter.  Hal tersebut
untuk memberi kenyaman, keleluasaan sekaligus tantangan bagi seluruh
peserta dalam memacu perahu, guna meraih hasil terbaik.
Jenis  perlombaan yang dipertandingkanpun bervariasi, dengan meliputi
beberapa ketegori,  seperti: Perahu Naga dengan awak 10, 20 dan 22
orang. Sedangkan jarak yang  dipertandingkan meliputi: jarak 200 m, 250
m, 500 m, 1000 m atau 2000 m.
Lomba Perahu Naga yang diadakan di Kota Padang  akan lebih semarak
dengan keikutsertaan tuan rumah. Mengingat, pada tahun 2006  di
Malaysia  dan 2007 di Cina, mereka berhasil mengukir prestasi terbaik
dengan keluar  sebagai juara umum dalam lomba Perahu Naga untuk tingkat
dunia.

Lokasi dan Waktu PelaksanaanLomba Perahu Naga diadakan di komplek Gelanggang Olah Raga (GOR) Haji
Agus Salim Padang di Kota Padang, Sumatera    Barat, Indonesia.
Sedangkan waktu pelaksanaan lomba adalah setiap bulan Agustus.

AksesAkses untuk mencapai lokasi objek  wisata cukup mudah. Dari Bandara
Ketaping Padang bisa langsung menuju ke lokasi dengan menggunakan
angkutan umum yang melayani rute Bandara Ketaping-Kota Padang dengan
waktu  tempuh sekitar 30 menit.

Tiket Dalam proses konfirmasi.

Akomodasi
Bagi para wisatawan yang datang dari luar kota dan ingin menginap,
tidak perlu khawatir. Di Kota Padang banyak tersedia hotel yang nyaman
untuk  ditempati. Begitu juga dengan masalah makanan dan minuman, para
wisatawan bisa  memilih tempat yang cocok untuk bersantap ria, karena di
Kota Padang terdapat  banyak restoran dan rumah makan.

 

 

Native ship “sampan”at Poelaoe air Padang

 

Gezicht op de Padang rivier. Sumatra.”

 

Brug over rivier in de omgeving v an Padang aan Sumatra’s Westkust

Brug, waarschijnlijk over de gezwollen Padang-rivier aan Sumatra’s Westkust

 

Aanlegplaats en douaneloods te Padang (WestKust)

Activiteit in het houtbewerkingslokaal in een van de werkplaatsen in Padang…

 

Missigit te Padang Loear. Sumatra.”

Gedenknaald te Goegoek Malingtang. Herinnering aan het heldenfeit van…

 

Monkey Hill(Gunung Monyet) in 1885

 

 

Apenberg en haven te Padang

 

 

1890

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

From bukit gunung Monyet(MONKEY hill)

1965

Dr Iwan &Dr Edhie

 

 

Iepo Buntak(suami tiokong sinyo,adopt duaputri Kang Kim Hoa dan Djoientjim(mamanya Gho soei Ing,Lie sie Yok, isteri gho Ie keng adik papa Djohan oetama)

 

 

 

Padang beach

 

 

1910

 

 

 

 

The Padang beach Painting By Datoek Sati 1930

 

In 1930,

in onderafdeeling Padang lived  8025 Tionghoa people  (chinese Overseas) and Padang below South Beach(Pesisir selatan) Afdeeling.

And Wisma Pancasila at the beach in 1963 with Lie Tjoe Un(sister of Drg  Tjoe Eng Medan),my mother Diana Lanny(Ann tjoa)and my sister Elina Widyono(Gho soei Kim),this locations not exist anymore because beach abrations,

 

1965

 

Diseberang foto ini bangunan

Penjara Muara(jail),still exist until now 2012 but the jail were renovated.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Oranje Hotel (Hotel Muara)

1890

 

1935

 

Hotel ini runtuh pada saat gempa besar tahun 2008,dan tahun 2012 sudah dibagun hotel baru dengan nama yang sama.

 

Hati Koedeos van Liefde Chapel

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Old chapel in Padang

European school padang

 

 

SD Agnes

1910

 

This building were broken during big earthquake 2008 and still not revonated until now 2012

 

 

 

 

In the front of SD Agnes Vikaris Apostolik and Pastoran.SD Frater,Mulo(SMP) Frater 1930

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mgr Brans, L.T.

 

 

 

.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Bergamin, R.C.

 

 

Diperempatan Sd Agnes dan SD Theresia dan Hotel Mariani ada dua jalan yaitu Jalan tepi Bandar Gereja dan Belakang tangsi

Tepi Bandar gereja

Rumah dibelakang Sd RTheresia ,milik dari keluarga besar A Zakir , dulunya dihuni oleh Inyo Gan Poen(saudara Inya gan tiong-suami Tante Yulie Tjoa),Polisi Yap (anaknya Yap Tjin lok,Yap Tjin seng) , Tjoa Tjoan Soei suami adik mertua saya (papanya Si In),selanjutnya ada gang kecil dimana tinggal Ang Tja Mo ,kemudian rumah Lay Moei (isteri Wong Yik heng)dan Lay Yang,selanjutnya rumah Sin,kemudian belok kanan ke tanah Baroyo rumah rumah Lian Tjin Tek. Terus sampai ke simpang enam bertemu dengan jalan kampong dobi,kampong Sebelah dimana tinggal Afang bengkel mobil dan rumah Dr Tjia Boen Tjoen..

Belakang Tangsi

1882

Pasar belakang tangsi didirikan oleh  kantor dagang Pasar Mudik  yang bernama badu Ata &Co. Pasar ini ramai dikunjungi oleh pembeli tetapi tahun 1882  pasar ini terbakar dan dibangun  kembali oleh pedagang Tionghoa Gho lam sam (Source  Adrial  Adli,Tesis program pasca sarjana UGM,1994)

1900-1930

Perkampungan tionghoa di kota padang semakin berkembang sampai ke Belakang Tangsi yang ditandai dengan dibukanya Pasar Belakang Tangsi  oleh pedagang Tionghoa Gho Lam San

1950-1958

Rumah Kam Bin Tjong(papanya Kam Teng yan dan almarhum Kam Teng Ong),selanjutnya Kantor Catatan sipil dimana Dr Iwan dan Lily Widjaya membuat surat nikah yang saat ini sudah direnovasi ,disampingnya ada tangsi militer,kemudian rumah Li Pang Gan,almarhum Edhie Tengkok(Teng Waja) pelatih angkat besi,Mesdjid,rumah Pak said dan Tat teman main Pingpong(tennis Medja)-pernah jadi tempat praktek dr spesialis PD Dr saharman leman,lihatlah foto Dr Iwan tahun 1959 saat bertanding tennis meja dibelakang mesjid

 

 

Terlihat papa Djohan oetama,Ghan keng san,Gho Kong Boen menyaksikan pertandingan yang dijuarai oleh Gho Bian Goan,juri Mak Etek adik Marah Amir ayahnya Dr Mata Tjap Amir yang saat ini berada di Pakanbaru,bagaimana smeshnya mantap bukan.

Ada jalan disampingnya bermukim Oma KIOK(saat ini Negeri Belanda,saudara Oma Grace isteri putra saya Anton Jimmi.putra oma Kiok menikah dengan Lin ,dan putrinya menikah dengan Drg ), juga bermukim adik oma Tjoa Giok Wan yang nomor empat SieIpo,yang cucunya Kiok Lan,Papanya Kiok Lan bekerja Di RS Tentara Padang dan tantenya Yang di angkat anak oleh Lie Tek Beng dan isterinya SaIpo Puti pemilik Toko Gho leng dan Percetakan Sumatra Bode Padang.

Padang Old church

 

 

St Theresia Church

At the front of Bumi Minang (asoka) Hotel

 

Now after earthquake 2008

 

Panti asuhan Bundo Kandung in the front of Ambacang Hotel ,in 1958 became Dewan Banteng Headquaters, and after that became Military Police Headquaters until now.

 

 

 

 

Cinema(bioscope)

Scalabio

Cinema 1924

Location at Balai Baroe street(New Market),now Rio Cinema Pasar raya(Great Market) belong to my grand-grandFather Tan Giok Lin which directed by his son Tan Kim Tjoen after Tan Giok Lin passed away but due to the developed the sound film technology this bioscope off and sold to Ang Eng hoat(grandfather of ang Tjeng Liang) the owner of Cinema Thearer(now Karya Bioscope)

 

During tarzan film,many monkey used as decorations, and the first speaking movie only speak one word only,this told by my mother in memoriam anna,and she went to Scala Bio belong to his grandpa with the Ford Car.

The scala Bio then bankrupt because the speaking movie only contact by Cinema bioscope ownees by Ang eng hoan,grandpa of Ang Tjeng Liang, scala bio that time belong to the grand pa of Johnny hendra only contract the silent movie only.

 

 

Look the minangkabau film poster  METALI van AGAM from newspaper clipping below

 

 

Nonton Bioskop Di Padang Tempo Doeloe

 

Padang adalah kota di Sumatera yang paling duluan maju. Mendekati akhir abad ke-19 budaya perkotaan ‘modern’ sudah mulai berkembang di Padang.

Kota ‘modern’ tentu memerlukan berbagai sarana, termasuk sarana hiburan bagi warga kotanya.

Media-media hiburan ‘modern’ hasil teknologi Barat segera pula dikenal di Padang. Biasanya kalau media itu sudah dikenal di Batavia, tak lama kemudian akan diperkenalkan juga di Padang.

Phonograf (mesinbicara), misalnya, pertama kali diperkenalkan di Padang tahun 1898, setelah teknologi ini dibawa dari Eropa ke Jawa beberapa tahun sebelumnya (Suryadi 2006). Lalu diperkenalkan juga teknologi fotografi. Menyusul kemudian film yang pada 1900 mulai diperkenalkan di Batavia.

Pada dekade awal abad ke-20 warga kota Padang sudah menikmati film bioskop (dari kata Belanda: bioscoop). Fantastis ya! RoyalExcelsiorBioscope, BiographBioscope,

 

Scala–Bio[scope](milik grandgranpa dr Iwan Tan Giok Lin)dan CinemaTheatre adalah empat bioskop pertama yang didirikan di Padang.

Memasuki tahun 1920-an bioskop juga dibangun di Padang Panjang, Fort de Kock (Bukittinggi), dan Payakumbuh.

Nonton bioskop pada zaman itu unik. Orang nonton film pakai sarung dan peci. Perempuan pakai kebaya (tapi belakangan mulai tampil modern dengan rok dan blus).

Jadi, pakaian ke surau dan ke bioskop pada waktu itu nggakbeda–bedaamat; susah membedakan apa orang mau pergi nonton atau pergi mengaji.

Antara kaum pribumi dan orang Eropa (Belanda) dan orang Cina kaya dibedakan tempat duduknya dalam panggung bioskop.

 Orang Eropa duduk di kelas Loge; Cina kaya di Kelas I; Pribumidi Kelas II dan Kelas III(namanya stales,alias setalen atau 25 sen). 

Jadi, segregasi ras dan kelas sosial jelas banget dalam gedung bioskop pada masa itu.

Pertunjukan film—yang disebut “gambarhidoep”—biasanya diadakan dua atau tiga kali semalam.

 Filmnya masih sangat sederhana dan kebanyakan film bisu (film bersuara baru diperkenalkan sejak tahun 1927) dengan rol film yang pendek-pendek dan oleh karenanya harus sering bersambung Bahkan sering juga bioskop hanya memutar pantulan foto-foto dari ekspedisi ilmiah ke pedalaman Afrika dan Amerika kalau kebetulan tak ada film.

Pada zaman itu bioskop, yang bangunannya sering berbentuk panggung (makanya terkenal istilah ‘panggungbioskop’), bersifat multifungsi.

Tempo-tempo, kalau tidak ada film, bioskop bisa difungsikan jadi panggung sandiwara (toneel) atau pertunjukan musik. Kali lainnya bisa jadi tempat pertemuan atau rapat (vergadering).

Para pemilik (eigenaar) bioskop—biasanya orang Eropa dan orang Cina kaya—saling mengiklankan film yang akan diputar di bioskop mereka di surat kabar-surat kabar (persis kayak sekarang), disertai dengan kalimat gembar-gembor yang berupaya menarik perhatian pembaca (lihat ilustrasi: dari PertjaBarat, Selasa, 6/6/1911).

Nonton ke bioskop segera menjadi tren di kalangan masyarakat. Banyak karya sastra pada zaman itu yang menggambarkan anak muda atau pasangan yang lagi saling naksir pergi ke bioskop.

(Nonton) bioskop segera menjadi salah satu identitas kemodernan pada zaman itu (juga koran; baca koran berarti intelek). Bacalah misalnya roman-roman seperti Melati van Agam, RoosvanPajacomboe, NjaiSida: RoosvanSawahLoento, OrangRantaidariSiloengkang, Hantjoer–leboernjaPadangPandjang, ZenderNirom, dan lain-lain. Di dalamnya sering ditemukan narasi mengenai tokoh-tokoh utamanya yang bergaya pergi nonton bareng ke bioskop.

Bagaimana dengan harga karcis bioskop pada zaman itu? Sebagai gambaran: tahun 1911 harga karcis kelas Loge berharga ƒ 1 (gulden); kelas II ƒ 0,50; kelas III ƒ 0,25; dan kelas IV ƒ 0,10. Cukup mahal lho untuk ukuran pada waktu itu. “Anak2 dibawah oemoer 10 taheon bajar separo” alias dapat korting, sedangkan “militair dibawah titel onder Officier bajar toeroet tarief di atas” alias tak dapat korting (lihat ilustrasi) (Beda dengan Zaman Orde Baru, ya, dimana tentara sering gratis naik bus).

Banyak hal yang aneh-aneh terjadi di dalam dan di luar panggung bioskop pada zaman itu. Saya sering ketawa sendiri kalau lagi membaca koran-koran kuno: soalnya banyak kejadian lucu yang diberitakan. Ada yang ketakutan dalam gedung bioskop karena film yang memperlihatkan kereta api berlari kencang menuju arah bangku penonton: takut ketabrak ceritanya. Kadang-kadang terjadi juga keributan di luar gedung bioskop karena berdesak-desakan beli karcis.

Beberapa bintang film mulai jadi idola, seperti bintang koboi terkenal, Tom Mix  (tewas dalam kecelakaan mobil di Arizona 12 Oktober 1940), bintang lucu Charlie Chaplin, dll. Di koran SinarSumatra saya pernah baca seorang anak yang ‘nakal’ ngerjain seorang penjual minyak tanah keliling pakai gerobak di Padang sehingga minyak terbuang sepanjang jalan karena si anak meniru tindakan Tom Mix dalam salah satu filmnya.

Di antara para intelektual Minang, mungkin hanya Hamka yang sangat rapi mencatat pengalaman masa kecilnya ketika teknologi film masuk ke Sumatera Barat. Saat bersekolah di Padang Panjang tahun 1917, Hamka kecil (lahir 1908) sering nonton film gratis. Dari rumah Hamka bilang kepada orang tuanya mau ke surau, tapi ternyata dia dan kawan-kawanya ngacir ke panggung bioskop. Mereka “pergi mengintip film yang main, sebab wang penjewa tidak ada.

Di bawah panggung itu, karena kenakalan anak-anak itu, telah mereka tembus sengaja dan mengintip dari sana dengan sepuas-puas hati. Rupanya kelakuan djahat ini ketahuan oleh pendjaga panggung, sehingga pendjaga panggung, melumar lobang-lobang intipan itu dengan ‘tahi ajam’.

Alangkah lutjunya seketika segumpal tahi ajam melekat dihidung kawan kita. Dengan berbisik-bisik karena kebusukannja, diadjaknja kawan-kawannja itu ‘mengundurkan diri’ dari sana. Ada jang kena badjunja, ada jang kena hidungnja, dan ada pula jang kenal kain sarung sembahjangnya.

Pendjaga panggung terdengar tertawa terbahak-bahak!”, demikian tulis Hamka dalam bukunya, Kenang–kenanganHidup (Jakarta: Gapura, 1951: I, 32-3).

Demikianlah sekelumit cerita mengenai perbioskopan di Padang (Sumatera Barat) tempo doeloe, yang tentu menarik untuk diteliti lebih lanjut dalam perspektif sejarah budaya (culturalhistory). Mahasiswa dan dosen yang cerdas dari perguruan tinggi di Sumatera Barat pasti akan melakukannya. Yakin saya!

Suryadi, alumnus Jurusan Sastra Daerah Fakultas Sastra Universitas Andalas, dosen dan peneliti di Universitas Leiden, Belanda

Dimuat di harian Padang Ekspres, Minggu, 23 November 2008

Bottom of Form

 

 

Pasar Jawa

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Kedai (Shop) at Padang

 

 

 

 

 

 

Parade milter depan Balaikota

 

 

Belantung(Jl A Yani)

Area rumahnya Gho soei Jong dan Gho bian an(andri)

Hotel atjeh Padang

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

STASIUN KERETA API PADANG

TELOEK BAJOER HARBOR

EMMA HAVEN

Pantun Minangkabau

KAMI BERLAYAR BESOK PAGI

Dulu kata bermisal adalah keniscayaan dalam pergaulan sehari-hari masyarakat Minangkabau. Dalam setiap diri orang Minangkabau dewasa, khususnya kaum prianya, tertanam prinsip ‘bakato baumpamo, barundiang bakiasan’.

 Dengan prinsip itu, emosi yang muncul dalam komunikasi lisan dipindahkan dari badan ke dalam tuturan. Marah Nada tidak tampak lewat mata yang memerah dan membelalak, tapi lewat idiom-idiom metaforis dalam kalimat setajam siraut dan sembilu. Pantun Minangkabau adalah salah satu pengejawantahan dari prinsip itu, sebagaimana dapat dikesan lagi

688.

Jangan tadulang-dulang sajo,

Padi dimano ditugakan?

Jangan bapulang-pulang sajo,

Kami dimano ditinggakan?

689.

Antaro Tiku jo Pariaman,

Di situ padi ditugakan,

Antara pintu jo halaman,

Di situ Adiak den tinggakan.

690.

Dahulu pandan babungo,

Kini bingkuang anyo lai,

Dahulu badan baguno,

Kini tabuang anyo lai.

691.

Banyak kajang pakaro kajang,

Kajang kami kajang tabuang,

Banyak dagang pakaro dagang,

Dagang  kami dagang tabuang.

692.

Pulau Talam Pulau Tarika,

Katigo pulau bantuak taji,

Jawek salam tolan nan tingga,

Kami balayia bisuak pagi.

693.

Tinggi bukik Gunuang Sitoli,

Bukik bapaga buah palo,

Bukan sadikik arok kami,

Sabanyak rambuik di kapalo.

694.

Ka rimbo baolah tuduang,

Katuduang di tangah hari,

Kok tacinto pandanglah gunuang,

Di baliak gunuang badan kami.

695.

Panuah marimbo padi Jambi,

Sipuluik jangan ditugakan,

Jauah taibo hati kami,

Diunjuak tidak dibarikan.

696.

Jangan bak itu tarah papan,

Jauah marimbo padi Jambi,

Jangan bak itu kato tolan,

Jauah taibo hati kami.

Sebuah tanya dalam bait 688 yang meminta kepastian dari orang yang akan ditinggalkan berbuah jawab demgan ungkapan yang manis dalam bait 689: antara pintu dan halaman. Artinya, perpisahan dua sejoli itu terjadi di anak tangga. Tak dapat saya sembunyikan kekaguman saya pada ungkapan ‘antara pintu dan halaman, di sana Adik kutinggalkan.’ Rasanya mengena sekali di sudut hati.

Suara-suara wanderer muncul lagi dalam dua bait berikutnya (690 dan 691). Ada suara berhiba hati dari dagang yang terbuang, sebatang kara yang mungkin akan hilang di rantau nan bertuah. Memang sudah tak terhitung banyaknya perantau Minang yang hilang tak tentu rimbanya di rantau, peristiwa yang luput dari perhatian umum karena biasanya yang mengemukan hanyalah cerita tentang perantau sukses yang pulang kampung di hari lebaran dengan sedan pintu balapik.

Ucapan selamat tinggal dengan syahdu diungkapkan dalam bait 692. Begitu jauh rantau yang akan dihadang, entah akan bersua kembali entah tidak. Namun demikian, pihak yang ditinggalkan senantiasa memasang harapan ‘sebanyak rambut di kepala’ dalam hati mereka (bait 693). Mungkin itulah tali rahasia yang membuat banyak perantau Minangkabau senantiasa teringat kepada kampung halaman mereka.

Bait 694 sungguh manis ungkapan literernya: kalau ingan kepadaku, pandanglah puncak gunung Singgalang atau Merapi. Di balik gunung itulah kini orang yang engkau rindukan sedang berjuang meneruskan cita-cita. Bersabarlah menunggu, karena dia pasti akan kembali. Kalau suka bunda melepas, insya Allah ‘ayam akan pulang ke pautan.’

Ada nada guyu nan bagamangkan pada bait 695. Kalau meminjam istilah anak muda sekarang: ‘sudah baiyo baindak’an, gayanya serius, tapi ternyata main-main. Mengecewakan banget. Apalagi tindakan seperti itu dibarengi pula dengan kata-kata yang menghibakan hati dan menyinggung perasaan (bait 696).

Pesan dalam dua bait terakhir ini adalah pelajaran kepada pencinta yang pura-pura dan tidak setia. Ingatlah bahwa hati wanita itu adalah pualam. Sekali hati wanita disakiti itu berarti Anda menambah sendiri liku jalan Anda ke sorga.

 

Suryadi[Leiden University, Belanda] | Padang Ekspres, Minggu, 15 Juli 2012

Kisah Kakek Dr Iwan yang dating dari Changzhou Fukien Tiongkok di pelabuhan Emma Have, kemudian ayahnya dating mencarinya karena ia berangkat ke Padang melarikan diri akibat tidak mau di nikahkan dengan seorang gadis cantik diperusahaan ayahnya, sangat tragis ayahnya dating liwat teluk bayur alias emma haven kemudian menyusul naik kereta api ke Pajakoemboeh, setibanya di sana ternyata kakek Gho Kim Thian sedang pergi ke Padang, saat ayah kakek kembali ke pulang, sang kakek buru-buru ke Padang dan setiba di teluk bayur  tidak ketemu karena ayahnya telah berangkat naik kapal hanya dapat melihat dan melambaikan tanggan setelah itu mereka tak pernah ketemu lagi, saat kakek Gho Kim thian sudah tua ia rindu pulang ke Tiongkok ,ia sering mendengarkan radio music tiongkok,hanya  ia tak pernah kembali pulang ke Tiongkok sampai meninggal dunia, dr Iwan akhirnya tahun 2008 sempat berkunjung kekampung kakeknya di Changzhou disampin Kay yuan temple.

Earliest emma haven

 

De Emmahaven (Teluk Bajur)bij Padang aan Sumatra’s Westkust

 

 

Emma haven railway station 1893

 

 

 

Soengei Bramei(as) near Taman nirwarna

 

Bungus Teluk Kabung

De Koninginnebaai in Padang aan Sumatra’s Westkust gezien van zuid naar noord…

 

 

Priaman

In 1630

the tionghoa house have found at Priaman

 

(source christen Dobbin)

In 1816,the tionghoa people must stay at the city like priaman harbor and they must had liscense for travelling.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Palayangan di Pariaman

Published By niadilova under Minang Saisuak    

Sejak negeri ini menjadi modern dan bertambah maju, kata palayangan sudah makin hapus dari kepala masyarakat kita. Mungkin kata itu pun tidak tercatat lagi dalam Kamus Bahasa Minangkabau kontemporer. Itulah salah satu efek dari modernisasi dan pembangunan infrastruktur di negeri ini yang makin menghadirkan banyak jembatan dan jalan beraspal. Walau pun demikian, terbaca berita di koran Singgalang dan banyak surat kabar lainnya bahwa infranstuktur itu sekarang banyak yang tidak terawat, alamat akan lebih cepat hancur dari yang diperikarakan.

Pembaca Singgalang dari generasi kalapo atau ‘pinang sirah ikua’ tentu masih akrab dengan kata ‘palayangan’: yaitu rakit besar yang dibuat di atas beberapa perahu atau balok-balok kayu yang diberi lantai papan dan digunakan untuk menyeberangkan kendaraan berat seperti melewati sebuah sungai yang belum mempunyai jembatan. Sebelum tahun 1970-an banyak perantau Minang pasti pernah merasakan naik pelayangan dalam perjalanannya ke rantau yang bertuah. Pada masa itu belum seluruh jalan raya, lebih-lebih lagi jalan raya antar provinsi, mempunyai jembatan permanen yang bisa dilewati mobil.

Rubrik ‘Minang Saisuak’ kali ini menurunkan kodak lama yang mengabadikan satu palayangan di daerah Rantau Pariaman. Foto yang aslinya berukuran 8×11,5 ini diperkirakan dibuat antara 1915-1925. Tidak ada catatan siapa mat kodak-nya, dan juga tidak begitu jelas di sungai apa di daerah Rantau Pariaman pelayangan ini dibuat. Tampaknya sungainya tidak begitu lebar. Barangkali dengan melihat foto klasik ini para pembaca Singgalang dapat ma-agah-agah, siapa tahu pelayangan ini dulunya ada di kampungnya.

Dalam foto ini terlihat oto yang akan diseberangkan milik seorang orang putih, barangkali pejabat lokal kolonial di daerah Pariaman. Pakaian putih adalah pakaian resmi pejabat kolonial Belanda pada waktu itu. Konon warna putih dipilih karena kurang menyerap panas yang dipancarkan oleh sinar matahari. Sekarang para pejabat kita suka pakai jas hitam. Keren konon! Tapi mereka bisa kepanasan bila tak naik oto yang rancak (mahal belinya) dan paten AC-nya. Mereka pun sudah jarang naik palayangan jika melawat ke daerah-daerah, sebab dimana-mana sudah berdiri jembatan permanen dengan tonggak tembok tarali basi.

Suryadi – Leiden, Belanda. (Sumber foto: Tropenmuseum Amsterdam). | Singgalang, Minggu, 8 Juli 2012

 READ MORE PART THREE

padang darek(bovenlanden) history collections

 

Padang West sumatra history collections part one

THIS IS THE SAMPLE OF e-book IN cd rom.RTHE COMPLETE cd WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMEBER PLEASE SUBSCRIBE VIA COMMENT TO GE THE cd-rOM

 

PADANG WEST SUMATRA

MY LOVING BIRTHCITY

Part

 Introduction

Minangkabau

 

Created by

 

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Private Limited Edition In CD_ROM

Copyright@DR Iwa Suwandy 2011

 

batang arau padang litho from the history of sumatra 1810

PREFACE

 

.As the opening of the writings that I collated as a sign of my love for the born land , his wife and entire family, hoping to be nostalgic for the old and add insight for future generations so that the root dtaang origins can be traced.
Writing with illustrations image collections, postal history and other dedicated  to my son Albert and Anton Jimmi, and the grandson of Sesa, Celin and Antoni, and also all my extended family and wife.
These literary works are still many shortcomings so that corrections and additional information and advice legendary from all my friends so I would expect.
Thank you kep there are many people who have helped me to  complete this paper

 

West Sumatra called Sphere minang or Land Minangkabau was the birthplace and the land where the author was raised until the age of 45 years (1945-1989).

Various ups and downs have been experienced on Earth Minang by name Hotel-ever besides the residence of the last author of the years 1950-1989, the author was born in Padang Small Road, behind the Land Market Kongsi from 1945 until 1950.
During their stay in Padang authors have kept memoriable  objects or memorabilia collection which is a love filling to  homeland and is able to evoke memories of the realm Minang Beautiful, peaceful and full of such intimacy.

Information from The book also discusses information collection dzari choice and displayed in such a way that can satisfy the longing  Minang people  In Overseas wherever it is located on a remote village in the eyes of beloved pages, such as the song always sung the nomads as follows:

Rumah gadang nan sambilan ruang,Pusako bundo sajak dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hatinya ta ibo ta ibo Ta bayang-bayang diruang mato..

In the Indonesian language as follows:
A  Big House with nine-room, Heritage from nowadays .If I remember my heart recalls sad. Memory  shadows (village) in the eyelid

Indonesia version:

Sumatera barat yang disebut Ranah minang atau Tanah minangkabau adalah tempat kelahiran dan tanah dimana penulis dibesarkan sampai berumur 45 tahun( 1945-1989). Berbagai suka duka telah dialami di Bumo Minang sesuai nama Hotel yang pernah ada disamping rumah kediaman penulis terakhir dari tahun 1950-1989,penulis dilahirkan di Jalan Kali Kecil Padang ,dibelakang Pasar Tanah Kongsi dari tahun 1945 sampai 1950.

Selama berada di Padang penulis telah menyimpan benda-benda koleksi kenagan atau memorabilia yang merupakan laupan rasa cinta terhapa tanah kelahiran dan mampu membangkitkan ingatan kepada ranah Minang yang Indah, damai dan penuh keakraban tersebut.

Informasi dari Buku juga membahas informasi dzari koleksi pilihan dan ditampilkan sedemikian rupa agar dapat memuaskan kerinduan urang Atau Orang Miang Di Rantau dimanapun dia berada terhadap kampong halaman tercinta yang jauh dimata, seperti lagu yang selalu dinyanyikan para perantau sebagai berikut:

Rumah Gadang Nan Sambilan Ruang, Pusako Bundo Sajak dulu dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hati den ta ibo .Tabayang bayang di ruang mato.

 

 

Dalam bahasa Indonesia sebagai berikut:

Rumah Besar yang sembilan ruang,Pusaka Ibu sejak dulunya.Bila saya kenang hati saya sedih.terbayang-bayang (kampung) di pelupuk mata.

Sebagai pembukaan dari tulisan yang saya susun sebagai tanda cinta kepada tanah kelahi ran saya ,isteri dan seluruh keluarga, dengan harapan dapat dijadikan nostalgia bagi yang tua dan menambah wawasan bagi generasi yang akan datang sehingga akar asal usulnya dapat diketahui.Tulisan dengan ilustrasi koleksi gambar,postal history dan lainnya ini.

Pada kunjungan terakhir 5 Maret 2012 ke Sumatra Barat saya memperoleh tambahan informasi tentang mayor Tionghoa Li Say(Li Ma say) dan menemukan koin perak era The Holy Roman Empire dari German tahun 1541 dan beberapa temuan baru.

Karya tulisa ini masih banyak kekurangannya sehingga koreksi dan tambahan informasi serta saran dari seluruh teman-teman sangat saya harapkan.Terima kasih kep[ada berbagai pihak yang telah membantu saya untuk dapat menyelesaikan karya tulis ini.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 lareh soegei poear

Karya tulis ini saya persembahkan kepada Isteri tercinta

Lily Widjaja,

Putra and Mantu

Albert Suwandy –Alice,

 Anton jimmi suwandy-Grace  look below

 

serta para cucu cesa,celin dan Antoni

 

 

Preface

I was borned in Padang city February,9^th.1948 at the old wooden house which belonging to the sister of My grandfather IpoTjoa Bun Tak and Ntiokong Lie Seng Tok (  Sinyo),this house located behind the Chinese camp Market called Tanah Kongsi(Joint Land).

I had found the pictures of this house  were taken by my father in 1948,three pictures black and white,my profile and with mother Anna Tjoa Giok Land with my brother Gho Bian Hoat(Dr Edhie Johan),Sister Elina(Gho soe Kim) and younger sister Gho soei Lian (Dr Erlita Lianny Djohan),

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

We lived there until 1950 and move to latest House at Gereja Street near Ambacang Market and now became Bundo Kandung Street,the old Dutch house which built into wooden house,and then we built three stair house,until sold to my nice Gho Bian An(Ir Andri Virgo) ,he built Fried Chieckinen and Ambacang Plaza ,later became Ambacang Hotel which broken during earfrthquake 2008,now re built again with new name Elena hotel in 2012.

 

 

 

Brug over de Padang rivier tussen Padang en Emmahaven, krib in aanleg

 

The famous old Padang City are Padang Beach, Muara Sungai Arau , Chinese Camp(Kampung Tionghoa),Pondok,Hilligoo –Pasar ambacang,complex Rooe catholic one church Theresia, two chapel Agnes ,basic School(Sekolah Rakyat-Dasar )Zuster  Hollanse Indisce School then Theresia and Agnes, Frater fransiscus and andreas,Middle School MULO Frater ,later SMP Zuster Maria, Frater,and Hig School (SMA) Don Bosco

My teacher in memoriam Frater Servaas (A.J.M de beer) sugest to me to collect all kind of information because in 1959 the communication system via internet will growth after the Satelite have send to the outer space.

All the informations now I put in my web blog in 2009

Hhtp://www.Driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com

And after thatin 2011  I am starting made the special informations in CD_ROM,pravited limited editions special for my web blog premium member.

This Padang west Sumatra is one of the CD_ROM pravite edition.

I hope all my family and another friend from Padang west Sumatra will help me to add the informations about their family and relative informations which made this CD_ROM more complete for the next generations.

This CD-ROM became two part,the part one contain the general informations, and part two special for Chinese oversees or Tionghoa informations only.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

PART ONE

THE PADANG WEST SUMATRA HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

PADANG CITY HISTORY COLLECTIONS

1813

 

Minangkabau brass keeping coin in 1813

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Hotel Sumatra Padang ca 1880

 

 

1826

 

Fort van der Capellen batoesangkar sketch in 1826

House in Padang ca 1826

 

 

 

1829

 

Fort van der Capellen Batoesangkar in 1829

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1839

Merapi Mount Agam crater sketch in 1839 By Muller

 

 

 

 

 

 

1856

Muara padang 1856

 

 

 

 

 

1859

 

 Old fort van der capellen Batoesangkar’s Commandat House in 1859

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1865

Kotogadang Man

 

 

 

 

1870

Koto Nan ampek Pajakoemboeh in 1870

1878

 

 

Solok Maastricht Petrus regout Plate  decoration motif 1878

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1879

 

 

Minang King Adhytiawarman Tomb Batoesangkat in 1879

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adhytiawarna Script stone (batoe Basoerek) Batoesangkar in 1879

 

 

 

Istana Pagarroejoeng scriptstone Batoesangkar in 1879

 

 

 

 

Pantjar Matahari(Zonnebloemen of Lotus) of Minang King Tom(Koeboeran rajo) Batoesangkar in 1879

Compare with Batu Basurek Batusangkar now below

 

 

Batu Basurek is a stone with inscriptions in the old Palava script of India, bearing the legend of Adityawarman in the year 1347. Literally, “Batu Basurek” itself means “The Written Stone”.

The stone’s 25 cm wide, 80 cm high, and 10 cm thick. Erected above King Adityawarman’s resting place centuries ago, this stone was rediscovered in December 16th, 1880.

The inscription told about Adityawarman’s heritages. Due to his services to Majapahit Kingdom, Adityawarman became a king in Dharmasraya and moved his kingdom from Siguntur Sawahlunto to Pagaruyung

 

 

 

 

 

1880

Tugu Michelspielen 1880

 

 

Landscape near military Hospital

 

 

 

 

 

 

Klenteng padang

 

 

 

 

muara padang 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appenberg(gunung Monyet) 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Teloek bajoer emma haven in 1880

House at Padang in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

Loeboek Parakoe Indarung Padang 1880

Padang solok railways

 

 

 

Kampung Tengah padang pandjang 1880

 

 

 

 

Padang Pandjang 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Lubuk Bagalung 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pulau pisang(Banana Island) Padang 1880

 

 

 

 

Penjual limun(buah)

 

 

 

 

Pariaman City in 1880

 

Manindjaoe Lake  Women 1880

 

 

Ombilin Coal mine Sawahloento Landscape 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Coal mine Ombilin Sawahloento Workers in 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Kajoetanam 1880

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1887

Merapi mount crater in 1887

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1890

 

Belantong Padang  1890

 

…

 

 

 

 

Oejoeng sungei bramei(mas)1890

 

 

 

The railways between solok-Padangpandjang near singkarak lake 1891

 

The Native Minang Solok Family 1890

 

 

Soempoer singkarak Village in 1890

 

 Ombilin river singkarak in 1890

 The ship on the singkarak lake in 1890

Singkarak Lake west Sumatra In 1890

 Singkarak Lake west Sumatra in 1890

Native Minang house in Singkarak lake road in 1890

 

train railways kajoetanam in 1890

Anai Valley in 1890

 

 

 

Fort van der Capellen Batoesangkar sketch

 

 

 

 

 

1891

Padang unidentified in 1891

Sumanik singkarak solok 1891

 

Soengei Lasi Moara Kelaban  vally solok railways 1891

 

 

 

 

1892

The House of overste Voorsluys van Elk Padang 26 dec 1892

 

 

Singkarak Lake 1892

Koeli Tambang Ombilin coal mine worker in 1892

Native horse carriage”bendi” of Pajakoemboeh in 1892

 

 

 

Maninjau Lake 1892

 

 

 

Panorama manindjau lake  1892

 Two native ship on the singkarak lake in 1890

Klenteng Padang in 1890

 

Singalang mount Fort de Kock Boekittinggi painting by K.H.Bennekom in 1890

 

 

 

 

1891

Padang beach and Monkey Hill in 1891

 

 

 

 

 

1892

 

 

Padang beach and monkey hill in 1892

 

The Railway Bridge Of Solok in 1892

 

 The Women and baby with girl at solok in 1892

Sawah Hotel fort de Cock Boekittinggi in 1892

Kotogadang house in 1892

 

 

1893

Interior emma haven

 

 

Train station Solok 1893

 

 

 

1895

Women school at Padang in 1895

Tepi air Padang 1895

 

 

Padang pandjang 1895

 

 

1898

 

In this year Chinese overseas(Tionghoa) in Padang City only 1564 consist 677 man,264 women and 605 children

(source verslag Sumatra’s Westkust,1858 n0 122/6,page 101)

 

Off cover used Stamps sent from

Padang west sumatra  Post Office CDS 14.2. 1898

 

 

 

Padang Minangkabau Music group “Si Doeta” in 187u century

 

 

Early 20th century

1900

DEI Padang Wapen

 

Moeara Araoe River Padang in 1900

The Painting of Moeara Arau river Padang by Jhr Cornelius rappard

 

Lithography Padang westsumatra city by

Charles William Meredith van de Veldethis collection only – all collections

 

Micheill spleen(tugu) 1900

 

 

Fort de Cock Boekitinggi –maninjaoe  road with native horse carriage”bendi “

 

 

 

 

Ngarai Sianok Canyon”Karbouwengat” Fort de Cock Boekittingi

Fort de Cock Boekittinggi Manindjaoe road

Bative Minang Fort de Cock Boekitinggi childrens in the front of their house

Mosque”Soeraoe” Fort de Cock Boekittinggi

 

The Car on Fort de Cock boekittinggi road

 

Minang traditional House at Fort de Cock Boekittinggi

Lawang Matoer Minang native house in 1900

The river at the base of Ngarai sianok “karbouwengat”canyon Boekittinggi in 1900

 

Ngarai Sianok”Karbouwengat”Canyon Boekittinggi  road to Matoer in 1900

Road to Matoer at Ngarai sianok in 1900

Ngarai sianok”Karbouwengat” canyon Boekittinggi in 1900

Ngarai sianok”Karbouwengat” canyon Boekittinggi in 1900

Merapi Mount fort de Cock Boekittinggi in 1900

 

 

Merapi Agam Mount painting by J.C.Poortenaar(1886-1956)

Merapi Mount seen from Fort de Cock boekittinggi

 

Taloek Boekittinggi Village 1900

 

Soengai Ombilin sawahloento in 1900

Talang river minagkabau in 1900

 

Native Toeankoe Koto Gadang  with children in 1900

 

 

 

 

Native padang women in 1900

 

Maninjau man kajeinan 1900

 

 

Koleksi model 1900

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1900: Padang. Pelukis: W.A. Terwogt.

 

Padang painting in 1900

 

Lubuk Paraku 1900

 

 

 

1903

 

The first year no 23 Bintang hindia Magazine in 1903 with the picture of native Minang Dja endar Moeda

1905

Auto on the solok hill road 1905

 

 

 

1908

 

 

Sjarifah nawawi the first student of first school at Padang

Sjarifah lahir di Boekittinggi 1896 adalah anak

 

 Engku Nawawi sutan Makmoer(1858-1929) guru sekolah raja(kweekschool) di Fort de Kock Boekittinggi dan ibunya bernam chatimah sjarifah.

Sjarifah disekolahkan di ELS European large school dan terus ke Kweekschool tahun 1907

 

Kweekschool fort de Kock tahun 1908

 

Women and Child at Solok in 1908

 

The street at Fort de Cock Boekittinggi in 1908

 

Adytiawarman statue from Majapahit found at Rambatan Soengei Langsat branch of Batanghari river above Sidjoedjoeng in 1908 , before only seen the part of stone and used for cloth cleaning by the native people this statue then move to

 Boekittinggi Zoo, later put at

The Djakarta Central Museum.

 

 

 

 

1910

Tenunan Padang 1910

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Ombilin Coal Mine Worker Sawahloento in 1910

 

The DEI Govermenment Coal Ombilin Mine sawahloento 1910

 

 Tobacco market Pajakoemboeh 1910

 

 

Lithography Pajakoemboeh Market

 

 

Tobacco Plantation Pajakoemboeh 1910

 

The Princes of Padang Halai Kisam in 1910

 

Salido painan goldmine bonds in 1910

 

 

1911

Guguk Malintang Padang Panjang 1911

Solok Vlakte(lembah) 1911

 

Rumah Gadang native minang house Solok 1911

 

 

 

1918

The Ricefield Plug Padang 1918

 

The native Batipoe merapi minang tribe

 

 

 

1920

Rantepao hill solok 1920

 

 

 

 

The Ombilin Coal Mine sawahloento”s workers in 1920

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Horse Rice show Pajakoemboeh 1920

 

 

Hadji Maad 1920

 

1925

Ombilin coal mine sawahloento in 1925

 

 

 

1926

 

Singkarak Lake west Sumatra painting by E.Dezentjes

 

 

1930

 

1930 : Bendi (Delman) diatas Jam gadang

Native horse carriage at Bigger wacth Boekittinggin in 1930

 

1935

 

Padang Pandjang autobus  in 1935

 

 

 

 

 

 

1942

On road from padang to medan

 

 

 

Used Off Cover Koninjnenber DEI 10 cent stamps  Cross overprint Dai Nippon Occupation West Sumatra on Queen face CDS Sidjoendjoeng 2.7.42

 

 

 

 

1943

21.5.1943

Dai Nippon Interneering Camp Padang

 

1947

November 1937

NRI Poster

 

NICA U brigade at Padang 1947

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1947

NICA  U brigade at Padang

 

 

 

 

1948

Taboet Hasan Hoesein Fiesta At Pariaman in 1948

 

 

Taboet Hasan Hoesein Fest at Pariaman in 1948

15 july 1948 at Padang DEI Tank

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

14 agustus 1948 NICA at Padang

 

 

De nieuwe en de oude sociëteit met het monument voor generaal Michiels

 

 

 PLEASE READ MORE AT PART TWO

The Minangkabau History Collections

THIS THE SAMPLE OF INTRODUCTION PART OF E-BOOK IN CD ROM”THE PADANG WEST SUMATYRA HISTORY COLLECTIONS’,THE COMPLE CD EXIST WITH FULL INFO AND ILLUSTRATIONS, THE COMPLETE CD ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER PLEASE SUCSCRIBE PREMIUM MEMBER VIA COMMENT

sumber data

https://driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com/2012/07/19/the-minangkabau-history-collections/

 

PADANG WEST SUMATRA

MY LOVING BIRTHCITY

Part

 Introduction

Minangkabau

 

Created by

 

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

Private Limited Edition In CD_ROM

Copyright@DR Iwa Suwandy 2011

 

batang arau padang litho from the history of sumatra 1810

PREFACE

 

.As the opening of the writings that I collated as a sign of my love for the born land , his wife and entire family, hoping to be nostalgic for the old and add insight for future generations so that the root dtaang origins can be traced.
Writing with illustrations image collections, postal history and other dedicated  to my son Albert and Anton Jimmi, and the grandson of Sesa, Celin and Antoni, and also all my extended family and wife.
These literary works are still many shortcomings so that corrections and additional information and advice legendary from all my friends so I would expect.
Thank you kep there are many people who have helped me to  complete this paper

 

West Sumatra called Sphere minang or Land Minangkabau was the birthplace and the land where the author was raised until the age of 45 years (1945-1989).

Various ups and downs have been experienced on Earth Minang by name Hotel-ever besides the residence of the last author of the years 1950-1989, the author was born in Padang Small Road, behind the Land Market Kongsi from 1945 until 1950.
During their stay in Padang authors have kept memoriable  objects or memorabilia collection which is a love filling to  homeland and is able to evoke memories of the realm Minang Beautiful, peaceful and full of such intimacy.

Information from The book also discusses information collection dzari choice and displayed in such a way that can satisfy the longing  Minang people  In Overseas wherever it is located on a remote village in the eyes of beloved pages, such as the song always sung the nomads as follows:

Rumah gadang nan sambilan ruang,Pusako bundo sajak dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hatinya ta ibo ta ibo Ta bayang-bayang diruang mato..

In the Indonesian language as follows:
A  Big House with nine-room, Heritage from nowadays .If I remember my heart recalls sad. Memory  shadows (village) in the eyelid

Indonesia version:

Sumatera barat yang disebut Ranah minang atau Tanah minangkabau adalah tempat kelahiran dan tanah dimana penulis dibesarkan sampai berumur 45 tahun( 1945-1989). Berbagai suka duka telah dialami di Bumo Minang sesuai nama Hotel yang pernah ada disamping rumah kediaman penulis terakhir dari tahun 1950-1989,penulis dilahirkan di Jalan Kali Kecil Padang ,dibelakang Pasar Tanah Kongsi dari tahun 1945 sampai 1950.

Selama berada di Padang penulis telah menyimpan benda-benda koleksi kenagan atau memorabilia yang merupakan laupan rasa cinta terhapa tanah kelahiran dan mampu membangkitkan ingatan kepada ranah Minang yang Indah, damai dan penuh keakraban tersebut.

Informasi dari Buku juga membahas informasi dzari koleksi pilihan dan ditampilkan sedemikian rupa agar dapat memuaskan kerinduan urang Atau Orang Miang Di Rantau dimanapun dia berada terhadap kampong halaman tercinta yang jauh dimata, seperti lagu yang selalu dinyanyikan para perantau sebagai berikut:

Rumah Gadang Nan Sambilan Ruang, Pusako Bundo Sajak dulu dulunyo. Bilo den kanang hati den ta ibo .Tabayang bayang di ruang mato.

 

 

Dalam bahasa Indonesia sebagai berikut:

Rumah Besar yang sembilan ruang,Pusaka Ibu sejak dulunya.Bila saya kenang hati saya sedih.terbayang-bayang (kampung) di pelupuk mata.

Sebagai pembukaan dari tulisan yang saya susun sebagai tanda cinta kepada tanah kelahi ran saya ,isteri dan seluruh keluarga, dengan harapan dapat dijadikan nostalgia bagi yang tua dan menambah wawasan bagi generasi yang akan datang sehingga akar asal usulnya dapat diketahui.Tulisan dengan ilustrasi koleksi gambar,postal history dan lainnya ini.

Pada kunjungan terakhir 5 Maret 2012 ke Sumatra Barat saya memperoleh tambahan informasi tentang mayor Tionghoa Li Say(Li Ma say) dan menemukan koin perak era The Holy Roman Empire dari German tahun 1541 dan beberapa temuan baru.

Karya tulisa ini masih banyak kekurangannya sehingga koreksi dan tambahan informasi serta saran dari seluruh teman-teman sangat saya harapkan.Terima kasih kep[ada berbagai pihak yang telah membantu saya untuk dapat menyelesaikan karya tulis ini.

Jakarta April 2012

Dr iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 lareh soegei poear

Karya tulis ini saya persembahkan kepada Isteri tercinta

Lily Widjaja,

Putra and Mantu

Albert Suwandy –Alice,

 Anton jimmi suwandy-Grace  look below

 

serta para cucu cesa,celin dan Antoni

 

 

 

 

 

 

INTRODUCTIONS ABOUT MINANGKABAU

a.ASAL NAMA

Asal Nama Mingkabau adalah Menang Kabau arti Menang adu Kerbau

 

a.NOMENCILTUR OF MINANGKABAU
Originally Mingkabau name is Win Win Kabau meaning  winner of the buffalo fights

 

The race between the Minangkabau People buffalo fights with the Javanese, Javanese female buffalo buffalo, buffalo buffalo Minang children who were given a knife headlong, so it suckling and pierced belly buffalo and win.

This legend can be read in the book.
In the exploration google on the Internet I found an interesting FAQ about the Minangkabau, please read carefully

 

The race between the People Minang buffalo fights with the Javanese, Javanese female buffalo buffalo, buffalo buffalo Minang children who were given a knife headlong, so he feeding and pierced belly and buffalo won.

This legend can be read in a book.
Exploration on the Internet at a google I found an interesting FAQ about the Minangkabau, please read them carefully.

Baa  How why the European urang Man record Old Books buku2 tuo2 nan, nan ka Ateh baumua   more 450 years old , namo(name) Minangkabau ditulih MANICABO ko?

 

 

Issac book liek misalnyo (see like)Camelin ditabik’an (issued)year 1646 nan nan judulnyo sampanjang baruak rope(The caption very long like mongkey rope):

 

Beginning and voorthgangh, of the East India Vereenighde Nederlantsche Company: laid-using the voornaemnste Reysen, by the inhabitants scrambling of selver Provinces derwaerts gedaen: besides the beschrijvinghen of everything rich islands, harbors, hunting grounds, rivers, rheeden, pivot, depths and shallows: together with relievers allergies, manners, Aerdt, Police regeeringhge income of volckeren: even mead speceryen Haarder drooghen applies income Other merchandise meth Veele discourses Verrijckt: besides some koopere plates verciert: nut all curious dienstigh income, income of the other sea-sailing enthusiasts (Amsterdam: January Janzsz).

 

Apokoh-kato tribes Cabo ado hubungannyo tu jo (urang) KUBU now?

1. A.  Batanyo Dek BAKE ‘RANG NAN clever ……………. son became an ambo manjawek disiko doubt. But if nan manuruik pandapek ambo (not ‘nan rang clever), it hanyo karano problem BROKEN TONGUE urang Ulando manyabuik “Minangkabau” tu. Samo lo jo crew, manyabuik NEDERLAND tu, NETHERLANDS, or even BULANDO. Sometimes widened PIAMAN manyabuik Pariaman tu …….. (Nan paralu to get started).
   But how hubuangannyo KUBU jo …….. antahlah tu tu

2. If nan had dapek carito ambo langsuang of urang Kubu Jambi (Nan dakek ado in the Land of Tumbuah Tebo. They do manyabuikan when Inyo came from Minang. But the arrival of Mrs. tu deck is self malarian sakik ati-ka mate kawannyo Urang adaik namuah patuah nan ka Ulando, manarimo Pulo ugamonyo urang vicar.

Iko aia in the kettle urang Sajo tu nan mounts the ambo(this only the water in the mouth only). really wrong, wrong urang tu nan. Pas bana urang nan tampek ambo tribe and settled down salamo Tigo batanyo duo tu night adolah tuft Interest

Original in Minang lamnguage

Baa kok dalam buku2 catatan urang Eropa nan tuo2, nan baumua 450 tahun ka ateh, namo Minangkabau ko ditulih MANICABO?

Liek misalnyo buku Issac Camelin nan ditabik’an tahun 1646 nan judulnyo sampanjang tali baruak

Apokoh suku kato -CABO tu ado hubungannyo jo (urang) KUBU kini?

1. 1.    Dek batanyo BAKE ‘RANG NAN PANDAI……………. manjadi ragu ambo nak manjawek disiko. Tapi kalau nan manuruik pandapek ambo (bukan ‘rang nan pandai), itu hanyo karano masalah PATAH LIDAH urang Ulando manyabuik “Minangkabau” tu. Samo lo jo awak, manyabuik NEDERLAND tu, BELANDA atau malah BULANDO. Kadang kadang manyabuik PARIAMAN tu manjadi PIAMAN…….. (nan paralu informasi lai sampai).

Tapi kok hubuangannyo jo KUBU…….. tu antahlah tu

1. 2.    Kalau nan ambo sempat dapek carito langsuang dari urang Kubu Jambi (Nan ado di dakek daerah Tanah Tumbuah Tebo. Mereka memang manyabuikan kalau inyo datang dari Minang. Tapi kedatangan nyo tu lah malarian diri dek sakik ati ka Kawan-kawannyo Urang adaik nan namuah patuah ka Ulando, manarimo pulo ugamonyo urang paderi.

Iko aia di cerek urang tu sajo nan ambo tunggangan. kok salah, urang tu nan salah. Pas bana suku urang nan tampek ambo batanyo dan tingga salamo tigo duo malam tu adolah Suku Jambak

 

 tambo Alam minagkabau

 

Tambo Adat Minang Kabau
Adapun warisan yang diterima, berupa pesan orang tua-tua dahulunya:
Nan (yang)sebaris berpantang hilang, setapak berpantang lupa.
Kalau hilang nan(yang) sebaris, kepada guru coba tanyakan.
Kalau lupa yang setapak, carilah tunggul bekas tebangannya.

Adapun warisan yang diterima,

petuah oleh guru agama:

Mengaji dimulai dari alif.
Petuah dari mamak (paman):

Membilang dimulai dari aso/satu (asal-mula bilangan).

The inheritance is received, a message the old folks used to be:
Nan (a) a line of abstinence is lost, forgotten path of abstinence.
If missing nan (a) a line, try asking the teacher.
If you forget a step, look for former tebangannya stump.

The inheritance received,
admonished by the teacher of religion:
Chant starts alif.
Advice from the mamak (uncle):
Counted starting from aso / one (the origins of numbers).

Nan (a) the origin,
Allah.(God)
two,
earth.
three,
day
Nan one of four,
  water praying
Lima,(Five)

the door of fortune.
six,
fetus in the mother’s womb.
seven,
human power.
eight,
rank of paradise.
nine,
rank of Muhammad.
tenth

Muhammad, God said we are there.
Kun, said God.
Fayakun, said Muhammad.
Nabikun,

said Gabriel.
Yes Ibrahi, said the earth and sky.
Kibrakun,

said Adam, so all the work

What happens nan.
Since the sickness with Qalam (pen) to the Throne with Kurisyi, all of heaven to hell, to the moon with the sun, sky and earth with all its contents terkadung in wahdaniah (container) of God.

Nan asal-mula,

Allah.
Dua,

bumi.
Tiga,

hari
Nan satu empat,

 air sembahyang
Lima,

pintu rejeki.
Enam,

janin dalam kandungan ibunya.
Tujuh,

pangkat manusia.
Delapan,

pangkat surga.
Sembilan,

pangkat Muhammad.
Kesepuluh

Muhammad jadi, di situ berkata tuhan kita.
Kun, katanya Allah.
Fayakun, kata Muhammad.
Nabikun, kata Jibrail.
Ya Ibrahi, kata bumi dan langit.
Kibrakun, kata Adam, jadi segala pekerjaan

Apa nan terjadi.
Sejak dari Luah dengan Qalam(kalam) sampai ke Arasy dengan Kurisyi, semua surga dengan neraka, hingga bulan dengan matahari, langit serta bumi dengan semua isinya terkadung di dalam wahdaniah(wadahnya) Tuhan.

Are five cases
Which one of five case.
Trays of land, raw land, black soil, red soil with a white ground. (Note: People coming from the ground)
Digengam ground by Gabriel,
taken flight to the presence of God, terhantar on the table,
in it the seeds into the stem, where the cotton into yarn,
went up there the sky, hit the earth down there,
there’s little it was named, there are large given the title,
Adam took place there, he was the keeper of the world.
Because long-very long, as well as home-coming,
because of fog rolling collision, because the sea-empangnya estuary.

Finished the year turned into years, then the mother melahirkanlah human, Eve, as many as forty less one or 39 people.

So dikawinkanlah a person to a person
The youngest are not paired, then bernazarlah prophet when Adam was.
“Oh God, yes rabbil alamin, let me with all of our children and grandchildren me.”

The will is being fulfilled, the request is granted, the intention being accepted of God.
Lord said to Gabriel.
Hi angel Gabriel, you go to heaven nan eight. Tell someone you know a child angel named Puti Dewanghari, son of Puti Andarasan that he would be taken by Sutan Rajo Alam over the world.
Gabriel then fly to heaven to preach to the Puti nan Dewanghari eight, that he would be paired with Sutan Rajo Alam over the world.

So memandanglah Puti Dewanghari to earth, behold the son of Adam on the nature Sigumawang, between huwa hiya conceived with Abun with Makbun.
Wallahualam.

Big heart, he gathered all peragat tools, is an umbrella-yellow banner, umbrella berjepit reciprocity, complete and yellow banners merawal, such as footwear, slippers studded with rhinestone diamonds man in heaven, then Meet them at the top of the hill Qaf , and married the owner of the kadi rambun Azali footbridge at the base of Seven, under the
nan sacred tomb.
Then baked white incense, the smoke rose into the air, all the angels were surprised, amazed all the angels, menyembar lightning in the sky, bergegar lightning above the earth, the sky lit up continues to the seventh, jerked into the presence of God as a witness to the marriage.

Long, long time ago, after days turned into months, months turned into years gone, one of his children and grandchildren who holds a
 Sutan Sikandarareni (or Alexander the Alexander the Great)
 a king ruling over the world and have offspring.

The first, Sutan Alif Maharaja, Maharaja Sutan Depang second, third and Sutan Maharajo Dirajo.

Alif ruling Maharaja Sutan Banuruhum (continent Rum or Rome).
Sutan Depang Maharaja ruled the country of China, while Sutan Maharajo Believe Dirajo go to the island (Sumatra), ruled in Pariangan Padang Panjang, at the foot of Mount Merapi in the country that has not been named Minang Kabau.

 

Adalah lima perkara
Mana yang lima perkara itu.
Tanah baki, tanah baku, tanah hitam, tanah merah dengan tanah putih. (catatan: Manusia berasal dari tanah)
Tanah digengam oleh Jibrail,
dibawa terbang ke hadirat Tuhan, terhantar di atas meja,
di situ biji menjadi batang, di sana kapas menjadi benang,
di situ langit beranjak naik, di sana bumi menghantam turun,
di situ si kecil maka diberi nama, di sana yang besar diberi gelar,
di situ Adam bertempat, ia sebagai penunggu isi dunia.
Karena lama-sangat lama, karena asal-berasal pula,
karena bukit-tumbukan kabut, karena laut-empangnya muara.

Habis tahun berganti tahun, maka melahirkanlah si ibu manusia, Siti Hawa, sebanyak empat puluh kurang satu atau 39 orang.

Maka dikawinkanlah se orang kepada yang se orang
Yang bungsu tidak berjodoh, maka bernazarlah nabi Adam ketika itu.
“Ya Allah, ya rabbil alamin, perkenankanlah aku dengan anak cucu aku kesemuanya.”

Kehendak sedang dipenuhi, permintaan sedang dikabulkan, maksud sedang diterima Tuhan.
Berfirmanlah Tuhan kepada Jibrail.
Hai malaikat Jibrail, pergilah engkau ke surga nan delapan. Kabarkan kepada anak bidadari yang bernama Puti Dewanghari, anak dari Puti Andarasan bahwa dia akan diambil oleh Sutan Rajo Alam di atas dunia.
Maka terbanglah Jibrail ke surga nan delapan mengabarkan kepada Puti Dewanghari, bahwa dia akan dipasangkan dengan Sutan Rajo Alam di atas dunia.

Maka memandanglah Puti Dewanghari ke atas dunia, tampaklah anak Adam di atas alam Sigumawang, antara huwa dengan hiya dikandung Abun dengan Makbun.
Wallahualam.

Besar hati, maka dikumpulkannya alat-peragat kesemuanya, ialah payung-panji kuning, payung berjepit timbal-balik, lengkap serta umbul-umbul merawal kuning, seperti alas kaki-selop bertahtakan intan berlian buatan orang di surga, maka bertemulah mereka di puncak bukit Qaf, lalu dinikahkan oleh tuan kadi Rambun Azali di pangkal titian Tujuh, di bawah

nisan nan keramat.
Maka dibakarlah kemenyan putih, asap menjulang ke udara, terkejut sekalian malaikat, tercengang semua bidadari, menyembar kilat di langit, bergegar petir atas bumi, terang benderang terus ke langit yang ke tujuh, terhentak ke hadirat tuhan sebagai saksi pernikahan.

Lama, sudah lama sekali, habis hari berganti bulan, habis bulan berganti tahun, salah seorang anak cucu beliau yang bergelar

 Sutan Sikandarareni

(Iskandar Zulkarnain atau Alexander the great)

 menjadi raja berkuasa seluruh dunia dan mempunyai keturunan.

Yang pertama, Sutan Maharaja Alif, kedua Sutan Maharaja Depang, dan yang ketiga Sutan Maharajo Dirajo.

Sutan Maharaja Alif memerintah di Banuruhum (benua Rum atau Roma).
Sutan Maharaja Depang memerintah di negeri Cina, sedangkan Sutan Maharajo Dirajo pergi ke pulau Perca(Sumatra), memerintah di Pariangan Padang Panjang, di kaki gunung Merapi di negeri yang belum bernama Minang Kabau.

 

Sutan trip Maharajo Dirajo
The Sutan Sikandareni, natural rajo wise nan, saw the child is growing up, which is ripe with teaching practice martial arts, from indulging in the liver was about to get kids to go wander mancari knowledge and experience.
Terpikirlah at that time with what the kids will sail off into the ocean
wide.

Terbayanglah large piece of wood that grows in the upper stem Masia (Egypt) named timber Sajatalobi, lush leaves, branches many, long, straight stems, too.

Appear to be thinking about to cut them down to remove pencalang three children go wander.
Then collected all the wise men in Arab lands

Brought an ax and a pickaxe to chop wood, has a lot of people cut down, was seventy-seven beliuang (machetes) cleft, thirty-three axes are broken, but it does not stick as well go big fall, wondered what could cause.

Because the pillars of the requirements were not met, then there came wise men, teaching hints, and many people were gathered.

Kibasy and camels slaughtered, burned incense, white, smoke rose into the air, people pray for all of them, memintaklah Sutan Sikanderani “Oh God, yes rabbil alamin, let me cut the wood to navigate the vast sea Sajatalobi.”

Wishes are granted, there is a request is received, the upstream stem berguncanglah Masie, earthquake nagari seven days and seven nights, so a lot of fallen timber including Sajatalobi rod.
By knowledgeable people who take the leaves and stems.

The leaves are mixed into the ink, tanned skin became paper used to write the divine word of the Koran nan many people.

The bark is made into cloth to worship God.
If throbbing toe master, jerking to the crown, green eyes, the breath passes, moving to the next world, we are sick in the grave dispute to the field mahsyar, warm light pole Throne, scattered rotting in hell.

But if we have any prayer, Qur’an and hadith to be guidelines, have done, tegah stopped, all the news from our teachers, then go lovely stem into the upper reaches, the world’s number if understood, even if it comes the promise of the Hereafter, if the message is coming nagari , first promise kept, move to the next world, fun himself in the tomb, out into the field, mahsyar, light shaded pole throne, we went back to heaven,
see side by side with Khadija lord in heaven jannatun naim.
Sajatalobi fell unto the wood, cut off the stems into three for three pencalang makers as well.

One pencalang Maharaja Sutan Alif, a pencalang Maharajo Depang and another one for Sutan Maharajo pencalang Dirajo.

Day evening, malampun came, summoned all children, given the instruction manual, instead of wandering stock.
Fell to Maharaja Sutan Alif receive a crown of gold, Sutan
Maharaja Depang receive stock-shaped tool builders, Sutan Maharajo Dirajo receive the book contains laws.
Subuhpun rooster crows arrived, the day the sun rises in the morning, went to her third child.

The Maharaja Sutan Alif tambonya closed, not to be opened at this time.
About Sutan Maharaja Depang story got out here!
Maharaja Sutan Dirajo sailed to the island rag, making friends with the title of Sheikh Salah Cateri Say Clever, clever person wise wise scholar, son of Masia river.

Somewhere along a friend who grew titled Tiger Campa, who again holds a goat Forest, the third title of Siamese cats, the other one parewa (thugs) nan Mualim titled Dogs.

The Cateri Say (say) Clever – clever menorah (clearing)-menelakang, proficient menjarum-manjarumek, can brazing with saliva, good comb in the water – capable of shooting in the dark, dark, dim crazy blind, just crossed the dart, direct hit on the target – good at making sambang lodges nan (fortress) berpasak of the – not yet achieved is already open – immediately arrive at its destination.

 

 

Perjalanan Sutan Maharajo Dirajo
Adapun Sutan Sikandareni, rajo alam nan arif bijaksana, melihat anak sudah beranjak dewasa, yang sudah masak berlatih silat dengan pengajaran, timbul niat dalam hati hendak menyuruh anak pergi merantau mancari ilmu serta pengalaman.
Terpikirlah pada masa itu dengan apa anak akan dilepas berlayar ke lautan

luas.

Terbayanglah sebatang kayu besar yang tumbuh di hulu batang Masia (Egypt) bernama kayu Sajatalobi, daunnya rimbun, rantingnya banyak, batang panjang lurus pula.

Muncul pikiran hendak menebangnya guna dibuat pencalang tiga buah untuk melepas anak pergi merantau.
Maka dikumpulkan semua cerdik pandai di tanah Arab

Dibawa kapak dan beliung untuk menebang kayu tersebut, sudah banyak orang menebang, sudah tujuh puluh tujuh beliuang (parang)sumbing, sudah tiga puluh tiga kapak yang patah, namun batang kayu besar itu tidak juga kunjung rebah, apakah gerangan penyebabnya.

Karena rukun syarat belum terpenuhi, maka datanglah orang cerdik pandai memberi petunjuk-pengajaran, lalu dikumpulkanlah orang banyak.

Disembelih kibasy dan unta, dibakar kemenyan putih, asap menjulang ke udara, orang mendoa kesemuanya, memintaklah Sutan Sikanderani “Ya Allah, ya rabbil alamin, perkenankanlah aku menebang kayu Sajatalobi untuk mengarungi lautan luas.”

Keinginan sedang dikabulkan, permintaan ada diterima, berguncanglah hulu batang Masie, gempa nagari tujuh hari tujuh malam, sehingga banyak kayu yang rebah termasuk batang Sajatalobi.
Oleh orang yang berilmu diambil daun dan batangnya.

Daun diramu menjadi tinta, kulit disamak menjadi kertas guna menuliskan kalam Ilahi dipakai mengaji umat nan banyak.

Kulit batangnya dibuat menjadi kain untuk beribadat kepada Allah.
Kalau berdenyut empu jari kaki, menyentak ke ubun-ubun, mata hijau, nafas berlalu, dunia berpindah ke akhirat, sakit kita dalam kubur sengketa sampai ke padang mahsyar, hangat cahaya tiang arasy, lapuk berserak di neraka.

Tapi kalau kita ada sembahyang, Qur’an dan hadis menjadi pedoman, suruh dikerjakan, tegah dihentikan, sepanjang kabar dari guru-guru kita, maka elok masuk punca ke hulunya, bilangan dunia kalau dipahami, janji akhirat kalaulah tiba, pesan nagari kalau lah datang, janji dahulu ditepati, dunia berpindah ke akhirat, senanglah diri di dalam kubur, lepas ke tengah padang mahsyar, teduh cahaya tiang arasy, pulanglah kita ke surga,

melihat junjungan bersanding dengan khadijah dalam surga jannatun naim.
Rebahlah kayu Sajatalobi, batangnya dikerat menjadi tiga untuk pembuat pencalang tiga pula.

Satu pencalang Sutan Maharaja Alif, satu pencalang Maharajo Depang dan satu lagi pencalang untuk Sutan Maharajo Dirajo.

Hari petang, malampun datang, dipanggil anak kesemuanya, diberi petunjuk-pengajaran sebagai ganti bekal merantau.
Jatuh kepada Sutan Maharaja Alif menerima mahkota emas, Sutan

Maharaja Depang menerima bekal berbentuk perkakas tukang, Sutan Maharajo Dirajo menerima kitab berisi undang.
Ayam berkokok subuhpun tiba, hari pagi matahari terbit, berangkatlah anak ketiganya.

Adapun Sutan Maharaja Alif tambonya ditutup, belum akan dibuka saat ini.
Tentang Sutan Maharaja Depang kisah habis sampai di sini saja !
Sutan Maharaja Dirajo terus berlayar ke pulau Perca, berkawan dengan Syeh Soleh yang bergelar Cateri Bilang Pandai, orang cerdik bijak arif cendekia, anak orang hulu sungai Masia.

Diperjalanan bertambah kawan yang seorang bergelar Harimau Campa, yang seorang lagi bergelar Kambing Hutan, yang ketiga bergelar Kucing Siam, yang seorang lagi parewa (preman) nan bergelar Anjing Mualim.

Adapun Cateri Bilang (dikatakan)Pandai – orang pandai menorah(membabat)-menelakang, mahir menjarum-manjarumek, bisa mematri dengan air liur, pandai bersisir di dalam air – mampu memanah dalam kelam, kelam-temaram gila buta, bersilang saja anak panahnya, langsung kena di sasarannya – pandai membuat sambang loji nan(benteng yang) berpasak dari dalam – belum diraih sudah terbuka – langsung tiba di tujuannya.

Neither did the Tigers Campa,
  brave people of India, the whole body hairy body – people are afraid to fight, when it hit like thunder, lightning fast foot tub – when hit the mountain, collapsing gunungpun – hit a rock, broke batupun – welcome to catch the clever, smart fan and took off – clever strive and berkiat, that jumps like a flash.

If called Goat Forests,
because betanduk in the head – hard running in the jungle, out of the field winding nan, know complicated headlands, rocky nan understand the headman, who will understand the roots wrapped around – berbenak in the big toe, have a king in the liver, bersutan in the eyes, hard allahurabbi careful – if the problem lies behind the count.

Cats are studied Siampandai
slipped on a piece of reed – take a do not miss – The lion sleep attitude, clever trick with twisted, if not stepping ripple, jump did not go off – supposedly hinged tongue, mouth like a sweet tengguli – if not scratched trace, it is poignant new light.

Neither did the dog Mualim parewa (freeman),
thugs who came from the Himalayas, red eyes like a saga, sharp teeth are venomous, hold breath, running fast. Clever lurking in the light, breathe in the muddy clever. Prior to succeed never give up, stabbing good live tracks, the trail was stabbed to death as well – a sharp nose like a knife – let the village was fenced, he had reached the inside.

Begitu pula si Harimau Campa,

 orang berani dari India, badan berbulu sekujur tubuh – orang takut untuk melawan, bila memukul laksana guruh, cepat kaki bak petir – bila kena gunung, gunungpun runtuh – kena batu, batupun pecah – pandai menyambut dengan menangkap, pintar mengipas dan melepas – pandai bersilat serta berkiat, kalau melompat laksana kilat.

Kalau disebut Kambing Hutan,

karena betanduk di kepala – kencang berlari di dalam rimba, tahu di padang nan berliku, tahu di tanjung yang berbelit, mengerti di lurah nan berbatu, paham di akar yang akan melilit – berbenak di empu kaki, beraja di hati, bersutan di mata, keras hati allahurabbi – kalau masalah berhitung letak di belakang.

Dikaji pula Kucing Siampandai

menyuruk di ilalang sehelai – mengambil tidak kehilangan – sikap seperti Singa lelap, pandai menipu dengan menelikung, kalau melangkah tidak berdesir, melompat tidak berbunyi – konon lidahnya tidak berengsel, mulut manis bak tengguli – kalau menggaruk tidak berbekas, sudah pedih saja baru ketahuan.

Begitu pula si Anjing Mualim parewa(freeman),

preman yang datang dari Himalaya, mata merah bak saga, gigi tajam berbisa pula, nafas tahan, larinya kencang. Pandai mengintai di tempat terang, pandai bernafas di dalam bencah. Sebelum berhasil pantang menyerah, pandai menikam jejak tinggal, jejak ditikam mati juga – berhidung tajam bak sembilu – biar kampung sudah berpagar, dia sudah sampai di dalam.

E

Facts and interpretation:
• Sijatajati gold crown-shaped horn society enshrined into tengkuluk (headgear) by women Minang.

Sutan Sikandar Reni in the Qur’an called Alexander the king means having two horns or Alexander the Great, king of Macedonian

Fakta dan interpretasi:
• Mahkota emas Sijatajati yang berbentuk tanduk diabadikan masyarakat menjadi tengkuluk (tutup kepala) oleh kaum perempuan Minang.

Sutan Sikandar Reni dalam al Qur’an disebut Iskandar Zulkarnain yang artinya raja yang mempunyai dua tanduk atau Alexander the Great, king of Macedonia.

In contrast to the Sutan Maharajo Alif (West), which give priority to power (the crown) and Maharaja Sutan Depang (East) to put the skills, then according to legend Maharaja Sutan Dirajo (Minang Kabau) are required to study the books and ethics.
Further legend tells of

Country that has not been named Minang Kabau this last hundred years has lived his whole Datuak Maharajo Dirajo Sutan or believed to be a demigod who was granted hundreds of years.
After he died the government followed by Datuak Dirajo Suri, prince of his beliefs.

One was a widow who holds a Datuak Maharajo Dirajo Puti Indo Julito, married by Cati Me Mine, a confidant of the deceased who then bring their children and their families Jatang Sutan Balun, Puti Jamilan, Sutan World Sakalap, Puti Reno’s and Mambang Sutan to Hamlet Tuo Limo The.

Then, as they mature Datuak Suri Dirajo agree with Cati Me Mine to lift:
Sutan Paduko with his tongue and Datuak Katumangguangan
Sutan Jatang balun with a Datuak Perpatiah Sabatang Nan and
Sutan Sakalap World with his nan Banego Datuak Surimarajo-negotiable as the prince of the powers that will help him.

These decisions are agreed upon at the Nan Stone Tigo to drink water with a dagger Si Ganjo Erah oath of allegiance:

Bakato bana (say right), babuek baiak (doing good), mahukum Adia (punish unfair), Bilo dilangga (if violated), ka Ateh indak bapucuak (not sprout upwards), under indak baurek ka (beruat not down), in- hands of hands of digiriak-beetle (in the middle of perforated beetles) or
Telling the truth, doing good, punish the unjust. If violated (like a tree), the above does not sprout, not rooted to the bottom, in the midst of digirik beetles as well.

Julito’s mother Puti Indo heirloom handed dagger and Siganjo Siganjo Erah Aia and Tungkek Janawi Haluih to Datuak Ketumangguangan.

For Nan Parpatiah Datuak Sabatang accept keris Balangkuak plover Simundam Manti and Simundam Panuah and Payuang Kuniang Kabasaran (Minang first apply a legacy from the mother)
Furthermore Istano Tuo Village continue its administrative leadership of the meghabiskan Datuak Suri Dirajo old age in Istano Koto Stone.

Taking place at the top of the Rock Panta put together following the rules of the next government generated 22 rules consisting of four devices Customary Law.
4 of Act Nagari.
4 of Act Koto.
4 of Act LUHAK and Nagari.
4 Law Act.

• Berbeda dengan dengan Sutan Maharajo Alif (Barat) yang mengutamakan kekuasaan (mahkota) dan Sutan Maharaja Depang (Timur) yang mendahulukan keterampilan, maka menurut tambo Sutan Maharaja Dirajo (Minang Kabau) dituntut untuk mempelajari buku dan etika.
Selanjutnya tambo mengisahkan

Negeri yang belum bernama Minang Kabau ini bertahan ratusan tahun sepanjang umurnya Sutan atau Datuak Maharajo Dirajo yang diyakini sebagai manusia setengah dewa yang dianugrahi umur ratusan tahun.
Setelah beliau mangkat pemerintahan dilanjutkan oleh Datuak Suri Dirajo, penghulu kepercayaannya.

Salah seorang janda Datuak Maharajo Dirajo yang bergelar Puti Indo Julito, dikawini oleh Cati Bilang Pandai, orang kepercayaan almarhum yang kemudian memboyong keluarga beserta anak-anaknya Jatang Sutan Balun, Puti Jamilan, Sutan Sakalap Dunia, Puti Reno Sudah dan Mambang Sutan ke Dusun Tuo Limo Kaum.

Selanjutnya setelah mereka dewasa Datuak Suri Dirajo bermufakat bersama Cati Bilang Pandai untuk mengangkat:
Sutan Paduko Basa dengan gelar Datuak Katumangguangan dan
Jatang Sutan Balun dengan gelar Datuak Perpatiah Nan Sabatang serta
Sutan Sakalap Dunia dengan gelar Datuak Surimarajo nan Banego-nego sebagai penghulu-penghulu yang akan membantu beliau.

Keputusan ini dimufakati di atas Batu Nan Tigo dengan meminumkan air keris Si Ganjo Erah dengan sumpah setia:

Bakato bana(berkata benar), babuek baiak(berbuat baik), mahukum adia(menghukum adil), bilo dilangga(bila dilanggar), ka ateh indak bapucuak(keatas tidak berpucuk), ka bawah indak baurek(kebawah tidak beruat), di-tangah-tangah digiriak kumbang (di tengah-tengah dilubangi kumbang)atau
Berkata benar, berbuat baik, menghukum adil. Bila dilanggar (ibarat sebatang pohon), ke atas tidak berpucuk, ke bawah tidak berakar, di tengah-tengah digirik kumbang pula.

Ibunda Puti Indo Julito menyerahkan pusaka keris Siganjo Erah dan Siganjo Aia serta Tungkek Janawi Haluih kepada Datuak Ketumangguangan.

Untuk Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang menerima keris Balangkuak Cerek Simundam Manti dan Simundam Panuah serta Payuang Kuniang Kabasaran (pertama Ranah Minang menerapkan warisan dari ibu)
Selanjutnya Istano Dusun Tuo menjadi pusat pemerintahan melanjutkan kepemimpinan Datuak Suri Dirajo yang meghabiskan masa tua di Istano Koto Batu.

Mengambil tempat di atas Batu Panta mulai disusun peraturan-peraturan pemerintahan yang selanjutnya dihasilkan 22 aturan yang terdiri dari 4 perangkat Undang-undang Adat.
4 Undang-undang Nagari.
4 Undang-undang Koto.
4 Undang-undang Luhak dan Nagari.
4 Undang-undang Hukum.

After nan Act 22 was passed, in the hamlet of 4 Tribes with established Tuo Pangulu respectively are:
• Interest Caniago led Datuak Sabatang.
• Tribal House Tujuah(seven) Dt. Rajo Saie.
• Tribe Tower Korong Dt. Sampono diamond and
• Interest Sumagek ​​by Dt. Rajo Bandaro.

At that time also appointed two people Dubalang namely Sutan Congkong Tenggi and Sutan Hall Sijanguah all appointed under the pasumpahan Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang Datuak Katumangguangan drink water while Kris Siganjo Aia.

Not long after followed by the formation of 8 Tribes also equipped with pangulunya Pariangan areas are:
Piliang tribe led by Nan Sinaro Datuak Bagabang.
Koto Dt. Bases.
Proto Dt. Bases.
Banana Dt. Kayo
Sikumbang Dt. Maruhun.
Piliang Laweh Dt. Marajo Depang.
Dalimo Dt. Suri Dirajo and Limo Long Dt. Tunaro.
Then followed 5 Interest in Padang Panjang, namely:
Kuantan tribe led by Amat Datuak Dirajo.
Piliang Dt. Maharajo tongue.
Dalimo Dt. Jo tongue.
Piliang Laweh Dt. Indo Sajati.
Dalimo length Dt. Maharajo Suri.

Then followed six Guguak Tribes in the area are:
Piliang tribe led by Rajo Datuak Mangkuto.
Proto Dt. Tunbijo.
Koto Dt. Tower.
Dalimo Dt. Simarajo.
Banana Dt. Cumano.
Piliang Laweh Dt. Rajo Malano.
Interest in the next 3 Sikaladi namely:
Sikumbang tribe led by Datuak Tumbijo.
Dalimo Dt. Barbangso
Koto tribe Dt. Marajo.

To 22 people Pangulu tribe is constituted by the Datuak Katumangguangan being pasumpahan to drink water Sampono Kris by Aia Ganjo Datuak Sabatang Parpatiah Nan.

After the inauguration of the 22 Tribes, the Tribe commissioned Together Datuak Korong Stone Tower to maintain Panta.
While Stone said Kasua Bunta tangguang Tujuah Home and Stone Tribal by Tribal Pacaturan Sumagek ​​(the third historical stone is still preserved and can be seen in Hamlet Tuo Limo The Stone Cage).

Although the establishment of Nan LUHAK Tigo has been underlined since the leadership Datuak Maharajo Dirajo dipuncak Merapi but the firmness of the boundaries do not exist, then both Datuak create firmness that marked with a stone split into 3 parts that are not broken dipangkalnya.

This means LUHAK nan Tigo share, not a divorce but has not been followed by the division of interest (this stone can be seen in Hamlet Tuo The Limo).

Held before the division of interest to LUHAK nan Tigo, Datuak Katumangguangan pounded the ground and make a nagari which later was named Sungai Tarab and put Puti Reno’s sister, along with 8 family and creating a Tribe 8, complete with the Tribe Piliang Pangulu under Datuak Rajo Pangkuto Sani, Piliang Laweh Dt. Indo Majo, Bendang Dt. Rajo Pangulu, Mandailiang Dt. Tamani, Bodi Dt. Sinaro, Bendang Dt. Simarajo, Piliang Dt. Rajo Nan Anam Malano and Tribes under Datuak Rajo Pangulu all of which are sworn in Kampuang Bendang.

Then he pointed to his nephew, the son of Puti Reno’s, who holds Datuak Bandaro Putiah as Pangulu Pucuak.

Performed by his own inauguration on the Rock 7 Tread with drinking water pasumpahan Kris Siganjo Aia (7 Tread Stone can be seen at the home of one resident in the River Tarab).

Furthermore Datuak Ketumangguangan ordered Datuak Bandaro Putiah along Sungai Tarab 8 Pangulu other surrounding villages to be built 22 Koto Sungai Tarab as a fortress and fortifications.
Among these 8 axes Radai Koto (Pati, Situmbuak, Selo, Sumaniak, Gunuang Medan and Padang Gutters Tangah Guguak Laweh).
2 Ikua Koto (Sijangek and Koto length).
2 Koto in kapalo (Koto Tuo and Pasia Laweh).
1 Koto at the peak (crest Koto Baru).
1 Koto as Katitiran in ujuang Tunjuak (Ampalu).

Click to edit and see alternate translations

Drag with shift key to reorder.

 

Setelah Undang-undang nan 22 tersebut disahkan, di Dusun Tuo dibentuk 4 Suku dengan Pangulu masing-masing yaitu:
• Suku Caniago dipimpin Datuak Sabatang.
• Suku Tujuah Rumah Dt. Rajo Saie.
• Suku Korong Gadang Dt. Intan Sampono dan
• Suku Sumagek oleh Dt. Rajo Bandaro.

Pada saat itu juga dilantik 2 orang Dubalang iaitu Sutan Congkong Tenggi dan Sutan Balai Sijanguah kesemuanya dilantik dibawah pasumpahan Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang sedangkan Datuak Katumangguangan meminumkan Air Keris Siganjo Aia.

Tidak berapa lama kemudian disusul pula pembentukan 8 Suku lengkap dengan pangulunya di daerah Pariangan yaitu:
Suku Piliang dipimpin oleh Datuak Sinaro Nan Bagabang.
Koto Dt. Basa.
Malayu Dt. Basa.
Pisang Dt. Kayo
Sikumbang Dt. Maruhun.
Piliang Laweh Dt. Marajo Depang.
Dalimo Dt. Suri Dirajo dan Limo Panjang Dt. Tunaro.
Kemudian disusul 5 Suku di Padang Panjang yaitu:
Suku Kuantan dipimpin oleh Datuak Amat Dirajo.
Piliang Dt. Maharajo Basa.
Dalimo Dt. Jo Basa.
Piliang Laweh Dt. Indo Sajati.
Dalimo Panjang Dt. Maharajo Suri.

Kemudian disusul 6 Suku di daerah Guguak yaitu:
Suku Piliang dipimpin oleh Datuak Rajo Mangkuto.
Malayu Dt. Tunbijo.
Koto Dt. Gadang.
Dalimo Dt. Simarajo.
Pisang Dt. Cumano.
Piliang Laweh Dt. Rajo Malano.
Selanjutnya 3 Suku di daerah Sikaladi yaitu:
Suku Sikumbang dipimpin oleh Datuak Tumbijo.
Dalimo Dt. Barbangso
Suku Koto Dt. Marajo.

Ke 22 orang Pangulu Suku ini dilantik oleh oleh Datuak Katumangguangan sedang pasumpahan dengan meminumkan Air Keris Sampono Ganjo Aia oleh Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang.

Setelah peresmian Suku yang 22 ini, Datuak Berdua menugaskan Suku Korong Gadang untuk memelihara Batu Panta.
Sedangkan Batu Kasua Bunta tangguang jawab Suku Tujuah Rumah dan Batu Pacaturan oleh Suku Sumagek (ketiga batu bersejarah ini sampai sekarang masih terawat dan dapat dilihat di Dusun Tuo Limo Kaum Batu Sangkar).

Walaupun pembentukan Luhak Nan Tigo sudah digariskan sejak kepemimpinan Datuak Maharajo Dirajo dipuncak Merapi namun ketegasan batas-batas belum ada, maka kedua Datuak membuat ketegasan yang ditandai dengan mengeping sebuah batu menjadi 3 bagian yang tidak putus dipangkalnya.

Hal ini bermakna Luhak nan Tigo berbagi, tidak bercerai namun belum diikuti dengan pembagian Suku (batu ini dapat dilihat di Dusun Tuo Limo Kaum).

Sebelum diadakan pembagian Suku untuk Luhak nan Tigo, Datuak Katumangguangan memancang tanah dan membuat sebuah nagari yang kemudian diberi nama Sungai Tarab dan menempatkan adiknya Puti Reno Sudah, bersama 8 Keluarga sekaligus membentuk 8 Suku, lengkap dengan Pangulu yaitu Suku Piliang Sani dibawah Datuak Rajo Pangkuto, Piliang Laweh Dt. Majo Indo, Bendang Dt. Rajo Pangulu, Mandailiang Dt. Tamani, Bodi Dt. Sinaro, Bendang Dt. Simarajo, Piliang Dt. Rajo Malano dan Suku Nan Anam di bawah Datuak Rajo Pangulu yang kesemuanya dilantik di Kampuang Bendang.

Selanjutnya beliau menunjuk kemenakannya, anak Puti Reno Sudah, yang bergelar Datuak Bandaro Putiah sebagai Pangulu Pucuak.

Pelantikan dilakukan oleh beliau sendiri di atas Batu 7 Tapak dengan pasumpahan meminum Air Keris Siganjo Aia (Batu 7 Tapak ini bisa dilihat di rumah salah seorang penduduk di Sungai Tarab).

Selanjutnya Datuak Ketumangguangan memerintahkan Datuak Bandaro Putiah bersama 8 Pangulu Sungai Tarab lainnya agar di sekeliling nagari Sungai Tarab dibangun 22 Koto sebagai benteng dan kubu pertahanan.
Diantaranya 8 Koto Kapak Radai (Pati, Situmbuak, Selo, Sumaniak, Gunuang Medan, Talang tangah Guguak dan Padang Laweh).
2 Ikua Koto (Sijangek dan Koto Panjang).
2 Koto di kapalo (Koto Tuo dan Pasia Laweh).
1 Koto di puncak (Gombak Koto Baru).
1 Koto sebagai Katitiran di ujuang Tunjuak (Ampalu).

Then along Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang undergo LUHAK Agam by building Biaro with pangulu Pucuak Datuak Bandaro length.
Baso under Datuak Bandaro Kuniang appointed and sworn faithfully to drink water in the hamlet Kris Siganjo Erah Tabek length.
The next two Pangulu was commissioned to build villages-villages in LUHAK Agam.

While in LUHAK 50 Koto datuak Situjuah both build villages, Marijuana Stone, Koto and Koto Nan Nan Tower is inaugurated Datuak Ampek and Rajo Nun and the subsequent Early Sadi Datuak commissioned to build villages in the LUHAK.

After LUHAK Tigo dibari bapangulu nan, Nan Perpatiah Datuak Sabatang not want to miss the Datuak Katumangguangan.
He expanded the area to the east to form a tribal hamlet Tuo with pangulunya among others in the Rock Hall Korong Napa River Tribe was formed under Datuak Basa, tuft Dt. Putiah.

Under the expertise of both Datuak Ketumangguangan and Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang customary governance systems become more sheen, until a few decades later arrival Adityawarman, a prince who wanted merobah Mojopahit a total system of customs administration in this country got a tough challenge from his tongue Datuak Ampek Hall (four markets ).

Kemudian bersama Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang menjalani Luhak Agam dengan membangun Biaro dengan pangulu Pucuak Datuak Bandaro Panjang.
Baso di bawah Datuak Bandaro Kuniang yang dilantik dan disumpah setia dengan meminumkan Air Keris Siganjo Erah di dusun Tabek Panjang.
Selanjutnya kedua Pangulu ini ditugaskan membangun nagari-nagari di Luhak Agam.

Sedangkan di Luhak 50 Koto datuak berdua membangun nagari Situjuah, Batu Hampa, Koto Nan Gadang dan Koto Nan Ampek dan melantik Datuak Rajo Nun dan Datuak Sadi Awal yang selanjutnya ditugaskan membangun nagari di Luhak tersebut.

Setelah Luhak nan Tigo dibari bapangulu, Datuak Perpatiah Nan Sabatang tidak mau ketinggalan dengan Datuak Katumangguangan.
Beliau meluaskan daerah ke arah timur Dusun Tuo dengan membentuk suku dengan pangulunya antara lain di Korong Balai Batu dibentuk Suku Sungai Napa di bawah Datuak Basa, Jambak Dt. Putiah.

Dibawah kepiawaian kedua Datuak Ketumangguangan dan Datuak Parpatiah Nan Sabatang sistem pemerintahan adat menjadi semakin kemilau, hingga beberapa dekade kemudian kedatangan Adityawarman, seorang Pangeran Mojopahit yang ingin merobah secara total sistem pemerintahan adat di negeri ini mendapat tantangan keras dari para Datuak Basa Ampek Balai(empat pasar).

The presence of Mojopahit statesman is not no bright side, even some traditional government leaders and Bodi Kelarasan Koto Piliang Caniago opportunity comes in the palace with Adityawarman Mojopahit goodwill visit to mainland China’s imperial court.

Even if the pattern of government ala Mojopahit ever want to be forced in the realm of Minang but did not last long.

After Adityawarman killed in an incident, customary governance systems to be reapplied as it says “LUHAK dibari Bapangulu” and the system is the adoption by Kelarasan Koto Piliang, especially for areas outside LUHAK nan Tigo as Overseas Minang Kabau, as mentioned “Overseas Dibari Barajo “.

Minang Kabau according Barih Balabeh Tambo Indigenous Minang Kabau
Formerly Minang Kabau has no positive law, only law of the jungle “Who’s Who Malanda Strong, who high who manimpa” then by two wise men and the Datuak Katumanggungan Datuak Parpatiah nan Sabatang create a device Customary Law / Tribe in order to obtain peace in the villages where “nan weakly protected and justice for all children villages.

So you can easily watch was made for the size of a good or bad actions and deeds “In ukua jo jangko, dibari balabeh, dicupak jo bushels, dibungka naraco jo, jo disuri banang”. (Measured with the term, given belebih, in the measuring life a place to cook rice, was measured by balance weights, embroidered with thread)

Excerpted and translated from the converted text has been published by Arman Bahar Piliang Malin Bandaro

Kehadiran negarawan Mojopahit ini bukan tidak ada segi positifnya, bahkan beberapa pimpinan pemerintahan adat Kelarasan Koto Piliang dan Bodi Caniago berkesempatan bersama Adityawarman hadir di istana Mojopahit melakukan kunjungan muhibah ke istana kaisar didaratan Cina.

Kalaupun corak pemerintahan ala Mojopahit pernah ingin dipaksakan di ranah Minang namun tidak bertahan lama.

Setelah Adityawarman tewas dalam suatu insiden, sistem pemerintahan adat diterapkan kembali sebagaimana dikatakan “Luhak dibari Bapangulu” dan sistem ini adopsi oleh Kelarasan Koto Piliang, terutama untuk daerah-daerah di luar Luhak nan Tigo sebagai Rantau Minang Kabau, seperti yang disebutkan “Rantau Dibari Barajo”.

Minang Kabau menurut Barih Balabeh Tambo Adat Minang Kabau
Dahulu Minang Kabau tidak memiliki hukum positif, yang ada hanya hukum rimba “Siapa Kuat Siapa malanda, siapa tinggi siapa manimpa” kemudian oleh dua orang bijak yaitu Datuak Katumanggungan dan Datuak Parpatiah nan Sabatang membuat sebuah perangkat Hukum Adat/Suku agar diperoleh Perdamaian dalam nagari dimana “nan lemah dilindungi dan keadilan bagi semua anak nagari.

Agar mudah mengawasinya dibuatlah ukuran untuk baik atau buruk suatu tindakan dan perbuatan “Di ukua jo jangko, dibari balabeh, dicupak jo gantang, dibungka jo naraco, disuri jo banang”.(Diukur dengan jangka, diberi belebih, di ukur pakai tempat masak nasi, diukur dengan neraca timbangan, disulam dengan benang)

Dikutip dan dialih bahasakan dari naskah yang telah dipublikasikan oleh Arman Bahar Piliang Malin Bandaro

 originl Tambo alam minagkabau in Minangkabau dialek languge

Adopun warih nan bajawek pusako nan batarimo umanaik nan bapakai dari rang tuo dahulunyo, nan sabarih bapantang hilang satapak bapantang lupo, kok hilang nan sabarih ka guru cubo tanyokan kok lupo nan satapak cari tunggue panabangan nyo.

 

Adopun warih nan Bajawek, pituah dek guru mangaji sajak dari Alif, pituah dek mamak babilang sajak dari aso, na aso Allah duo bumi tigo hari nan satu ampek aie sumbayang limo pintu razaki anam budak dikanduang bundonyo tujuah pangkek manusia salapan pangkek sarugo sambilan pangkek Muhammaik kasapuluah Muhammaik jadi, sinan bakato tuhan kito Kun katonyo Allah Fayakun kato Muhammaik Nabikun kato Jibraie yaa Ibrahi kato bumi jo langik Kibrakum kato Adam,

Jadi sagalo pekerjaan, apo bana nan tajadi, sajak dari Luah dengan Qalam sampai ka Arasy jo Kurisyi wago sarugo jo narako walo nak bulan jo matohari walau ndak langik dengan bumi samuik sameto sakalipun takanduang dalam wahdaniah tuhan, adolah limo parakaro, maanyo nan limo parkaro, tanah baki, tanah baku, tanah hitam tanah merah jo tanah putiah, tanah ditampo dek Jibraie dibaok mangirok kahadiraik tuhan talempa kahateh meja, disinan bijo mangko kababatang sinannyo kapeh kamanjadi banang disitu langik kamarenjeang naiak disitu bumi kamahantam turun disinan ketek mangko kabanamo disinan gadang mangko kabagala disinan Adam nan batamponyo iyo kapanunggu isi duya.

Dek lamo bakalamoan dekasa baasa juo dek bukik tumbuakan kabuik dek lauik ampang muaro abih taun baganti taun mangko malahiekanlah ibu manusia Siti Hawa sabanyak 39 urang, mako dikawinkan dari saorang kasaorang dari nan surang ka nan surang nan bunsu indak bajodoh mangko banazalah nabi Adam katiko itu

 

 Ya Allah ya rabbil alamin perkenankanlah aku dengan anak cucu aku kasadonyo kandak sadang kabuliah pintak sadang kabalaku mukasuik sadang disampai kan tuhan.
Bafirman tuhan ka Jibraie, hai malaikaik jibraie mangirok engkau kasarugo nan salapan, kabakan ka anak puti bidodari nan banamo Puti Dewanghari anak dek Puti Andarasan bahaso inyo kadiambiak istri dek Sutan Rajo Alam diateh duya, mako mangiriok lah Jibraie kasarugo nan salapan kamangabakan ka Puti Dewanghari bahaso inyo ka dijadikan istri dek Sutan Rajo Alam diateh duya, mako mamandang lah Puti Dewanghari kaateh duya nampaklah anak Adam diateh alam Sigumawang antaro huwa dengan hiya dikanduang Abun jo Makbun wallahualam gadangnyo hati.
Mako dikumpuekanlah alat perhiasan kasadonyo, apo alat perhiasan nan dibaok, iyolah payuang panji kuniang payuang bahapik timba baliak lengkap sarato jo marawa kuniang cando kajajakan bertatah intan dengan podi buatan urang disarugo, mako batamulah urang tu dipuncak bukit Qaf.lalu dinikahkan dek kali Rambun Azali dipangka Titian Tujuah dibawah Mejan nan kiramaik dibaka kumayan putiah asok manjulang kaudaro takajuik sakalian malaikaik tacengang sagalo saluruah Bidodari manyemba kilek ateh langik bagaga patuih diateh duya tarang bandarang cahayonyo lapeh kalangik nan katujuah tahantak kahadiraik tuhan sabagai sasi pernikahannyo.

Dek lamo bakalamoan abih bulan baganti bulan abih taun baganti taun, salah saurang anak cucu baliau nan bagala Sutan Sikandarareni nan manjadi rajo kuaso sadaulat dunia mampunyoi katurunan nan partamo Sutan Maharajo Alif kaduo Sutan Maharajo Depang katigo Sutan Maharajo Dirajo, Sutan Maha Rajo Alif mamarentah Banuruhum, Sutan Maharajo Depang mamarentah dinagari Cino sadangkan Sutan Maharajo Dirajo lapeh kapulau Paco mamarentah di Pariangan Padang Panjang dipuncak gunuang Marapi mambagi nagari manjadi tigo luhak partamo Luhak Tuo Tanah Data kaduo Luhak Agam nan bongsu Luhak Limo Puluah.

Perjalanan Sutan Maharajo Dirajo

Adaopun Syekh Sikandareni rajo alam nan arih bijaksano, mancaliak anak lah mulai gadang lah masak alemu jo pangaja timbue pikiran dalam dado timbualah niaik didalam hati nak manyuruah anak pai marantau mancari alimu jo pangalaman, mako tapikialah maso itu joa anak nak kadilapeh balie dilauik basa, nampaklah sabatang kayu gadang tumbuah dihulu batang Masie banamo kayu Sajatalobi, daun rimbun rantiangnyo banyak batang panjang luruih pulo, tabik pangana andak manabangnyo kadibuek pincalang tigo buah untuak palapeh anak pai marantau.
Mako dikumpuekanlah sagalo cadiak pandai ditanah Arab dibaok kapak jo baliuang panabang kayu nantun, lah banyak urang nan manabang lah tujuah baliuang sumbiang lah tigo puluah kapak nan patah kayu nan indak kunjuang rabah, apolah sabab karanonyo rukun saraik alun tabaokkan, datanglah urang cadiak pandai sarato jo urang arih bijaksano maagiah pitunjuak jo pangaja, mako dikumpuakanlah urang katiko itu, didabiah kibasy sarato unto dibaka kumayan putiah asok manjulang kaudaro, urang mandoa kasadonyo.
Mamintaklah Sutan Sikandareni katiko itu ya Allah ya rabbil alamin perkenankanlah aku manabang batang kayu Sajatalobi untuak mengharungi lauik basa, kandak sadang kabuliah pintak kabalaku, baguncanglah hulu batang Masie gampolah hari tujuah hari tujuah malam sahinggonyo rabahlah batang kayu nantun, mako datanglah urang nan baalimu maambiak daun jo batangnyo, daun diramu manjadi dawaik kulik diolah jadi karateh kapanulih Quran tigopuluah juih untuak mangaji dek umaik nan banyak, kulik batangnyo diolah manjadi kain untuak sumbayang panyambah Allah dengan rasul.
Lah rabah kayu Sajatalobi, batangnyo dikarek tigo kapambuek pincalang tigo buah, sabuah kapincalang Sutan Maharajo Alif nan cieklai untuak Sutan Maharajo Depang ciek pulo untuak Sutan Maharajo Dirajo, hari patang malampun tibo dipanggie anak kasadonyo diagiah pitujuak jo pangaja sarato baka pai marantau. Tantangan Sutan Majo Alih diagiah baka Mangkuto Ameh Sijatajati, sadangkan Sutan Majo Depang diagiah baka pakakeh tukang, adopun Sutan Majodirajo dibakali kitab barisi undang didalamnyo. Ayam bakukuak subuah pun tibo pagi datang matohari tabik, barangkeklah anak katigonyo marantau kakampuang urang.
Adopun tantang Sutan Maharajo Alif tambonyo ditutuik samantaro, sadangkan Sutan Maharajo Depang carito dihantikan sampai disiko, salorong pado Sutan Maharajo Dirajo taruih balaie ka Pulau Andaleh nangko, sabalun Sutan Maharajo Dirajo pai mahadang silauik lapeh mandapek kawan nan banamo Syekh Shole nan bagala Cati Bilang Pandai urang nan cadiak candokio sarato arih bijaksano barasa dari hulu sungai Masie, dalam pajalanan singgahlah Sutan di tanah Parsi, Himalaya, India, Campo jo Siam, mandapek pulo kawan nan diangkek manjadi kapalo dubalang, nan surang bagala Harimau Campo nan kaduo Kambiang Hutan nan katigo Kuciang Siam ampek bilangan jo Parewa nan bagala Anjiang Mualim.
Adopun Cati bilang pandai, pandai manarah manalakang pandai manjarum manjarumek pandai mamati jo aie liua pandai manyisia dalam aie pandai manembak dalam kalam, kalam kapiek gilo buto, basilang sajo palurunyo lah kanai sajo disasarannyo, pandai mambuek sambang loji pakai pasak datang dari dalam alun diraiah lah tabukak lah tibo sajo dijangkonyo, baitu pulo si Harimau Campo, urang bagak dari India, badan babulu kasadonyo, urang takuik malawannyo makan tangannyo bak cando guruah, capek kakinyo bak cando patuih tibo digunuang gunuang runtuah tibo dibatu batu tambuih pandai manyambuik jo manangkok bisa mangipeh jo malapeh pandai basilek jo balabek jikok malompek bak cando kilek, kok disabuik tantang si Kambiang Hutan, bak batanduak dikapalonyo pandai balari ditangah rimbo tau di padang nan baliku tantu jo tanjuang nan babalik tau jo lurah nan babatu tau jo aka nan kamambalik, babanak ka ampu kaki, barajo di hati basutan di mato kareh hati Allahurabi,kok pakaro hetong di balakang,
Dikaji pulo tantang si Kuciang Siam, kok manyuruak dihilalang sahalai, maambiak indak kahilangan, bantuak bak cando singo lalok, santiang manipu jo manepong, kok malangkah indak balasia, malompek indak babuni, kunun lidahnyo indak baense, muluik manih bak tangguli kok manggauik indak mangasan, lah padiah sajo mangko ka tau, baitu pulo tantang si Anjiang Mualim, Parewa nan datang dari Himalaya, mato sirah bak cando sago gigi tajam babiso pulo, angoknyo tahan larinyo kancang, pandai maintai di nan tarang pandai mahangok dalam boncah, sabalun sampai pantang manyarah, pandai manikam jajak tingga, jajak ditikam mati juo, bahiduang tajam bak sambilu, bia kampuang lah papaga, inyo lah dulu sampai didalam. 

Catatan:

· Mangkuto Ameh Sijatajati yang berbentuk tanduk diabadikan masyarakat menjadi tudung kepala kaum Bundo Kanduang di Ranah Minang.
· Sutan Sikandar Reni dalam al Qur’an disebut Raja Iskandar Zulkarnain yang artinya Raja yang mempunyai dua tanduk atau Alexander The Great King of Macedonia
Mudah2an Ota Urang Minang diatas ado gunonyo, ambiak sajo sado nan paralu, dih

 Untuk melihat Information Lengkap silahkan klik

sumber data

https://driwancybermuseum.wordpress.com/2012/07/19/the-minangkabau-history-collections/

 

 MINANGKABAU SHORT INFO

 

MAP TOURISM of West Sumatra

ANAI Valley – one hour from Padang city – at the foot of mount TANDIKEK – Padang Pariaman district – Fog Train (called “Mak Itam”)crossing on the above road Padang to Bukitinggi – Garuda magazine, July 2010

Pagaruyung, Istano BASA, a wooden Palace replica – Tanah Datar district – Kompas, 14 November 2001

Minangkabau occupy a territory within the province of West Sumatra, where the culture of the civilization of the people in general really is not much different from other communities within the territory of the Republic of Indonesia.
Several hundred years ago there was a kingdom that upheld and respected by society, but has long been extinct, betul2 extinct, gone, none of Minangkabau descent from the royal family who are still alive today (though there is still much to claim to, such as Compass August 6, 2001 raises a woman’s name, RENO GADIH Ranti considered as a successor to rule the kingdom after the destroyed VOC Pagarruyung – please believe / do not, I can not believe it, because it is very likely the name of the only descendant of Adityawarman – let’s read through this article to find out Adityawarman who really, in my opinion).
In line with its development, the Minang be a form of community where the word Democracy and freedom of expression has become part of everyday life whose roots have been planted since the first empire grew Minang ground.

The author tries to trace the existence of Minangkabau society in a small way but still retains the usual rules used by other authors. To the authors try to link the Tambo-native legend that circulated in the community until the time of occupation Minang VOC Minang region. The author also can not escape from what has been and never written by the author previously of Minangkabau.
Due to this paper is about the history of development since the days of BC, the basic methods used in making observations Historical Research is a method that can be done in a systematic process in terms of description, analysis and interpretation of past conditions based on information from the selected sources are of course related the topic of discussion.

Happy reading, I hope that writing is far from the truth of this history can make the reader to reflect on what and how exactly it Minangkabau society. The author is also very thankful if there is input to further refine information-hypothesa hypothesa that have been used by us all these years.

From the book – Reid, A (1995), Witness to Sumatra, Oxford University Press, British Council library, Jakarta

Captured by MINANGKABHU
Henrique DIAS

Sinking of the ship named Sao Paulo region of the Portuguese west coast of Sumatra in 1561 was widely heard in the 16th century, it is because disasters faced by Portuguese ships at that time they were posted on the bulletin maritime Lisbon in 1735. The Portuguese-flagged vessel was en route from Cape of Good Hope (Cape of good hope) to Goa, a big storm, the ship named Sao Paulo is the storm surge swept through the region of Sumatra, the area surrounding the possibility of Tiku, most cargo ships can still be saved, then with the rest of the wreck was made of small boats to try to set sail for Bantam, the adventures, the group has faced some of the ill-fated ship battle with the ships of the aceh

Mision to MINANGKABHU Kingdom
Thomas DIAS

 

Info from my Faculty FK UNAND

I AM ALUMUS IN 1972

About Minangkabau

 

 

 

The Minangkabau (also known as Minang or Padang) is one of ethnic group in Indonesia. It’s indigenous to the highlands of West Sumatra, in Indonesia. Their culture is matrilineal, with property and land passing down from mother to daughter, while religious and political affairs are the province of men (although some women also play important roles in these areas). Today 4 million Minangs live in West Sumatra, while about 3 million more are scattered throughout many Indonesian and Malay peninsula cities and towns.

The Minangkabau are strongly Islamic, but also follow their ethnic traditions, or adat. The Minangkabau adat, was derived from animist beliefs before the arrival of Islam, and remnants of animist beliefs still exist even among some practicing Muslims. The present relationship between Islam and adat is described in the saying “tradition [adat] founded upon Islamic law, Islamic law founded upon the Qur’an” (adat basandi syara’, syara’ basandi Kitabullah).

The name Minangkabau is thought to be a conjunction of two words, Minang (“victorious”) and Kabau (“buffalo”). There is a legend that the name is derived from a territorial dispute between the Minangkabau and a neighboring prince. To avoid a battle, the local people proposed a fight to the death between two water buffalo to settle the dispute. The prince agreed and produced the largest, meanest, most aggressive buffalo. The Minangkabau produced a hungry baby buffalo with its small horns ground to be as sharp as knives. Seeing the adult buffalo across the field, the baby ran forward, hoping for milk. The big buffalo saw no threat in the baby buffalo and paid no attention to it, looking around for a worthy opponent. But when the baby thrust his head under the big bull’s belly, looking for an udder, the sharpened horns punctured and killed the bull, and the Minangkabau won the contest and the dispute.

The roofline of traditional houses in West Sumatra, called Rumah Gadang(Minangkabau, “big house”), curve upward from the middle and end in points, in imitation of the water buffalo’s upward-curving horns.

 

Rumah Gadang ( Big House ) with atap bagonjong ( Horned Roof )

 

Minangkabau Cultures

The Minangs are the world’s largest matrilineal society, in which properties such as land and houses are inherited through female lineage. Some scholars argue that this might have caused the diaspora (Minangkabau, “Merantau”) of Minangkabau males throughout the Malay archipelago to become scholars or to seek fortune as merchants………..

 

Minangkabau Ceremonial and Festival

 

Minangkabau ceremonies and festivals include:Turun mandi – baby blessing ceremony, Sunat rasul – circumcision ceremony, Baralek – wedding ceremony, Batagak pangulu – clan leader inauguration ceremony. Other clan leaders, all relatives in the same clan and all villagers in the region are invited. The ceremony will last for 7 days or more………..

 

 

Minangkabau Performing Arts

Traditional Minangkabau music includes saluang jo dendang which consists of singing to the accompaniment of a saluang (bamboo flute,) and talempong (gong-chime music). Dances include the tari piring (plate dance), tari payung (umbrella dance) and tari indang….

.

 

Minangkabau Cuisine

 

The staple ingredients of the Minangkabau diet are rice, fish, coconut, green leafy vegetables and chili. The usage of meat is mainly limited to special occasions, and beef and chicken are most commonly used. Pork is not halal and therefore not consumed, while lamb, goat and game are rarely consumed for reasons of taste and availability.Spiciness is a characteristic of Minangkabau food…..

 

 

Minangkabau Architecture

Rumah gadang (Minangkabau: ‘big house’) are the traditional homes (Indonesian: rumah adat) of the Minangkabau. The architecture, construction, internal and external decoration, and the functions of the house reflect the culture and values of the Minangkabau. A rumah gadang serves as a residence, a hall for family meetings, and for ceremonial activities…

 

Minangkabau Oral traditions and literature

Minangkabau culture has a long history of oral traditions. One oral tradition is the pidato adat (ceremonial orations) which are performed by panghulu (clan chiefs) at formal occasions such as weddings, funerals, adoption ceremonies, and panghulu inaugurations

 

 

Minangkabau Language

The Minangkabau society has a diglossia situation, whereby they use their native language for everyday conversations, while the Indonesian language is used for most formal occasions, in education, and in writing, even to relatives and friends..

The Minangkabau Script

 

 

 

 

 

 THE MINANGKABAU HISTORY COLLECTIONS

 

Precolonial Era

Neolithicum era

 

Batu Batikam

STONE STABBED (by sword) statue – Dusun Tuo – Kompas, 13 Juni 2001

Dilihat dari urutan sejarah, perkembangan masyarakat Minang tidak terlepas dari pengaruh serta percampuran budaya dengan bangsa2 lain yang berasal dari daratan Asia seperti India dan Cina yang datang ketanah Minang sejak zaman sebelum masehi

Zaman NEOLITHIKUM

(near after STONE AGE era)

Of the Neolithikum not much information can be gathered about the origin of local communities Minang, because  Pre-history resources  of this area is still small and limited to be found.

Of which exist in society Tambo2 Minang also never mentions the year for certain events. however, according to akhli2 history, second to the seventh century AD, can be categorized as the early history of the area Minang, because according to the expert, the possibility of nomads from the descendants of the Aryans in Central Asia around 500 BC had reached Ceylon (present Thai territory)

On the other hand, the archaeologists believe that the region has been inhabited by a single Minang groups allied with the Austronesian or better known as the nation since the days of OLD MALAY Neolithikum approximately 2000 years BC.

 

Along with this period, India also has appeared on land communities around the plains of the Indus River is believed to be the first Babylonian empire in the region of Mesopotamia. the mainstay of the first communities in the region is an agricultural Minang very simple.

 

 Daily work is more dominated by women so that women play an important role in the family. So while it can be concluded that since the time this was understood Matrilinear basic  of the community began to grow in areas Minang up until recently widened Minang cultural roots, although Islam as a religion professed by the society last Minang Patrilinear have understood.

Judging from the present bronze peninggalan2 Kerinci area, the archaeologists also concluded that in about the year 300 BC has been a wave of immigrants from the Malay families who enter the territory of the Young Minang with the Bronze culture. mingling of the Old Malay and Malay Youth is what melahirka Minang ancestors and the culture of society in the days megalithikum Bronze

Some of the traditional Minang till today still believe that their ancestors came from one of the warlords ISKANDAR Zulkarnaen (Alxander the Great) who came from Rear Indies, who came to evacuate the stricken area and settled at thr top of  Minang Merapi.
 Therefore, the traditional Minang people believe that their ancestors come down from the summit of Mount Merapi, according to a widely circulated among the Tambo Minang people, like the poem below

Dimana diselai pelita
Dibalik telong nan bertali
Dimana turun ninik kita
Dari atas gunung Merapi

Can be drawn a conclusion that there may be a correlation between the support ancestral culture megalithikum Bronze at the time of the arrival of the commander of the King ISKANDAR Zulkarnaen (IZ) as the successor of Darius I the first dynasty master PUNJAB region around the year 518 BC, as can be read from folk legends about the quote origin of the Minang below

This story the same  with The south Tapanuli tribe as tol by my frimen Dr Anwari Lubis to me, there profile near same with middles east people especially like Gujarat and Libanon area especilly in Silungkang area(Dr Iwan Notes)

Pre Adityawarman

Situation in the wild before Adityawarman arrive at  minangkabau many has not obtained the information from the experts, informasi of information passed on from father to son daand so on ,They are called
“Tambo NATURAL ALAM MINANGKABAU”
Judging where it came from Minangkabau people, according to the legend of the slopes of Mount Merapi. , they came down from the mountain, the eighth] aerah lower yng more prosperous.

 

Their first settlement after falling from the peak of Mount Merapi Manduro called Sandilaweh.di jungle, south slope of Mount Merapi on the level of a 1000 meter, according to Westenenek, at the end of the last century the area was there a huge flat rock nearby to pray and make offerings or make a request.

Sandi.laweh part of the first people constantly looking for new temnpat lower and settled in Padang Panjaringan.

 

Then from here [back to the beautiful mountain and hill Patialo Siguntang, continue again through the “Fields Penenangtalang” to Lubuk Sibar leaves it “Satukah banang” where swim “beradai strange fish”.

 

Finally get to the banks of the River Singkarak (formerly named the River Una) and tiled getting hot springs.
Disilah they really only too well settled and named this place Pariangan> (where the joy)

At that time the head of a man named pemukiaman Angsangmudin Lundang Puti and wife.
Also at that time there was a prince of the people appointed as bandaro Kayo in Pariangan and Maharajo Great Padangpanjang

Era Adityawarman

Since the 13th century AD,
  Minangkabau society has undergone a series of shocks and social change, which basically has affected the value system and the institutional order of society based Minangkabau villages. Hindu-Buddhist religion professed by the royal family, the old Minangkabau kingdom for many centuries since the 13th century was not much affect the Minangkabau people, who stick to traditional Minangkabau, which is guided by the teachings of nature Alam  takambang be a teacher.

Top of Form

1275
Pamelayu expedition sent by King Kertanegara of Singosari the Malay kingdom located or Damasraya dihulu Batanghari river. Damasraya namaya king and kingdom that ruled Mauliwarman once part of the kingdom of Srivijaya, which annexed the Malay kingdom.
1295
After  twenty years, in 1295 the army returned to Java Singosari among other things to bring the two daughter of King Muliawarman jinga blood and blood brother since both plots are very beautiful daughter. So that got the first mate of the Majapahit kingdom and his son later became King
The oldest (blood orange) married a lady of high rank in the palace (the minister), his son Adityawarman, so he was the king’s grandson who was raised in the Kingdom Muliawarman Majpahit.
The 14th and 15th Century
Minangkabau kingdom developed around the 14th century and 15, Srivijaya kingdom had been through the following account after its heyday.
1339
In 1339 Adytiawarman went to Sumatra, and disiini Minangkabau kingdom he founded and became its first king.

1347
  According to another theory Aditiwarman to Sumatra in 1347, according to figures carved on the statue amoghapaca reigned in the region are briefly and then move to the area tanahdatar kingdom now. Why switch may occur in the palace coup d’etat Dhamasraya Malay kingdom of Majapahit kingdom or be attacked.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pagarruyung Palace History

 

Pagarruyung Palace

 

The king , who were believed to have founded the kingdom and presided over the central Sumatra region

between 1347 and 1375 ,

 is Adityawarman and most likely he control the local gold trade.

 

Adityawarman was the son of Mahesa Anabrang , a warior from Sriwijaya Empire and Dara Jingga , a princess from Dharmasraya .The few artifacs recovered from Adityawarman’s reign include a number of stones contraining inscriptions , and statues.

(this different info , I only know that Dara Jingga merried the ministry of Majapahit kingdom –Dr Iwan note)

 

 

A building was built in 1976 to represent the original Pagaruyung Palace and open to the public as a museum and tourist attraction.It was built in the traditional Minangkabau  ‘ s Rumah Gadang architectural style , but had a number of  a typical elements including three stories

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The foundation of the kingdom of Minangkabau

1680
division:

Minangkabau-
-Sungai Tarap
-Suroasso
Pagar-Ujong
Awak-Sungai

Minangkabau-

Raja Alam Yang Pertuan Sakti 1641/1849
1641 1680 Sultan Tuanku Raja Alam Alif Kalipatullah XXV
1680 1695 Perkasa Tuanku Raja Alam Alam Pemangku XXVI
1695 1719 Sultan Tuanku Raja Raja Alam Bagewang II Pemangku XXVII
1719 1739 Sultan Tuanku Raja Arif Alam Badaeunsyah XXVIII
1739 1780 Tuanku Raja Raja Alam Alam Muningsyah The XXIX
1780 1798 Tuanku Tuanku Raja Basusu Ampek Raja Raja Alam Alam II Muningsyah XXX
1798 1803 Tuanku Rajo Bawang Tuanku Raja Raja Alam Alam Muningsyah III XXXI
1803 1804 Tuanku Raja Garang Sambahyang III Sumpur Kudus Pemangku Raja Alam XXXII
1804 1849 Tuanku Raja Hitam Tuanku Raja Raja Alam Alam Bagagarsyah Johan Berdaulat XXXIII

Dates:

1630
status Pinangawan splits:

Bila-
Sungai Taras-
Tasik-

Bila-

1641 1680

King Tuanku Sultan Alam Alif Kalipatullah XXV

2)Colonial Era

17^th Century’

In the 17th century Pagarruyung king of the rumored MinangKabhu very charismatic and full power.

  Empire centered in Tanah Datar, famous in those days as a gold mine of the most easily looted, because gold does not have to dig too deep to be found.

  Governor General of Netherlands Cornelis van Quelbergh representative for the Dutch VOC Malacca in 1641 sent Thomas Dias (Portuguese citizens in Malacca, as was previously occupied by the Portuguese) to get to the Siak river and tried to make contact with the King in making trade agreements MinangKhabu gold, pepper and Tin, as well as an envoy to discuss the long-running conflict between the Dutch Malacca Johore, Siak, Jambi and Palembang.

  Researchers reviewed data about the doubting Thomas Dias trip, because Pagarruyung not close to theriver in Tanah Datar Selo, but probably farther north near the river between Buo and Kumanis Sinamar

 

 

July 6, 1662

Treaty of Painan:

coastal areas of Minangkabau, including Padang, become a protectorate of the VOC, which guarantees them security against raids from Aceh

1680 1695

 Mighty Tuanku Raja Holy Stakeholder XXXII

In 1686,

 Amangkurat II sends secret letters to Johore, Minangkabau, English East India Co, even Siam trying to find help against VOC.

1695 1719

 Sultan Tuanku Raja Raja Alam Bagewang II Stakeholder XXVII

1696

Sultan Muhammad Syah of Indrapura abdicates and VOC gains influence in the absence of a ruler there.

 

Alpha

18^th Century

 

 

 

 1719 1739

Sultan Tuanku Raja Arif Alam Badaeunsyah XXVIII

1739 1780

 King Tuanku Raja Alam Alam Muningsyah I XXIX

 

1766

1766

 western part  Pasaman consisting of coastal areas Katiagan starting from the south and ends at aia Bangih in the north has become a haven the merchants of Europe such as Britain and the Netherlands.

Katiagan Masang rod bounded by a separate territory with Tiku Agam area once contained a highly developed commercial center with a major brokerage named Peto Mage ‘, a Minangkabau half of Aceh who have shed a bit into the mouth of the Batang Masang. Christine Dobbin writes as follows;

When the British private traders began entering these waters, the Pasaman can also supply them with pepper and this continues until the end of abat eighteen, when the place is also a regional supplier of rice to the British power on the coast farther.

Pasaman also provide a way out for the export of gold from Rao, the valley immediately to the north Alahan length, which is the area of ​​exporting gold from time immemorial.

British trade with the region’s growing Pasaman so in 1766 the Netherlands was also flying the flag there, but they can only survive until the year 1772.

After developing the ports because of its association with the British people, while the Acehnese traders also came and settled on the coast between Pasaman and Masang River.

Pasaman area thus evolved into part of the coastal trade network developed based on the needs of British private traders.

If we cast a little view of the east, not far from the town center Simpang Ampek, therein lies the area named Mount Ophir. The Minangkabau language vocabulary, does not have the word “Ophir”. Mentioned in the literature that comes from the word Ophir Portuguese vocabulary.

What makes people interested in the Portuguese hills, so they named the Mount Ophir. But we will not discuss this.

This area of ​​Mount Ophir before Indonesia’s independence, one of the Dutch business developing oil palm plantations and that’s when the first foreign plant called palm touching Pasaman.

After the nationalization of Dutch companies under Law no. 56 In 1958, this estate belonged to PTPN VI.

Raja 1775/xxxx
1775 1810 Marhum Asal (posthumous name)
1810 1835 Marhum Mangkat of Rantau Baru (posthumous name)
The Sultan Muda 1835 1871
1871 xxxx Sultan Muda II

 

 

1780 1798

 King Tuanku Tuanku Raja Alam Basusu Ampek Muningsyah II King of XXX

-Tasik (Kota Pinang)

 

Raja 1785/xxxx
1785 1800 Sultan Rakhmat Syah

 

1798 1803

King Tuanku Tuanku Rajo Alam Onion Muningsyah III King of the XXXI

-Sungai Taras (Kampong Raja)

 

Sultanate 1789/1816
1789 1816 Khalifatullah Inayat Syah

Raja 1795/xxxx
1795 1815 Sultan Bongsa II

 

 

 Raja 1795/xxxx
1795 1815

 Sultan Bongsa II

 

 

Sultan bagagaryah Official stamped

19th century

19th Century AD is the most decisive in history and culture of Minangkabau.

 

In this century there has been not only a series of purification and renewal efforts of the creed and practice of traditional and syarak, but also there has been interference of the

colonial Dutch East Indies which pitted indigenous people and religious people, who both embraced Islam.

The term ‘agreement’ is felt more appropriate than the term ‘determination’, therefore in accordance with the principles
‘Sit up straight at the same low-high’ followed by the Minangkabau society.

The term ‘Minangkabau culture’ refers to a whole way of life as one of the Minangkabau ethnic group

ethnic groups in Indonesia between 1072 according to data from the National Census of 2000. Ethnic diversity of Indonesia than is recognized
sesanti Coat in the State, was also recognized by Article 36 a of the Constitution of 1945.

Review of SBK ABS cultivated in this Agreement is comprehensive and actionable, so that

includes not only the teachings of the betsifat normative, but also the institutions that implement these teachings, human behavior
who embrace the teachings, and policies that need to be further considered in the implementation.

A concise review of the history of the concept of ‘Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan’ can be seen in
Gusti Asnan, 2003, History of Minangkabau dictionary, PPIM, Padang, pages 8-10.

The phrase ‘customary mangato syarak mamakai’ than there is in the range of books on traditional Minangkabau proverb goes, is also

The dictum contained in the Decree of the Great Council of West Sumatra No. IX LKAAM TAP-10/MUBES / IX LKAAM/SB/VI/2005
Dated June 5, 2005 On Application of Customary Basandi Syarak Syarak Basandi Qur’aan.

‘Aspect’ refers to the Province of West Sumatra, while the ‘Overseas’ refers to the tribal areas overseas
Minangkabau people, both in Indonesia, as well as abroad.

As citizens, Minangkabau society has the right to enjoy rights and protections of the Unitary
Republic of Indonesia and shall be subject to the fundamental positive law of the State and the Republic of Indonesia.

This section should be listed as a historical background, to understand the position in Minangkabau society SBK ABS
experiencing a wave of change many times.

 

 

 

 

 

1800

Catatan kecil,
MAK ITAM,

adalah julukan masyarakat Minang bagi kereta api ber LOKKOMOTIF warna hitam dengan tenaga uap yang telah ada sejak sekitar 1800 an di MinangKabau

Kereta ini melalui rel bergerigi untuk melewati daerah tanjakan
Image yang dramatis adalah ketika kereta tersebut terlihat sedang melewati tepian danau SINGKARAK, berdampingan dengan jalur kendaraan

 

1803-1821

After experiencing a prolonged conflict, followed by a devastating civil war between the years 1803-1821, followed by
Minangkabau war between the years 1821 – 1838
 to face the armies of the colonial Dutch East Indies,

 1803 1804

King Tuanku Garang Sumpur Sambahyang III King of the

1804 1849

1800 1835 Sultan Alam II Bidar

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1809

 

 

Raja Melewar dan Kisah di Pagaruyung

Oleh: PUTI RENO RAUDHA THAIB

Ketua Umum Bundo Kanduang Sumatera Barat

Chairman of West Sumatra Bundo Kanduang

footage of a king of Minangkabau, among the many kings who were ascending and descending turns.
Tuanku Raja Muning Alamsyah or also called The Sultan Alam Dipertuan Muningsyah

is the natural king Pagaruyung who survived extraordinary tragedy in Koto hands of murder, Tanah Datar in 1809 in Padri War raging in Minangkabau. Years of this tragedy contested. Christine Dobin recorded in the Islamic Revival In The Changing Peasant Economy, (Inis, Jakarta 1992) the tragedy occurred in 1815, as well as written Rusli Amran in West Sumatra until plaque length, (Sinar Harapan Jakarta 1981).

 

 

1813

 

 

Minangkabau brass token kepeng coin in 1813 during raffles EIC  occupation Indonesia look the symbol of Minangkabu sunflower “Pantjar Matahari “ like the  script stone look below

 

 

 

 

Pantjar Matahari(Zonnebloemen of Lotus) of Minang King Tom(Koeboeran rajo) Batoesangkar in 1879

 

1815 1871

Sultan Mustafa

 

Dates:

1816
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

up

Successor states of Pinangawan

 

1821

 

-Suroasso

Daulat Yang Dipertuan Raja Alam xxxx/1821
xxxx 1821 Kerayahan Sultan Alam

Dates:

1821
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

Pagar-Ujong

 

 Yang Dupertuan Raja Alam

 

 

1815 -1871

 

Sultan Mustafa

 

 

 

Raja Pagaruyung, Tuanku Raja Muning Alamsyah Selamat dari Kudeta

Oleh: PUTI RENO RAUDHA THAIB
Ketua Umum Bundo Kanduang Sumatera Barat

PADA dua minggu lalu berturut-turut telah disampaikan tentang institusi Rajo Alam, Rajo Adat dan Rajo Ibadat. Selanjutnya kita melihat pula cuplikan tentang seorang raja Minangkabau, di antara banyaknya raja-raja yang turun naik silih berganti.

Tuanku Raja Muning Alamsyah atau juga yang disebut Yang Dipertuan Sultan Alam Muningsyah adalah raja alam Pagaruyung yang secara luar biasa selamat dari tragedi pembunuhan di Koto Tangah, Tanah Datar pada tahun 1809 dalam masa Perang Paderi berkecamuk di Minangkabau. Tahun terjadinya tragedi ini dipertikaikan. Christine Dobin mencatatkan dalam Kebangkitan Islam Dalam Ekonomi Petani Yang Sedang Berubah, (Inis, Jakarta 1992) tragedi tersebut terjadi pada tahun 1815, sebagaimana yang juga ditulis Rusli Amran dalam Sumatera Barat Hingga Plakat Panjang, (Sinar Harapan, Jakarta 1981).

 

1821

Sultan Alam Bageger

 

1821-1834

Raja Yahsir Alam

 

in 1832
 Tuanku Imam fatwa ishlah Bonjol provide the basis for the development of Indigenous Teachings Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan, Syarak Mangato mamakai Indigenous (ABS SBK) – which is then fitted with a ‘Natural Takambang So the teacher – as a basic value in managing the Minangkabau society. Tuanku Imam Bonjol fatwa was later confirmed in Bukit Marapalam Oath Satie

 

1835 1865

 Sultan Alam Bidar III

 in 1837

 at the Bukit Pato, Lintau,near  Batusangkar.

Because then the whole Minangkabau colonized by the Dutch East Indies colonial government launched pitting politics and political cultivation, followed by two World Wars, two War of Independence, and a series of protracted conflicts in the country,

 

The Doctrine of Primary and Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan has not had time to put together in an integrated and assembled in a document that was passed along by the Minangkabau

 

Dates:

1849
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

 

Dates:

1834
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

Awak-Sungai

Sultanate 1789/1816
1789 1816 Khalifatullah Inayat Syah

Dates:

1816
extinction of the state and the colonial government of the Netherlands

up

Successor states of Pinangawan

Dates:

1630
status Pinangawan splits:

Bila-
Sungai Taras-
Tasik-

Bila-

Raja 1785/xxxx
1785 1800 Sultan Rakhmat Syah
1800 1835 Sultan Alam II Bidar
1835 1865 Sultan Alam Bidar III
1865 1903 Sultan Alam Bidar IV
1903 xxxx Bidar Sultan Alam V

-Sungai Taras (Kampong Raja)

Raja 1775/xxxx
1775 1810 Marhum Asal (posthumous name)
1810 1835 Marhum Mangkat of Rantau Baru (posthumous name)
The Sultan Muda 1835 1871
1871 xxxx Sultan Muda II

-Tasik (Kota Pinang)

Raja 1795/xxxx
1795 1815 Sultan Bongsa II
1815 1871 Sultan Mustafa
1871 1905 Yang Dipertuan Sati
1905 xxxx Sulung Mustafa Yang Dupertuan Mamur Perkasa Alam Syah

 

 

THE MINANG KABAU HISTORY COLLECTIONS

minangkabau coin 183 with sunfolewr pantjar matohari

1815-1871

Yang dipertuan Sultan Mustafa

 

1845

 

Area “Rantau nan Tigo Jurai” of the kingdom of Minangkabau Batanghari Region, Hulu and Hulu Kampar Left Kuantan, there are some disinana king, as representative of the Minangkabau King promised not to allow the Dutch to enter.

BVNL BEHORDE VERHUUR NEDERLAND

1865

1865 1903

Sultan Alam Bidar IV

 

The kotogadang man in 1865

 

 

 

1867

 

 

Minangkabau of Sumatra in ceremonial costume. These richly brocaded garments are heirlooms.

 

 

 

 

 

 

1870

The Minang House at Koto nan ampet(the fourth city) Pajakoemboeh in 1870

1871-1905

Yang dipertuan Sati sulung Mustafa

 

 

1975

Black King Tuanku Tuanku Raja Alam Johan Bagagarsyah Sovereign King of the XXXIII Alam Alam Stakeholder XXV
Siamang Gagap Pahlawan Negeri Sembilan

PERANG BUKIT PUTUS (1875): ADAKAH DATO’ SIAMANG GAGAP SEORANG PAHLAWAN ATAU SEORANG POLITIKUS ISTANA YANG LICIK ?

Stuttering Hero gibbon Negeri Sembilan

War broke HILL ​​(1875): THERE Dato ‘Siamang stutter a hero or a cunning CASTLE POLITICIAN?
When talking about the history of Hill End War (25-11-1875), its telling would be incomplete if the role of a Big Man Castle Waiting series namely Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering or the actual name of Hj Kahar bin believer is not spoken.

 The telling of history that is the average raise this figure as a national hero when he chaired the Yam Tuan netherworld armies fought with Army Dato ‘Law Ujong Badger River, aided by Britain and made ​​triumphant Dato Force Act is assisted by the British berundur to Paroi.

Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering is also portrayed as opponents of the intervention of Great Britain and by that time he was appointed as karektor appropriate icon for the freedom of the nation

 

Gambaran wajah Dato Siamang Gagap

But there was the face of Sahaja Dato ‘Siamang Stuttering? Maybe if we can look at history from differing angles, we may understand how and why something was true and perhaps the events we see the true face of people who for so long hailed by history.

1877

Dutch entered the  Batanghari region through the expedition  Veth.

 

 

 

 

1879

 

 

Minang King Adhytiawarman Tomb Batoesangkat in 1879

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Adhytiawarna Script stone (batoe Basoerek) Batoesangkar in 1879

Prasasi “Kuburan Rajo”The King tomb, WITH SANSEKRIT LANGUAGE MADE IN 1356,may be this the Minangkabau Old script.   

 

 

 

Istana Pagarroejoeng scriptstone Batoesangkar in 1879

At Boekitgombak  about 2 km from Pagaruyung there was the bigger stone with 21 line script  in year 1356

 

The ston script batoe basoerek now

An old small town, 50 km southeast of Bukit Tinggi, it is a centre of the ancient Minangkabau culture. Pagaruyung is the historical site of a Minangkabau kingdom in the 14th century. Nearby is where some archaeological vestiges, such as the Written Stone, the Stabbed Stone and some other relics can be found.Nearby is where some archaeological vestiges, such as the Written Stone, the Stabbed Stone and some other relics can be found.

 

 

 

Pantjar Matahari(Zonnebloemen of Lotus) of Minang King Tom(Koeboeran rajo) Batoesangkar in 1879

Compare with Batu Basurek Batusangkar now below

Adhityawarman name known by the scientist, he ever went to Chinea to times  as the envoy of Majapahit Kingdom , he built Candi Jago  which keep the King Wisnuwardana ash . and the latest candi was the Rocok at soegeilangsek, that time Adhytiawarman in Minangkabau .

 

 

Batu Basurek citadel located at Kubur Rajo village, Lima Kaum Sub distric is 4 km from the Batusangkar.Batu basurek is located at the top of the graves of the king Adityawarman.inscription Batu Basurek any posts were written with it in ancient sanskerta.Batu Basurek is 25 cm wide 80 cm high with a thickness 10 cm and weight of 50 kg.

Batu Basurek has aged 659 year.

This discovery inscription is written in the first
16 December 1880

 by P.H. Van Hengst, Assistant Resident Tanah Datar. Prof. H Kern, an expert from the Netherlands, who he first discussed with the inscription any posts Java Ancient Sanskrit language it.

In the 1917

he is to translate the contents: “Adityawarman strong forward, he Kanakamedinindra authorities or Suwarnadwipa (Sumatra or Golden Land). Adwayawarman father. He Indra family.”

Adityawarman born from the womb Dara Jingga, daughter of the king Darmasraya located at the Batanghari river, Jambi. His father, Adwayawarman earlier, relatives Singosari palace.

Have, in 1292

 China’s Kublai Khan Singosari attack. And his brother Dara Jingga, Dara Petak, bring the army to help Singosari. Unfortunately, Singosari fall, and eventually mastered Jayakatwang.

Then Raden Wijaya Jayakatwang move and rename it into the kingdom of Majapahit. Raden Wijaya married Dara Petak. Dara Jingga make the Adwayawarman. Once married, Dara Jingga invites her husband back to Darmasraya – and Adityawarman was born.

After Majapahit for various services, so the king finally Adityawarman in Darmasraya. He moved the kingdom’s Siguntur (Sawahlunto Sijunjung) to Pagaruyung.

Until now the Pagaruyung still have differences of opinion whether Adityawarman Minangkabau king or king Pagaruyung only.

Because, at that time that the king in The Limo Kaum, Pariangan, Tanah Datar and the other, is Datuk Parpatih Nan Sabatang and Datuk Katamanggungan. “Adityawarman a sumando not more, (the husband of the Minangkabau).

 

Batu Basurek is a stone with inscriptions in the old Palava script of India, bearing the legend of Adityawarman

in the year 1347.

 Literally, “Batu Basurek” itself means “The Written Stone”.

The stone’s 25 cm wide, 80 cm high, and 10 cm thick. Erected above King Adityawarman’s resting place centuries ago, this stone was rediscovered in December 16th, 1880.

The inscription told about Adityawarman’s heritages. Due to his services to Majapahit Kingdom, Adityawarman became a king in Dharmasraya and moved his kingdom from Siguntur Sawahlunto to Pagaruyung

 

 Minang Stone script now

 

Adityawarman   Stone Script

This site is where all the collection of Stone script  during the King Adityawarman ruled. 

 

Many found around Bukit gombak, and written in ancient Java Script, Sanskrit and Ancient Melayu.

 

Those written stones write the praises for the King Adityawarman,  +  4 km from Batusangkar on the way to Pagaruyung. Located in Pagaruyung Village Tanjung Emas Sub-district

 

 

 

Adityawarman Bronze Collections

Top of Form

A close container made of bronze relics allegedly one Adityawarman kingdom, found in archaeological excavations in the Mount Jorong crest, Nagari Baringin, The Limo District, Tanah Datar regency, West Sumatra, the excavation ended on Friday (15/4).

Kompas , Monday, April 18, 2011 –

archaeological excavations to find more remains of the Kingdom of Adityawarman by researchers from Indonesia, Germany, Australia, and Holland will return in March 2012.

“The estimated excavation continued in March 2012.

 The location is still on the Mount Dama ‘(Resin) and Bukit Kincia (windmill), “said Head of Preservation Hall Preservation and Utilization of Archaeological Heritage (BP3) Batusangkar, Budi Istiawan, Sunday (17/4), after the first phase of excavation at Bukit Jorong crest , Nagari Baringin, The Limo District, Tanah Datar regency, West Sumatra. The first phase of excavation took place from March 16 until April 15.

In the interim, continued Budi, a number of findings from the excavation Archaeological excavation project called Tanah Datar 2011 chaired by Prof. Dr. Dominik Bonatz of the Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, it is stored in the BP3 Batusangkar.

Previously, the findings in the form of shards of pottery from China during the Song Dynasty and Ming Dynasty, pottery shards, glass beads of various colors, closed container made of bronze, and a handful of stone axes, were first systematically recorded.

The 11 holes are dug with a system of trench (trench) is between 2 x 3 meters to 10 x 10 meters was again covered with a mound of earth after plastic coated. “To be continued if there is excavation and over,” said Budi.

Meanwhile, the two locations that serve as the first stage of excavation, the Bukit Kincia (mills) owned by residents, were asked not to be used first. “Before the land was leased during the excavation, but I’ve done that approach should not be disturbed until the excavations conducted at least once next year,” said Budi.

He added that the Bukit Kincia who is also an ancient tomb was believed to residents around the area to be avoided, so that small communities are likely to be tilled. Previously, Dominik said he and his team also found a number of large pieces of brick, which is supposed to be part structure of an ancient settlement in the excavation area.

“But the pieces have been destroyed. Likely due to agricultural activities undertaken on land above the people, by constantly plowing the land, “said Dominik.

As for the Bukit Dama ‘(amber) is also used as a first stage of excavation, a wholly owned Tanah Datar regency. Budi added, the first stage of excavation that followed also by Prof. Dr. Arlo Griffiths who is an expert on literature, history, and culture of the countries in the Indian subcontinent in the institution École Française d ‘Extreme-Orient representatives of Jakarta, there are repeated findings about the history of reading that need to be updated.

Malayupura

One of the most important, said Budi, is the mention of the name Melayupura, which has been commonly used in archaeological treasures. “But after re-read by Arlo, was a well read as Malayupura,” said Budi, who mentions no less than 25 inscriptions relating to reread Adityawarman in the stretcher.

Another finding is the designation of Lake Singkarak who was already there from the past. “It has been found in inscriptions Paninggahan in Solok. The inscription was first there in the lake, “said Budi.

Regarding follow-up after the first stage of excavation, Budi said, likely will be held a seminar to explain the results obtained the following findings with the present. Budi explains, it still will be further discussed between Dominik and Arlo.

Based on the research, said Budi, a figure which can be equated with Adityawarman Mahapatih Gadjah Mada in building the kingdom of Majapahit, known to be the King of the Malay-based Dharmasraya Watershed (DAS) Batanghari. The region is now included in Regency area Sijunjung, West Sumatra.

According to Budi, Adityawarman who calls himself the Maharaja Sri Kings that ruled between the years 1347-1375, covering the area now called Dharmasraya District, Tanah Datar, until Pasaman, West Sumatra. (INK)

“Ba Luhak Nan Tigo” and “Ba Luhak nan duo” The center of Minangkabu Kingdom

Pusat alam minangkabau yaitu” Ba Luhak nan tigo” consist Tanagdarat,Agam and Limapuluhkoto(fifty koto)” and “ Ba Luhak nan duo” consist Kotopiliang and Bodicaniago.

Luhah Tanahdatr is the biggest  and more important  related to history, expand to north, east and tengara Singkarak lake,with center at Pagarruruyung near Batusangkar. Consist 14 nagari(minangstate village)  unity to Laras with leader Tengkulareh  and later became district  with the chief Demang . At the Merapi mount there was Priangan village, this village became famous in Minangkabu legend story , not far from this village there is the prassti inscript stone called “Batu Basurek(bertulis)”  consist 6 line with tarikh 1250

 

 

 

 

 

1880

Loemboeng Padi (Rice storage) and Garobak Padati(native minang karbouw carriage) at Padang Darek Bovenlanden in 1880

The Minangman from soengei Poear in 1880

The Padang Pandjang Minang womens in 1880

 

The Minang Bridegrom  at Batipoeh village in 1880

The Agam minang women in 1880

• The Minang cride from  Soegai lassi in 1880

The Minangkabau Man in 1880

1887

The Minang bridge at Soepajang in 1887

 

 

 

 

1890

The Minang Bride “Darek” boven landen in 1890

The Minang Family of Solok with dutch women and children in 1890

 

 

Pajakoemboeh Minang Kerapatan adat Raad House 1890

 

 

 

 

 

 

1892

Amai (mother) Pajakoemboeh in 1892

 

 

Rangkiang Minangkabau rice storage at Batiboeh in 1892

The End Of 19^th Century

Batanghari  district does not include the residency of West Sumatra, is still an area of ​​Freedom. Until the end of the 19th century the area was free and the people Batanghari sanggat proud of this independence. Kuantan and upstream along the Upper Left Kampar these areas include “Rantau Nan Tigo Jurai” of the kingdom of Minangkabau

1895

In 1895 an expedition Yzerman is not allowed in the “Overseas lowland” Minangkabau.

 

1900

The Minang Balai Adat –traditional meeting house at Lawang Matoer  in 1900

The Minang adat meeting House at Singkarak in 1900

Remember the Poem

Singkarak Koto nan tinggi sumanik Mandulang-dulang Jadi Urang babuek baik karnao Budi baik salau dikanang urang

The family of Minang Lareh(leader) at Soegei Poear(near Boekittinggi) in 1900

The Minang Women at Pajakoemboeh in 1900

The Minang Man of Kotogadang in 1900

 tabuik Pariaman in 1900

The Minangkabau copper House model in 1900

 

 

 

 

1903

1903 xxxx Bidar Sultan Alam V

 

1905

The nature Mighty dipertuan Mamur Sjah

Walter Houston did not hear the advice of the Government of the Netherlands and want to go through the district Djambi Batanghari he was assassinated in 1905 as a result of this disana.Daerah caused difficulties in the Netherlands due to be a place to escape the contract laborers who worked in coal mines Ombilin Sawahloento and many people fled there Bonjol Padri , as well as the local leader of the people who do not like the Dutch rule, which is why in 1905 the District Batanghari presented with the agreement requires the Kings to recognize the sovereignty of the Netherlands Indies Government. They are required to sign a short plaque with the same content for all areas means that less time was still independent. For distributors Batanghari signed on behalf of the progenitor KhatibBesar City and Padangtarab V, Sultan Maharaja Sri untyuk KotaBesar Kings, Majesty Tuanku Majolelo to Padanglawas, lord Bagindoratu Siguntar and some few other kings, all claimed that:
They are part of the Indian 1.Daerah Belandadan thus under Dutch rule.
2. Be loyal to the King of Holland and guberenur General as his deputy
3. will obey all the rules and so on.
Raja Pagaruruyung although recognized as a superior, have practically no power at all and yhanya recognized for its customs and traditions are everywhere. Instead the King was satisfied Pagarruyung origin recognized only as Yang Dipertuan and got “Mas Manah” once every 3 years darei shoreline. The task-Paluing most dipertuan Pagarruyung King confirmed or completed if there is some friction between the Kings of Small and some of the tasks again. This also is done if requested bonding is not really practical, and the Kings on the shoreline had been independent in action, who oversees several powerful DAPT kings nearby Small
. (ibid Rusli Amran)

1906

tahun  1906   Padangrocok sering di datangi.Belanda

 

1910

Minangkabau 1910

Cerek (Vessel)kuningan(brass) basamo Palito(lamp) Kuningan Minang in 1910

 

 

 

 

 

The Minang Copper oil Lamp in 1910

TheMinang  Copper silver bittle nut(kapur sirih) tobacco box in 1910

The Minangkabau chief(kepalo adek ninik mamak ) with special Minang wooden hat  in 1910

The Minang copper Kattle for washing hand  in 1910

 

 

1908

 

Sjarifah nawawi the first student of first school at Padang

Sjarifah lahir di Boekittinggi 1896 adalah anak

 

 Engku Nawawi sutan Makmoer(1858-1929) guru sekolah raja(kweekschool) di Fort de Kock Boekittinggi dan ibunya bernam chatimah sjarifah.

Sjarifah disekolahkan di ELS European large school dan terus ke Kweekschool tahun 1907

 

Kweekschool fort de Kock tahun 1908

 

 

 

 

 

1911

The Minang House at Kotogadang in 1911

The Minang house in 1911

Minangkabau  bride 1911

The Minang Loemboeng Rice storage in 1911

 

The Minangkabau bride in 1911

The Minang bride from Tilatang in 1911

The minang pantjak silek dancer in 1911

 

 

 

 

 

 

1913

After the Dutch power in the area until the Batang Hari. This area is divided into two districts of the Big City and Batang Hari. In 1913 moved to the River Dareh KotaBesar which includes section of West Sumatra Tanah Datar Keresiden. This area has a tributary to Pangean and Takung Sidjoendjoeng Kandih old name, and obviously sunagi Batanghari is the best way to achieve Alam Minangkabau

1915

 

THE Minangkabau women in 1915

 

 

1918

The Minang womens of Pajakoemboeh in 1918

The Minang bride  from Batipoeh Padang Pandjang in 1918

 

 The Minang Kabau man with his bird perkutut in 1918

 

 

 

 

1923

 

 

The Vintage Minangkabau  picture postcard in 1923

 

1935

Overseas areas along the valley Batanghari Minangkabau kingdom does not mean there are some villages such as propagation, Padangrocok, Lubukbulan, Padanglaweh, Siguntur and others. , This area gets the attention of archaeologists and scientists of ancient language support that is exactly diaerah soegeilangsek. This area is situated on the edge between the upper Batang Sawahloento and Sungaidareh

 

Adytiawarman statue from Majapahit found at Rambatan Soengei Langsat branch of Batanghari river above Sidjoedjoeng

in 1935
  when 300 workers are busy raising a statue of the Rocok from his bed for nearly six centuries. The people call it the Rocok and where he slept so soundly, called Padangrocok. The statue was made ​​of stone nearly 4 ½ feet high and weighs over 4 tons with a malignant form of profiles, which are then transferred to Boekitinggi zoo   and finally to the current Jakarta Central museum of local ini.Rakyat rocok already knew the giant was sleeping, even better used as a whetstone to sharpen pisau.Menumbuk can be part of the statue has become a small mortar. But the Dutch had colonized in 1905 there

 

 

The Minangkabau Traditional History

 

Sultan Haji Taufik Thaib alias Sutan Haji Muhammad Taufik Thaib gelar Yang Dipertuan Tuanko Mudo Mangkuta Alam (Yang Dipertuan Raja Alam Pagaruyung)

He is the 19th Emperor of the Minangkabau area. This area is ruled by many traditional rulers.
The paramount rulers are 3 of the religion, tradition and the worldly life. This Emperor is the last one and also the main ruler.
The Empire really ceased to exist as existing monarchy in 1833, although some branches were allowed to rule in litle areas nearby.
A branch of the dynasty is also the rulers of Negri Sembilan in malaysia.
A rather important person in the rea tries to explain his opinion about the rights his claim on the Emperor’s dignity as well.
Sutan Taufik Thaib is until now actually the most traditionally recognized monarch here. The succesion goes from male monarch to son of his sister.
Hopefully the recently burned palace will be built up

Dynasty Of Undang Nanning

 

 

Dato’ Undang Naning
(Property of Dynasty Undang Naning)

In the 14th century

 Minangkabauw peoples from the island of Sumatra began to go to the area, which is now known as Negri Sembilan (as an historical name).
First you couldn’t really speak of states as these exist now.
The Minangkabauw people are a sort of decentralised people. There are many peoples under their own ruler; in Minagkabauw under the paramount rule of an Emperor; assisted (in European idea) by 2 other paramount rulers; but the Emperor is what we call the wordly ruler.
After some time some states took shape in Negri Sembilan (meaning the Nine States):
Sungai Ujong, Rembau, Johol, Jelebu, Naning, Segamat, Klang, Jelai and Sri Menanti.

For all kind of reasons Naning, Segamat, Jelai and Klang later became part of the surrounding states. In that process Naning had a special status, retaining much of his autonomy as a traditional system, with the Dato Undang, or Penghulu at the top.
Under it’s ruler

 

 Datu Abdul Sayid Naning

 lead a proud war for it’s independent status and after some successes, the tide changed however for Naning and was overwhelmed by the British troups in 1836. The so-called Naning war is an important fact in the history of Malaysia.
The Dato Undang was deposed and taken prisoner and forced to live at another palace.
From then on the traditional Dato Undang system of Naning lead a sleeping existence, although after the last ruling Dato Undang other Dato Undangs were installed(for the official then existing local government) unofficially.
From 1924 there was a revival of this traditional system.
It received from then on some blows.
The Dato Undang, who had the dignity in World War II was executed by the Japanese occupationforce for being one of the rebels.The succesor was murdured after the World War II by rebelling communists. His succesor was then the adatleader and remained as such until some years ago. He was then nearly 100 years and was the great symbol of Naning traditional culture.
Naning was since 1836 a part of the State of Malakka.
Then the present Dato Undang of Naning was installed. He is originally a policeofficer in the nearby semi-principality of Tampin; in Negri Sembilan.
Then he took up his residence in the as palace functioning building and tried to preserve the regalia and other heirloom of the dynasty, which threatened to be dispersed.
The reason, why Naning now is out here,is that after his installation the Dato Undang made a ceremonial trip to the Emperor of Minangkabauw, or Pagaruyung on Sumatra and told him about his installation and asked for his ceremonial approval, which was given. That was to retain the old bond between the 2 Minangkabauw peoples in the areas lying on both sides of the sea.
The Negri Sembilan people were united by a prince from the Pagaruyung Imperial Court, which went to Negri Sembilan to be the paramount Ruler after a request from the rulers there.
This bond still is maintained from time to time.
Apart from these ceremonial contacts no really contacts are between the 2 Minangkabauw peoples, because both peoples concentrate totally to the country in which they are living.

The present Dato Undang of Naning want to see his fellow royal brothers in Indonesia by going (probably) from 25-30 november 2008 to the 1st SE Asia Royal Heritage Festival and Expo in Denpasar/Bali.

But his main task is now to preserve the local culture and it’s real symbols.
He is just now the good man at the right time, so that with his relative young energy he can with strong intention try to do so.
May others support him in that in a wise way.

That Naning may be discovered again as an important name in the history of Malaysia Federal Kingdom.

Tradisi Keagamaan Islam
dan Sejarah Tarekat di Sumatra Barat:
antara Tradisionalisme dan Modernisme

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Islamic Religious Tradition
and History of the Order in West Sumatra:
between traditionalism and modernism

West Sumatra is one of the people living in Indonesia who can not be separated from Islam. For the people of Minangkabau in West Sumatra, “became the Minang meant to be Muslim”.

 

If there are people who do not embrace Minang, or exit from, the religion of Islam for example, then they will be socially ostracized. Thus, from time to time, people try to adjust Minang kemasyarakatannya customs and traditions with Islam.

Adjustment efforts by the traditional Islamic values ​​among the Minangkabau society seems to have started since the Minang accept Islam as his religion, that since the establishment of the Kingdom of Pagaruyung (Hamka 1984: 138). Rapprochement with traditional Islam is initially occurs gradually, when Islam started to go from the coast (shoreline) to the countryside (Darek). In Minang vocabulary, the introduction of Islam from the shoreline to Darek is illustrated in the saying: Syarak Mandaki, Indigenous Manurun.

In the next development, engagement with the Islamic Minangkabau society is increasingly entrenched, especially after appearing Padri movement, and there was an agreement or agreements between the religious leaders with traditional leaders on the “Bukit Marapalam” in the 19th century, with the emergence of a very popular adage, namely Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan (ABS-SBK).
From then on, the values ​​produced by the always underlying the formulation of Islamic values ​​of life and behavior of Minangkabau society.
In this sense, the Minangkabau adat itself believes that contains the values ​​of natural law (the laws), and therefore may be at odds with Islam (Naim 2001: 118).
  Minangkabau society also believes that in their social system, Islam and the customs have been well integrated. This is evident in the adage on the ABS-SBK (Abdullah 1971: 6). As an embodiment of the adage that ABS-SBK, there are also another proverb goes, accompanying, such as: Syarak Mangato, Indigenous mamakai; means any form of religious teachings, especially those stemming from the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet applied through customs; or another maxim: Syarak Batalanjang, Indigenous Basisampiang, that is, what the religion is firm and bright, but once implemented in custom, made in the implementing regulations as well as possible, or else goes anyway: Indigenous Kawi, which was common Syarak, that is, customs will not be upright when not confirmed by religion, religion itself will not run if not dilazimkan (applied) through customs.
It must be recognized that the relationship between Islam and adat in Minangkabau is very complex, and, in certain respects, are not infrequent conflict and tension between them. However, as noted historian Taufik Abdullah, for example, even if there is a conflict between Islam on one side with a custom on the other hand, it can not be viewed as a form of tension between the two “world views” (world view) are different, but as a whole within an overall system (Abdullah 1966: 23).
The relationship between Islam and the traditional Minangkabau society is so thick it has attracted much attention of scholars, who study it from different perspectives
 Schrieke, for example, is the first batch of scholars who wrote about the phenomenon of Islamic modernism movement in West Sumatra. In his writings, Schrieke tried to describe the upheaval that occurred in West Sumatra due to the perspective new generation (young people) to religion, and as a result of “judgment” against the traditions and outlook of the older (elderly) who have long been entrenched as the ancient, forbidden according to religion, outmoded, and others. In addition, Schrieke also suggested examination of the phenomenon Padri movement, which for the first time seen as a social and intellectual upheaval (Schrieke 1973: 8). As far as the study of movement Padri, Schrieke writing has always been a reference for many subsequent studies (Azra 1988: 3). Schrieke Besides, the study of movement Padri in West Sumatra is also done by Christine Dobbin (1992), who saw it from the socioeconomic perspective. Among Dobbin thesis is that the emergence of Padri real issue is not simply a difference in ideology and doctrine, but also affected by the issue of influence and honor conquest (p. 148) as well as economic competition (p. 165).
Important also argued that the discourse about Islam in Minangkabau adat and it generally includes a discussion of the relationship based on tribal kinship system is matrilineal, with kinship system of Islam is more of the patrilineal nature. This topic has also attracted the attention of some scholars that “fascinated” by the firm attitude of Minangkabau society embraced Islam on the one hand, and still maintain the traditional system based kekeluargaannya it on the other side. Despite more emphasis on the role of women in the middle of the Minangkabau matrilineal system, anthropological study of Peggy Reeves Sanday conducted (2002), for example, also show us how Minangkabau society has shown what is called by Taufik Abdullah as “traditional integration” in the process Islamization in the Malay world
In addition, the one thing that had never escaped the attention of scholars associated with the religious traditions of Minangkabau society is the emergence of the phenomenon of Islamic traditionalists (older people) and modernist Islam (the youth). In this context, the so-called traditionalist Islamic groups, or elderly, usually refers to those practices based on a variety of ritual keberagamaannya congregation. In West Sumatra alone, the congregation of the earliest developed, and then deeply rooted in most people, the congregation Sha << Œriyyah brought by Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan (1646-1699), one of the leading Acehnese student scholars, Shaykh al-Sinkili Abdurrauf ( 1615 to 1693). For so long, Sha << Œriyyah congregation is the only representation of traditional Islam in West Sumatra, before finally emerging Naqshbandiyya congregation about the year 1850.
In addition to Sha << Œriyyah and Naqshbandiyya, in West Sumatra is also growing, though not very large congregations, such as Sammaniyyah.
Among the distinctive patterns of diversity among traditionalist Islam is its tendency to join the organization by developing an Islamic Sufi Tariqa (Sufism). So far, at least three types of growing congregations in West Sumatra: << Œriyyah congregation Sha, Naqshbandiyya and Sammaniyyah. In contrast to the two types of the former congregation, the congregation was not so developed SammŒniyyah in West Sumatra. The congregation is growing only in two areas, namely in Padang Bubus Bonjo, Pasaman, and in the 50 Koto Payakumbuh, it also has many mingled with the congregation Naqshbandiyya (Abbas et al., 1982/1983: 36).
Importance is underlined that this type of mysticism that developed in West Sumatra, although in some cases shows a distinctive pattern and trend-can be regarded as continuing, and in some cases also confirmed, what was previously developed in Aceh, the Amali Sufism that emphasizes a combination of teaching Sufism with aspects of the Islamic Shari’a. In fact,-as will appear in the discussion in subsequent chapters, the emphasis of Sufism Amali in West Sumatra is likely to further strengthen.
In addition to ritual congregations, religious traditionalists are characteristic loyalty to follow various religious ideology expressed by the priest his school, such as schools SyŒfi ‘¥ for example. For the traditionalist Islam, what has been written by the scholars of the school in various books of his compositions is a truth that must be accepted, and should serve as a guide in religion other than al-Quran and Hadith of the Prophet. In addition, in the context of this Minangkabau, the traditionalist Islam, also known as a group that can bind tightly to the traditional power (Power 1990: 75).
As for the so-called modernist Islamic group, or youth, in West Sumatra are those who in various religious schools of thought influenced by the reformers in Egypt, such as Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Ridla (Power 1990: 66). Wave character of modernist thinking is beginning to emerge in West Sumatra at about the beginning of the 19th century, especially when in 1803, three leading Haji Minangkabau origin, namely the poor Haji, Haji Piyobang, and Haji Sumanik, returning from Mecca and disseminate innovations in schools the religious field (Dobbin 1992: 155). Hajj is also a three movement was followed by the next generation of scholars Minangkabau in the mid-19th century until the beginning of the 20th century, such as: Shaykh Muhammad Djamil Djambek, Abdullah Haji Ahmad, and Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah.
In contrast to the religious schools of traditional Islam, the scholars involved in Islamic reform movement is of the view that only the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet who alone has the legitimate authority of absolute truth, and therefore can be used as a guide for Muslims in carrying out their religious practices. They also assume that there are no scholars, including sect scholars once did, that escape from error, and therefore their religious views can not be followed absolutely. Moreover, God has granted to every human mind to be able diligence at all times. As a consequence of the difference between the modernist ideology with religious traditionalists here, then the conflict was inevitable, although in general, the real conflict is not getting out of the question of the religious nature of fur mere iyyah”, which from the outset it has been a source of debate , in which Islam was growing.
In the context of West Sumatra, the tension faced by the Islamic traditionalists actually more complex, because they not only have to accept the “attack” of the modernists, but at the same time also faced opposition Islamist traditionalists amongst themselves, ie, between the adherents of the congregation Sha << Naqshbandiyya Œriyyah with the congregation. The congregation of the latter example, accuses the adherents of the congregation Sha << Œriyyah as a heretic (heretic), because they teach the doctrine of the dignity of seven and waúdat al-wuj’d (wuj’d unity). In addition, another debate between the adherents of the congregation to congregation Sha << Œriyyah Naqshbandiyya is related to differences in the determination of the beginning and end of the fasting month of Ramadan. Typically, the teachers institute-Sha << Œriyyah ru’yat in the most Al-Hilal (sighting the moon) – set the initial fasting one or two days after the teachers institute Naqshbandiyya set (Schrieke 1973: 26). And, since the beginning of the emergence to the present, the debate regarding the determination of the beginning of the month ramadlan still persist, especially among the clergy in the congregation Sha << Œriyyah Ulakan, with scholars in Cangking Naqshbandiyya congregation. Thus, religious conflict, either between adherents of the congregation to congregation Sha << Œriyyah Naqshbandiyya, as well as between the adherents of the congregation with the modernists in West Sumatra, has finally created a social crisis is protracted in nature Minangkabau (Abdullah 1971: 8).
The congregation Sha << Œriyyah Writing and Traditions
Religious texts in West Sumatra
As already hinted in the previous chapter, the tradition of writing, copying, and distribution of religious texts in Malay-Indonesian world is related to the process of Islamization that occurred. Generally, the scrolls were written for the benefit of the transmission of Islamic knowledge in a variety of religious institutions, like schools, mosque, boarding, rangkang, and others.
Thus, in West Sumatra, the tradition of writing and then the distribution of religious texts can certainly occur continuously, as the continuing development and spread of Islam. And, because Islam is growing since the early character of Sufism, the religious texts that emerged was most contain a discussion of Sufism, whether practiced by the adherents of the congregation Sha << Œriyyah and Naqshbandiyya.

 

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As also noted that in the context of West Sumatra, the development and spread of Islam who figured this congregation going systematically through the mosque-surau.

 

Therefore, not surprising that as far as the study of various issues related to the early period of Islam in West Sumatra, the mosque became a very important role (Azra 1988 and 2003), including when to get in on the discussion about the tradition of writing and copying of religious texts. In this case, mosque in West Sumatra can be regarded as a kind of “scriptorium” script, which is the place where the activity of writing and copying of religious texts took place.

Basically, the pattern of distribution of religious texts through the mosque, mosque in West Sumatra is in turn greatly facilitate efforts to search the existence of these texts, because the mosque itself until now is still prevalent, despite the conditions and functions do not like at the beginning of its development as a center of scientific excellence of Islam.

 

 However, in reality, an attempt to determine the existence of these religious texts, and especially to read and use, are often confronted with obstacles, both because of the sacred manuscripts that are not accessible by anyone, as well as manuscripts have been damaged eaten of age.

Important also argued that, contrary to what is happening in other parts of Indonesia, the tradition of religious writing of the manuscripts in West Sumatra is apparently still ongoing until now, although with different intensity to the condition when the printing press has not been developed. A number of manuscripts Sha << Œriyyah final period of the 20th century that a major source of this study is one proof of how that tradition continues along with the remains of Islamic-rooted and still growing congregations, especially congregations Sha << Œriyyah and Naqshbandiyya in the region.

Considering the spread of Sufi orders in West Sumatra is so intense, and with regard to the function of religious texts as a medium to transmit the order’s teachings, and also based on the author’s own experience when conducting field research, is excessive if it is assumed that the religious texts in Sumatra West is present in large numbers.

Of course, efforts to identify and inventory of the manuscripts relating to the Minangkabau society is not never been done, mainly related to the Minangkabau manuscripts are abroad, particularly the Netherlands. A number of catalogs has also been written, although not specific to religious texts, but also other texts, such as literature and others. Ronkel van (1921) for example, recorded no less than 257 texts with 87 titles stored in the Library of the University of Leiden (Chambert-Loir & Fathurahman 1999: 173). Then, most recently, Teuku Iskandar (1999), also lists back Minangkabau manuscripts ever recorded by van Ronkel above with some of the newest additions to the collection.

As for the texts themselves are in West Sumatra, has so far been noted by several scholars, although just mentioned casually in a short paper. Ali Hj. Wan Mamat (1995) for example, when documenting the Malay manuscripts in South Sumatra and West Java, said the number of Malay manuscripts at the Center for Documentation and Information Minangkabau culture, while Wibisono et al. (1989), when reporting the results of archaeological research over the past sites in West Sumatra, also mention the existence of dozens of religious texts that are stored, either individually or in mesjidInformasi most recently, with particular regard to religious manuscripts in West Sumatra have – although not yet published in a catalog, in two research reports, each of which was conducted by researchers from IAIN Imam Bonjol Padang (Ramli et al. 1997) and researchers from Unand Padang (Joseph et al. 2001).

 

Two results of this study provide additional information about the existence of religious texts that were kept in the hands of the people in West Sumatra.

Based on the report Ramli et al. that, among the areas that became the basis of religious texts existence, although not all of the text can be identified, is the village of Lb. City of Mount Gadut 50, dim 50 Cities, Batipuh Padang Panjang, Bingkudu IV Lift Canduang Agam, Tiakar Payakumbuh, Kuranji Padang, Pariangan Batusangkar, Pauh IX Padang, Bukittinggi and Kurai Baleh Tigo.

As for Yusuf et al. -That in his research focused on the existence of religious texts in a mosque, adding some other location where the basis of religious texts, both in Arabic and Malay, in West Sumatra, such as nan High Bintungan surau Sabaris Pariaman, surau Tigo Kudu village of West Ganting Jorong excl. V Koto Kampung In Pariaman, Pariaman Tandikat mosque, mosque Kanagarian VII Koto Padang Japang Tagalo excl. Fifty Guguak Koto, surau Balingka excl. IV Koto Agam, as well as the mosque and the mosque Paseban Trunk mourning in Koto hands of Padang. In the report of Joseph et al. It also included a note of the existence of a number of books relating to the print edition of Islam in West Sumatra.
The author himself believes that in addition to the places mentioned in the two studies reported above, there are many more locations in West Sumatra which has treasures of religious texts. Of course, its own research necessary to find out.

Naim 2001: 119; Hamka 1984: 138.

In general, the Minangkabau are known as community groups that have three main characters: first, high adherence to Islam and secondly, adherence to traditional values, including loyalty to the family system is matrilineal, and a third, a strong tendency to wander (Azra 1988: 1).
See Hamka 1984: 138; Naim 2001: 119.

See for example Schrieke 1920, which is then translated into Schrieke 1973; see also Schrieke 1955, Abdullah, 1966, 1984 Hamka, and Sanday 2002.

See Abdullah and Sharon Siddique [ed] 1989: 93.
Schrieke 1973: 28; Bruinessen 1996: 124; Steenbrink 1984: 178.

See Abdullah 1971: 15; Noer 1996: 37-46.
Power 1990: 75; see also Rais 1994.

See Abdullah 1971: 7, Schrieke 1973: 24-25.
> See Schrieke 1973: 25-26; Steenbrink 1984: 177-178.
Compare with the tradition of writing and copying manuscripts in other areas, such as Batavia (Rukmi 1997) or the Riau (Mu’jizah & Rukmi 1998).
See Chambert-Loir and Fathurahman 1999, chapter Arab, Malay and Minangkabau

 

 

Tarekat dan Tradisi Keagamaan di Sumatera Barat

Adat basandikan Sarak,sarak basandikan Kitabullah

Tigo banang sajalinan, Tigo tungko sajarangan

Tariqa and Religious Traditions in West Sumatra
Indigenous basandikan Sarak, sarak basandikan Qur’aan
Three banang sajalinan, Tigo tungko sajarangan

Adat depend on Sarak,sarak depend on Islamic Book quran

Three benang one spinning,three tungku one jarangan

This chapter will put forward a cursory overview of the religious tradition in West Sumatra and the character and style of Islam that developed in this area. The discussion is then connected to the organization’s existence congregations, both congregations Sha << Naqshbandiyya Œriyyah and growing in West Sumatra. In addition, it will also put forward an idea of ​​the religious traditions of manuscript writing in West Sumatra which is still ongoing.

However, it is important that first defined the meaning of religious texts here are religious books written by hand (manuscript), both in Arabic and Malay. Thus, not including the religious books of the print edition, which in fact also found in West Sumatra, mainly from the 19th century, when the growing reform movement in the region.

 

 

The inclusion of a number of religious books are not printed in the discussion of this issue is due, at least, three reasons:
  The first reason,
one of the goals of this study was to reveal the sources of religious locally relatively difficult to access by the general public, and the sources are written in the form of a handwritten manuscript. As for the books printed, so far has been spreading wider and more accessible, at least compared with handwritten texts are;
 

The second reason,
when compared with printed books, handwritten manuscripts are more susceptible to physical damage, making it possible loss of the texts contained in it. Therefore, the authors, in this discussion, prefer the handwritten manuscripts, and last,
The third reason,
  The main topic of this study is about the congregation Sha << Œriyyah, which in the context of West Sumatra, its adherents are classified as traditionalists. As far as the authors’ knowledge, the books become a handbook and reference traditionalists are more in the form of a handwritten manuscript, which was rewritten from generation to generation

 

Finally, from the literature and the study of West Sumatra, to do with Islam, it is clear that this region has shown a very interesting religious dynamics to be observed. Important argued that in this section, the author does not intend to elaborate in detail about the various religious dynamics that occur are, but merely expressed “as needed” in order to make it as a basis for discussion in subsequent chapters of the manuscript Sha << Œriyyah congregation, related with Islamic religious discourse in West Sumatra

 

Tradisi Keagamaan Islam
dan Sejarah Tarekat di Sumatra Barat:
antara Tradisionalisme dan Modernisme

Islamic Religious Tradition
and History of the Order in West Sumatra:
between traditionalism and modernism
West Sumatra is one of the people living in Indonesia who can not be separated from Islam. For the people of Minangkabau in West Sumatra, “became the Minang meant to be Muslim”.

If there are people who do not embrace Minang, or exit from, the religion of Islam for example, then they will be socially ostracized. Thus, from time to time, people try to adjust Minang kemasyarakatannya customs and traditions with Islam.

Adjustment efforts by the traditional Islamic values ​​among the Minangkabau society seems to have started since the Minang accept Islam as his religion, that since the establishment of the Kingdom of Pagaruyung (Hamka 1984: 138).

Rapprochement with traditional Islam is initially occurs gradually, when Islam started to go from the coast (shoreline) to the countryside (Darek). In Minang vocabulary, the introduction of Islam from the shoreline to Darek is illustrated in the saying: Syarak Mandaki(upword), Indigenous Manurun(dowaward)

 

In the next development, engagement with the Islamic Minangkabau society is increasingly entrenched, especially after appearing Padri movement, and there was an agreement or agreements between the religious leaders with traditional leaders on the “Bukit Marapalam” in the 19th century, with the emergence of a very popular adage, namely
Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan (ABS-SBK).

Adat Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Kitabullah (ABS-SBK).

Dr Iwan notes:

I have ever hear the Minangkabau Islamic Leader Buya Hamkah said that god have given the minangkabau and also all the people the woth the light(pelita) to enlight the people from the darkness of the “Kemaksiatan”Disobedience. That is why they became the Islamic which told the how to read and  how to life.

 

From then on, the values ​​produced by the always underlying the formulation of Islamic values ​​of life and behavior of Minangkabau society.
In this sense, the Minangkabau adat itself believes that contains the values ​​of natural law (the laws), and therefore may be at odds with Islam (Naim 2001: 118).
   Minangkabau society also believes that in their social system, Islam and the customs have been well integrated. This is evident in the adage on the ABS-SBK (Abdullah 1971: 6). As an embodiment of the adage that ABS-SBK, there are also another proverb goes, accompanying, such as: Syarak Mangato, Indigenous mamakai; means any form of religious teachings, especially those stemming from the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet applied through customs; or another maxim: Syarak Batalanjang, indigenous Basisampiang, that is, what the religion is firm and bright, but once implemented in custom, made in the implementing regulations as well as possible, or else goes anyway: indigenous Kawi, which was common Syarak, that is, customs will not be upright when not confirmed by religion, religion itself will not run if not dilazimkan (applied) through customary

 

 

It must be recognized that the relationship between Islam and adat in Minangkabau is very complex, and, in certain respects, are not infrequent conflict and tension between them. However, as noted historian Taufik Abdullah, for example, even if there is a conflict between Islam on one side with a custom on the other hand, it can not be viewed as a form of tension between the two “world views” ware different, but as a whole within an overall system (Abdullah 1966: 23).

The relationship between Islam and the traditional Minangkabau society is so thick it has attracted much attention of scholars, who study it from different perspectives

 

Schrieke, for example, is the first batch of scholars who wrote about the phenomenon of Islamic modernism movement in West Sumatra.

 

 In his writings, Schrieke tried to describe the upheaval that occurred in West Sumatra due to the perspective new generation (young people) to religion, and as a result of “judgment” against the traditions and outlook of the older (elderly) who have long been entrenched as the ancient, forbidden according to religion, outmoded, and others.

 

In addition, Schrieke also suggested examination of the phenomenon Padri movement, which for the first time seen as a social and intellectual upheaval (Schrieke 1973: 8). As far as the study of movement Padri, Schrieke writing has always been a reference for many subsequent studies (Azra 1988: 3).

 

Schrieke Besides, the study of movement Padri in West Sumatra is also done by Christine Dobbin (1992), who saw it from the socioeconomic perspective. Among Dobbin thesis is that the emergence of Padri real issue is not simply a difference in ideology and doctrine, but also affected by the issue of influence and honor conquest (p. 148) as well as economic competition (p. 165).

 

 

Important also argued that the discourse about Islam in Minangkabau adat and it generally includes a discussion of the relationship based on tribal kinship system is matrilineal, with kinship system of Islam is more of the patrilineal nature. This topic has also attracted the attention of some scholars that “fascinated” by the firm attitude of Minangkabau society embraced Islam on the one hand, and still maintain the traditional system based kekeluargaannya it on the other side. Despite more emphasis on the role of women in the middle of the Minangkabau matrilineal system, anthropological study of Peggy Reeves Sanday conducted (2002), for example, also show us how Minangkabau society has shown what is called by Taufik Abdullah as “traditional integration” in the process Islamization in the Malay world

 

 

In addition, the one thing that had never escaped the attention of scholars associated with the religious traditions of Minangkabau society is the emergence of the phenomenon of Islamic traditionalists (older people) and modernist Islam (the youth).

In this context, the so-called traditionalist Islamic groups, or elderly, usually refers to those practices based on a variety of ritual keberagamaannya congregation.

 In West Sumatra alone, the congregation of the earliest developed, and then deeply rooted in most people, the congregation Sha << Œriyyah brought by Shaikh Burhanuddin Ulakan (1646-1699), one of the leading Acehnese student scholars, Shaykh al-Sinkili Abdurrauf (1615 to 1693). For so long, Sha << Œriyyah congregation is the only representation of traditional Islam in West Sumatra, before finally emerging Naqshbandiyya congregation about the year 1850.

In addition to Sha << Œriyyah and Naqshbandiyya, in West Sumatra is also growing, though not very large congregations, such as Sammaniyyah.

 

Pajakumbuh women

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Among the distinctive patterns of diversity among traditionalist Islam is its tendency to join the organization by developing an Islamic Sufi Tariqa (Sufism). So far, at least three types of growing congregations in West Sumatra: << Œriyyah congregation Sha, Naqshbandiyya and Sammaniyyah. In contrast to the two types of the former congregation, the congregation was not so developed SammŒniyyah in West Sumatra. The congregation is growing only in two areas, namely in Padang Bubus Bonjo, Pasaman, and in the 50 Koto Payakumbuh, it also has many mingled with the congregation Naqshbandiyya (Abbas et al., 1982/1983: 36).

Importance is underlined that this type of mysticism that developed in West Sumatra, although in some cases shows a distinctive pattern and trend-can be regarded as continuing, and in some cases also confirmed, what was previously developed in Aceh, the Amali Sufism that emphasizes a combination of teaching Sufism with aspects of the Islamic Shari’a. In fact,-as will appear in the discussion in subsequent chapters, the emphasis of Sufism Amali in West Sumatra is likely to further strengthen.
In addition to ritual congregations, religious traditionalists are characteristic loyalty to follow various religious ideology expressed by the priest his school, such as schools SyŒfi ‘¥ for example. For the traditionalist Islam, what has been written by the scholars of the school in various books of his compositions is a truth that must be accepted, and should serve as a guide in religion other than al-Quran and Hadith of the Prophet. In addition, in the context of this Minangkabau, the traditionalist Islam, also known as a group that can bind tightly to the traditional power (Power 1990: 75).
As for the so-called modernist Islamic group, or youth, in West Sumatra are those who in various religious schools of thought influenced by the reformers in Egypt, such as Muhammad Abduh and Rashid Ridla (Power 1990: 66). Wave character of modernist thinking is beginning to emerge in West Sumatra at about the beginning of the 19th century, especially when in 1803, three leading Haji Minangkabau origin, namely the poor Haji, Haji Piyobang, and Haji Sumanik, returning from Mecca and disseminate innovations in schools the religious field (Dobbin 1992: 155). Hajj is also a three movement was followed by the next generation of scholars Minangkabau in the mid-19th century until the beginning of the 20th century, such as: Shaykh Muhammad Djamil Djambek, Abdullah Haji Ahmad, and Haji Abdul Karim Amrullah.
In contrast to the religious schools of traditional Islam, the scholars involved in Islamic reform movement is of the view that only the Koran and the traditions of the Prophet who alone has the legitimate authority of absolute truth, and therefore can be used as a guide for Muslims in carrying out their religious practices. They also assume that there are no scholars, including sect scholars once did, that escape from error, and therefore their religious views can not be followed absolutely. Moreover, God has granted to every human mind to be able diligence at all times. As a consequence of the difference between the modernist ideology with religious traditionalists here, then the conflict was inevitable, although in general, the real conflict is not getting out of the question of the religious nature of fur mere iyyah”, which from the outset it has been a source of debate , in which Islam was growing.
In the context of West Sumatra, the tension faced by the Islamic traditionalists actually more complex, because they not only have to accept the “attack” of the modernists, but at the same time also faced opposition Islamist traditionalists amongst themselves, ie, between the adherents of the congregation Sha << Naqshbandiyya Œriyyah with the congregation. The congregation of the latter example, accuses the adherents of the congregation Sha << Œriyyah as a heretic (heretic), because they teach the doctrine of the dignity of seven and waúdat al-wuj’d (wuj’d unity). In addition, another debate between the adherents of the congregation to congregation Sha << Œriyyah Naqshbandiyya is related to differences in the determination of the beginning and end of the fasting month of Ramadan. Typically, the teachers institute-Sha << Œriyyah ru’yat in the most Al-Hilal (sighting the moon) – set the initial fasting one or two days after the teachers institute Naqshbandiyya set (Schrieke 1973: 26). And, since the beginning of the emergence to the present, the debate regarding the determination of the beginning of the month ramadlan still persist, especially among the clergy in the congregation Sha << Œriyyah Ulakan, with scholars in Cangking Naqshbandiyya congregation. Thus, religious conflict, either between adherents of the congregation to congregation Sha << Œriyyah Naqshbandiyya, as well as between the adherents of the congregation with the modernists in West Sumatra, has finally created a social crisis is protracted in nature Minangkabau (Abdullah 1971: 8).

Tarekat Sya‹‹Œriyyah dan Tradisi Penulisan
Naskah-naskah Keagamaan di Sumatra Barat

.

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The congregation Sha << Œriyyah Writing and Traditions
Religious texts in West Sumatra

As already hinted in the previous chapter, the tradition of writing, copying, and distribution of religious texts in Malay-Indonesian world is related to the process of Islamization that occurred.

 

Generally, the scrolls were written for the benefit of the transmission of Islamic knowledge in a variety of religious institutions, like schools, mosque, boarding, rangkang, and others.

Thus, in West Sumatra, the tradition of writing and then the distribution of religious texts can certainly occur continuously, as the continuing development and spread of Islam. And, because Islam is growing since the early character of Sufism, the religious texts that emerged was most contain a discussion of Sufism, whether practiced by the adherents of the congregation Sha << Œriyyah and Naqshbandiyya.

As also noted that in the context of West Sumatra, the development and spread of Islam who figured this congregation going systematically through the mosque-surau.

 

Therefore, not surprising that as far as the study of various issues related to the early period of Islam in West Sumatra, the mosque became a very important role (Azra 1988 and 2003), including when to get in on the discussion about the tradition of writing and copying of religious texts. In this case, mosque in West Sumatra can be regarded as a kind of “scriptorium” script, which is the place where the activity of writing and copying of religious texts took place.

Basically, the pattern of distribution of religious texts through the mosque, mosque in West Sumatra is in turn greatly facilitate efforts to search the existence of these texts, because the mosque itself until now is still prevalent, despite the conditions and functions do not like at the beginning of its development as a center of scientific excellence of Islam.

 

However, in reality, an attempt to determine the existence of these religious texts, and especially to read and use, are often confronted with obstacles, both because of the sacred manuscripts that are not accessible by anyone, as well as manuscripts have been damaged eaten of age.

Important also argued that, contrary to what is happening in other parts of Indonesia, the tradition of religious writing of the manuscripts in West Sumatra is apparently still ongoing until now, although with different intensity to the condition when the printing press has not been developed.

 

A number of manuscripts Sha << Œriyyah final period of the 20th century that a major source of this study is one proof of how that tradition continues along with the remains of Islamic-rooted and still growing congregations, especially congregations Sha << Œriyyah and Naqshbandiyya in the region.

Considering the spread of Sufi orders in West Sumatra is so intense, and with regard to the function of religious texts as a medium to transmit the order’s teachings, and also based on the author’s own experience when conducting field research, is excessive if it is assumed that the religious texts in Sumatra West is present in large numbers.

Of course, efforts to identify and inventory of the manuscripts relating to the Minangkabau society is not never been done, mainly related to the Minangkabau manuscripts are abroad, particularly the Netherlands.

 

A number of catalogs has also been written, although not specific to religious texts, but also other texts, such as literature and others. Ronkel van (1921) for example, recorded no less than 257 texts with 87 titles stored in the Library of the University of Leiden (Chambert-Loir & Fathurahman 1999: 173).

 

Then, most recently, Teuku Iskandar (1999), also lists back Minangkabau manuscripts ever recorded by van Ronkel above with some of the newest additions to the collection.

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As for the texts themselves are in West Sumatra, has so far been noted by several scholars, although just mentioned casually in a short paper.

 

 Ali Hj. Wan Mamat (1995) for example, when documenting the Malay manuscripts in South Sumatra and West Java, said the number of Malay manuscripts at the Center for Documentation and Information Minangkabau culture, while Wibisono et al. (1989), when reporting the results of archaeological research over the past sites in West Sumatra, also mention the existence of dozens of religious texts that are stored, either individually or in mesjidInformasi most recently, with particular regard to religious manuscripts in West Sumatra have – although not yet published in a catalog, in two research reports, each of which was conducted by researchers from IAIN Imam Bonjol Padang (Ramli et al. 1997) and researchers from Unand Padang (Joseph et al. 2001).

 

 Two results of this study provide additional information about the existence of religious texts that were kept in the hands of the people in West Sumatra.

Based on the report Ramli et al. that, among the areas that became the basis of religious texts existence, although not all of the text can be identified, is the village of Lb. City of Mount Gadut 50, dim 50 Cities, Batipuh Padang Panjang, Bingkudu IV Lift Canduang Agam, Tiakar Payakumbuh, Kuranji Padang, Pariangan Batusangkar, Pauh IX Padang, Bukittinggi and Kurai Baleh Tigo.

As for Yusuf et al. -That in his research focused on the existence of religious texts in a mosque, adding some other location where the basis of religious texts, both in Arabic and Malay, in West Sumatra, such as nan High Bintungan surau Sabaris Pariaman, surau Tigo Kudu village of West Ganting Jorong excl. V Koto Kampung In Pariaman, Pariaman Tandikat mosque, mosque Kanagarian VII Koto Padang Japang Tagalo excl. Fifty Guguak Koto, surau Balingka excl. IV Koto Agam, as well as the mosque and the mosque Paseban Trunk mourning in Koto hands of Padang. In the report of Joseph et al. It also included a note of the existence of a number of books relating to the print edition of Islam in West Sumatra.

The author himself believes that in addition to the places mentioned in the two studies reported above, there are many more locations in West Sumatra which has treasures of religious texts. Of course, its own research necessary to find out.
Naim 2001: 119; Hamka 1984: 138.

In general, the Minangkabau are known as community groups that have three main characters: first, high adherence to Islam and secondly, adherence to traditional values, including loyalty to the family system is matrilineal, and a third, a strong tendency to wander (Azra 1988: 1).
See Hamka 1984: 138; Naim 2001: 119.

See for example Schrieke 1920, which is then translated into Schrieke 1973; see also Schrieke 1955, Abdullah, 1966, 1984 Hamka, and Sanday 2002.
See Abdullah and Sharon Siddique [ed] 1989: 93.
Schrieke 1973: 28; Bruinessen 1996: 124; Steenbrink 1984: 178.
See Abdullah 1971: 15; Noer 1996: 37-46.
Power 1990: 75; see also Rais 1994.
See Abdullah 1971: 7, Schrieke 1973: 24-25.
> See Schrieke 1973: 25-26; Steenbrink 1984: 177-178.
Compare with the tradition of writing and copying manuscripts in other areas, such as Batavia (Rukmi 1997) or the Riau (Mu’jizah & Rukmi 1998).
See Chambert-Loir and Fathurahman 1999, chapter Arab, Malay and Minangkabau

 

KEHIDUPAN SOSIAL DI TANAH MINANG

 

Lembah ANAI, between Padang & Bukitinggi – Historical Waterfall & Railway train for black Locomotive (Mak Itam) – Photographed 1950s

 

Dja’a Dt Batuah & brothers – Photographed in late 1800 – Tilatang

Minangkabau ethnic group is a community that has a tradition and a strong philosophy of life. Islam is the basis of custom and philosophy of life of the community Minang today as one of the principles set out in their lives,

adat bersendi Syara’
Syara’ bersendi Kitabullah

With a fairly mild climate wet tropical where temperatures range from 15 to 24 degrees Celsius highlands as well as 27 to 32 degrees Celsius in lowland (coastal areas) as well as rata2 annual rainfall of about 300 mm, community life is dominated by agriculture and farming. a fisherman is a livelihood for the people other coastal areas in addition to gardening or bersawah coconut.
In the development of some of the people who left the Minang many traditional life, especially the many young people who become traders (manggaleh) grocery or textile as well as many large open rimah makabn dikota2. In addition there is also a small attempt in the field of traditional crafts or cottage industries (woven and knitted).

Back to the villages on the system’s
Since the re-launched by Undang2 No Autonomy. 22, 1999; on Local Government, re-implement the Minangkabau region autonomy with Nagari-based systems, at least there are about 543 villages located in the Province of West Sumatra.
West Sumatra No. Nagari according to law. 9/2000 issued by the Parliament of West Sumatra (December 16, 2000), about the administration’s key provisions villages, is the unity of indigenous peoples in the area of ​​West Sumatra province, which consists of the set that has some SPARE batas2 his particular area, have their own property, right to organize and take care of the household and government leaders choose. Reflection of community spirit Disnilah DEMOCRATIC Minang contained in the system of local government organizations, as villages are small in scale STATE, a self-contained, autonomous and able to fix yourself.

The third main element of the rule is in order Nagari, namely; elements of legislative, executive and judiciary, but also a holistic unity of the order of Socio-Cultural.
Efficacy of the concept of Nagari, is gathering together all the vertices of strength and authority, not only the territorial unity, but also the unity of Indigenous Peoples, not just formal administrative units but also informal power and authority has autonomous and independent nature.

In the past, the New Order government took part in the system of government thugs ravage sendi2 Minang lowest in the region as well as weakening the institution of Arts Culture and society Minang that time, the government DESA2 dipecahnya NAGARI2 be like in the “LAND OF JAVA”, with the intention that the central government did not bother with differences in governance systems in Sumatra at the time. VILLAGE government highly centralized hierarchical feudalistic (Sociologist DR Mochtar NAIM) and was incompatible with the spirit as well as cultural roots Minang DEMOCRATIC society, has led to the attitude of apathy in the community MINANG. Similarly, traditional lembaga2 previously very active and respected community, changing only be on display at the moment OFFICERS down (review) to the VILLAGE!
As a result of psychological stress during the long New Order, where the people are not allowed to speak out and take the initiative themselves (as in society dikerajaan persis! absolute monarchy in JAVA, first?) Especially if it is not in accordance with the will of the Central Government, it is a process of public castration occurred for more than a generation, making the original character of the people Minang DEMOCRATIC egalitarian and degraded into the character of “JAVANIST” (Not intended to underestimate the JAVA community, but community pressure MINANG NEW ORDER for a JAVA).

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But Hai  (native) MINANGKABAU, let’s get back into a qualified ethnic, democratic and advanced.

 

We’ve always faced with pressure, the destruction and the destruction of the structured nature of Adityawarman faced since the days of the “friendly but, I my self have not got any clue what was his purpose to Tanah Datar CAME at that time” (confused?

 

Please read the entire this paper to completion), the brutality of the priest who claimed to want to uphold the teachings of Islam, but it actually turned out to just want to maintain hegemony in the region trade ethnic Minang ACEH (Do not believe the dogma had been stating that Mr. Imam Bonjol

 

the National Native Hero, because is still a pro & cons), until the PRRI civil war (1959-61), which could alter cultures (cultural shifted) and undermine public confidence Minang time, and his last as GONG, NEW ORDER government pressure.

The whole whipping it let us think of as “field training” to build strength and our progress – Because, the real HERO is in us ….

Note the small,
BUNIAN tribal communities in the depths of the forest area of ​​Minangkabau
A small community that has existed since ancient times
Communities that can blend with the natural surroundings in the sense that the true
Unless the Bunian own, they will not be visible to the eye intention
They are very expert of “mimicry” as Chameleon

 

Batas GEOGRAFIS tanah MinangKabau

 

OBJECT TOURISM DISTANCE – West Sumatra

RANGKIANG – A place to stocking RICE (bareh) – Location; At a village in KOTO TANGAH district

Inside RUMAH GADANG – Tilatang village – Built in 1905 – By Dja’a Dt Batuah, Former Demang (now, bupati) AMPEK (four) ANGKEK (lift up) district

Minangkabau land or more popularly referred to as Minang are areas of West Sumatra province that includes the Mentawai islands. lies between 1 ‘north latitude to the 3’ latitude south and 98 ‘west longitude to 102’ east longitude, most of the region located west shore of the island of Sumatra.
Geographically government of West Sumatra region bounded by the North Sumatra and Riau Province to the north, the province of Riau and Jambi the east, the province of Jambi and South Sumatra and the Indian Ocean south of Indonesia which is located on the west.

Note,
Runway itiak (traditional Duck’s race) in Koto district of Fifty
Ducks to fly as far as They can on a straight lane

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The History Of West Sumatra

Sumatra the Golden Island

 

 

Sumatera (Sumatra), located in Indonesia, the island is the sixth largest island in the world, with an area of 443,065.8 km2. Sumatra island population is about 42,409,510 inhabitants (2000).

 The island is often called Percha Island, Andalas, or Suwarnadwipa (Sanskrit word meaning Gold Island).

 

Then on Padang Roco Inscription (1286) inscribed swarnnabhūmi and Bhumi Malayu to call this island. Later in the Negarakertagama script (14th century) also called Tanah Malayu for the island.

 

The origin name of Sumatra was originated from the existence of Samudera Kingdom (located on the east coast of Aceh). Begins with a visit Ibn Battuta, an adventurer from Morocco to this island in 1345, he pronounced the word Indian to Samatrah, and then became Sumatra or Sumatra, then these names are listed in the maps made by the Portuguese Empire in the 16th century, as a reference material on this island that became known widely until now.

Geographical Condition

Island of Sumatra is located in the western part of the constellation Islands Nusantara. In the north of the island borders the Bay of Bengal, on the east by the Strait of Malacca, on the south by the Strait of Sunda, and on the west by the Indian Ocean. To the east of the island of Sumatra there are many swamps with large rivers, among others; Asahan (North Sumatra), Kampar, Siak and Indragiri River (Riau), Batang Hari (West Sumatra, Jambi), Ketahun (Bengkulu), Musi, Ogan, Lematang, Komering (South Sumatra), and Way Sekampung (Lampung).

 

In the western part of Sumatra Island, lies the Bukit Barisan which ran from north to south. Only a few areas of the island suitable for rice farming. Along the lines of the hill there are volcanoes, which until now still active, such as Merapi (West Sumatra), Bukit Kaba (Bengkulu), and Kerinci (Jambi). Sumatra Island has many large lakes, among them Laut Tawar (Aceh), Lake Toba (North Sumatra), Lake Singkarak, Lake Maninjau, Lake Diatas, and Lake Dibawah (West Sumatra), and the Lake Ranau (Lampung and Bengkulu).

 

 

 

 

Etimology

Original name Sumatra, as noted in historical sources and folk tales is Island of Gold. The term ameh island (Minangkabau language, means the island of gold) found in the story Cindur Mata from the Minangkabau. In Lampung folklore there is a terms tanoh mas to refer to the island of Sumatra. A traveler from China named I-sing (634-713) called Sumatra with a chin-chou which means golden land.

 

In various inscriptions, Sumatra, called by the Sanskrit name: Suwarnadwipa (island of gold) or Suwarnabhumi (golden land). These names are used in Indian texts BC. Manuscript oldest Buddhist, Jataka Book, told Indian sailors across the Bay of Bengal to the Suwarnabhumi. Ramayana story is told in the search for Dewi Sinta abducted by Ravana until the Suwarnadwipa

.

Arab travelers Sumatra island by the name of Serendib (exactly: Suwarandib), transliteration of the name Suwarnadwipa. Abu Raihan al-Biruni, Persian geographers who visited the kingdom of Srivijaya in 1030, said that the kingdom was located on the island Suwarandib. But there are also people who identify Serendib in Sri Lanka, who never called Suwarnadwipa.

 

Among the ancient Greeks, Sumatra was known by the name Taprobana. Name Taprobana insula has been used by Klaudios Ptolemaios, Greek geographer of the second century AD, when he describes the Southeast Asian region in his Geographike Hyphegesis. Ptolemaios wrote that in one area of the Taprobana Island there is Barousai country. Perhaps the area in question is Barus which is located on the west coast of Sumatra, which is famous since ancient times as a producer of mothballs.

 

Greek manuscripts (70th AD) Periplous test Erythras Thalasses, revealed that Taprobana also known chryse nesos, which means island of gold. Since ancient times, traders from the area around the Mediterranean had come Nusantara, especially Sumatra. In addition to searching for gold, they are looking for incense (Styrax sumatrana) and camphor (Dryobalanops aromatica) who was only in Sumatra. In contrast, the Nusantara’s merchants had also sailed to the West Asia and East Africa for trade, as stated in the manuscript Historia Naturalis by Plini first century AD.

 

 

In the book of the Jewish people, Melakim (the Kings), chapter 9, Solomon explained that as king of Israel received 420 talents of gold from Hiram, king of Tyrus, who became his subordinate. Gold was obtained from Ophir country. Kitab al-Qur’an, Surat Al-Anbiya ’81, explained that the ships of Solomon as sailed to bless our land (al-ardha l-lati barak-Na fiha).
Many historians argue that the country Ophir was located in Sumatra. It should be noted, the city of Tyrus is the marketing center of goods from the Far East. Ptolemaios also write Geographike Hyphegesis based on information from a merchant from the city of Tyrus named Marinus. And many European adventurers in the 15th century and the 16th for gold to Sumatra in the belief that therein lays Ophir country as Solomon.
Samudera became Sumatera
The name Sumatra comes from the name of Ocean, the kingdom of Aceh in the 13th and the 14th century. European travelers since the 15th century royal name were to call the whole island. Similarly, the island of Borneo was once called Borneo, from Brunei’s name, the island’s northern part which first visited by Europeans. Similarly, Lombok Island was named Selaparang, while Lombok is a region on the east coast of the island Selaparang stop off at first Portuguese sailors.
The transition name from Samudera (a kingdom) to Sumatra (island name) is interesting to trace. Odorico da Pardenone in the story of his voyage in 1318 mentioned that he sailed to the east of the Coromandel, India, for 20 days, and then reached the Sumoltra kingdom. Ibn Bathutah told in the book Rihlah Masyriq ila l-(travels to the East) that in 1345 he stopped at Samatrah kingdom. In the next century, the name of the country or kingdom of Aceh was taken over by other travelers to mention the entire island.
In the year 1490, Ibn Majid create a map of the area around the Indian Ocean and there is written Samatrah island. Map of Ibn Majid was copied by Roteiro in 1498 and appeared Camatarra name. Map made by the Amerigo Vespucci in 1501 appeared the name Samatara, while maps made by Masser in 1506 led to Samatra name. Ruy d’Araujo in 1510 the island was call the island by the name Camatra, and Alfonso Albuquerque in 1512 to write the name Camatora. Antonio Pigafetta in 1521 was wearing a rather correct name Somatra. But many other travelers are notes more chaotic with writing Samoterra, Samotra, Sumotra, even Zamatra and Zamatora.
According to the records of the Dutch and English since Jan Huygen van Linschoten and Sir Francis Drake in the 16th century are always consistent in the writing of Sumatra. This form is to be fixed, and then adjusted to the pronunciation of Indonesian Sumatra.
Population
In general, the island of Sumatra inhabited by the Malays, which is divided into several tribes. Major tribes are Acehnese, Batak, Melayu, Minangkabau, Lampung and Histories. In the eastern coastal region of North Sumatra and big cities such as Medan, Palembang, and Pekanbaru many ethnic Tionghoa settled. Sumatra island population is only concentrated in the region of East Sumatra and the Minangkabau highlands. Sumatra livelihoods are mostly as farmers, fishermen, and traders.
Population of Sumatra Island is Muslim majority and minorities are Protestant, especially in the area Tapanuli, Nias Island Nias and North Sumatra. In urban areas, such as Medan, Pekanbaru and Palembang, there are also some Buddhist people.

Transportation
Cities in Sumatera Island connected by three cross streets, which cross the middle, across the east, and west traffic. In some parts of Sumatra Island, the train is an alternative means of transportation. In the south, the railway line starts from the port of Panjang (Lampung) to Lubuk Linggau and Palembang (South Sumatra). In the middle of the island of Sumatra, the railway line only occurred in West Sumatra. This route connects the city of Padang with Sawah Lunto and the city of Padang Pariaman. During Dutch colonial rule until the year 2001, the line of Padang – Sawah Lunto used for transporting coal. But since the coal reserves in Ombilin began to thin out, and then this path does not work anymore. Since the end of 2006, the West Sumatra provincial government, re-activate this pathway as a tourist railway.
In the northern part of Sumatra Island, the railway line runs from Medan to the Tebing Tinggi city. At this point, the train used as a means of transportation of oil palm and passengers.
International flights are served on the island of Sumatra from Banda Aceh (International Airport Sultan Iskandar Muda), Medan (Polonia International Airport), and Padang (Minangkabau International Airport). While the sea port in Teluk Bayur (Padang) and Belawan (Medan).
Economy
Island of Sumatra is rich in agricultural produce. From among the five richest provinces in Indonesia, there are three provinces on Sumatra Island, the province of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, Riau and South Sumatra. The main results of Sumatra Island are palm oil, tobacco, petroleum, tin, bauxite, coal and natural gas. Mining results is largely processed by foreign companies, such as PT Caltex petroleum processing in the province of Riau.
Places where the mine is producing the goods:
1. Arun (NAD) produces natural gas,
2. Pangkalan Brandan (North Sumatra) produces oil,
3. Duri, Dumai and Bengkalis (Riau), produces oil,
4. Tanjung Enim (South Sumatra) produces coal,
5. Plaju and Gerong River (South Sumatra), produces oil,
6. Tanjung Pinang (Riau Islands) produces bauxite,
7. Indarung (West Sumatra) produces cement,
8. Sawahlunto (West Sumatra) produces coal,
Several cities on the island of Sumatra are also a city of commerce that is important. Medan is the largest city on the island of Sumatra; the city is a major trading town on the island. Many large companies nationally headquartered here.
List of Provinces on the island of Sumatra:
1. Aceh
2. Sumatera Utara
3. Sumatera Barat
4. Riau
5. Jambi
6. Sumatera Selatan
7. Bengkulu
8. Lampung
List of mountains on the island of Sumatra:
1. Mount Dempo (3159 m)
2. Mount Kerinci (3.805 m)
3. Mount Leuser (3172 m)
4. Mount Marapi (2,891.3 m)
5. Mount Perkison (2300 m)
6. Mount Pesagi
7. Mount Sekincau (1718 m)
8. Mount Seulawah Agam (1.726 m)
9. Mount Sibayak (2.212 m)
10. Mount Singgalang (2.877 m)
11. Mount Talamau (2,912 m)
12. Mount Tandikat (2438 m)
13. Mount Tanggamus (1162 m)
14. Mount Rajabasa (1281 m)

 

TANTANGAN, PELUANG, RUJUKAN, DAN GAGASAN

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CHALLENGES, OPPORTUNITIES, REFERRAL, AND IDEAS

CONSIDERING:

Minangkabau society has evolved from the villages, villages which stand on their own with the Adat Nagari Salingka nan, a part of the whole nation and the Republic of Indonesia and is also part of the new world that includes all people who develop very dynamically.

In the development of these villages, Islam has become the only foundation of faith, ketakwaaan within the framework of unity for all citizens villages, which before was but stand on their own, rarely jugatidak warring with each other.

Experience shows that despite all the Minangkabau society spiritually obey the five Pillars of Islam and the six Pillars of Faith, but still disagree on issues muamalah, which need to be addressed and consolidated fundamentally, well planned, institutionalized, and sustained.

Disagreement on the issues mentioned above muamalah has led to a prolonged dispute within the tribe and the family, especially regarding the inheritance of high and low inheritance, and the boundaries between Nagari, which often leads to disputes in state court, to appeal to the the Supreme Court.

Gradually, which has grown Minangkabau society is divided into two major parts, namely the Minangkabau are settled in Minang that generally have a livelihood in the agricultural sector remains closely associated with the customary law and a small terulis not have livelihood trade in goods and services; and Minangkabau people who already live in the Overseas, which has almost completely livelihood in the area of ​​trade, services, and industries that are more open to influence national and global culture.
The relationship between the two major parts of the Minangkabau society that has evolved – which can be termed as Minangranah and Minangrantau – have not gotten laid in institutionalized as the foundation for cooperation of mutual support.

A very troubling issue in the last decade is very little communication, hard to cultivate a sense of
merenggangnya sense of togetherness and unity among the Minangkabau society. between the various factions that exist in Minangkabau society, which is a major obstacle in designing and following up on cooperation between fellow citizens Minangkabau.

However, when viewed from the side of history and culture, Minangkabau society has fraternal relations with the other ethnic groups in Indonesia, among others, the child jameu in South Aceh, Mandailing community in South Tapanuli, Riau Malay community in Riau, Jambi Pucuak the sideline Lurah at Edinburgh, and ethnic Bugis Makassar in Indonesia, as well as with the kingdom of Negeri Sembilan in Malaysia.

Between the years 1347 until the year 1378

 the king Adityawarman role in Minangkabau, which in addition to personally have a blood relationship with his mother and father of a daughter of a senior Minangkabau kingdom of Majapahit also has implemented a governance structure in the Majapahit kingdom, which indirectly affect the majority Minangkabau society in the former area of ​​influence. In this structure there are agency Basa Ampek Hall, Idioms Tujuah nan, nan Tanjuang Ampek, and Lubuak nan Tigo.

 

Since 1451

 Istano Pagaruyung tongue 23 people have been led by the Muslim sultan, and at present is estimated at 2000-3000 people relatives, who live scattered in various areas. According to records, the structure of traditional royal government consists of 56 kingdoms in the areas, referred to as sapiah balahan, kuduang rusty ax radai, weigh pacahan.

Both in number and in the lifestyle, gradually Minangkabau people living in and the Overseas Minang mentioned above are already in the equivalent position.

Minangkabau society that has evolved has not had entered into a consolidation after a series of tremendous social changes of the social order to the new order of the villages on the national and global levels.

Consolidation in the Minangkabau people living in Minang and community-based Minangkabau villages and living in the Overseas, the scope of national and state is an absolute, because the whole society is one Minangkabau ethnic identity and cultural identity in essentially the same.

The completion of the consolidation into a protracted dispute but has raised about kinship and inheritance, have also led to the decline in quality management, tribes and villages in particular, and the decline of Minangkabau ethnic group, which in general is very detrimental to the position of Minangkabau society as a whole.

Minangkabau younger generation – who were born and matured in a period of very rapid change in the atmosphere has not been consolidated and the value systems and traditional institutions and religion – as long as it does not get a regular education institutionally best on the cultural heritage of the past history of the Minangkabau , and has shown symptoms of losing grip of life and terombangambing by various external influences that are not entirely beneficial
for themselves and for their future.

Taking advantage of opportunities that open from the life of the nation and berdunia mentioned above, needed to be consolidated into and strengthened cultural identity and the identity of Minangkabau as a norm of collective moral and social ethics for all people in Minangkabau society, both those living in or Minang living in Overseas.

The formulation of cultural identity and the identity that has been agreed Minangkabau is customary Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan; Syarak Mangato mamakai Indigenous, Natural Takambang So teachers grow, develop, and socialize in the course of history and culture of Minangkabau.

Experience has shown, among others, in Agam regency, that the moral teachings and Indigenous Basandi Syarak, Syarak Basandi Qur’aan, Syarak Mangato mamakai Peoples, Natural Takambang So the teacher, can be described, followed, as well as creatively practiced in the field of economics (Baitul Mal wa Tamwil), in particular to eradicate poverty in the villages-villages.
For the sake of certainty as a reference and educational material to young Minangkabau, as well as an official statement to the outside world, the formulation of identity and cultural identity that has been agreed that should be written in a straightforward, comprehensive, and easily understood, and disseminated through cultural education continuously.

To follow up the development of cultural identity and the identity of the Minangkabau above, need to set up a deliberative body with the name of Minangkabau social leadership and Syarak Indigenous Forum, or Forum Furnace Tigo Sajarangan

Affirmation of cultural identity and the identity of Minangkabau and the establishment of Indigenous and Syarak Forum / Forum Furnace Tigo Sajarangan
The agreement needs to be done in the form of Minangkabau Culture Congress.

WHEREAS:

Paragraph B of Article 18 (2), paragraph I of Article 28 (3), Article 29, Article 30 and Article 36A of the Constitution of 1945.
Decree No. IX/MPR/2001 On 9 November 2001 on Agrarian Reform and Natural Resource Management.
Law No. 5 of 1960 On Agrarian.
Law No. 1 Year 1974 About Marriage.
Law Number 38 Year 1999 on the management of Zakat.
Law Number 39 Year 1999 on Human Rights.
Law Number 23 Year 2002 on Child Protection.
Act No. 7 of 2004 on Water Resources.
Law Number 23 Year 2004 on the Elimination of Domestic Violence.
Law Number 32 Year 2004 on Regional Government.
Act No. 40 of 2004 on Social Security.
Act No. 11 of 2005 on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.
Act No. 12 of 2005 on Civil and Political Rights.
Act No. 17 of 2007 on Long-Term Development Plan 2005-2025.
Law Number 24 Year 2007 on Disaster Relief.
Law Number 26 Year 2007 on Spatial Planning.
Act No. 39 of 2008 on the Ministry of State.
Presidential Instruction No. 1 of 1971 On Compilation of Islamic Law.
Regulation of the Minister of Agrarian Affairs / Head of National Land Agency No. 5 of 1999 on [Communal Land].
Regulation of the Minister of Home Affairs No. 39 of 2007 on Guidelines for Community Organisations Facilitation of Cultural, Palace, and the Institute for Indigenous Cultural Preservation and Regional Development.
Areas of West Sumatra No. 9 of 2000 on Basic Provisions Governing Nagari West Sumatra Province.
West Sumatera Regional Regulation No. … Year … About Communal Land.

Regulation of the Governor of West Sumatra No. 39 of 2009 on Cooperation Between the Government of West Sumatera with nomads
Minangkabau.
West Sumatra Governor’s Decree No. 08 of 1984 on Guidelines Events on Environmental Dispute Resolution Indigenous Peoples density Nagari (KAN).
Circular of the President of West Sumatra No. W.3.DA.04.02-3633 Date of May 27, 1985 on the settlement of disputes that High pusako done first through Adat Nagari Density (KAN) or the Institute for Indigenous Natural Minangkabau density.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Minangkabau Poem Collections

Solok

Satu Keluarga dari Kinari, Solok

Published By niadilova under Minang Saisuak

 

‘Kinari-kinari sajo / Kinari talatak di pambatang / Bukan kami kamari sajo / Gadang mukasuik nan dijalang’, demikian bunyi sebait pantun Minangkabau yang mengingatkan kita pada Nagari Kinari.

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Sajo-Kinari Kinari / Kinari talatak in pambatang / Not our Kamari Sajo / Tower mukasuik dijalang nan ‘, so the sound of Minangkabau rhyme couplet that reminds us of the Nagari Kinari.

Kinari is the name of a local villages Solok. Nagari is located approximately 2 km from Muaro any fun, and about 10 km. from the city of Solok.

 

 Name these villages, which are in the back and next door to the Bukit Barisan Nagari Koto Anau, obviously taken from the name of a type of tree called ‘Kinari’ which is likely to grow in these villages since the former.
Kinari Nagari, which has a distinctive dialect Minang, often referred to as the ‘Nagari 1000 gadang house’ – a term that I hear from members RantauNet Muchlis Hamid and Armen Zulkarnain (LPM Marapalam organizers). On either side of nan labuah goloang in Nagari Kinari and in-jerok jerok jorongnya can be found many homes and mainly gadang have remained until now.

Rubric of ‘Minang Saisuak’ this time lowers the classic photo of a family of Kinari. Photos of the original size of 20.6 × 26 cm. This was made around 1895. This photograph shows a family that seems quite prominent in Kenagarian Kinari, Solok.

 

In the background looks a smart house with a large sieve rankiang baririk at home. No mention of a family ancestor where men, women, and children are recorded in this photo came from.

 

However, from the clothes they can dikesan that maybe one of them (who dressed in white) works in the ranks of the Department Binnenlandsch Bestuur (BB) in the colonial era.

 

This photo also record a custom clothing or Solok Kinari women in general. Kinari Nagari, with unique natural and cultural, as well as home gadangnya legacy that is still awake, may deserve dipromsikan be one of cultural tourism destination in West Sumatra.
Suryadi – Leiden, Netherlands. (Photo source: Tropenmuseum Amsterdam).
| Singgalang, Sunday, June 3, 2012

 

 

 

Kinari solok 1900

 

TUO KAJOE SOLOK

Pantun Minangkabau # 88 –

TUAN KALI DI LIMAU LUNGGO

‘Khazanah Pantun Minangkabau’ menyambung cerita yang  lalu. Bait-bait pantun yang kami sajikan ini masih berkisah tentang keunikan kurenah masyarakat dan pemimpin nagari-nagari di daerah Solok.

Pantun Minangkabau # 88 –
LORD OF TIMES IN lime LUNGGO

‘Khazanah Pantun Minangkabau’ stories connect ago. Stanzas of this poem that we serve kurenah still revolves around the unique communities and leaders in the villages-villages Solok.
Rhyme-rhyme in the form of linked verse. It certainly can be a way for residents and surrounding Solok for retracing the political aspects, social and cultural past of their area. enjoy

680.

Bakasua daun katari,

Takalanduang si daun anau,

Rajo Mansyur di Kinari,

Nan laduang di Koto Anau.

681.

Takalanduang si daun anau,

Takalapak si daun birah,

Nan laduang di Kota Anau,

Nan lambuak di Tanah Sirah.

682.

Takalapak si daun birah,

Palapah di kandang banyak,

Nak lambuak di Tanah Sirah,

Tunggang gagah di Batu Banyak.

683.

Palapah di kandang banyak,

Pangali di Indopuro,

Tunggang gagah di Batu Banyak,

Tuan Kali di Limau Lunggo.

684.

Pangali di Indopuro,

Daun silodang laweh-laweh,

Tuan Kali di Limau Lunggo,

Nan gadang di Koto Laweh.

685.

Daun silodang laweh-laweh,

Daun katari mudo-mudo,

Nan gadang di Koto Laweh,

(large in koto laweh)

Babaua jo Tujuah Koto.

(clean up the seven koto)

686.

Daun katari mudo-mudo,

(The katari young leave)

Daun marunggai laweh-laweh,

(the  leaves stuck out wide)

Kok lah babaua nan Tujuah Koto,

(the seven Koto have been clean)

Padamaian di Koto Laweh.

(peace at Koto Laweh villge)

687.

Badia sadaga duo dantun,

(the gun of merchant two boom)

Badia nak urang Banda Puruih,

(the gun of Banda Purus)

Kok dipikia kato ibaraik pantun,

(if thingking the word like poem)

Bak maminun aia tak auih

.(drink water althouh not thristy)

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In the above verse of the leader traits recorded again in a few villages and surrounding areas Solok, also characteristic of children nagarinya, as well as relations with neighboring villages-villages.
Some of the villages mentioned in the seven-stanza poem above message is: Kinari, Koto Anau, Land Sirah, Stone Many, Lemons Lunggo, Laweh Koto and Koto Tujuah.
If in Kinari Rajo Mansyur tasabuik nan, then known as Koto Anau curve (laduang). Looking at the context, perhaps laduang said this leads to the physical characteristics of the Koto Anau (could have been referring to the women). Thus reflecting the temple 680.
Physical characteristics (which is also the possibility of referring to women) Land Sirah else: lambuak. In this context meant slightly gendutan lambuak, plump (stanza 681). Many of the children while the stone villages known for his valor or his beauty (verse 682). Well, Stone Many people nowadays so-so little pride. Apparently they had many ancestors who jombang, which may be crazy by many women from surrounding villages-villages.
The next two villages called, namely Lemons Laweh Lunggo and Koto, also have their respective advantages. Lemons Lunggo Nagari famous because Mr. Kali comes from there (verse 683). Thus, the Lemons Lunggo famous for its religious aspect. While the famous Koto Laweh because apparently a lot of great people (urang sieve) derived from these villages (stanza 684). Nagari is apparently has a competitive relationship (babaua) also with Tujuah Nagari Koto (stanza 685). As has been noted in many anthropological studies of the Minangkabau, the relationship between villages could be up to the stage of physical conflict, but a lot more rivalry manifested in art and culture.
If we refer to the next stanza (686) in the past may seem that the rivalry between the villages with Tujuah Laweh Koto Koto. If any dispute arises, it seems Koto Laweh could be a mediator or conciliator.
This number is close to the metaphorical nature of language poem about how the Minangkabau. Explained that the essence as people who are not thirsty given water. That is, he palamak speech, a tool to strengthen the association and also to add wisdom to speak. It is not something that no one could make the dead. In other words, berpantun not a compulsion. He must be carried out in a happy mood, not when the stomach is not yet full.
(Continued next week)
Suryadi [Leiden University, The Netherlands] | Padang Express, Sunday, July 8, 2012

 

 

 

 

Koyo anau]

 

 

Aka SOLOK budi SALAYO

 

 

 

The Minang adat meeting House at Singkarak in 1900

 

Pantun Minangkabau

SUTAN MANSYUR DI KINARI

Pantun Minangkabau
Sutan Mansyur IN Kinari
Published By niadilova under Khazanah Pantun Minang, Literature & Culture Minang

Preservation of the properties of a poem villages in the rivalry between the villages-villages, and political relations between the villages-villages can be suggested again in the rubric ‘Khazanah Pantun Minangkabau’ this. enjoy

672.

Takanak deta ujung sangka,

Lakek baju babuah aru,

Bangkik Singkarak Saniangbaka,

Dapek rajo Koto Baru.

673.

Lakek baju babuah aru,

Marantak di paleh-paleh,

Kok lah dapek rajo Koto Baru,

Babaua nan tigo baleh.

674.

Marantak di paleh-paleh,

Limpatiak di batu tigo,

Babaua nan tigo baleh,

Kaciak hati nan batigo.

675.

Limpatiak di Batu Tigo,

Karikan di ladang urang,

Kaciak hati nan batigo,

Sirukam lah di tangan urang.

676.

Mangkudu dari Sailan,

Alah rabah ditutuah urang,

Datuak panghulu nan sambilan,

Baso lalu dikicuah urang.

677.

Mangkudu dari Sailan,

Iyo lah rabah ditutuah urang,

Basipasin dalam buluah,

Mari dikarek diparampek,

Datang panghulu nan sambilan,

Kok lah kanai dek kicuah urang,

Bapasan ka Koto Tujuah,

Tibolah urang Koto Ampek.

678.

Nan talatak ateh batu,

Tabalintang di paleh-paleh,

Susah Datuak Bagindo Ratu,

Malintang di Muaro Paneh.

679.

Tabalintang di paleh-paleh,

Bakasua daun katari,

Malintang di Muaro Paneh,

Rajo Mansyur di Kinari.

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Apparently in one of the Minangkabau manuscripts containing the poem that are stored in the Library of the University of Leiden, there is a series of linked verse. Such contents may be spelled out in the context of local political history of relations between villages. Strands poem shows the socio-political dynamics of the villages-villages in the area surrounding the Solok and the 19th century.
672 stanza reflected the local politics of Singkarak, Saniangbaka and Koto Baru.

 

Used when there is removal of the king or the prince shoots at a villages, it means there will be a big party for a few weeks, and as an expression of joy and congratulations, villages, other nearby villages would participate enliven the performing arts arena where competition and rivalry are also shown.

Apparently the appointment of a new king in Koto strengthen or bring the magistrates of the villages and surrounding villages-villages, amounting to thirteen people. We are not told who the prince or princes of thirteen people. Thus reflecting the temple 673.

Sirukam fall into the hands of small hearts make three other princes. We also are not told the names of three of the prince’s. Thus the temple of 674 and 675 reflections. Apparently the cause Sirukam fell into the hands of others is somewhat unclear through testimony in rows fill the next two verses (675, 676). Prince of nine of the villages were apparently ‘tricked’ people.

 

 In this context ‘swizzle’ (kicuah) could mean a ashamed, or perhaps lost in the traditional local political battles.
Kicuah clear that experienced by the prince of the nine that have made the headman of the villages, other villages to react and act to help. In the long stanza described the reaction of 677 villages Koto Tujuah leaders who were informed of the incident. The serial message to the Nagari Koto Ampek, which then moves into action.

Last two lines (678, 679) record the dynamics of local politics in the traditional villages and Kinari Muaro be any fun. In both villages were apparently used to be a local leader named Datuk Rajo Bagindo Queen and Mansyur.

As far as I understand it, the context of the contents of the rows above verses seem to describe the alliances and rivalries between villages-villages. Quite a lot of historical records indicates that some villages even clashed. Many classic records of Minangkabau record the so-called ‘war Batoe’ that often occurs between the villages, some villages. Until modern times warfare between villages that still occasionally occur. Apparently arketipnya in ancient times.
(Continued next week)
Suryadi [Leiden University, The Netherlands] | Padang Express, Sunday, July 1, 2012

Dr. Iwan had served in the gift of the year 1974-1979, a son Anto Jimmi suwandy born in the city gift, so read the rhyme-rhyme and view photos of Dr. Iwan be Solok create nostalgia, gift Police Polyclinic Dr. Iwan founded still exists today, when returning home in 2007 still had time to meet with nurses Ennie, while others have died, namely Alex, Datuk Herminus ,Rifai , Alex, and one name has been forgotten, remembered the compassion of the deceased in selayo Mak, (Note to Dr. Iwan)

Undo edits

 

 

 

 

 

Pantun Minangkabau

YANG CERDIK ORANG SIRUKAM

Pantun Minangkabau
THE SMART PEOPLE SIRUKAM
Perhaps in the era of globalization which has created an electronic community (electronic community) is the desire to express feelings and thoughts through the traditional literary genres. This can dikesan of the emergence of group-fb fb group that raised the treasures of rhyme.

So also in the sms-sms Eid often we receive texts composed in the form of poems or other literary genres tadisional. At this number (86) we present back some classic rhymes Minangkabau temple, connecting the last number

662.

Buang sagalo nan paguno,

Elok sagalo lah tabao,

Kubuang manjadi ampang limo,

Solok manjadi bandaharo.

663.

Elok sagalo lah tabao,

Tidak tabado di nan tido,

Solok nan jadi bandaharo,

Nan jadi rajo nan batigo.

664.

Tidak tabado di nan tido,

Lakek sarawa panjang hitam,

Nan jadi rajo nan batigo,

Nan cadiak urang Sirukam.

665.

Lakek sarawa panjang hitam,

Nak bagaduang bakudarang,

Nan cadiak urang Sirukam,

Nan bapayuang urang Supayang.

666.

Nak bagaduang bakudarang,

Kapa nan ilang alah dapek,

Nan bapayung urang Supayang,

Sabab dek cadiak Koto Ampek.

667.

Kapa nan ilang alah dapek,

Ka Limbukan maambiak kopi,

Nan cadiak urang Koto Ampek,

Nan jadi sutan urang Palangki.

668.

Ka Limbukan maambiak kopi,

Bagala Mangkuto Sati,

Jadi Sutan urang Palangki,

Tabanam sawah Sungai Lasi.

669.

Galanyo Mangkuto Sati,

Manatah uang jo pitih,

Tabanam sawah Sungai Lasi,

Silungkang labuah bakikih.

670.

Kok buliah uang jo pitih,

Manatah uang limo busuak,

Silungkang labuah bakikih,

Apo katenggang Padang Sibusuak.

671.

Kok buliah uang limo busuak,

Takanak deta ujuang sangka,

Mintak tenggang di Padang Sibusuak,

Bangkik Singkarak Saniangbaka.

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These numbers record the habits and characteristics of each Solok villages in the area and its surroundings. Interesting that the rhyme-rhyme Minangkabau was also recording features or advantages of the villages.

 

Fans of oral literature rabab Pariaman know very well that one show called “Say Kuliliang Nagari Road” (see for example his tapes and VCDs are produced by tanama Record) to record the characteristics of the shoreline villages-villages in Pariaman, composed in rhyme .

Thus we may conclude that the rhyme-rhyme is also a page Minangkabau culture (cultural site) where the history and uniqueness of Nagari-Nagari recorded and communicated to the present generation. It would be possible because it happens to rhyme rhyme, written or recorded on cassette / VCD. Maybe that’s one of the treasures of literature documenting the benefits of traditional Minangkabau.

In the traditional geopolitical system Solok Out went past first quota seems to have served as commander of the (662), while the positions held by the treasurer of Solok. And three custom helm of the area’s most influential sabagai served the king (663).

Sirukam people apparently famous for its cleverness (664; there are some more classic texts stored at the Leiden University Library Sirukam public record of the past), while the person is considered a high degree of nobility Supayang (nan bapayuang) (665).
Koto Ampek famous people also cleverly (666), while the person gets a small Palangki as su (l) tan (667). The degree of elevation was confronted with the Palangki Lasi River (668). While the famous Silungkang a good way (labuah bakikih) (669), which of course can still be seen today. As a result, falling prestige of Padang Sibusuak (670). And apparently others also mantagi Saniangbaka Singkarak and that seems to have a high confidence (671).

We know that the Nagari-Nagari (‘little republics’) Minangkabau sitting in the same low, up as high. Respective villages to compete (which can include dikesan the party ‘Alek villages’). Although competing with each other and keep each mantagi, Nagari-Nagari also help each other and equally respect the Pagaruyung.

That is, once each in Minangkabau villages has its own characteristics. At least one prominent feature in every districts, may be related to the nature, style (dress) of the women, the style and behavior of its youth, its distinctive foods (for example, in “Road Kuliliang” Pariaman rabab is mentioned: “katupek sasak Sicincin now, lamang baminyak River acid, in Gadua dadiah tasabuik nan, santiang bantainyo Pakandangan … “), their brains could be art, martial arts or a certain magic, the height of the penghulunya degrees, and so forth. Characteristics that is the mantagi respective villages.

However, villages, villages have the spirit of mutual cooperation, while maintaining the culture mantagi competition. That aura of Minangkabau social life of the past. Now I do not know what had happened. That sounds: many villages have been (and will) multiply, divide, such as amoeba.
(Continued next week)

Suryadi [Leiden University, The Netherlands] | Padang Express, Sunday, June 24, 2012

 

Dr Iwan Notes

During work at Solok, many patient came to my general Practis clinic, they are from saninbakar, paningahan ,padang sibusuuak and  sirukam

At Padang sisubuak between Sawahlunto to sinjungjung road, I met a hill with many rare triodes butterfly, I have upload at my web the rare butterfly collections.

THE RARE BUTTERFLIES COLLECTIONS
@copyright Dr Iwan S 2010
My profile during catching the Butterflies in West Sumatra 1975

My Son Albert with the collections at Solok city West Sumatra in 1977.

 

Mycalesis or Troides Dr iwan ( not list in the catalogue, mycalesis with White Head female,that is why I put my name )

 

AT PADANG SIBUSUK SAWAHLUTO-SIJUNJUNG
In the hill near this village , I found the nest of the Bird Fying Butterflies in the family of Papilionidae, genus Troides, many types never report from the small until bigger types , during this time I bring my elder son Albert with me during my dury tours to Sawahlunto and sijunjung Indonesia National Police Resort between 1976-1978.
( from the vintage books there were twenty subspesies troides,
(1) Troides hyplitus hiplitus
(2) Troides amphrysus: amphrysus,miranda,cuneifera,andromache
(3) Troides helena : helena,oblngmaculatus,darsius,riedelli,vandepoli,halipron,criton,
plato, aecus,minos,rhadamantus,plateni and dohertyl.
(4) Troides magellanus: magelanuss, prattorum.
(please Mr Hunianto,help me to search the name of troides I have found at Padang Sibusuk sawahlut Sijunjung west sumatra. may be new subspecies which be in my name,thankyou.Dr Iwan s)

2a. TROIDES 1

 

 

2B. TROIDES 2

2C TROIDES 3

2D. TROIDES 4

 

 

2E TROIDES 5

2F TROIDES 6 (Miranda)

 

 

 

The Minang Family of Solok with dutch women and children in 1890

THE LAST INFO

VISIT MINANGKABAU LAND NOW

TARIAN PIRING(PLATE DANCE)

 

Top of Form

At a Glance
The plate includes one dance a traditional dance of Minangkabau
hundreds of years old. The dance originated from Solok, Sumatra
West. Originally, the dance is performed as a ritual to acknowledge with
the local community thanks to the gods as a result
an abundant harvest. Ritual performed by some pretty girl
to bring the offerings in the form of food placed inside
plate. The girls are dressed in nice clothes and
they bring the food in the plate as he walked to the movement
dynamic. After Islam came to the Minangkabau, the tradition of Dance Plate
still take place. However, the dance is only displayed
as a means of entertainment for many people in the crowd events
(Party), such as: traditional parties, weddings, and others.
Recent years, the government of West Sumatra to take one
policy to make the dish as one of Dance asset to
attract tourists to visit West Sumatra.
Outside of West Sumatra, Dancing Plates ever staged in several places
in Indonesia, such as Jakarta, Medan, Pekanbaru, and major cities
other, even in some countries in Asia and Europe, such as Malaysia,
Singapore, and Serbia. Staging was performed at the festival
culture and the promotion of cultural diversity in order to introduce
Nusantara culture in foreign countries.

Feature
Dance is a dance that special dish. The dance is played by
using the plate as the main media. The dancers dance Plate
plate plays deftly eluded the while without
sway with the gentle flowing movements and regular.
In addition, the dancers often perform a dance on the shards
glass. They were dancing, jumping, and tumbling while
bring a plate on top of broken glass. Uniquely, the dancers are not
hurt at all and they carry plates from falling.
In a Plate Dance there are several variations of movement that can be played, in
bagaluik squirrel them (squirrels wrestling), bagalombang (wavy), and aka malilik.
During staging, dance music accompanied by traditional plate
Minangkabau, such talempong, Bansi, and others. The players
music to guide the dancers to perform the dance. At the beginning
dance, the music sounded smooth and regular flow, then
eventually became the music faster. The combination of music
quickly with a motion so nimble dancer charm of Dance
Plate so amazing.

Location
Each district and the districts in West Sumatra has a group
Dance art plate. Typically, the group is always ready to perform for
entertain the community at large events in each
district or districts in West Sumatra.

Access
For tourists who want to see the Dance could come to the plate
cities in West Sumatra. For the city of Padang, for example, simply
with a single car ride from the airport to the city of Padang Ketaping, the
tourists can reach the site to witness the Plate Dance.
For tourists who do not want to struggle to come to Sumatra
West, may also invite dance groups perform at the plate for the
desired. Obviously with a greater cost.

Price TiketTidak free of charge.

Accommodation and other facilities
Because dance is usually held on a plate of activities in
urban centers in West Sumatra Province, tourists who come from
out of town will not be difficult to find the inn, because in
is widely available downtown hotel convenient to place
stay. Likewise with dining ria, in downtown
are also many restaurants and restaurants lined the present
variety of Padang cuisine menu that will spoil the tourists

 Dr Iwan notes

I remember my collage frine in memoriam Dr Indrama Aminudin SPTHT very clever to dance this plate dance during study in Medical Faculty.His wife  was my wife friend there name same Lily.

Kesenian randai

 

 

Top of Form

Art Randai
 

 
At a Glance

Randai the arts (theater) Minangkabau society typical yangdimainkan by some people (in groups or teams). Stories in
Randai, always lift the Minangkabau folktales, such as story
Cindua Mato, Malin Demand, Anggun Nan Tongga, and folklore
other. The legend says, Randai first played by the public
Pariangan, Padang Panjang, when they managed to menangkaprusa the
out of the sea.
Randai usually played at the celebration party, such as: marriage,
removal of the prince or the day specified. In fact, the government
West Sumatra Randai art pack as one of the icon
area to attract tourists come to visit the West Sumatra.
Art Randai been staged at several places in Indonesia and
even the world. Even Randai / in the English version has been
staged by a group of students at the University of Hawaii, USA
States.

Feature
Randai art rich with ethical and aesthetic value of traditional
Minangkabau, is a result of the merger of several kinds of art,
such as: drama (theater), music, dance and martial arts.
In a Randai, there are few supporting players, among them:
galombang players, who do the wave motions are sourced
of flowers arts; carrier storyline, players will be speaking
loudly convey the narrative for the sake of the narrative that the spirit of the story
/ Randai /; music player / sang, they will play
talempong, drum, flute, Saluang, puput rice stalks, Bansi, rabab
and others; pasambahan players, tasked to talk or dialogue
in / petatah-Minangkabau proverb. These players will give weight and
moral message through the figures he gave, and the players are performing arts
when there is the story line requires a fight.

LokasiMasing respective districts and districts in West Sumatra
have Randai Group. Currently, there are at least 300 groups
Randai art scattered in West Sumatra. Typically, the group
is always ready to perform to entertain the public at events
particular in West Sumatra.

Access
For tourists who want to see the art can come to Randai
The city of Padang. Simply with a single car ride from the airport to Ketaping
Padang city, tourists can arrive at the destination.
For tourists who do not want to bother to look at Randai
West Sumatra, they can invite the group to perform at Randai
the desired place. Randai enthusiasts should certainly
spend more for the cost of transport and accommodation costs.

Accommodation and Other Facilities
Therefore Randai usually held at large events in
urban centers in West Sumatra province, the tourists coming
from outside the city would not be difficult to find a place of lodging,
because in those cities many hotels are conveniently available for
stay. Likewise with dining ria, in cities
are also many restaurants and restaurants lined the
serving a variety of Padang cuisine menu that will spoil the tourists.

 

 

Pesta Tabuik Pariaman

 

 

Top of Form

Tabuik party Pariaman
 
At a Glance
In the history of Pariaman, Tabuik first introduced by members
forces “Thamil” that became part of British-led forces
by General Thomas Stamford Raffles. After the British surrender
in part to the Dutch colonies, including Bengkulu, troops
“Thamil” chose to flee to Pariaman, West Sumatra, one of
harbor area on the west coast of Sumatra island. Because the troops
Thamil Muslim majority, they can be received either by
Pariaman people who also embraced the teachings of Islam. So,
place assimilation and unity among those included in the field
socio-cultural. One form is the Feast Tabuik. Even the party
Tabuik conducted since 1931, since 1974, by
local governments are packed into a tourist attraction.
Tabuik party intended to commemorate the deaths of two grandsons of the Prophet
Muhammad, Hasan and Husain, who led the Muslim forces
while fighting against the army of Bani Umayyad dynasty in the war
Karbala. In the fighting, the tragic death of Husain.
Some Muslims believe that the body of Husain in put in
coffin (Tabuik) and take to the skies using the “Bouraq”.

Feature
Tabuik is a three-story berbentukkeranda object
made of wood, rattan and bamboo. Tabuik is an object
paraded the main beach for the waste into the sea.
Tabuik weight roughly around 500 pounds with a height of 15
meter. Tabuik horse-shaped body is made large, wide-winged,
headed beautiful woman with long hair. Tabuik the form,
by the local community as a bird associated Bouraq.
Making Tabuik done from September 1 to December 9 at
Muharram Pariaman by two groups of people, namely the
Subarang group to market and, two Tabuik. Manufacture
Tabuik conducted jointly with the involvement of many experts
as humanist, historian and local community leaders. Manufacture
/ Tabuik / it would cost quite a lot, their average
spend tens and even hundreds of millions of dollars.

Location and Time Implementation
Tabuik party is held each June 1 to 10 Muharram (Calendar
Islam), beginning at Market and marched to the beach Pariaman Gandoriah
Pariaman in Padang Pariaman regency, West Sumatra, Indonesia.

AksesDari city of Padang, the tourists can use this type of transportation
land in the form of public transportation, travel, personal car or rental car
takes about 1 hour. For those who use public transport,
cost to the location of Rp. 7000.00 up to 10,000, 00 per person
(February 2008), and Rp. 400,000.00 – per day (February 2008) if
using a rental car.

Accommodation
For tourists who come from out of town and want to follow
rangkaiaan Party / Tabuik / as a whole can stay at the hotel
are widely available in the center of Pariaman. In addition, many
restaurants and restaurants that line around the site, to place
Dining ria

 

Batombe

 

 

Top of Form

Batombe
 
Brief Pandang

When  you come to the Nagari Abai, District Sangir Batang Hari,
South Solok, West Sumatra, you’ll want to watch
Art performances that resemble the show Randai Batombe

Art was originally played to entertain and enthuse
to the people who are cooperate for the construction of Houses
Tower.

 

 However, the development of art Batombe
brought specifically as a means of entertainment for the guests who come from

Furthermore, as the nomads and tourists visiting the area.
Typically, these activities are held at the time of the long holiday so that
the nomads and many tourists come to Nagari, such as
Eid and national holidays.
Batombe beginnings can be traced to the emergence of art from the story
Tower House development (large) 21 rooms. That said, before the
Dutch colonization, the territory now known as Nagari Abai still
very quiet. Township which is still occupied by the community
surrounded by wilderness. Anxiety and anxiety enveloped
residents in the township. At times, the forest is all around
they could be a threat, because it lives in a variety
wildlife such as tigers, boars, and snakes. Meanwhile, the house
where they also have adequate shelter. To anticipate
proficiency level, then shoots customs, religious leaders, and community leaders to
deliberation. From the results of that deliberation, obtained an agreement to
Tower House 21 room building.
The results of these deliberations and announced in public. Community
cooperate to prepare development. The first step that must be
do is to find raw materials for building. Community
agreed to take from the forests that surround them.
After all the preparation is complete, then they go into the forest looking for
tree buffer would be appropriate for Tower House. Then,
felled trees are then cut into pieces and made some
parts, such as beams, boards, and rafters. Mothers provide support
to prepare food and drinks for the workers.
After a long work, fatigue became inevitable and
work slowly becomes choked. Viewing conditions
these, there are some people who had the idea to restore the spirit of
works. Thus, some young people and parents was asked to
sing the verse that contains advice and words of encouragement.
Meandering hear the rhyme and the crowd started dancing, then
others come late in the rhythm of the song and energetic dance movements. Case
is, whipped back the spirit of community and job ready
continued. This story is believed to be the forerunner to the birth
Batombe.
In the midst of joy before, people were surprised by the strangeness, the
when they wanted to carry one timber of the finished cut.
When trees are cut, people have no trouble, but when
about to be drawn into the township, the wood can not move
at all. Looking at this condition the people into confusion. To
avoid undesirable, then the discussion was held
limited to looking for a way out. Of musyarawarah it was decided
to slaughter any cattle, which is a buffalo. Blood
sacrifices are then sprinkled on the wood as a tribute and
Please permit the resident spirits the stick. Up to now
ritual slaughter of these animals continue to be made any arts
Batombe will be staged. If this is not done, then have
celebration of the arts will be fined Batombe custom.

Feature
Art Batombe usually begins after the reading of the opening quatrain
by prince (progenitor). The players then go to the march toward
into the middle of the room (arena) to form a circle formation. Number of players
consisted of 10 men and 3 women, so the total 13
people. Of the 13 men, 12 of them moving and dancing
form a circle, while one other person in the dance
circle. This formation is not a standard formation. At other times the player
Batombe be more than the amount above or can be reduced.
Art Batombe usually accompanied by a cheerful music. Tool
used music usually consists of drums and talempong. Drum
and telempong rapidly beating to the rhythm of song and dance
sung by the players Batombe.
At the end, the guests in attendance also can join to
Batombe dancing in the arts. In addition to dancing, guests also can
demonstrated ability in unrequited rhyme. Even the guests are still
Batombe singles can use as a medium for
find a mate.
Dancing and singing a happy dressing is also supported by matching
clothing Batombe players. They wear special clothing
Randai players like clothes or martial arts. The difference lies in
existing motif on the sleeve. At Randai and silat are usually
use a plain motif, while the players are embroidered with Batombe
using gold thread. Clothing color was varied, such as red,
green, yellow, and black. At the head is equipped with a headband
golden yellow, while the waist adorned with a cloth
embroidered with gold thread. While the pants are designed for greater
the thigh, so as to resemble sheath (galembong).

Location
To witness the artistry Batombe tourists can visit
Tower House 21 rooms located in Nagari Abai, District Sangir
Batang Hari, South Solok regency, West Sumatra, Indonesia.

Access
To reach the location of the performing arts Batombe, parjalanan can
starting from the Minangkabau International Airport (BIM), the city of Padang. Of
The city of Padang Padang proceed to Aro (Capital District
South Solok) and takes about 4 hours away at a cost of about
Rp 30,000 or Rp. 40,000 (September 2008) using public transport (bus).
After that, proceed to the Nagari Abai using
rural transportation which is about about 30 km from Padang Aro
takes about 15 minutes.

Ticket prices
No charge.

Accommodation and Other Facilities
Batombe art that took place in Kenagarian Abai, usually
held overnight. Thus, the tourists do not need anymore
looking for hotels or inns for lodging. The tourists will be accompanied
by the public, together witnessed in the art Batombe
Tower House until dawn ahead.

Prior art Batombe held, the community has prepared a variety of
cuisine for the guests. They usually cook meat
they had slaughtered before the event held. The dish
later served to eat with the guests and the host.

 THE END @ COPYRIGHT 2012

 

 

Indonesia History Collections In 1943

INDONESIA  HISTORY COLLECTIONS IN 1943

Plate 1–Balinese beauty

TRANSLATE bY

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

 

(With 21 Plates)

Untuk Memperbesar Gambar Ilustrasi Klik Dua Kali

Click two Time  on Illustration to  look bigger and amizing pictures

---

Kepulauan terbesar di dunia terletak 13.000 mil dari New York, di belahan dunia. Hindia Timur, atau Indonesia, adalah rantai kepulauan berjumlah ribuan dan memperluas 3.000 mil di sepanjang Khatulistiwa dari ujung barat mereka di ujung utara Sumatra sampai batas timur mereka di New Guinea.

Sebagian besar daerah ini pulau besar dimiliki oleh Belanda, sampai disita oleh Jepang pada bulan-bulan awal 1942. Dua bagian dari pulau-pulau, utara dan timur Kalimantan Timur, berada di bawah kontrol, masing-masing, Raya dan Portugal.

Hindia terletak langsung di Khatulistiwa, yang membagi dua dua pulau terbesar, Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Pulau paling barat, Sumatera, terletak tepat di sebelah selatan Semenanjung Melayu, dari yang dipisahkan oleh Selat Malaka yang sempit. Kalimantan dan Sulawesi, pulau-pulau paling utara, mencapai dekat dengan Filipina, sementara Timor, di perbatasan selatan, hanya 400 mil di Laut Arafura dari Australia. Perbatasan timur wilayah Belanda memotong langsung utara dan selatan melalui pusat Nugini. Di luar itu berbohong bagian Australia dan Inggris pulau terakhir. Dengan demikian seluruh nusantara menempati laut antara Asia Tenggara dan Australia. Dahulu dianggap sebagai “penghalang Melayu” melindungi Australia dari agresi Jepang selatan, Hindia sekarang, sayangnya, merupakan garis musuh defensif terhadap Sekutu penaklukan utara. Dari sudut pandang strategis, karena itu, pulau-pulau yang sangat penting dalam perang Pasifik ini.

Dari timur ke barat Indonesia hampir 1.000 mil lebih luas dari Amerika Serikat; dari utara ke selatan itu meluas untuk jarak setara dengan yang dari perbatasan Kanada untuk Texas pusat. Luas tanah yang sebenarnya adalah kurang lebih sama seperti yang dari Amerika Serikat timur Mississippi – sekitar 750.000 mil persegi. Kalimantan adalah pulau ketiga terbesar di

– 1 –

————————————————– ——————————

dunia, yang meliputi 290.000 mil persegi (setara Texas dan Oklahoma gabungan). Setengah Belanda dari New Guinea, dengan 150.000 nya mil persegi, dan Sumatera, dengan 160.000 mil persegi, California perkiraan dalam ukuran. Sulawesi, berukuran 70.000 mil persegi, adalah sebanding dengan New England ditambah New Jersey, dan Jawa, pulau besar yang tersisa, memiliki luas wilayah 50.000 mil persegi, hampir sama dengan New York State.

Tiga dari empat pulau besar Barat – Sumatera, Kalimantan, dan Jawa – kebohongan di rak tanah Asia dan pernah berhubungan dengan daratan benua. Laut memisahkan mereka dari Asia sangat dangkal, dan sebagian besar pesisir mereka terdiri dari rawa pasang surut memperluas jauh di daratan. New Guinea dan pulau-pulau yang berdekatan istirahat di rak tanah Australia dan sebelumnya merupakan bagian dari Australia sendiri. Pulau-pulau utama Indonesia, bagaimanapun, termasuk Sulawesi, para Kepulauan Sunda Kecil, dan Maluku, naik dari laut dalam, dalam apa yang pernah menjadi selat lebar memisahkan Asia dari Australia.

Topografi Indonesia adalah salah satu kontras yang kuat. Dataran kering yang luas hanya terjadi di Jawa dan sebagian Sumatera. Di tempat lain dataran tingkat jarang dan terbatas di daerah, dan sebagian besar pulau-pulau terdiri dari baik perbukitan dan pegunungan terjal atau rawa basah. Dataran tinggi dan rawa keduanya berpakaian hutan lebat kecuali lereng bukit telah dibuka untuk budidaya dengan usaha manusia. Terutama, oleh karena itu, Hindia adalah wilayah rawa, pegunungan, dan hutan.

Lebih dari seratus gunung Bahasa Indonesia adalah gunung berapi aktif atau baru aktif. Dimanapun vulkanisme terjadi, populasi terpadat, karena abu vulkanik yang membuat tanah subur. Jawa, yang paling vulkanik dari semua pulau, memiliki konsentrasi terbesar penduduk; Kalimantan dan New Guinea, wilayah paling vulkanik, adalah yang paling jarang dihuni.

IKLIM
Berbaring sepanjang khatulistiwa, Hindia memiliki iklim panas dan lembab, tetapi suhu rata-rata menurun sekitar 1 ° Fahrenheit untuk setiap 300 meter dari ketinggian. Akibatnya, kabupaten pegunungan menawarkan bantuan dingin dari dataran rendah yang menindas. Penghuni di pantai Batavia, dimana suhu tahunan rata-rata adalah 80 °, menyambut setiap kesempatan untuk mengunjungi Handung. sebuah kota gunung dengan rata-rata tahunan hanya 73 °, Kelembaban tinggi membuat panas tropis semakin tidak nyaman.

Curah hujan lebat di hampir seluruh bagian pulau dan meningkat dengan ketinggian. Beberapa bagian pegunungan diberi minum dengan 12 kaki hujan per tahun. Meskipun suhu bervariasi hanya sedikit sepanjang tahun, angin monsoon menyebabkan perubahan musiman dalam curah hujan. Dalam sebagian

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GEOGRAPHY

The largest archipelago in the world lies 13,000 miles from New York, halfway around the globe. The East Indies, or Indonesia, are a chain of islands numbering in the thousands and extending 3,000 miles along the Equator from their western extremity at the northern tip of Sumatra to their eastern limit in New Guinea.

Most of this enormous insular area was owned by the Netherlands, until seized by the Japanese in the early months of 1942. Two parts of the islands, northern Borneo and eastern Timor, were under the control, respectively, of Great Britain and Portugal.

The Indies lie directly on the Equator, which bisects the two largest islands, Sumatra and Borneo. The westernmost island, Sumatra, is situated just south of the Malay Peninsula, from which it is separated by the narrow Straits of Malacca. Borneo and Celebes, the northernmost islands, reach up close to the Philippines, while Timor, on the southern border, is only 400 miles across the Arafura Sea from Australia. The eastern border of Dutch territory cuts directly north and south through the center of New Guinea. Beyond it lie the Australian and British sections of the latter island. Thus the entire archipelago occupies the seas between southeastern Asia and Australia. Formerly regarded as “the Malay barrier” protecting Australia from Japanese aggression southward, the Indies now, unfortunately, represent an enemy defensive line against Allied reconquest northward. From a strategical viewpoint, therefore, the islands are of crucial importance in the present Pacific war.

From east to west Indonesia is almost 1,000 miles wider than the United States; from north to south it extends for a distance equivalent to that from the Canadian border to central Texas. Its actual land area is approximately the same as that of the United States east of the Mississippi–about 750,000 square miles. Borneo is the third largest island in

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the world, covering 290,000 square miles (equaling Texas and Oklahoma combined). The Dutch half of New Guinea, with its 150,000 square miles, and Sumatra, with 160,000 square miles, approximate California in size. Celebes, measuring 70,000 square miles, is comparable to New England plus New Jersey; and Java, the remaining large island, has an area of 50,000 square miles, almost the same as New York State.

Three of the four large western islands–Sumatra, Borneo, and Java– lie on the Asiatic land shelf and were once connected with the continental mainland. The seas separating them from Asia are very shallow, and much of their coastland consists of tidal swamps extending far inland. New Guinea and adjacent islands rest on the Australian land shelf and formerly constituted a part of Australia itself. The central islands of Indonesia, however, including Celebes, the Lesser Sunda Islands, and the Moluccas, rise out of the deep ocean, in what was once a wide strait separating Asia from Australia.

The topography of Indonesia is one of strong contrasts. The only extensive dry flatlands occur in Java and parts of Sumatra. Elsewhere level plains are infrequent and restricted in area, and most of the islands consist of either rolling hills and steep mountains or soggy marshes. Highlands and swamps both are clothed in dense forest except where hillsides have been cleared for cultivation by human effort. Predominantly, therefore, the Indies are a region of swamps, mountains, and jungles.

Over a hundred of the Indonesian mountains are active or recently active volcanoes. Wherever volcanism occurs, population is densest, for volcanic ash makes fertile soil. Java, the most volcanic of all the islands, has the greatest concentration of population; Borneo and New Guinea, the least volcanic regions, are the most sparsely peopled.

CLIMATE

Lying along the Equator, the Indies have a hot and moist climate; but the average temperature decreases about 1° Fahrenheit for each 300 feet of altitude. Consequently, the mountainous districts offer cool relief from the oppressive lowlands. Dwellers in coastal Batavia, where the mean annual temperature is 80°, welcome every opportunity to visit Handung. a mountain city with a yearly average of only 73°, The high humidity makes the tropical heat even more uncomfortable.

Rainfall is heavy in nearly all parts of the islands and increases with altitude. Some mountainous sections are drenched with 12 feet of rain annually. Although the temperature varies only slightly throughout the year, the monsoonal winds cause a seasonal change in rainfall. In most

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Fig. 1.–The East Indies

 

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of Indonesia, the west is thIndonesia, barat adalah “basah” hujan dan berlaku selama bulan-bulan musim dingin utara kami. Di bagian timur Indonesia, namun, musim dibalik, dan musim timur membawa sebagian besar curah hujan.

PENYAKIT
Sementara panas dan kelembaban menyebabkan ketidaknyamanan, penyakit lokal banyak adalah sumber bahaya konstan. Karena parasit penyakit selalu ada, hati-hati perlu bahwa air minum direbus dan semua sayur dan buah dikupas dan sebaiknya dimasak, untuk menghindari tipus, disentri, dan kolera. Lebih sulit untuk mencegah adalah malaria, kutukan pulau. Kelambu membantu dan sangat diperlukan, tetapi kina adalah yang terbaik pencegahan. Ini tidak perlu digunakan di setiap kabupaten, untuk beberapa bagian pulau-pulau secara alami bebas dari nyamuk pembawa malaria. Penyakit-penyakit tropis lebih menjijikkan seperti kaki gajah dan kusta mengklaim korban asli banyak tapi jarang menyerang kulit putih.

Layanan medis Belanda telah membuat kemajuan luar biasa dalam pencegahan dan pengendalian penyakit dengan akibat bahwa banyak bagian Hindia, terutama Jawa dan Sumatera bagian, telah menjadi tempat yang cukup sehat dengan standar tropis. Penderitaan ditakuti tahun sebelumnya, seperti wabah dan demam blackwater, telah dikendalikan, dan wabah yang menghancurkan dari kolera, tifus, dan cacar tidak lagi terjadi. Tapi orang kulit putih masih harus melakukan kewaspadaan konstan pada apa yang dia makan dan minuman, menjalani inokulasi periodik, dan menjaga kina nya berguna untuk menjamin kesehatan yang baik di pulau-pulau. Kecerobohan membawa hukuman berat, sering mati. Hal ini benar terutama di distrik-distrik terpencil, di mana pelayanan kesehatan pemerintah belum diperpanjang kegiatannya, dan di mana perawatan medis tidak tersedia.

HEWAN HIDUP
Mungkin jenis yang paling menjengkelkan dari kehidupan hewan adalah yang terkecil. Semut, rayap, laba-laba, kalajengking, dan sejumlah serangga ajaib di berbagai kawanan mereka di mana-mana, dan lalat dan nyamuk terutama adalah sahabat konstan dan tidak menyenangkan. Yang terakhir ini terutama merupakan hama menyebalkan, dan kebebasan dari serangan bertubi-tubi mereka mungkin adalah salah satu bantuan terbesar tunggal dalam mendapatkan merasa jauh dari Hindia. Perjalanan di kabupaten berhutan membawa pertemuan menyenangkan dengan lintah berlimpah, yang menghisap darah sampai bengkak ke ukuran cigaret.

Pulau-pulau barat memiliki jenis Asiatic binatang, seperti harimau, gajah, badak, sapi liar, dan orang utan, tetapi ini tidak hadir

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di bagian timur kepulauan, di mana fauna Australia mendominasi, termasuk berbagai jenis marsupial. Meskipun berbagai macam ular yang ditemukan di Hindia, dan beberapa macam, seperti kobra dan ular air tertentu, beracun, reptil yang paling berbahaya adalah buaya. Adalah bijaksana untuk memata-matai setiap aliran dengan sangat hati sebelum mandi, pencucian, atau mencoba sebuah persimpangan.

POPULASI
Populasi besar Hindia – sekitar 70,0000,000 berdasarkan perkiraan terakhir – terutama terkonsentrasi di satu pulau, Jawa. Di sini, di daerah setara dengan Negara Bagian New York, hidup lebih dari 40.000.000 orang, rata-rata lebih dari 800 per mil persegi. Ini adalah negara dihuni sebagian besar berpenduduk padat di dunia. Sumatera, hampir empat kali luas Jawa hanya memiliki 8.000.000 penduduk, sementara Kalimantan, pulau terbesar dari semua, sangat jarang dihuni oleh 2.500.000. Sulawesi, dengan 4.000.000, memiliki sebagian besar terkonsentrasi di utara ekstrim dan semenanjung barat daya. Bali, sebuah pulau kecil sebelah timur Jawa, mendukung populasi lebih dari satu juta, dan Lombok, berdekatan dengan itu, 600.000, tetapi Indonesia timur, termasuk New Guinea, adalah untuk sebagian besar tipis diselesaikan. Jadi, sementara jumlah penduduk besar, hanya beberapa bagian dari Hindia yang padat dihuni: Jawa, daerah tertentu di Sumatera, dua bagian terbatas dari Sulawesi, Bali, dan Lombok.

Jawa, dari sudut pandang penduduk, bukan hanya fenomena, yang merupakan masalah yang membingungkan. Orang Jawa memiliki dua kali lipat jumlah mereka dalam 60 tahun, dan tidak menunjukkan tanda-tanda berkurangnya Kenaikan mereka. Dengan perang asli ditekan dan penyakit tidak lagi menghancurkan memeriksa sebelumnya adalah, pulau ini sangat hampir mencapai titik kejenuhan manusia. Belanda telah mencoba untuk meredakan ketegangan dengan mendorong dan subsidi emigrasi ke bagian lain dari Indonesia, terutama Sumatera. Tapi sementara emigran sedang dikapalkan oleh ratusan, orang Jawa meningkat ribuan. Masalah tetap belum terpecahkan.

Populasi putih Hindia, termasuk orang-orang berdarah campuran, sebelum perang saat ini hanya mencapai sekitar 250.000. Kelompok non-pribumi terbesar adalah Cina, dengan jumlah diperkirakan 1.200.000. Semua lain “Asiatik asing” bersama-sama, sebagian besar Arab dan Hindu, mencapai 115.000. Orang Jepang, kebetulan, yang kurang terwakili, dengan hanya beberapa ribu. Karena hal teknis hukum, mereka yang diklasifikasikan sebagai “orang Eropa.” Secara keseluruhan, kemudian, populasi non-Indonesia dari pulau-pulau relatif kecil, hanya sekitar 2 persen dari total.

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Plat 2Above: Kawah Bromo besar di Jawa Timur. Bromo dan Smeru di latar belakang adalah gunung suci dari dataran tinggi Tengger, yang sebelumnya dilemparkan pengorbanan manusia ke dalam gunung berapi merokok.

Bawah: Pemandangan di Bali.

 

 

e “wet” monsoon and prevails during the months of our northern winter. In parts of eastern Indonesia, however, the seasons are reversed, and the east monsoon brings most rainfall.

DISEASE

While heat and dampness cause discomfort, the numerous local diseases are a source of constant danger. Because of the ever present disease parasites, great care is necessary that drinking water be boiled and all vegetables and fruits peeled and preferably cooked, in order to avoid typhoid, dysentery, and cholera. More difficult to prevent is malaria, the curse of the island. Mosquito nets help and are indispensable, but quinine is the best preventative. It need not be used in every district, for several parts of the islands are naturally free of malaria-carrying mosquitoes. The more repulsive tropical diseases such as elephantiasis and leprosy claim many native victims but seldom attack whites.

The Dutch medical service has made amazing progress in disease prevention and control with the result that many parts of the Indies, particularly Java and sections of Sumatra, have become fairly healthy places by tropical standards. The dreaded afflictions of former years, such as plague and blackwater fever, have been brought under control, and devastating epidemics of cholera, typhoid, and smallpox no longer occur. But the white man must still exercise constant vigilance on what he eats and drinks, undergo periodic inoculations, and keep his quinine handy in order to insure good health in the islands. Carelessness carries heavy penalties, frequently death. This is especially true in the remoter districts, where the government health service has not yet extended its activities, and where medical care is not available.

ANIMAL LIFE

Probably the most annoying kinds of animal life are the smallest ones. Ants, termites, spiders, scorpions, and a host of insects marvelous in their variety swarm everywhere, and flies and mosquitoes especially are constant and disagreeable companions. The latter particularly are infuriating pests, and freedom from their insistent attacks is perhaps the greatest single relief one feels in getting away from the Indies. Travel in forested districts brings unpleasant encounters with the abundant leeches, which suck blood until swollen to cigaret size.

The western islands have Asiatic types of animals, such as the tiger, elephant, rhinoceros, wild cattle, and orang-utan; but these are absent

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in the eastern part of the archipelago, where Australian fauna predominates, including numerous kinds of marsupials. Although a wide variety of snakes are found in the Indies, and several kinds, such as cobras and certain water snakes, are poisonous, the most dangerous reptiles are the crocodiles. It is wise to reconnoitre every stream with extreme care before bathing, laundering, or attempting a crossing.

POPULATION

The enormous population of the Indies–about 70,0000,000 by the latest estimate–is concentrated mainly in one island, Java. Here, in an area equivalent to that of New York State, live over 40,000,000 people, an average of more than 800 per square mile. It is the mostly densely populated country in the world. Sumatra, almost four times the size of Java, has only 8,000,000 inhabitants; while Borneo, largest island of all, is very sparsely peopled by 2,500,000. Celebes, with 4,000,000, has most of these concentrated in the extreme northern and southwestern peninsulas. Bali, a small island east of Java, support a population of over a million, and Lombok, adjacent to it, 600,000; but eastern Indonesia, including New Guinea, is for the most part thinly settled. Thus, while the total population is large, only a few sections of the Indies are densely inhabited: Java, certain districts of Sumatra, two restricted parts of Celebes, Bali, and Lombok.

Java, from the viewpoint of population, is not only a phenomenon; it is a perplexing problem. The Javanese have doubled their numbers in 60 years, and show no signs of slackening their Increase. With native warfare suppressed and disease no longer the devastating check it formerly was, this island has very nearly reached the point of human saturation. The Dutch have tried to ease the strain by encouraging and subsidizing emigration to other parts of Indonesia, principally Sumatra. But while emigrants were being shipped off by hundreds, the Javanese were increasing by thousands. The problem remains unsolved.

The white population of the Indies, including persons of mixed blood, before the present war totaled only about 250,000. The largest non-native group were the Chinese, numbering approximately 1,200,000. All other “alien Asiatics” together, mostly Arabians and Hindus, totaled 115,000. The Japanese, incidentally, were poorly represented, with only a few thousand. Because of legal technicalities, they were classed as “Europeans.” In all, then, the non-Indonesian population of the islands was relatively small, only about 2 percent of the total.

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Plate 2Above: The enormous Bromo crater in eastern Java. The Bromo and the Smeru in background are sacred mountains of the Tenggerese highlanders, who formerly hurled human sacrifices into the smoking volcano.

Below: Landscape in Bali.

 

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Plate 3Above: Crocodile captured in Sibolga, Sumatra. Length 16 feet, weight 1,100 pounds.

Below: Orang-utan, Borneo. These great apes are found nowhere in the world except Sumatra and Borneo.

 

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Plate 4Above: The Javanese are the champion breeders of the world and love their plentiful children. This photograph symbolizes an apparently insoluble population problem.

Below: Batak women and girls, Sumatra, showing the proto-Malay (Caucasoid) physical type.

 

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Plate 5Above: Javanese girls in working clothes. The physical types show proto-Malay (Caucasoid) and deutero-Malay (Mongoloid) mixture.

Below: Native of Kupang, Timor, showing the Melanesian physical type, with Negroid features, and wooly hair. A half cylinder is used to fashion the pompon coiffure. Courtesy Netherlands Information Bureau.

 

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RAS ETHNIK
Hindia adalah tanah air dari cabang Melayu Mongoloid, atau kuning, ras. Jenis Melayu, secara umum, ditandai dengan perawakan yang sangat pendek (5 kaki 2 atau 3 inci untuk pria), kulit coklat, rambut hitam lurus atau bergelombang, wajah datar dengan hidung lebar dan ketebalan bibir sedang, dan bertubuh ramping. Ada pertumbuhan sedikit rambut di wajah atau tubuh. Sebagian besar wilayah Indonesia, dengan pengecualian dari pulau-pulau timur ekstrim dan bagian terpencil tertentu di tempat lain, dihuni oleh masyarakat dari ras Melayu, yang juga menyebar sampai ke Filipina dan Semenanjung Melayu.

Dua subdivisi dari stok Melayu dapat dibedakan dalam pulau. Kabupaten interior, sebagian besar dataran tinggi, dari Jawa, Sumatera, Kalimantan, dan Sulawesi, serta rantai pulau yang membentang dari Bali ke Timor, yang dihuni terutama oleh suku-suku dari jenis yang disebut proto-Melayu. Mereka mewakili imigrasi sebelumnya Melayu ke Indonesia dari Asia tenggara dan memiliki penampilan yang jauh lebih sedikit Mongoloid dari penduduk pesisir., Populasi pesisir pulau-pulau barat besar sebagian besar dari jenis Deutero-Melayu rasial. Mereka adalah keturunan bentuk pemukim kemudian Melayu di Indonesia dan menunjukkan ciri-ciri lebih Mongoloid. Perbedaan utama antara kedua subraces Melayu dapat diringkas sebagai berikut: proto-Melayu yang lebih pendek dan memiliki kulit yang lebih gelap, rambut bergelombang semakin terlihat, dan gempal fisik dari Deutero-Melayu, dan fitur wajahnya tidak memiliki mata Mongoloid karakteristik miring dengan di dalam kali lipat pada kelopak mata atas, serta tulang pipi menonjol dari Deutero-Melayu.

Alasan untuk ini divisi yang menarik adalah bahwa awalnya tenggara Asia, tanah air kuno dari Indonesia, dihuni oleh suku-suku yang outlier gelap dan jauh dari masyarakat Eropa. Proto-Melayu, dengan fitur Caucasoid mereka, menunjukkan bukti tentang hal ini keturunan “putih”. Mereka meninggalkan daratan Asia sebelum gerakan yang semakin meningkat dari masyarakat Mongoloid dari utara menyerbu Asia Tenggara, dan, dicampur dengan penduduk tua di sana, secara bertahap mengubah jenis ras dari Caucasoid gelap didominasi Mongoloid. Kedatangan kemudian di Hindia dari wilayah ini adalah semakin lebih Mongolized, dan keturunan hidup mereka tunjukkan di wajah mereka yang lebih luas, tulang pipi tinggi, tegak rambut, dan mata miring lagi. Orang Melayu kemudian mendorong yang sebelumnya kembali ke kabupaten interior, dimana tipe proto-Melayu masih berlaku, dan menduduki tanah pesisir sendiri.

Jauh sebelum ras Melayu menyebar ke dalam pulau, saham manusia lainnya telah menetap di sana. Yang paling awal dari ras kuno mungkin Australoid itu. Jejak jenis Australoid, dengan fitur kasar nya, alis beetling, dan tubuh berbulu, masih dapat dideteksi di Hindia,

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khususnya di pulau-pulau terdekat Australia, rumah yang sekarang ini ras kuno. Dua cabang dari ras bersifat Negro juga hidup di Indonesia di zaman prasejarah. Satu,, bukan tinggi cadang berbingkai, berambut lebat Melanesia atau Kelautan jenis bersifat Negro, kini telah menghilang dari sebagian besar pulau-pulau, tetapi di Timor-Flores zona suku-suku Indonesia timur tertentu masih relatif murni melestarikan ciri Melanesia. Pusat permukiman bersifat Negro Melanesia telah lama sejak pindah ke timur, di luar New Guinea, untuk Solomon, Hebrides Baru, Fijis, dan Kaledonia Baru. Jenis bersifat Negro lain, yang disebut Negrito atau kerdil Negro, masih bertahan di bagian timur Sumatera, Timor, Alor, dan pegunungan New Guinea. Lain Negrito kelompok ditemukan di Kepulauan Andaman, Malaya, dan Filipina. Salah satu jenis ras lebih kuno Hindia adalah, seperti Negrito, dwarfish dan rapuh. Jenis ini disebut Veddoid memiliki kulit coklat, rambut berombak, dan wajah prognathous dengan dagu surut. Tampaknya menjadi hibrida terhambat bahasa Melayu dan Australoid. Sisa-sisa umat Veddoid menghuni timur Sumatera rawa, sebagian Kalimantan dan Sulawesi, dan pulau-pulau tertentu di Indonesia Timur, terutama Seram. Masyarakat Veddoid lain ditemukan di Ceylon, Malaya, dan Filipina.

Sementara sebagian besar wilayah Indonesia dihuni oleh suku-suku dari ras Melayu, dengan sisa-sisa diselingi dengan sediaan kuno hanya disebutkan, bagian paling timur tidak pernah dicapai oleh migrasi Melayu utama. Di sini, di New Guinea dan pulau-pulau tetangga, saham Papua berlaku. Sepertinya hibrida dari Australoid dan Melanesia bersifat Negro, yang ditandai dengan tubuh kurus dan panjang berkaki, kulit gelap, dan wajah sempit dan sudut, dengan bibir tipis dan hidung yang panjang, yang terakhir sering penuh berdaging dan terhubung pada tip. Tubuh adalah berbulu, wajah sering berjenggot, dan keriting rambut kepala. Memang, papua berarti “berambut keriting” dalam bahasa Melayu. Di Maluku, antara Sulawesi dan Papua Nugini, campuran dari Papua dan proto-Melayu jenis telah menghasilkan hibrida yang disebut Alfur, dengan media untuk perawakan tinggi, fisik ramping, sedang untuk kulit coklat gelap, langsung ke rambut bergelombang, yang relatif berbulu tubuh, dan fitur yang bervariasi dari luas berwajah, norma berhidung pesek proto-Melayu ke konformasi Papua berwajah sempit, “Semit” berhidung.

Temperamental KUALITAS
Perbedaan ras yang jelas antara Indonesia bagian barat, yang hampir kokoh Melayu dalam populasi, dan pulau-pulau timur, dihuni oleh saham Papua, yang disejajarkan dengan kontras dalam temperamen manusia. Orang Melayu sangat tenang dan pendiam, sementara orang Papua yang bersemangat dan gencar. Yang pertama adalah apatis dan pensiun, yang mudah menguap yang terakhir

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dan agresif. Voyaging ke arah timur dari Jawa, orang dapat melihat perubahan karakter menjadi semakin lebih nyata, sama seperti ciri-ciri fisik secara bertahap bervariasi dari Melayu menuju Papua itu. Penduduk asli menjadi kurang terkendali, lebih keras, dan lebih banyak bicara, sampai di New Guinea “suasana manusia” mencapai hampir satu ekstrim berlawanan dari negeri orang Melayu tenang dan Jawa. Meskipun perbedaan temperamental menyertai pergeseran ras, itu mungkin tidak biologis, melainkan hasil dari pelatihan yang berbeda dan aturan perilaku.

Bangsa Melayu, secara umum, sangat ramah dan sopan, tidak hanya untuk satu sama lain, tetapi untuk orang asing juga. Orang Papua, di sisi lain, cenderung membuat kesan sebaliknya, dan memang mereka prevailingly kasar dengan cara dan tidak ramah, sering secara terbuka bermusuhan, orang luar. Suku-suku Melayu di pedalaman Kalimantan, Sulawesi, dan Sumatera, juga, masih curiga terhadap kulit putih, dan tidak memiliki kebaikan dari kelompok yang lebih maju. Tapi di antara sekitar 90 persen dari masyarakat Indonesia, salah satu menemukan sebuah keanggunan dan pesona mudah cara tak tertandingi di tempat lain di dunia. Ini berlaku untuk semua lapisan masyarakat, dan yang paling miskin Jawa, menerima orang asing di gubuk yang menyedihkan, bertindak dengan pria sopan alami dan mudah.

Keindahan tubuh berperawakan kecil, berkulit halus Melayu ditingkatkan oleh ketenangan yang paling mengesankan dan martabat. Gerakan yang tenang, tidak terburu-buru, dan anggun, dan bahkan percakapan mudah dan bersuara lembut. Ketenangan dan kedamaian kekal temperamen Melayu tidak menandakan mentalitas kusam, namun. Orang kulit putih cenderung membingungkan sibuk, dengan bisnis, secara kuat dengan pikiran yang tajam. Tapi siapa pun yang telah mengenal masyarakat Indonesia intim, yang berbicara bahasa mereka dan telah bekerja dan tinggal di antara mereka, tidak akan pernah menilai mereka rendah dalam kecerdasan. Semua bukti menunjukkan berisi jelas bahwa mereka, rata-rata, cukup sama dalam kapasitas mental untuk kulit putih atau ras lainnya. Apapun perbedaan yang ada adalah karena kesenjangan dalam pelatihan dan pendidikan.

SEJARAH
Sejarah mencatat di Indonesia dimulai pada prasasti abad kelima Masehi Tersebar di atas batu ditemukan di Jawa dan Kalimantan menunjukkan bahwa saat ini pulau-pulau sedang dijajah oleh pedagang Hindu dan petualang dari India. Catatan-catatan paling awal terdiri dari pendek, referensi terputus untuk para penguasa Hindu negara kolonial di pantai barat dari pulau-pulau besar. Catatan perjalanan dari dua Buddhis Cina peziarah, Fa-Hsien dan I-Tsing, pada abad kelima dan ketujuh, mengatakan negara-negara Hindu mereka kunjungi di Jawa dan Sumatera. Pesisir populasi dari

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pulau-pulau sudah sebagian besar dikonversi ke agama Hindu, baik Brahman-isme atau Buddha, atau, lebih umum, kombinasi dari keduanya.

Setelah abad kedelapan, prasasti batu menjadi lebih banyak dan rinci, dan pada abad kesebelas ahli-ahli Taurat dan penyair dari kerajaan Jawa yang menulis sejarah dalam gaya narasi terhubung. Wisatawan India dan Cina sedang rekaman kesan-kesan mereka nusantara, dan komunikasi yang teratur dan perdagangan telah didirikan di seluruh Indonesia bagian barat. Negara-negara Hindu kecil secara bertahap yang bergabung menjadi dua kerajaan kuat: Sriwijaya di selatan Sumatera dan Singosari di Jawa Timur. Sriwijaya diperpanjang dunia yang sampai ke Semenanjung Melayu, dan bahkan terlibat dalam serangkaian perang dengan negara bagian selatan India dan Srilanka pada abad kesebelas dan ketigabelas. Singosari menjadi begitu kuat untuk menantang keunggulan dari Kubilai Khan di Timur selatan, dan pada 1294 tentara yang mengalahkan kekuatan invasi yang besar Cina yang mendarat di pantai Jawa.

Indonesia mencapai “usia emas” dalam abad keempat belas dan kelima belas, ketika setelah perjuangan panjang untuk supremasi kerajaan Jawa Modjopahit, penerus Singosari, Sriwijaya ditundukkan dan diperluas kekuasaannya atas sebagian besar Hindia, Filipina, dan tenggara Asia.

Peradaban Hindu-Jawa abad pertengahan telah meninggalkan kesan yang mendalam pada budaya sekarang Hindia. Reruntuhan kota-kota besar dan kompleks candi masih bisa dilihat di Sumatera dan Jawa, tetapi lebih penting dan abadi telah menjadi pengaruh Hindu pada organisasi sosial, teknologi, agama, dan bahasa. Huruf India Lama masih digunakan di beberapa bagian pulau. Orang-orang Hindu juga meninggalkan jejak mereka pada jenis fisik dari masyarakat Indonesia, tetapi ini benar terutama di distrik-distrik pantai Jawa dan Sumatra, dan terutama di kalangan kelas sosial yang lebih tinggi. Keluarga kerajaan negara-negara asli terutama menunjukkan keturunan India sebagian mereka di bertubuh lebih tinggi, kaki panjang, kepala sempit, dan fitur lebih halus dari jangka umum orang biasa.

Penurunan kekaisaran Modjopahit terjadi kebetulan dengan penyebaran agama Islam di bagian barat Indonesia. Islam, dibawa dari India ke Malaya dan Sumatra pada abad kedua belas dan ketiga belas, cepat diperluas selama pemerintah-pengikut Modjopahit di Sumatera dan Jawa bagian barat. Pemberontakan melawan tuan Hindu di Jawa Timur meningkat dalam tingkat dan kekerasan, sampai, akhir abad kelima belas, benteng terakhir dari rezim lama jatuh sebelum serangan pemberontak Islamisasi.

Agama Islam dengan demikian menggantikan Hindu sebagai agama dominan Hindia. Hanya dalam satu tempat, Pulau Bali, memiliki kultus tua selamat.

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Hari ini Bali adalah jenis barang museum, replika hidup pada abad keempat belas Jawa.

Kejatuhan Modjopahit juga menandai akhir dari apa pun kesatuan politik telah dicapai di pulau-pulau. Di tempat kerajaan tunggal dengan pemerintah-pengikut, sebagian besar kepulauan itu dibagi menjadi sejumlah kecil negara, semua Islam dalam agama, tapi terlibat dalam perang konstan dan satu intrik terhadap yang lain. Akibatnya, ketika orang Eropa pertama kali muncul di Hindia, mereka menemukan tidak ada daya yang kuat tunggal, tetapi hanya fragmen yang rusak dari kerajaan sebelumnya. Itu relatif mudah bagi pendatang baru, oleh karena itu, untuk menundukkan negara-negara lemah satu per satu atau, seperti sering terjadi, bersekutu dengan satu penguasa terhadap yang lain, akhirnya menaklukkan keduanya. Indonesia, terpecah belah, sehingga jatuh korban yang mudah ke desain imperialistik dari kulit putih, yang, memang, menghabiskan lebih banyak upaya dalam memerangi antara mereka sendiri daripada terhadap negara-negara asli.

Orang Portugis datang pertama, membangun diri mereka di Malaka, di Semenanjung Melayu, di 1510. Beroperasi dari basis dan berlayar di bawah arahan pilot Melayu yang mengenal lautan Hindia, mereka digantikan oleh 1521 dalam mendirikan pos perdagangan di Maluku atau di Spice Kepulauan Tidore, Ternate, dan Banda. Pada 1580 Portugal bersatu dengan Spanyol, dan Spanyol mengambil alih kepemilikan Portugis di Maluku, menambahkan mereka ke koloni Filipina.

Kekuatan laut Spanyol ditakdirkan oleh kekalahan Armada Besar di 1588, dan Inggris dan Belanda menjadi saingan untuk menguasai Hindia. Pada tahun 1650, Belanda master virtual dari pulau, dan perdagangan Inggris dibatasi untuk negara asli tertentu di Indonesia bagian barat dengan mana Inggris East India Company memiliki kontrak komersial. Orang Spanyol telah mundur ke Filipina, sedangkan Portugis diadakan hanya sisa wilayah mereka sebelumnya di bagian timur Timor.

Dari 1650-1910 Belanda metodis pergi tentang bisnis memperluas dan memperkuat kontrol mereka atas Hindia, sampai dengan tanggal terakhir semua hambatan asli terorganisir sudah teratasi. Kebijakan Belanda East India Company bukan untuk menggulingkan penguasa pribumi kecuali mereka keras kepala keras, melainkan untuk memerintah melalui mereka. Orang Belanda tertarik untuk hak perdagangan bukan tugas mengatur dan bersedia untuk memungkinkan penguasa apapun untuk tetap berkuasa dengan ketentuan bahwa ia diberi hak istimewa mereka komersial. Sistem pemerintahan tidak langsung melalui pangeran asli, seperti akan kita lihat, tetap menjadi unsur dominan dalam administrasi kolonial Belanda.

Meskipun keengganan mereka, bagaimanapun, orang Belanda terpaksa mengganggu lebih dan lebih dalam pemerintah daerah untuk menjamin monopoli mereka perdagangan. Ini tengkar meningkat dalam politik dan internal

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perang akhirnya merusak stabilitas keuangan Perusahaan India Timur, dan serangkaian kerugian perdagangan melemah lebih jauh. Akhirnya, perang dengan Inggris pada tahun 1780 dan 1795, yang terakhir memblokade perdagangan Jawa, disegel azab Perseroan; dan tahun 1798 itu dibubarkan, bangkrut.

Hampir tidak pernah Belanda mulai menata kembali administrasi kepulauan ketika, pada tahun 1806, Belanda sendiri diduduki oleh Perancis di bawah Napoleon. Untuk memastikan bahwa Hindia juga tidak seharusnya. jatuh ke Perancis, dan dengan persetujuan dan dorongan dari pengasingan Belanda Raja di Inggris, British Far Eastern pasukan merebut seluruh kepulauan pada tahun 1811.

Pendudukan Inggris berakhir tahun 1818, dan perjanjian 1824 didefinisikan wilayah Inggris dan Belanda di Asia selatan dan pulau-pulau. Belanda menyerahkan semua klaim ke Semenanjung Melayu, sedangkan Inggris pada gilirannya melepaskan kepemilikan beberapa mereka yang tersisa di Sumatera. Belanda adalah untuk memiliki tangan yang bebas dalam pulau-pulau, Inggris hak penuh di daratan Asia.

Ketika Belanda kembali ke Hindia pada 1818, mereka mulai segera pada tugas menciptakan ketertiban efisien untuk wilayah pulau mereka. Pekerjaan ini memakan waktu hampir seratus tahun, dan melibatkan mereka dalam rangkaian panjang perang lokal dan ekspedisi ke pelosok nusantara. Sepanjang abad kesembilan belas hampir setahun berlalu tanpa peperangan di beberapa bagian dari Hindia.

Orang Belanda menghadapi dua jenis situasi antara kelompok pribumi dengan siapa mereka harus berurusan. Distrik-distrik pesisir semua atau sebagian besar pulau-pulau didominasi oleh negara-negara asli, sementara daerah pedalaman, terutama di pulau-pulau besar, yang dihuni oleh independen, suku-suku yang terorganisir secara longgar, tanpa kekuatan yang mengatur terpusat. Dalam berurusan dengan para pangeran asli, Pemerintah Belanda mengikuti pola yang ditetapkan oleh Perusahaan India Timur tua. Di setiap negara bagian upaya yang dilakukan untuk menjaga kedaulatan memerintah dalam kekuasaan dan memerintah melalui dia. Hanya ketika seorang sultan atau radja terbukti berbahaya atau tidak kooperatif adalah cara-cara militer digunakan untuk menggulingkan dia dan baik menginstal pengganti cocok atau menempatkan wilayah di bawah pemerintahan langsung. Bahkan dalam hal yang terakhir, bagaimanapun, para kepala lebih rendah dari kabupaten dan desa biasanya dipertahankan dan dibayar gaji oleh Belanda. Di wilayah suku pedalaman, di mana tidak ada organisasi negara ada, pemerintahan langsung diperkenalkan segera setelah penggabungan suatu daerah ke dalam sistem kolonial. Di sini sekali lagi, sejauh mungkin, kepala suku pribumi tetap berkuasa atas umat mereka, yang diperlukan hanya untuk membuktikan kesetiaan mereka kepada pemerintahan baru.

Hingga tahun 1910 tenaga kerja panjang penaklukan dan organisasi itu hampir selesai, dan semua bagian dari Hindia berada di bawah kontrol Belanda. Selama 30 tahun setelah itu, perdamaian memerintah di pulau-pulau, sampai pada tahun 1941 perang di

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skala vaster dari sebelumnya menyapu atas mereka, meninggalkan Jepang berkuasa di seluruh wilayah seluruh dari Sumatra ke New Guinea.

DIVISI UTAMA DAN MASYARAKAT
Dalam membahas daerah primitif di dunia, adalah kebiasaan untuk merujuk pada kelompok sosial yang lebih besar sebagai suku. Secara keseluruhan, sekitar 130 terpisah India Timur suku bisa disebutkan, tapi banyak dari mereka yang begitu besar sehingga mereka lebih baik mungkin akan ditunjuk sebagai bangsa atau masyarakat. Dalam sinopsis berikut satu daerah utama dan masyarakat, angka populasi didasarkan pada sensus 1930 Hindia. Invasi Jepang mengganggu publikasi statistik rinci untuk 1940. Peta-peta terlampir menunjukkan lokasi dari berbagai pulau dan masyarakat yang disebutkan dalam teks.

Hindia dibagi secara geografis menjadi empat bagian utama:

Sunda Raya Kepulauan, termasuk Sumatera, Jawa, Kalimantan, dan Sulawesi.
The Lesser Sunda Islands, termasuk yang tersebar di timur dari Bali ke Timor.
Maluku, termasuk pulau-pulau yang tersebar dan kelompok pulau terletak di antara Sulawesi dan Timor di sebelah barat dan New Guinea di sebelah timur.
Belanda Baru Guinea.1
Sumatera -. Pulau, paling barat Hindia, memiliki luas sekitar 180.000 mil persegi, termasuk pulau-pulau yang berdekatan yang lebih kecil di lepas pantai timur dan barat. Sumatra adalah sekitar ukuran California dan kira-kira sama dalam bentuk. Bagian barat terdiri dari rantai pegunungan yang membentang dari satu ujung ke ujung. Satu danau yang besar, Toba, dan beberapa yang lebih kecil terletak pada lipatan pegunungan, dan beberapa lahan pertanian terbaik dari pulau itu ditemukan di lembah-lembah dataran tinggi dan dataran tinggi. Dua puluh lima vulkanik puncak pada berbagai tahapan kenaikan aktivitas sepanjang cordillera Sumatera besar. Gunung-gunung kerumunan para pesisir yang sempit di sisi barat pulau, tapi lereng timur mereka lebih bertahap, dan di sini mereka memberi jalan pertama untuk kaki bukit dan kemudian, khususnya di Sumatera bagian selatan, untuk membentang luas tanah rawa yang tak tertembus. Rawa membuat banyak bagian timur pulau itu hampir dihuni.

Jalan yang sangat baik menghubungkan kota-kota utama di Sumatera, dan adalah mungkin untuk melakukan perjalanan dengan Motorcar dari ujung utara ke ujung selatan. Hanya peregangan miskin di jalan raya utara-selatan hanya selatan pusat, di mana jalan baru-baru ini telah dibuka untuk lalu lintas normal. Tiga jalur kereta api tidak berhubungan adalah, atau tidak, dalam operasi. Satu meluas

 RACIAL STOCKS

The Indies are the homeland of the Malay branch of the Mongoloid, or yellow, race. The Malay type, in general, is characterized by very short stature (5 feet 2 or 3 inches for males), brown skin, straight or wavy black hair, a flat face with wide nose and lips of medium thickness, and a slender build. There is little growth of hair on face or body. Most of Indonesia, with the exception of the extreme eastern islands and certain isolated sections elsewhere, is inhabited by peoples of the Malay race, which also spreads up into the Philippines and the Malay Peninsula.

Two subdivisions of the Malay stock can be distinguished in the islands. The interior districts, mostly highlands, of Java, Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes, as well as the chain of island stretching from Bali to Timor, are peopled mainly by tribes of the so-called proto-Malay type. They represent the earlier Malay immigration into Indonesia from southeastern Asia and have a much less Mongoloid appearance than the coastal dwellers., The seacoast population of the large western islands is mostly of the deutero-Malay racial type. They are descended form the later Malay settlers in Indonesia and show more Mongoloid traits. The principal differences between the two Malay subraces may be summarized as follows: the proto-Malay is shorter and has a darker skin, wavier hair, and stockier physique than the deutero-Malay, and his facial features lack the characteristic Mongoloid slanting eye with inside fold on the upper eyelid, as well as the prominent cheekbones of the deutero-Malay.

The reason for this interesting division is that originally southeastern Asia, the ancient homeland of the Indonesians, was inhabited by tribes who were dark and distant outliers of the European peoples. The proto-Malays, with their Caucasoid features, show evidence of this “white” ancestry. They left the Asiatic mainland before an ever increasing movement of Mongoloid peoples from the north invaded southeastern Asia, and, mixing with the old inhabitants there, gradually changed the racial type from dark Caucasoid to predominantly Mongoloid. The later arrivals in the Indies from this region were progressively more Mongolized, and their living descendants show this in their wider faces, higher cheekbones, straighter hair, and more slanting eyes. The later Malays pushed the earlier ones back into the interior districts, where the proto-Malay type still prevails, and occupied the coastal lands themselves.

Long before the Malay race spread down into the islands, other human stocks had settled there. The earliest of these archaic races was probably the Australoid. Traces of the Australoid type, with its coarse features, beetling brows, and hairy body, can still be detected in the Indies,

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particularly in the islands nearest Australia, the present home of this ancient race. Two branches of the Negroid race also lived in Indonesia in prehistoric times. One, the rather tall, spare-framed, bushy-haired Melanesian or Oceanic Negroid type, has now disappeared from most of the islands; but in the Timor-Flores zone of eastern Indonesia certain tribes still preserve relatively pure Melanesian traits. The center of Melanesian Negroid habitation has long since moved eastward, beyond New Guinea, to the Solomons, the New Hebrides, the Fijis, and New Caledonia. The other Negroid type, the so-called Negrito or dwarf Negro, still survives in sections of eastern Sumatra, Timor, Alor, and the mountains of New Guinea. Other Negrito groups are found in the Andaman Islands, Malaya, and the Philippines. One more archaic racial type of the Indies is, like the Negrito, dwarfish and frail. This so-called Veddoid strain has brown skin, wavy hair, and a prognathous face with receding chin. It appears to be a stunted hybrid of Malay and Australoid. Remnants of the Veddoid race inhabit the east Sumatra swamplands, parts of Borneo and Celebes, and certain islands of eastern Indonesia, notably Ceram. Other Veddoid peoples are found in Ceylon, Malaya, and the Philippines.

While most of Indonesia is peopled by tribes of the Malay race, with interspersed remnants of the archaic stocks just mentioned, the most easterly sections were never reached by the main Malay migrations. Here, in New Guinea and neighboring islands, the Papuan stock prevails. It looks like a hybrid of Australoid and Melanesian Negroid, being characterized by a lanky and long-limbed body, dark skin, and a narrow and angular face, with thin lips and a long nose, the latter often full-fleshed and hooked at the tip. The body is hairy, the face frequently bearded, and the head hair frizzy. Indeed, papua means “frizzy-haired” in the Malay language. In the Moluccas, between Celebes and New Guinea, intermixture of the Papuan and proto-Malay types has produced the so-called Alfur hybrid, with medium to tall stature, slender physique, medium to dark brown skin, straight to wavy hair, a relatively hairy body, and features varying from the broad-faced, flat-nosed proto-Malay norm to the narrow-faced, “semitic”-nosed Papuan conformation.

TEMPERAMENTAL QUALITIES

The marked racial difference between western Indonesia, which is almost solidly Malay in population, and the eastern islands, inhabited by the Papuan stock, is paralleled by a contrast in human temperament. The Malays are very sedate and reserved, while the Papuans are excitable and vociferous. The former are phlegmatic and retiring, the latter volatile

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and aggressive. Voyaging eastward from Java, one can see the change in character becoming progressively more marked, just as the physical traits gradually vary from the Malay toward the Papuan. The natives become less restrained, louder, and more loquacious, until in New Guinea the “human atmosphere” reaches almost an opposite extreme from the land of the serene Malays and Javanese. Although the temperamental difference accompanies a shift in race, it is probably not biologically determined, but rather a result of divergent training and rules of behavior.

The Malay peoples are, in general, remarkably friendly and polite, not only to one another, but to strangers as well. The Papuans, on the other hand, are likely to make a contrary impression, and indeed they are prevailingly rough in manner and unfriendly, often openly hostile, to outsiders. The Malay tribes of interior Borneo, Celebes, and Sumatra, also, are still suspicious of whites, and lack the cordiality of the more advanced groups. But among about 90 percent of the Indonesian peoples, one encounters an easy graciousness and charm of manner unsurpassed anywhere else in the world. This applies to all levels of society, and the poorest Javanese, receiving a stranger in his miserable hut, acts the courteous gentleman naturally and effortlessly.

The beauty of the small-boned, smooth-skinned Malay body is enhanced by a most impressive poise and dignity. Movements are calm, unhurried, and graceful, and even conversation is easy and soft-spoken. The quiet and repose of the Malay temperament do not signify a dull mentality, however. The white man is apt to confuse bustle with business, a forceful manner with a sharp mind. But anyone who has come to know the Indonesian people intimately, who speaks their language and has worked and lived among them, would never rate them low in intelligence. All unbiased evidence indicates clearly that they are, on the average, quite equal in mental capacity to whites or any other race. Whatever differences exist are due to inequalities in training and education.

HISTORY

The recorded history of Indonesia begins in the fifth century A.D. Scattered inscriptions on stone discovered in Java and Borneo indicate that at this time the islands were being colonized by Hindu traders and adventurers from India. These earliest records consist of short, disconnected references to the rulers of Hindu colonial states on the coasts of the large western islands. The travel notes of two Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, Fa-Hsien and I-Tsing, in the fifth and seventh centuries, tell of the Hindu states they visited in Java and Sumatra. The coastal populations of these

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islands were already largely converted to Hindu religion, either Brahman-ism or Buddhism, or, more commonly, combinations of both.

After the eighth century, stone inscriptions become more plentiful and detailed, and by the eleventh century the scribes and poets of the Javanese royal courts were writing chronicles in connected narrative style. Indian and Chinese travelers were recording their impressions of the archipelago, and regular communication and trade had been established throughout western Indonesia. The small Hinduized states were gradually being merged into two powerful empires: Shrivijaya in southern Sumatra and Singosari in eastern Java. Shrivijaya extended its realm up into the Malay Peninsula, and even engaged in a series of wars with the states of southern India and Ceylon in the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. Singosari became so strong as to challenge the preeminence of Kublai Khan in the southern Orient, and in 1294 its armies defeated a great Chinese invasion force that landed on the coast of Java.

Indonesia reached its “golden age” in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when after a long struggle for supremacy the Javanese empire of Modjopahit, successor to Singosari, subjugated Shrivijaya and extended its rule over most of the Indies, the Philippines, and southeastern Asia.

The medieval Hindu-Javanese civilization has left a deep impress on the present culture of the Indies. The ruins of great cities and temple complexes can still be seen in Sumatra and Java; but more important and lasting have been the Hindu influences on social organization, technology, religion, and language. Old Indian alphabets are still used in several parts of the islands. The Hindus have also left their mark on the physical type of the people of Indonesia, but this is true mainly in the coastal districts of Java and Sumatra, and principally among the higher social classes. The royal families of the native states especially show their partial Indian ancestry in taller stature, longer limbs, narrower heads, and finer features than the general run of common folk.

The decline of the Modjopahit empire occurred coincidentally with the spread of Mohammedanism over western Indonesia. Islam, brought from India to Malaya and Sumatra in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, swiftly expanded over the vassal principalities of Modjopahit in Sumatra and western Java. Rebellions against the Hinduist overlord in eastern Java increased in extent and violence, until, late in the fifteenth century, the last stronghold of the old regime fell before the attacks of the Islamized rebels.

Mohammedanism thus replaced Hinduism as the dominant religion of the Indies. In only one place, the island of Bali, has the old cult survived.

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Today Bali is a kind of museum piece, a living replica of fourteenth-century Java.

The downfall of Modjopahit also marked the end of whatever political unity had been attained in the islands. In place of the single empire with its vassal principalities, most of the archipelago was split up into scores of petty states, all Mohammedan in religion, but engaged in constant war and intrigue one against another. Consequently, when Europeans first appeared in the Indies, they found there no single strong power, but merely the broken fragments of the former empire. It was relatively easy for the newcomers, therefore, to subjugate these weak states one by one or, as frequently happened, ally themselves with one ruler against another, eventually subjugating both. Indonesia, disunited, thus fell easy prey to the imperialistic designs of the whites, who, indeed, spent more effort in fighting among themselves than against the native states.

The Portuguese came in first, establishing themselves in Malacca, on the Malay Peninsula, in 1510. Operating out of this base and sailing under the direction of Malay pilots who knew the seas of the Indies, they succeeded by 1521 in setting up trading posts in the Moluccas or Spice Islands at Tidore, Ternate, and Banda. In 1580 Portugal was united with Spain, and the Spanish took over the Portuguese holdings in the Moluccas, adding them to the Philippine colonies.

Spain’s sea power was doomed by the defeat of the Great Armada in 1588, and the British and Dutch became rivals for control of the Indies. By 1650, the Dutch were virtual masters of the islands, and British trade was restricted to certain native states in western Indonesia with which the English East India Company had commercial contracts. The Spanish had retreated to the Philippines; the Portuguese held only a remnant of their former territory in the eastern half of Timor.

From 1650 to 1910 the Dutch methodically went about the business of extending and solidifying their control over the Indies, until by the latter date all organized native resistance had been overcome. The policy of the Netherlands East India Company was not to depose native rulers unless they were stubbornly intractable, but rather to rule through them. The Hollanders were interested in trading rights rather than governing duties and were willing to allow any potentate to stay in power provided that he granted them commercial privileges. This system of indirect rule through native princes, as we shall see, has remained a dominant element in Dutch colonial administration.

Despite their reluctance, however, the Netherlanders were forced to interfere more and more in local government in order to insure their monopoly of trade. This increasing embroilment in politics and internal

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warfare eventually undermined the financial stability of the East India Company, and a series of trade losses weakened it even further. Finally, wars with England in 1780 and 1795, the latter blockading the Java trade, sealed the doom of the Company; and in 1798 it was dissolved, bankrupt.

Hardly had the Dutch begun to reorganize the administration of the islands when, in 1806, Holland itself was occupied by the French under Napoleon. To ensure that the Indies also should not. fall to France, and with the consent and encouragement of the exiled Dutch King in England, British Far Eastern forces seized the whole archipelago in 1811.

The British occupation ended in 1818, and a treaty of 1824 defined the territories of England and Holland in southern Asia and the islands. The Dutch surrendered all claims to the Malay Peninsula, while the British in turn relinquished their few remaining holdings in Sumatra. Holland was to have a free hand in the islands, Britain full rights on the Asiatic mainland.

When the Dutch returned to the Indies in 1818, they started immediately on the task of bringing efficient order to their island realm. The job took almost a hundred years, and involved them in a long series of local wars and expeditions to the far reaches of the archipelago. All through the nineteenth century hardly a year passed without warfare in some part of the Indies.

The Hollanders faced two types of situation among the native groups with whom they had to deal. The coastal districts of all or most of the islands were dominated by native states, while the interior regions, especially in the larger islands, were inhabited by independent, loosely organized tribes, with no centralized governing power. In its dealings with the native princes, the Netherlands Government followed the pattern set by the old East India Company. In every state an attempt was made to keep the reigning sovereign in power and to rule through him. Only when a sultan or radja proved treacherous or uncooperative were military means employed to depose him and either install a suitable substitute or put the territory under direct administration. Even in the latter event, however, the lesser chiefs of districts and villages were usually retained and paid salaries by the Dutch. In the interior tribal areas, where no state organization existed, direct rule was introduced immediately after incorporation of a region into the colonial system. Here again, as far as possible, the native chieftains were kept in power over their people, being required only to prove their loyalty to the new administration.

By 1910 the long labor of conquest and organization was virtually completed, and all parts of the Indies were under Dutch control. For 30 years thereafter, peace reigned in the islands, until in 1941 war on a

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vaster scale than ever before swept over them, leaving the Japanese in power throughout the entire area from Sumatra to New Guinea.

MAIN DIVISIONS AND PEOPLES

In discussing primitive areas of the world, it is customary to refer to the larger social groupings as tribes. In all, about 130 separate East Indian tribes could be enumerated, but many of them are so large that they might better be designated as nations or peoples. In the following synopsis of the principal areas and peoples, the population figures are based upon the 1930 census of the Indies. The Japanese invasion interfered with the publication of detailed statistics for 1940. The accompanying maps show the locations of the various islands and peoples mentioned in the text.

The Indies are divided geographically into four main sections:

1. The Greater Sunda Islands, including Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and Celebes.
2. The Lesser Sunda Islands, including those extending east from Bali to Timor.
3. The Moluccas, including the scattered islands and island groups lying between Celebes and Timor to the west and New Guinea to the east.
4. Dutch New Guinea.¹

Sumatra.–This island, westernmost of the Indies, has an area of about 180,000 square miles, including the smaller adjacent islands off the east and west coasts. Sumatra is approximately the size of California and roughly similar in shape. The western half consists of a mountain chain that runs from one end to the other. One great lake, Toba, and several smaller ones lie in the folds of the mountains, and some of the finest agricultural land of the island is found in the highland valleys and plateaus. Twenty-five volcanic peaks in various phases of activity rise along the great Sumatran cordillera. The mountains crowd the narrow coastland on the western side of the island, but their eastern slopes are more gradual, and here they give way first to foothills and then, especially in southern Sumatra, to vast stretches of impenetrable marshland. Swamps make much of the eastern half of the island virtually uninhabitable.

Excellent roads connect the main towns of Sumatra, and it is possible to travel by motorcar from the northern tip to the southern extremity. The only poor stretches on the north-south highway are just south of the center, where the road has only recently been opened to normal traffic. Three unconnected railway lines are, or were, in operation. One extends

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sepanjang pantai timur laut dari ujung utara ke titik sekitar sepertiga dari jalan ke bawah pantai. Garis lain berjalan dari pelabuhan Emmahaven, di pantai barat, pedalaman untuk jarak pendek ke dataran tinggi. Sistem kereta api ketiga menghubungkan Palembang, Sumatra Selatan, dengan interior dan dengan pelabuhan Telokbetong di ujung selatan pulau. Tiga kota utama Sumatera – Medan, Padang, dan Palembang – berada, masing-masing, di pantai timur, pantai barat, dan kereta api selatan.

Populasi Sumatera dan pulau-pulau yang berdekatan total sekitar 8.000.000. Di pulau yang tepat, ada tujuh kelompok suku utama. Yang paling primitif adalah Kubu nomaden suku-suku di rawa timur dan tenggara. Mereka saham Veddoid, dan bersama-sama populasi mereka tidak melebihi 25.000. Pada tingkat “menengah” kebudayaan berdiri tiga proto-Melayu kompleks suku dari dataran tinggi interior. Paling selatan yang satunya adalah Redjang-Lampung kompleks, yang gabungan populasi total sekitar 500.000. Sebagian besar suku ini telah Mohammedanized, tapi budaya umum mereka masih mempertahankan unsur-unsur kuno. Batak dari Sumatera tengah hidup di negara yang tinggi berpusat pada danau besar Toba. Mereka total sepenuhnya 1.000.000. Sebelumnya kanibal, mereka masih terus untuk sebagian besar kebudayaan tradisional mereka, meskipun fakta bahwa ribuan dari mereka telah menjadi Kristen. Mereka tidak pernah menerima Islam, dan kebanyakan dari mereka tetap kafir dalam agama. Yang ketiga dari proto-Melayu masyarakat dataran tinggi Gayo adalah Alas-suku pedalaman Sumatra Utara, yang jumlah sekitar 50.000. Lebih terisolasi dari Batak, namun mereka telah dikonversi ke agama Islam. Dalam hal lain budaya mereka sangat primitif.

Tiga orang yang paling maju dari Sumatera adalah Deutero-Melayu Aceh dan Pesisir Melayu, dan proto-dan dicampur Deutero-Melayu Minangkabau. Orang Aceh fanatik Islam mendiami pantai-tanah utara Sumatera pada kedua sisi timur dan barat. Jumlah mereka sekitar 750.000. Mereka adalah penduduk asli terakhir yang ditundukkan oleh Belanda, setelah pergulatan mati-matian yang berlangsung 1873-1910. Mereka masih membenci orang Belanda dan termasuk di antara orang-orang sangat sedikit di Indonesia dari siapa ketidaksetiaan langsung bisa diharapkan. Orang Melayu Pesisir adalah kelompok pribumi terbesar di Sumatera, sebanyak 3.500.000. Wilayah mereka meliputi pesisir timur seluruh dari perbatasan Aceh ke Kabupaten Lampung di ujung selatan. Orang Melayu British Malaya, di seberang Selat Malaka, termasuk dalam kelompok umum yang sama seperti orang Melayu Sumatera. Jumlah besar yang terakhir telah menetap kesultanan-kesultanan pesisir Kalimantan dan bagian lain banyak dari Hindia. Mereka adalah yang paling luas dari semua rakyat Indonesia, dan bahasa mereka telah menjadi

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umum lingua franca di seluruh nusantara. Seperti Aceh, mereka adalah Islam, meskipun jauh lebih sedikit serius tentang agama mereka daripada fanatik Sumatera utara. Orang Minangkabau, tinggal di pusat dataran tinggi selatan Batak, jumlahnya sekitar 2.000.000. Mereka adalah orang giat, dengan budaya canggih yang tetap mempertahankan elemen-elemen kuno, seperti yang disebut “keluarga ibu,” di mana keturunan, warisan, dan suksesi untuk keadaan kepala suku mengikuti garis perempuan. Mereka adalah orang Islam, dan di antara para penghasut yang paling aktif untuk pemerintahan sendiri di Hindia.

Nias, Kepulauan Mentawei, dan Engano, pulau-pulau terpencil di lepas pantai barat Sumatera, dihuni oleh primitif proto-Melayu dengan jenis yang sangat kuno dari budaya. Kecuali untuk Niassans, yang sebagian dikristenkan, semua suku ini tetap kafir. Populasi Nias adalah sekitar 200.000; Mentawei, 10.000, dan Engano, 300. Para Enganese adalah salah satu suku beberapa Indonesia yang jumlahnya telah menurun sejak kontak pertama dengan kulit putih. Epidemi penyakit sengit impor telah menjadi penyebab utama penurunan tersebut.

Timur Sumatera pesisir dan pantai seberang Malaya adalah zona utama distribusi dari kelompok yang luar biasa dari maritim pengembara yang menghabiskan sebagian besar hidup mereka di perahu mereka. Disebut Laut Orang atau “Laut Gipsi,” mereka juga ditemui di bagian lain Hindia sejauh timur seperti Maluku. Populasi total di seluruh Indonesia mungkin tidak melebihi 10.000.

Java -. Meskipun adalah yang terkecil dari Greater Sunda Islands, Jawa, Madura dengan berdekatan, adalah bagian paling penting dari Hindia. Ini adalah jantung dari pulau-pulau, pusat pemerintahan, perdagangan populasi, dan. Wilayahnya seluas 50.000 mil persegi secara kasar setara dengan yang ada di New York State, tetapi penduduknya mencapai jumlah mengejutkan dari 40.000.000 pada tahun 1930, dan sekarang mungkin telah meningkat menjadi hampir 50.000.000.

Topografi Jawa sama dengan Sumatera. Bagian selatan merupakan rantai pegunungan yang berkelanjutan; bagian utara terdiri dari kaki bukit dan dataran. Tapi lembah-lembah yang lebih luas, dataran yang lebih luas, gunung lereng lebih bertahap, dan ada tanah kosong jauh lebih sedikit dari rawa di Sumatera. Akibatnya proporsi yang jauh lebih besar dari daerah tersebut berguna huni dan budidaya. Memang, Java adalah salah satu daerah yang paling subur dan produktif di seluruh dunia. Tanahnya sebagian besar asal vulkanik, dan 35 puncak gunung adalah gunung api di berbagai tahap kegiatan.

Sebuah jaringan yang sangat baik dari jalan raya dan rel kereta api mencakup pulau, dan hampir setiap bagian mudah diakses. Hanya di sudut barat daya dan ekstremitas timur jauh adalah perjalanan yang sulit, dan bahkan dalam

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Gambar. 3 – Masyarakat Jawa.

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distrik pusat-pusat utama penduduk dihubungkan oleh jalan. Batavia, ibukota dan kota terbesar Hindia, memiliki populasi lebih dari 450.000, dan sebagian besar kota-kota besar lainnya nusantara berlokasi di Jawa, di antaranya Surabaya, Semarang, Cirebon, dan Bandung.

Konsentrasi terbesar kelompok asing terjadi di pulau, di mana 80 persen dari seluruh populasi putih Hindia dan setengah dari Cina tinggal di 1940. Namun jumlah orang luar untuk pales tidak penting dalam menghadapi penduduk asli yang sangat besar. Kelompok pribumi terbesar adalah Jawa benar, yang mendiami hampir semua wilayah timur dan tengah, dan memperpanjang sepanjang pesisir barat laut. Mereka berjumlah hampir 27.000.000. Orang Sunda, yang diam di dataran tinggi barat daya Jawa, nomor 8.500.000. Orang Madura, yang tanah air adalah pulau Madura, telah tersebar di bagian besar pantai timur laut Jawa. Populasi mereka adalah sekitar 4.500.000. Dua suku yang sangat kecil lain hidup terpencil di bagian dataran tinggi terpencil di pulau itu: masyarakat Tengger, sebesar 10.000, di Jawa Timur, dan Baduy, sebuah 1.200 belaka, di bagian barat. Sedangkan tiga kelompok utama adalah Islam, kedua orang yang terisolasi masih mempertahankan sebuah agama kuno yang merupakan gabungan dari Hindu dan animisme primitif. Garis-garis perbedaan ras tidak sesuai dengan divisi suku di Jawa, tetapi di kabupaten pesisir jenis fisik dominan adalah Deutero-Melayu, sementara daerah pedalaman ditunjukkan dengan frekuensi jauh lebih tinggi dari saham proto-Melayu. Dengan demikian orang Jawa dan Madura benar milik terutama untuk jenis kemudian Melayu lebih Mongoloid, sedangkan Sunda, Tengger, dan Baduy memiliki frekuensi tinggi dari Caucasoid gelap ciri fisik sebelumnya Melayu.

Kalimantan -. Salah satu bagian yang paling maju Hindia, pulau yang sangat besar sangat jarang dihuni. Wilayahnya dari 290.000 mil persegi mendukung penduduk hanya 2.500.000. Dalam ukuran ini dapat disamakan dengan Texas dan Oklahoma digabungkan.

Sebagian besar pesisir di semua sisi terdiri dari luas, rawa tak tertembus yang memperpanjang jauh di daratan untuk kaki bukit dataran tinggi tengah. Interior yang berbukit-bukit dan di beberapa bagian pegunungan, tetapi ada beberapa puncak sangat tinggi dan tidak ada gunung api sama sekali. Tidak adanya rekening vulkanisme sebagian besar untuk infertilitas tanah. Spurs dari kisaran pusat memperpanjang hampir ke pantai laut di beberapa tempat, tetapi kontur umum perkiraan Kalimantan penampilan topi rendah dimahkotai dengan pinggiran lebar, yang terakhir mewakili tanah rawa basah yang berdering ketinggian sentral di semua sisi.

Daerah barat laut pesisir meliputi wilayah semi-tergantung negara bagian Sarawak dan Brunei, keduanya di bawah kontrol Inggris sampai invasi Jepang. Sarawak, jauh lebih besar, diperintah oleh Brooke

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Gambar. 4 -. Rakyat Kalimantan

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dinasti radjas Inggris, sedangkan kesultanan sedikit Brunei memiliki penguasa pribumi keturunan Melayu. Ekstremitas utara pulau, yang dikenal sebagai Britania Borneo Utara, adalah wilayah hanya di dunia masih dikelola oleh sebuah perusahaan charter, Utara Inggris Kalimantan Perusahaan. Untuk semua tujuan praktis, ketiga wilayah ini difungsikan sebagai koloni Inggris, di bawah yurisdiksi Komisi Tinggi Malaya. Sisanya tiga perempat pulau itu adalah wilayah Belanda.

Kereta api hanya di Kalimantan, kecuali swasta beberapa sepur sempit garis, berjalan untuk jarak sedikit di atas 100 mil di sepanjang pantai Britania Borneo Utara di sisi barat. Jalan juga hampir tidak ada di pulau ini. Ada beberapa peregangan jalan raya di bagian-bagian tertentu dari kabupaten pesisir, tapi mereka memperpanjang untuk jarak pendek saja, dan secara luas terputus satu dari yang lain. Rute utama dari perjalanan dan transportasi, oleh karena itu, terletak di sepanjang jaringan luas sungai dilayari. Satu-satunya kota ukuran yang cukup di seluruh pulau adalah Banjarmasin, di mulut Barito, “Mississippi Kalimantan,” di pantai tenggara.

Rakyat jatuh Borneo menjadi dua divisi besar: penduduk Deutero-Melayu pesisir, berjumlah sekitar 1.000.000, campuran Melayu, Jawa, Bugis, dan kelompok lainnya mengganggu dari tempat lain di Hindia, dan proto-Melayu pribumi, yang seringkali disatukan dengan nama “Dayak.” Ratusan band dan suku dapat dikelompokkan dalam enam kompleks suku, dalam setiap budaya yang serupa. Pada interior dalam mengembara band nomaden milik kompleks Punan, berjumlah sekitar 50.000 di semua. Mereka adalah pemburu dan pengumpul produk liar, dan beberapa dari mereka pernah menetap cukup lama untuk menanam tanaman atau membangun tempat tinggal permanen. Suku-suku Bahau tengah dan timur Borneo memiliki jumlah penduduk sekitar 300.000, dua suku utama menjadi Kayan dan Kenya. Ini adalah pembangun dari rumah panjang Kalimantan terkenal, ratusan meter panjangnya, satu saja dari yang dapat menampung kelompok subtribal keseluruhan. Kompleks Ngadju suku selatan Kalimantan, berjumlah sekitar 400.000, termasuk suku-suku seperti Danom Ot, Maanyan, Lawangan, dan Biadju. Tanah Dayak kompleks barat daya Kalimantan (Landak, Tayan, dll) memiliki jumlah penduduk sebesar 200.000, sedangkan Klamantan kelompok timur laut Kalimantan (Murut, Dusun, Milanau, dll), 300.000; Iban atau “Laut Dayak” dari Sarawak , 200.000. Semua suku-suku asli, dengan pengecualian dari Punan, diselesaikan petani, hidup terutama oleh penanaman padi kering, dengan anak perusahaan berburu dan memancing. Mereka semua berhala dalam agama, dalam budaya primitif umum, dan sebelumnya peringkat di antara para pemburu kepala yang paling terkenal di dunia.

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Celebes -. Pulau berbentuk aneh di sebelah timur Kalimantan memiliki luas wilayah 70.000 mil persegi dan populasi sekitar 4.000.000. Untuk sebagian besar, Sulawesi hanyalah sebuah massa pegunungan, liar jatuh bersama-sama dalam satu lansekap semua sudut yang curam dan profil bergerigi, di sini bahkan rawa-rawa pesisir yang kurang atau sangat sempit. Semua gunung berapi aktif atau baru aktif di pulau, 16 jumlahnya, terletak di ujung semenanjung utara dan di pulau-pulau yang berdekatan. Kecuali untuk daerah ini, bagian hanya benar-benar subur dan baik penduduk dari Sulawesi adalah semenanjung barat daya, yang tidak memiliki gunung berapi aktif tapi memang memiliki tanah vulkanik.

Tidak ada kereta api di Sulawesi, dan jalan raya sedikit kecuali di barat daya ekstrim dan bagian utara ekstrim, di mana jalan memancar dari dua kota yang layak dari nama, Makassar dan Menado. Di tempat lain peregangan singkat jalan telah dibangun di beberapa distrik, tetapi mereka tidak saling berhubungan. Tanpa sungai dilayari baik baik, perjalanan di pedalaman Sulawesi sangat sulit, dan harus dilakukan baik sedang terjadi atau kuda lebih jalan gunung yang sempit.

Ada tujuh kompleks suku di pulau itu. Para Toala, sebuah suku kecil tunggal, belum diselidiki sejak ditemukan sekitar 40 tahun lalu. Saat itu mereka berjumlah hanya sekitar 100, dan tinggal di gua-gua dan pondok kecil di sebuah lembah pegunungan terpencil di Sulawesi barat daya. Sebuah laporan pemerintah dari 1913 menyatakan bahwa kebanyakan dari mereka memiliki tahun yang bergerak turun dari retret dataran tinggi mereka dan tinggal di dekat sebuah pemukiman Bugis. Mereka Veddoid di saham, dan sangat primitif dalam budaya – “orang-orang gua” hanya benar yang pernah ditemukan di Hindia. Bagian tengah Sulawesi dan bagian bawah semenanjung utara dihuni oleh suku-suku Toraja (Palu, Napu, Poso, dll), penomoran 200.000. Selatan negara Toraja, di bagian atas dari semenanjung barat daya, tinggal masyarakat sadang, kadang-kadang disebut Toraja Selatan (Sadang, Seko, Rongkong, dll). Populasi mereka total 500.000. Semenanjung tenggara, dengan pulau-pulau yang berdekatan, adalah rumah dari Mori-Laki suku (Mori, Laki, Muna, dll), dengan jumlah penduduk 200.000. Semenanjung timur dan pulau-pulau tetangga yang dihuni oleh suku-suku Loinang (Loinang, Wana, Banggai, dll), dengan jumlah penduduk 200.000. Keempat kompleks suku memiliki budaya yang terkait. Tipe ras mereka adalah proto-Melayu, dengan unsur-unsur Veddoid muncul terutama di kalangan Loinang dan Mori-Laki kelompok. Sebuah strain Negrito terendam telah terdeteksi di beberapa suku Toraja Barat. Sebelumnya kepala pemburu, kelompok-kelompok interior primitif Sulawesi telah dikonversi dalam jumlah besar ke Kristen, meskipun sebagian besar masih tetap kafir.

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Gambar. 5 -. Rakyat Sulawesi

 

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Fig. 2.–Peoples of Sumatra

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along the northeast coast from the northern tip to a point about one-third of the way down the coast. Another line runs from the port of Emmahaven, on the west coast, inland for a short distance into the highlands. The third railway system connects Palembang, in south Sumatra, with the interior and with the port of Telokbetong on the southern extremity of the island. The three main cities of Sumatra–Medan, Padang, and Palembang –are located, respectively, on the east coast, west coast, and southern railways.

The population of Sumatra and adjacent islands totals approximately 8,000,000. On the island proper, there are seven main tribal groups. The most primitive are the nomadic Kubu tribes of the eastern and southeastern marshlands. They are of Veddoid stock, and together their population does not exceed 25,000. On an “intermediate” level of culture stand the three proto-Malay tribal complexes of the interior highlands. The southernmost of these is the Redjang-Lampong complex, whose combined population totals about 500,000. Most of these tribes have been Mohammedanized, but their general culture still retains many ancient elements. The Batak of middle Sumatra live in the lofty country centering on the great lake of Toba. They total fully 1,000,000. Formerly cannibals, they still hold to most of their traditional culture, despite the fact that thousands of them have been converted to Christianity. They never accepted Islam, and most of them remain pagan in religion. The third of the proto-Malay highland peoples are the Gayo-Alas tribes of the interior of northern Sumatra, who number about 50,000. More isolated than the Batak, they have nevertheless been converted to Mohammedanism. In other respects their culture is quite primitive.

The three most advanced peoples of Sumatra are the deutero-Malay Atjehnese and Coastal Malays, and the mixed proto- and deutero-Malay Minangkabau. The fanatically Mohammedan Atjehnese inhabit the coast-land of northern Sumatra on both eastern and western sides. They number approximately 750,000. These were the last natives to be subjugated by the Dutch, after a desperate struggle lasting from 1873 to 1910. They still hate the Hollanders and are among the very few peoples in Indonesia from whom outright disloyalty could be expected. The Coastal Malays are the largest native group in Sumatra, totaling 3,500,000. Their territory covers the entire eastern coastland from the border of Atjeh to the Lampong Districts in the extreme south. The Malays of British Malaya, across the Malacca Straits, belong to the same general group as the Sumatra Malays. Great numbers of the latter have settled the coastal sultanates of Borneo and numerous other sections of the Indies. They are the most widespread of all the Indonesian peoples, and their language has become

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the general lingua franca throughout the archipelago. Like the Atjehnese, they are Mohammedan, though much less serious about their religion than the north Sumatra fanatics. The Minangkabau, living in the central highlands south of the Batak, number about 2,000,000. They are an enterprising people, with an advanced culture that nevertheless retains many ancient elements, such as the so-called “mother family,” in which descent, inheritance, and succession to chieftainship follow the female line. They are Mohammedans, and among the most active agitators for self-government in the Indies.

Nias, the Mentawei Islands, and Engano, isolated islands off the west coast of Sumatra, are inhabited by primitive proto-Malays with very archaic types of culture. Except for the Niassans, who are partially Christianized, all these tribes remain pagan. The population of Nias is about 200,000; Mentawei, 10,000; and Engano, 300. The Enganese are among the few tribes of Indonesia whose numbers have declined since first contact with whites. Fierce epidemics of imported diseases have been the principal cause of the decrease.

The east Sumatra coastland and the opposite shore of Malaya are the primary zone of distribution of a remarkable group of maritime nomads who spend most of their lives in their boats. Called the Orang Laut or “Sea Gypsies,” they are also encountered in other parts of the Indies as far east as the Moluccas. Their total population in all of Indonesia probably does not exceed 10,000.

Java.–Although it is the smallest of the Greater Sunda Islands, Java, with adjacent Madura, is the most important part of the Indies. It is the heart of the islands, the center of government, trade, and population. Its area of 50,000 square miles is roughly equivalent to that of New York State; but its population reached the astounding total of 40,000,000 in 1930, and by now has probably increased to nearly 50,000,000.

The topography of Java is similar to that of Sumatra. The southern half is a continuous mountain chain; the northern half consists of foothills and plains. But the valleys are wider, the plains more extensive, the mountain slopes more gradual, and there is much less swampy wasteland than in Sumatra. Consequently a far greater proportion of the area is useful for habitation and cultivation. Indeed, Java is one of the most fertile and productive regions in the entire world. The soil is largely of volcanic origin, and 35 of the mountain peaks are volcanoes in various stages of activity.

An excellent network of highways and railroads covers the island, and virtually every section is easily accessible. Only in the southwestern corner and the far eastern extremity is travel difficult, and even in these

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Fig. 3.–Peoples of Java

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districts the principal centers of population are linked by roads. Batavia, capital and largest city of the Indies, has a population of over 450,000; and most of the other large cities of the archipelago are located in Java, among them Surabaya, Semarang, Cheribon, and Bandung.

The greatest concentration of foreign groups occurs in this island, where 80 percent of all the white population of the Indies and half of the Chinese lived in 1940. But the number of outsiders pales to insignificance in the face of the enormous native population. The largest indigenous group are the true Javanese, who inhabit nearly all of the eastern and central districts, and extend all along the northwestern coastland. They total almost 27,000,000. The Sundanese, who dwell in the highlands of southwestern Java, number 8,500,000. The Madurese, whose homeland is the island of Madura, have spread over large sections of the northeast coast of Java. Their population is approximately 4,500,000. Two other very small tribes live secluded in remote highland sections of the island: the Tenggerese, totaling 10,000, in eastern Java, and the Badui, a mere 1,200, in the western part. Whereas the three main groups are Mohammedan, these two isolated peoples still retain an ancient religion which is a composite of Hinduism and primitive animism. The lines of racial distinction do not coincide with tribal divisions in Java; but in the coastal districts the physical type is predominantly deutero-Malay, while the interior regions show a much higher frequency of the proto-Malay stock. Thus the true Javanese and Madurese belong mainly to the more Mongoloid later Malay type, while the Sundanese, Tenggerese, and Badui have a high frequency of the dark Caucasoid earlier Malay physical traits.

Borneo.–One of the least developed parts of the Indies, this enormous island is very sparsely inhabited. Its area of 290,000 square miles supports a population of only 2,500,000. In size it is comparable to Texas and Oklahoma combined.

Most of the coastland on all sides consists of vast, impenetrable swamps which extend far inland to the foothills of the central highlands. The interior is hilly and in some sections mountainous, but there are few really high peaks and no volcanoes at all. The absence of volcanism accounts in large part for the infertility of the soil. Spurs of the central range extend almost to the seacoast in a few places, but the general contours of Borneo approximate the appearance of a low-crowned hat with a wide brim, the latter representing the soggy marshland that rings the central elevation on all sides.

The northwestern coastal area comprises the territory of the semi-dependent states of Sarawak and Brunei, both under British control until the Japanese invasion. Sarawak, by far the larger, was ruled by the Brooke

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Fig. 4.–Peoples of Borneo

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dynasty of English radjas; while the little sultanate of Brunei had a native ruler of Malay ancestry. The northern extremity of the island, known as British North Borneo, was the only territory in the world still administered by a chartered company, the British North Borneo Company. For all practical purposes, all three of these regions functioned as British colonies, under the jurisdiction of the High Commissioner of Malaya. The remaining three-fourths of the island is Dutch territory.

The only railroad in Borneo, except for a few private narrow-gauge lines, runs for a distance of slightly over 100 miles along the coast of British North Borneo on the western side. Roads also are almost nonexistent in the island. There are a few stretches of highway in certain parts of the coastal districts, but they extend for short distances only, and are widely disconnected one from another. The principal routes of travel and transportation, therefore, lie along the vast network of navigable rivers. The only city of appreciable size in the entire island is Bandjermasin, at the mouth of the Barito, “the Mississippi of Borneo,” on the southeast coast.

The peoples of Borneo fall into two large divisions: the deutero-Malay coastal population, numbering about 1,000,000, a mixture of Malays, Javanese, Buginese, and other intrusive groups from elsewhere in the Indies; and the proto-Malay aborigines, who are often lumped together under the name “Dyak.” The hundreds of bands and tribes may be grouped in six tribal complexes, within each of which the culture is similar. In the deep interior wander bands of nomads belonging to the Punan complex, numbering in all about 50,000. They are hunters and gatherers of wild products, and few of them ever settle down long enough to plant crops or build permanent dwellings. The Bahau tribes of central and eastern Borneo have a total population of approximately 300,000, the two principal tribes being the Kayan and the Kenya. These are the builders of the famed Borneo longhouses, hundreds of feet in length, a single one of which may accommodate a whole subtribal group. The Ngadju tribal complex of south Borneo, numbering about 400,000, includes such tribes as the Ot Danom, Maanyan, Lawangan, and Biadju. The Land Dyak complex of southwestern Borneo (Landak, Tayan, etc.) has a total population of 200,000; the Klamantan group of northeastern Borneo (Murut, Dusun, Milanau, etc.), 300,000; the Iban or “Sea Dyak” of Sarawak, 200,000. All the aboriginal tribes, with exception of the Punan, are settled agriculturists, living mainly by the cultivation of dry rice, with subsidiary hunting and fishing. They are all pagan in religion, primitive in general culture, and formerly ranked among the most notorious head hunters in the world.

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Celebes.–This strangely shaped island to the east of Borneo has an area of 70,000 square miles and a population of about 4,000,000. For the most part, Celebes is simply a mass of mountains, wildly tumbled together in a landscape all steep angles and jagged profiles; here even the coastal swamps are lacking or very narrow. All the active or recently active volcanoes in the island, 16 in number, are located at the tip of the northern peninsula and on the adjacent islands. Except for this area, the only really fertile and well-populated section of Celebes is the southwestern peninsula, which has no active volcanoes but does possess volcanic soil.

There are no railroads in Celebes, and few highways except in the extreme southwestern and extreme northern parts, where roads radiate from the only two cities worthy of the name, Macassar and Menado. Elsewhere short stretches of roadway have been built in a few districts, but they are not interconnected. With no good navigable rivers either, travel in the interior of Celebes is extremely arduous, and must be done either afoot or on horseback over narrow mountain trails.

There are seven tribal complexes in the island. The Toala, a single small tribe, have not been investigated since discovered some 40 years ago. At that time they numbered only about 100, and were living in caves and small huts in a remote mountain valley of southwestern Celebes. A government report of 1913 states that most of them had by that year moved down out of their highland retreat and were dwelling near a Buginese settlement. They are Veddoid in stock, and very primitive in culture–the only true “cave men” ever discovered in the Indies. The central part of Celebes and the lower section of the northern peninsula are inhabited by the Toradja tribes (Palu, Napu, Poso, etc.), numbering 200,000. South of the Toradja country, in the upper part of the southwestern peninsula, dwell the Sadang peoples, sometimes called Southern Toradja (Sadang, Seko, Rongkong, etc.). Their population totals 500,000. The southeastern peninsula, with adjacent islands, is the home of the Mori-Laki tribes (Mori, Laki, Muna, etc.), with a population of 200,000. The eastern peninsula and neighboring islands are inhabited by the Loinang tribes (Loinang, Wana, Banggai, etc.), with a population of 200,000. All four of these tribal complexes have related cultures. Their racial type is proto-Malay, with Veddoid elements appearing especially among the Loinang and Mori-Laki groups. A submerged Negrito strain has been detected in certain western Toradja tribes. Formerly head hunters, these primitive interior groups of Celebes have been converted in great numbers to Christianity, although the majority still remain pagan.

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Fig. 5.–Peoples of Celebes

 

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Plate 6Above: Native of Larantuka, Flores, in festive attire. The physical type shows a mixture of Melanesian Negroid and Papuan racial traits (e.g., the nose, though wide and flat, has a somewhat depressed and fleshy tip). Photograph by J. Kinst.

Below: Karo Batak girls, Sumatra, de-lousing each other’s hair. This is a common sight in the Indies. Photograph by E. E. Muhs.

 

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Plate 7Above: Seti of central Ceram doing a war dance. The physical type is the so-called Alfur, the proto-Malay and Papuan hybrid characteristic of the Moluccas. Courtesy Bataviaasch Genootschap.

Below: Mentawei women fishing, showing leaf clothing. These people cannot weave, but make their garments of either bark cloth or leaves.

 

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Plate 8Above: Dyak group, western Borneo, showing weapons and waist rings of brass and rattan worn by women.

Below: Bahau Dyak group, Borneo, showing distended ear lobes, and, center rear, panther-tooth ear ornaments which may be worn only by successful head hunters.

 

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Plate 9Above: Balinese beauty.

Below: Balinese girls. In the center, an ikat (tie-dyed) sarong; the other sarongs are batik.

 

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Bangsa paling maju di pulau itu adalah proto-Melayu suku kompleks Minahasa-Gorontalo di semenanjung utara dan Deutero-Melayu-Bugis Makassar di barat daya Sulawesi. Minahasa hampir seluruhnya Kristen dalam agama tetapi mempertahankan banyak budaya kuno mereka dalam bentuk lain. Suku-suku lain dari kompleks utara baik Islam (Gorontalo) atau kafir (Bolaang Mongondou, Sangir, Talaut). Jumlah total penduduk Minahasa-orang Gorontalo adalah 500.000. Para Makassar dan Bugis, penomoran 2.500.000, membentuk kelompok populasi terbesar, dan merupakan orang yang dominan dari pulau itu. Sebagian besar kabupaten pesisir dan banyak interior dulunya di bawah kekuasaan radjas mereka. Mereka Islam dalam agama.

The Lesser Sunda Islands – Dengan tanah seluas 35.000 mil persegi dan populasi 3.500.000 gabungan ini rantai kepulauan membentang ke arah timur di sepanjang perbatasan selatan Hindia dari Bali ke Timor.. Medan sepanjang hampir seluruhnya pegunungan, dengan 28 gunung berapi aktif atau baru aktif, 17 dari mereka di pulau Flores saja. Jalan raya baik melintasi bagian dari Bali dan Lombok, tetapi bagian besar hanya bisa diakses lewat jalur gunung. Di sebelah timur kita menemukan beberapa peregangan jalan adil di Sumbawa, Sumba, Flores, dan Timor, tetapi Sawu, Roti, dan Alor-Solor Kepulauan memiliki jalan nyata hampir tidak ada. Memang, Bali timur distrik pedalaman semua pulau masih hampir sepenuhnya berkembang dan telah dikunjungi jarang oleh pihak luar. Kota-kota satunya bahkan ukuran moderat di Sunda Kecil adalah Singaradja dan Den Pasar di Bali, Mataram di Lombok, Ende di Flores, dan Kupang dan Dilly di Timor. Tak satu pun dari mencapai populasi 20.000.

Bali, sebuah pulau vulkanik gunung, adalah bagian yang paling subur dan paling padat diselesaikan dari Sunda Kecil, dengan jumlah penduduk 1.200.000, dan seluas 2.300 mil persegi. Dengan pengecualian beberapa ribu apa yang disebut Bali Aga, yang diam di desa-desa pedalaman terpencil dan masih mempertahankan banyak budaya pagan pra-Hindu pulau, semua orang Bali Hindu dalam agama. Bali, memang, adalah semacam barang museum, kelangsungan hidup hidup pada abad keempat belas Jawa. Banyak keluarga yang mulia dan tinggi kasta adalah keturunan dari pengungsi yang melarikan diri Jawa ketika kerajaan lama Modjopahit runtuh. Selain seperti Deutero-Melayu penambahan-penambahan, orang Bali termasuk dalam saham Caucasoid gelap proto-Melayu rasial.

Lombok, sebuah pulau, tinggi vulkanik dari 2.000 mil persegi dengan populasi 700.000, adalah rumah dari tiga kelompok budaya yang berbeda. Kabupaten pesisir barat ditempati oleh Bali, sedikit berbeda dari kerabat mereka di Selat Lombok. Sisa dari pulau ini dihuni oleh suku Sasak, orang Islam yang sebelumnya subjek

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Gambar. 6 -. Kepulauan dan masyarakat dari Sunda Kecil

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untuk pangeran Bali. Terselip di antara Sasak, namun, beberapa ribu Bodha, sebagian besar masih kafir dalam agama dan cukup primitif dalam budaya umum. Ketiga kelompok ini sebagian besar adalah proto-Melayu dalam huruf fisik, meskipun ciri-ciri Veddoid muncul di antara kedua Sasak dan Bodha.

Sumbawa adalah, sebagian pulau vulkanik pegunungan 5.000 mil persegi di daerah, dengan jumlah penduduk 300.000. Hal ini dibagi menjadi empat kesultanan: Sumbawa, Sanggau, Dompo, dan Bima, semua penduduk, dengan pengecualian Do kafir Donggo di pegunungan Bima, adalah Islam. Saham ras dominan adalah proto-Melayu.

Sumba, pulau non-vulkanik dari gunung yang rendah dan dataran tinggi, memiliki luas 5.500 mil persegi dan populasi proto-Melayu dari 100.000. Penduduk asli sebagian besar kafir.

Sawu dan Roti pulau-pulau kecil dengan dataran rendah pantai dan interior berbukit. Luas Sawu adalah 200 mil persegi, yaitu Roti, 650 mil persegi. Populasinya berjumlah 30.000 dan 60.000 masing-masing. Proto-Melayu penduduk termasuk sejumlah besar mualaf Kristen, meskipun paganisme mempertahankan cengkeramannya atas mayoritas.

Flores, sebuah pulau pegunungan dan sangat berapi, memiliki luas 5.600 mil persegi dan jumlah penduduk 500.000. Hal ini dibagi menjadi lima bagian suku: Manggarai, Ngada, Sika, Ende, dan Larantuka. Penduduk distrik barat terutama proto-Melayu dalam huruf fisik, tetapi bergerak ke arah timur seseorang menemukan campuran membingungkan saham rasial di mana proto-Melayu, Melanesia bersifat Negro, Papua, dan bahkan strain Australoid jelas terlihat. Lebar hidung, kulit gelap, dan mendominasi rambut kabur di kalangan masyarakat timur Flores. Meskipun kekristenan telah membuat beberapa terobosan dan banyak dari penduduk pantai mengaku Islam, sebagian besar Florenese adalah kafir.

Timor, terbesar dari Sunda Kecil, adalah, pegunungan non vulkanik pulau 9.000 mil persegi di daerah. Bagian timur dan daerah kantong kecil di pantai barat laut adalah wilayah Portugis. Tiga kelompok suku mendiami Timor: Kupangese, di ujung barat daya, sedangkan Atoni, di bagian barat dan tengah dari bagian Belanda, dan Belu, membentang dari pusat Belanda Timor timur selama sisa pulau itu, termasuk semua Timor Portugis . Wilayah Portugis adalah satu-satunya tempat di seluruh Indonesia, kecuali untuk beberapa daerah pedalaman terpencil, dimana Melayu tidak digunakan sebagai lingua franca. Berikut dialek bahasa Tetun Belu adalah bahasa perdagangan resmi. Komposisi ras penduduk Timor, yang totalnya mencapai 700.000, adalah yang paling campuran di Hindia. Selain elemen proto-dan Deutero-Melayu, Melanesia bersifat Negro, Papua, Negrito, dan jenis Australoid semua terjadi, di

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berbagai perbandingan di berbagai kabupaten. Hampir setiap saham rasial yang pernah hidup di Indonesia diwakili di pulau satu. Sebagian wajar penduduk asli telah dikristenkan atau mengislamisasi, tetapi sebagian besar orang Timor adalah kafir.

Para Alor-Solor Islands – Solor, Adonara, Lomblem, Pantar, dan Alor – memiliki daerah gabungan 2.000 mil persegi dan jumlah penduduk 150.000. Mereka adalah pegunungan, lima dari puncak gunung berapi yang aktif. Berikutnya ke New Guinea, ini mungkin pulau-pulau paling terkenal di Hindia keseluruhan. Sampai sekarang hampir tidak ada laporan yang tersedia tentang jiwa. Unsur-unsur utama adalah ras Melanesia bersifat Negro dan Papua, tetapi di Pantar tinggal tipe, luar biasa berat berjanggut yang mungkin kelangsungan hidup Australoid, sedangkan di timur Alor ada suku kerdil beberapa saham Negrito tampaknya murni.

Maluku -. Pulau-pulau menempati laut antara Sulawesi dan Timor di sebelah barat dan New Guinea di sebelah timur. Ada ratusan dari mereka, sebagian besar kecil, tapi mereka termasuk dua yang besar – Seram dan Halmahera – dan beberapa ukuran menengah. Luas lahan yang dikombinasikan dari semua Maluku adalah 35.000 mil persegi, dan populasi total adalah 425.000. Meskipun sebagian besar pulau-pulau yang bergunung-gunung, beberapa, seperti Aru kelompok, memiliki elevasi rendah sehingga mereka terutama terdiri dari rawa berkelanjutan. Jalan yang hampir tidak ada di Maluku, dan perjalanan interior dan transportasi sangat sulit. Akibatnya, kecuali di pulau-pulau besar, sebagian besar pemukiman asli terletak di pantai, dan komunikasi terutama dengan perahu. Setiap kelompok pulau utama memiliki minimal satu kota yang merupakan fokus perdagangan dan pelabuhan-of-panggilan untuk kapal uap. Tapi sebagian besar pusat-pusat komersial kecil dan tidak penting kecuali sebagai gateway untuk ekspor dan impor. Masyarakat hanya benar-benar perkotaan di seluruh Maluku Ambon, di Ambon Kepulauan selatan Seram. Ternate, di sebuah pulau dari nama yang sama barat Halmahera, Tidore, tepat di sebelah selatan Ternate di lain pulau kecil, dan Bandaneira, di Kepulauan Banda, tiga pusat sekunder yang penting telah menurun sangat sejak zaman keemasan perdagangan rempah-rempah, ketika Maluku, atau “Kepulauan Rempah-Rempah,” adalah wilayah komersial terkaya di Hindia. Sebagian besar pulau-pulau yang baik dekaden atau masih dalam keadaan primitif pembangunan. Namun demikian, Maluku memiliki signifikansi strategis penting, karena mereka menjaga laut terpendek dan jalur udara dari Australia utara ke Filipina dan Jepang. Belanda memiliki basis terbesar kedua angkatan laut mereka di Hindia di Amboina.

Wetar, di lepas pantai utara Timor Portugis, adalah sebuah pulau kecil terkenal dari 1.200 mil persegi dengan jumlah penduduk hanya 7.500. Medan yang berbukit-bukit dan tanah subur. Saham ras penduduk asli adalah campuran

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Gambar. 7 -. Kepulauan dan rakyat Maluku.

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proto-Melayu dan Papua. Suku-suku tertentu dilaporkan sangat suka berperang, yang diberikan kepada kepala berburu, dan memusuhi orang luar. Jadi terisolasi dan primitif ini pulau itu, kecuali orang Islam dan Kristen beberapa bahkan lebih sedikit, semua penduduk masih kafir.

Kisar, timur Wetar, adalah sebuah pulau kecil dari 50 mil persegi, yang, meskipun tanah yang kurang subur, mendukung populasi 9.000. Medan yang berbukit-bukit, dan hampir telanjang pohon. Penduduk asli adalah proto-Melayu saham, tetapi satu distrik dihuni oleh sekelompok sekitar 200 setengah-keturunan, produk dari kawin tentara dengan Kisarese lebih dari seratus tahun yang lalu, ketika sebuah Perusahaan India Timur benteng dipertahankan di pulau itu. Mereka memiliki nama Belanda dan tidak menikah dengan penduduk asli, tetapi mereka telah melupakan bahasa Belanda sama sekali. Sekitar 10 persen orang dari Kisar adalah orang Kristen.

Kepulauan Leti (Leti, Moa, dan Lakor), timur Kisar, memiliki area gabungan dari 350 mil persegi dan berpenduduk 15.000. Mereka adalah non-vulkanik dan relatif subur. Leti dan Moa yang berbukit, Lakor cukup datar. Proto-Melayu pribumi sekitar 50 persen Kristen.

Kepulauan Luang (Luang dan Sermata), berdekatan dengan kelompok Leti, adalah berbukit dan non-vulkanik, dengan luas 150 mil persegi dan berpenduduk 5.000. Sekitar setengah dari orang Luang mengaku Kristen, yang Sermatans masih kebanyakan kafir. Saham ras dominan adalah proto-Melayu.

Kepulauan Babar, enam jumlahnya, terletak sebelah timur dari Luang. Daerah gabungan mereka adalah 250 mil persegi; bahwa dari 220 mil pulau terbesar persegi. Mereka adalah non-vulkanik, dengan medan yang tinggi dan kasar. Penduduk asli sangat primitif hampir sepenuhnya kafir dan sebelumnya berlatih berburu kepala. Mereka adalah dari jenis yang disebut hibrida Alfur fisik, lintas proto-Melayu dan Papua. Sedangkan Kisar dan Leti dan Kepulauan Luang relatif “beradab,” Babar, seperti Wetar, tetap hampir tak tersentuh oleh pengaruh-pengaruh luar.

Kepulauan Roma (Roma dan Damar) berbohong utara Babar, dan bersama-sama memiliki luas 200 mil persegi. Keduanya pegunungan dan asal vulkanik. Salah satu puncak pada Damar masih aktif. Keadaan penduduk yang tipis dari 3.000 adalah sepenuhnya terisolasi, primitif dalam budaya, dan kafir dalam agama. Saham rasial Alfur hibrida.

Para Nila Islands (Nila, Teun, dan Serua) peregangan timur laut dari Damar ke perairan lepas Laut Banda. Masing-masing dari tiga pulau adalah sebuah gunung berapi aktif, dan di lereng ini tinggal sekitar 3.000 penduduk asli jenis Alfur fisik, hampir sepenuhnya terpisah dari dunia luar dan masih kafir. Luas total adalah sekitar 100 mil persegi.

Kepulauan Tanimbar, dengan luas 2.150 mil persegi, yang 66 jumlahnya, tetapi hanya tujuh yang berpenghuni. Salah satunya, Yamdena, adalah jauh

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yang terbesar, dan di pantai selatan terletak kota utama Saumlaki, reguler port-of-panggilan untuk kapal uap. Semua pulau-pulau non-vulkanik dan dataran rendah, ketinggian jarang melebihi 200 meter; kebanyakan dari wilayah tersebut terdiri dari rawa-rawa tak tertembus. Para 25.000 penduduk asli adalah dari jenis Alfur campuran, dengan dominan karakteristik Papua, termasuk kulit gelap dan rambut keriting. Mereka sangat primitif dan sebelumnya berjuang kejam di antara mereka sendiri, dengan kepala dan makan bagian tubuh musuh dibunuh. Mereka memiliki catatan panjang permusuhan dengan kulit putih juga, tapi karena tahun 1907, ketika Belanda diperkuat kepolisian di pulau-pulau, gangguan sudah diperiksa. Mereka masih mempertahankan budaya tradisional mereka dan sebagian besar kafir.

Kepulauan Kei, timur laut Tanimbar, di bawah pantai Nugini, memiliki luas 575 mil persegi didistribusikan melalui tiga pulau besar dan yang kecil tak terhitung banyaknya. Mereka adalah non-vulkanik. Kei besar, yang terbesar, sangat bergunung-gunung, tapi yang lain jauh lebih rendah, yang terbesar kedua, Nuhuroa, sebagian besar terdiri dari daerah rawa. Mereka semua berhutan lebat. Kota utama adalah Tual, pusat perdagangan dan pengiriman. Populasi adalah 30.000 Alfur dalam jenis fisik. Meski masih primitif dalam budaya umum, hanya sekitar sepertiga dari Keians tetap kafir. Sisanya sama-sama dibagi antara Islam dan Kristen. Sikap yang berlaku terhadap orang luar yang ramah, meskipun perang internal yang berdarah hanya baru-baru ini diperiksa oleh Belanda.

Kepulauan Am, jauh ke timur, terletak dekat dengan New Guinea. Jumlah mereka lebih dari seratus, tetapi hanya lima yang besar. Seluruh kelompok dekat-dikemas, dengan divisi air sempit antara bagian-bagiannya. Daerah ini datar dan rendah, sebagian besar terdiri dari rawa-rawa yang luas rusak oleh perbukitan rendah. Virgin hutan meliputi sebagian besar Aru. Luas 3.350 mil persegi mendukung populasi 20.000 saham Alfur campuran, mirip dengan Tanimbarese tersebut. Dobo, kota utama, dan teratur port-of-panggilan untuk kapal, adalah di pulau barat Wamar. Ini adalah salah satu dari sedikit tempat di Hindia dimana Jepang banyak sebelum 1941. Mereka bergerak terutama dalam bisnis mutiara memancing. Beberapa bagian Aru masih belum diselidiki, dan di pedalaman Wokam hidup suku-suku nomaden yang belum pernah dilihat oleh orang kulit putih dan yang jarang datang dalam kontak dengan penduduk asli lainnya. Para Arunese cukup primitif, dan sebagian besar pagan, tetapi ramah dan patuh. Bahkan di antara mereka sendiri mereka jarang larut dalam peperangan.

Kepulauan Watubela, enam jumlahnya, terletak barat laut dari. Kei. Hanya tiga dihuni, total penduduk menjadi 2.500. Daerah ini sekitar 150 mil persegi, dan medan sebagian besar terdiri dari perbukitan rendah. Kepulauan ini terisolasi dan tidak penting. Beberapa penduduk asli, tipe Alfur, mengaku Islam, tetapi mayoritas adalah kafir.

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Kepulauan Goram, utara Watubela, dengan luas sekitar 200 mil persegi, enam jumlahnya, tetapi hanya tiga yang berpenghuni. Mereka adalah berbukit-bukit dan berhutan lebat. Total populasi saham Alfur campuran adalah 6.000. Meskipun pulau-pulau ini adalah off rute pelayaran reguler, penduduk asli memiliki kontak yang cukup dengan pihak luar, dan Islam kini mengklaim hampir semua dari mereka. Belanda mengalami kesulitan banyak dengan pembajakan dan budak-merampok sini sampai bagian akhir abad kesembilan belas, tetapi dalam beberapa tahun terakhir kondisi sudah damai.

Kepulauan Ceramlaut, dari ujung tenggara Seram, angka 12, 6 di antaranya berpenghuni. Daerah ini adalah sekitar 100 mil persegi, penduduk, 6.000. Mereka adalah rendah, cluster karang subur. Sekitar 1.000 dari penduduk adalah asal asing, termasuk Cina, Arab, dan Indonesia dari bagian lain Hindia. Bajak laut sebelumnya merepotkan, penduduk asli hampir seluruhnya Islam.

Kepulauan Banda, di tengah Laut Banda selatan Seram, memiliki luas 100 mil persegi. Ke-11 pulau telah kehilangan populasi aborigin mereka dan sekarang dihuni oleh campuran Jawa, Bugis, Makassar, dan imigran lainnya, sebesar 6.000. Perbukitan dan gunung berapi, kelompok Banda sebelumnya merupakan pusat makmur budidaya rempah-rempah. Hari-hari kekayaan telah berlalu, dan suasana umum dekadensi melingkupi wilayah ini, meskipun fakta bahwa kota utama, Bandaneira, memiliki salah satu pelabuhan terbaik di Hindia, dan beberapa pulau-pulau memiliki jalan raya yang adil.

Kepulauan Ambon, pusat komersial dan administrasi Maluku, adalah kelompok empat terletak di lepas pantai barat daya Seram. Luas total adalah 500 mil persegi, Ambon, pulau utama, yang terdiri lebih dari 300 ini. Kepulauan ini asal vulkanik, dan meskipun aktivitas lama berakhir, sumber air panas dan tempat tidur belerang yang umum dan gempa bumi sering. Pegunungan melintasi seluruh kelompok. Kota Ambon, dengan 10.000 penduduk, adalah komunitas terbesar di Indonesia timur dan merupakan pangkalan angkatan laut kedua yang paling penting dari Belanda. Para 60.000 penduduk asli, saham Alfur campuran, sebagian besar Kristen, meskipun cukup banyak mengaku Islam, mereka telah di antara yang paling ramah dari seluruh rakyat Indonesia terhadap pemerintah Belanda. Kuat, cerdas, taat, dan berani, mereka dipasok sebagian besar pasukan tentara kolonial dan yang menonjol dalam pelayanan pemerintah ulama, guru, dan sebagai mandor pekerja asli. Perdagangan telah ditangani terutama oleh pihak luar: Eropa, Cina, Arab, dan imigran dari daerah lain di Indonesia, dan penduduk asing sangat besar. Di kota Ambon, misalnya, hidup pada tahun 1940 hampir 1.000 orang Eropa dan beberapa ratus orang Arab dan Cina.

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Seram, Maluku terbesar, memiliki luas 6.700 mil persegi. Pulau ini didominasi pegunungan tetapi non-vulkanik, dengan 3.055 meter puncak tinggi di pusat. Bagian timur, bagaimanapun, adalah baik berbukit atau sangat rendah dan rawa. Sebagian besar tanah tersebut padat berhutan. Sungai-sungai yang hampir tidak berguna untuk navigasi, dan tidak ada jalan, akibatnya perjalanan darat sepenuhnya melalui jalur belaka. Tidak ada kota-kota besar dan pelabuhan saja. Penduduk asli, penomoran 60.000, pada umumnya cukup primitif, meskipun fakta bahwa sekitar 12.000 mengaku Kristen dan 16.000 adalah Islam. Sebagian besar mualaf tinggal di daerah pantai, di mana campuran cukup dengan alien telah terjadi; tetapi interior liar masih hampir tak tersentuh oleh pengaruh budaya dari dunia luar. Orang gunung dari Seram Barat yang tinggi, bersemangat, berkulit gelap rakyat Papua dan Melanesia saham bersifat Negro. Mereka telah di antara para pemburu kepala paling ganas di Hindia, dan kegiatan mereka yang suka perang telah memberikan banyak kesulitan Belanda. Mereka dikenal sebagai Patasiwa Hitam. Wilayah tengah yang dihuni oleh suku-suku Alfur campuran, dari disposisi damai lagi: Putih Patasiwa, Patalima, dan Seti. Bukit-bukit dan rawa-rawa di bagian timur Seram melindungi orang Veddoid, para Bonfia, yang pemalu, unwarlike, dan sangat primitif dalam budaya.

Bum, sebelah barat Seram, adalah sebuah pulau berbentuk oval dengan luas 3.400 mil persegi. Hal ini sebagian besar massa non-vulkanik gunung, tetapi sebagian besar pantai yang datar dan berawa. Hanya satu sungai adalah dinavigasi untuk kapal kecil, dan tidak ada jalan. Populasi 20.000 dibagi antara Gebmelia pagan interior, terutama proto-Melayu saham, dan orang-orang campuran dari pesisir, Gebmasin, yang sebagian telah dikristenkan atau Mohammedanized. Sebagian besar Buru baru-baru ini telah dieksplorasi, tetapi penduduk asli yang damai.

Kepulauan Sula, terletak di antara Buru dan Sulawesi memiliki luas sekitar 5.000 mil persegi. Ada tiga pulau besar dan yang lebih kecil tak terhitung banyaknya. Mereka adalah non-vulkanik, perbukitan di bagian interior, dengan dataran rendah pantai berawa. Populasi 15.000 terutama proto-Melayu saham, dengan Papua terendam dan strain Veddoid. Sula adalah salah satu bagian paling terkenal dari Hindia, dan penduduk asli kafir cukup primitif, banyak dari mereka masih menjalani keberadaan nomaden.

Halmahera utara Maluku, adalah sebuah pulau berbentuk aneh sekali sekitar 200 mil panjang, dengan luas 6.500 mil persegi, termasuk pulau-pulau satelit yang lebih kecil. Keempat semenanjung panjang yang tinggi, rantai pegunungan berhutan lebat yang jatuh bersama-sama di tengah. Semenanjung utara adalah gunung berapi, dengan tiga puncak semiquiescent aktif dan dua; bagian lain non-vulkanik. Tanpa sungai dilayari baik, dan

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tidak adanya total jalan, perjalanan di pedalaman adalah sangat sulit. Sebagian besar Halmahera hampir tak berpenghuni, jumlah penduduk menjadi 50.000 atau rata-rata kurang dari delapan per mil persegi. Penduduk asli, banyak dari mereka nomaden, yaitu dari saham Alfur hibrida, dan sangat primitif dalam budaya. Mereka dikelompokkan di lebih dari 30 suku berbeda, sebagian besar yang telah sangat sedikit diteliti. Peradaban Barat telah hampir menyentuh pulau ini, kecuali untuk tenaga kerja dari beberapa misionaris, yang memperkirakan jumlah mereka bertobat pada hampir 10.000, mungkin berlebihan. Jumlah orang Islam tidak diketahui. Bagaimanapun, sebagian besar dari Halmaherans masih kafir dalam agama.

Ternate, lepas pantai barat Halmahera, adalah sebuah pulau kecil dihuni hampir seluruhnya oleh gunung berapi, tinggi aktif. Luas total adalah 25 mil persegi, sebagian besar padat berhutan. Kota utama, Ternate, merupakan pusat pengiriman, dengan pelabuhan yang baik. Populasi 10.000 pada dasarnya saham Alfur, tetapi campuran begitu banyak dengan pihak luar telah terjadi bahwa jenis asli telah dikaburkan. Ternate, di samping Ambon, adalah kota terbesar di Indonesia timur, dan dulunya adalah ibukota timur kesultanan yang paling kuat dari Makasar. Penduduk asli pulau ini sepenuhnya Islam.

Tidore, selatan Ternate mil, juga merupakan pulau kecil, pegunungan, tetapi gunung berapi yang tidak lagi aktif. Ini memiliki luas 25 mil persegi dan berpenduduk 15.000. Penduduk asli, awalnya saham Alfur, telah bercampur jauh dengan alien. Kota utama, Tidore, memiliki pelabuhan yang baik, dan dulunya adalah kursi dari kesultanan Ternate yang disaingi berkuasa. Tidorese ini adalah semua orang Islam.

Kepulauan Makian – Moti, Makian, Kayoa dan – terletak selatan Tidore. Mereka memiliki luas gabungan sekitar 50 mil persegi, dan populasi sekitar 10.000. Makian dibangun di sekitar gunung berapi aktif; pulau lainnya berasal dari gunung berapi, dan berbukit. Penduduk asli Alfur semuanya telah Mohammedanized.

Kepulauan Batjan, di lepas pantai barat daya Halmahera, jumlah sekitar 80, tapi hanya 3 yang ukuran besar. Luas total adalah 1.000 mil persegi, penduduk, 10.000. Kepulauan ini asal vulkanik, berbukit, dan ditutupi dengan hutan. Kesultanan Batjan sebelumnya agak kuat, tetapi hari ini wilayah ini tidak terlalu penting. Penduduk asli Alfur sebagian besar Islam, tetapi ada beberapa ratus orang Kristen.

Kepulauan Obi, selatan Batjan, adalah kelompok enam, tapi hanya satu yang besar. Luas total adalah 1.000 mil persegi. Kepulauan ini bergunung-gunung, non-vulkanik, dan padat berhutan. Penduduk asli telah hilang, dan sebagian besar penduduk saat ini adalah karakter “mengambang”, masuk ke hutan sementara ikan, menyelam untuk mutiara, potongan sagu, dan mengumpulkan

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produk. Perkiraan wajar jumlah pemukim relatif stabil tidak akan melampaui 2.000.

Bahasa DAN MENULIS
Semua bangsa di Hindia berbicara bahasa milik suatu saham linguistik tunggal, Melayu-Polinesia, dengan pengecualian suku utara Halmahera di Maluku dan Alor di Nusa Tenggara. Kelompok-kelompok ini memiliki bahasa yang umumnya disebut sebagai Papua, kategori di mana lidah-lidah Nugini juga jatuh. Mereka tidak pernah benar belajar atau diklasifikasikan, tetapi mereka jelas berbeda dengan bahasa Melayu-Polinesia. Bentuk yang terakhir salah satu keluarga bahasa yang paling luas di dunia, dengan ratusan cabang memperluas sepanjang jalan dari Madagaskar, di lepas pantai tenggara Afrika, melalui Hindia Timur dan Filipina ke Formosa di sebelah utara, naik melalui Semenanjung Melayu ke perbatasan Burma dan Siam, dan jelas di Pasifik dari Indonesia melalui Melanesia dan Mikronesia ke pos-pos yang jauh dari Hawaii dan Pulau Paskah.

Nilai dari bahasa bahasa Indonesia, meskipun hampir semua dari mereka termasuk dalam saham tunggal, saling dimengerti – kisaran variasi yang sebanding dengan yang di dalam bahasa Indo-Eropa dari Eropa. Namun masalah linguistik di Hindia ini disederhanakan oleh fakta bahwa ada semacam “Melayu dasar,” versi sederhana dari Sumatera Melayu, yang dipahami di sebagian besar pulau-pulau. Ini bahasa, yang dapat diperoleh dengan beberapa bulan praktek mantap, sangat diperlukan untuk komunikasi verbal dengan penduduk asli, hampir tidak ada satupun yang bisa berbahasa Inggris, Belanda, atau lidah non-Indonesia lainnya.

Meskipun lebih dari 90 persen penduduk asli buta huruf, menulis, diperkenalkan oleh orang Hindu, telah dikenal di pulau-pulau barat Hindia selama lebih dari seribu tahun. The Hindu yang diturunkan kuno script dengan cepat membagikan penggunaan tetapi masih bertahan di bagian Sumatra dan Sulawesi, di Bali, Flores, dan Sumbawa, dan bahkan sampai batas tertentu di Jawa. Huruf Arab, dan baru-baru Romawi, telah menggantikan jenis kuno menulis di sebagian besar daerah maju. Kertas sekarang digunakan umum, tetapi cara tradisional menulis adalah untuk menggaruk huruf pada permukaan mengkilap dari potongan bambu atau daun kelapa, yang kemudian diikat bersama-sama di buku. Akordeon-seperti buku yang terbuat dari potongan panjang kulit tipis dilipat bersama antara penutup kayu yang digunakan oleh orang Batak Sumatera.

EKONOMI ORGANISASI
Sebagian besar orang Indonesia adalah petani, dan beras adalah dengan segala rintangan andalan subsistensi asli. Metode yang lebih primitif dari budidaya

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adalah untuk menghapus dan membakar pertumbuhan alami dan tanaman biji-bijian dengan tongkat menggali tanah abu-dibuahi. Budidaya padi irigasi, baik pada dataran banjir atau di teras lereng bukit artifisial dibangun, terbatas pada daerah yang lebih maju, khususnya Jawa, Sumatera, Bali, dan barat daya Sulawesi. Sawah pertanian diperkenalkan ke Hindia di kemudian hari jauh dari sistem “bakar dan tanaman” dan belum menyebar ke daerah terpencil. Di mana pun diperkenalkan, hasil gabah meningkat dengan sangat hebat, dan populasi. naik dengan kecepatan yang menakjubkan. Sepanjang tahun sawah bertingkat di perbukitan, di dalam tanah vulkanik yang subur, adalah rahasia kemampuan Jawa untuk mendukung populasi yang sangat besar.

Pulau-pulau barat adalah wilayah utama padi nusantara. Beras belum pernah diperkenalkan, atau telah datang hanya baru-baru ini, di sebagian besar Indonesia timur dan di antara suku-suku yang sangat primitif tertentu dari wilayah barat. Ubi jalar dan talas, sayuran berbonggol, dan sagu, makan tapioka seperti yang dipukuli dan dicuci dari empulur sejenis pohon palem, adalah pokok di Nias, Mentawei, dan Engano, terisolasi pulau-pulau lepas pantai barat Sumatra, dan dalam Banggai, dari titik timur Sulawesi. Dua lainnya barat indonesian kelompok, Kubu nomaden Sumatera dan Punan Kalimantan, hidup dengan berburu dan mengumpulkan produk liar dari hutan. Di bagian timur Indonesia, beras diganti sebagai tanaman utama dengan baik jagung (jagung) atau sagu. Yang pertama mendominasi di Nusa Tenggara timur Lombok, sementara makan sagu adalah makanan pokok di sebagian besar Maluku. Jadi, dengan pengecualian kecil, kita dapat memetakan tiga daerah pertanian utama di Nusantara: daerah beras barat, bagian jagung pusat, dan timur sagu zona. f

Makanan nabati menonjol dalam pola makan orang Indonesia. Biasanya, bagaimanapun, mereka melengkapi beras, jagung, sagu atau piring dengan potongan-potongan daging dan ikan, terutama yang kedua. Memancing, memang, adalah sumber yang paling penting kedua makanan dalam perekonomian asli. Nets, garis, berbagai bendungan cerdik dan perangkap, dan obat Stupefying semua digunakan dalam penangkapan ikan.

Berburu memiliki tempat anak dalam kehidupan ekonomi asli kecuali di antara suku-suku nomaden dan semi-nomaden Sumatera, Kalimantan, dan beberapa pulau timur lebih besar. Babi hutan, rusa, monyet, dan unggas liar adalah jenis utama dari permainan. Masyarakat yang lebih maju memiliki senjata, tetapi antara suku-suku terpencil, di mana perburuan masih penting, tombak, busur dan panah, dan sumpitan dengan panah beracun yang digunakan. Juga, berbagai perangkap ikan indonesian cocok dengan yang digunakan untuk permainan. Noose-perangkap dan stasioner musim semi-tombak, yang beroperasi pada prinsip busur dan panah, cocok untuk hewan kecil, sedangkan untuk deadfalls yang lebih besar dan tombak ditangguhkan berat tertimbang bekerja.

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Hewan peliharaan termasuk anjing, kucing, ayam, babi, kerbau, sapi, kuda, kambing, dan domba. Hampir kelompok dapat ditemukan, bahkan primitif hutan pengembara, yang tidak memiliki anjing. Kucing tidak terlalu banyak, yang sangat disayangkan, untuk Hindia yang penuh dengan tikus dan tikus. Semua bangsa Indonesia, kecuali orang-orang liar berkeliaran hutan, menjaga ayam. Sampai 500 tahun yang lalu babi dibesarkan di hampir setiap bagian dari Nusantara. Sejak itu jumlah mereka telah terus menurun, dengan masing-masing untuk kemajuan Islam tabu babi membuat orang-orang menyingkirkan mereka. Sangat mudah untuk membedakan Islam dari desa-desa Kristen atau kafir oleh tidak adanya atau kehadiran babi.

Kerbau raksasa, atau kerbau, adalah pekerjaan pokok dan hewan draft pulau-pulau, dan meskipun impor unit mobil, sebagian besar transportasi berat masih dilakukan dengan gerobak kerbau. Hewan ini kadang-kadang disembelih dan dimakan, tapi ikan biasanya lebih suka daging, kecuali daging babi di non-Islam daerah. Buffalo hanya ditemukan di daerah lebih mudah diakses; mereka tidak pernah diperkenalkan ke pedalaman Kalimantan atau beberapa pulau timur. Sapi, baik berbagai India bongkok atau keturunan Eropa baru-baru ini diimpor, yang tidak terlalu banyak atau luas sebagai kerbau. Kuda-kuda dari pulau-pulau sangat kecil, tidak lebih besar dari kuda poni, dan rupanya pertama diimpor ke Hindia oleh umat Hindu. Mereka digunakan sebagai kemasan atau hewan berkuda dan di kota-kota untuk menarik sedikit roda dua sewa-gerbong di mana pengemudi dan penumpang naik kembali ke belakang. Kambing dibangkitkan di hampir semua pulau, terutama untuk daging dan pada tingkat lebih rendah untuk susu. Indonesia, seperti kebanyakan orang Timur, tidak peduli banyak untuk susu, mentega keju, atau. Domba pertama kali diperkenalkan oleh orang Eropa dan masih kurang penting dalam perekonomian asli.

Apapun cara kehidupan mereka, kebanyakan orang Indonesia adalah pekerja independen. Lebih dari 70 persen bekerja untuk diri mereka sendiri, sementara hanya 30 persen adalah penerima upah, umumnya dalam mempekerjakan perusahaan-perusahaan Eropa. Enam puluh persen adalah petani, pedagang 5 persen, persen ternak 3 pengibar, pemburu, atau nelayan, dan 1 persen pada profesi. Dengan demikian sebagian besar hidup dalam “perekonomian tertutup” dari komunitas asal mereka, yang hampir sepenuhnya mandiri, memproduksi semua yang mereka konsumsi, dengan sedikit tersisa untuk menjual uang tunai.

Orang Indonesia juga miskin, tidak hanya dalam uang, tetapi dalam makanan dan harta benda juga. Rumah mereka kebanyakan hanya bambu dan pondok ilalang, pakaian mereka sederhana dan sedikit. Makanan, terutama dalam kelebihan penduduk Jawa, tidak banyak, tapi untungnya mereka memerlukan sangat sedikit. Dua mangkuk nasi, dengan porsi kecil dari ikan dan sayuran di samping, cukup untuk kebutuhan sehari-hari. Adapun uang, pendapatan pajak statistik menunjukkan bahwa 95 persen dari penduduk asli yang diterima kurang dari $ 50 setahun, dan hanya 0,05 persen

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menerima lebih dari $ 450 setahun. Eropa, yang terdiri hanya 0,4 persen dari populasi, dibayar 50 persen dari penerimaan pajak penghasilan, sedangkan Asiatik asing, terutama Cina, yang merupakan 2 persen dari populasi, dibayar 30 persen.

 

The most advanced peoples of the island are the proto-Malay tribes of the Minahasa-Gorontalo complex in the northern peninsula and the deutero-Malay Macassarese-Buginese in southwestern Celebes. The Minahasa are almost entirely Christian in religion but retain much of their ancient culture in other respects. The other tribes of the northern complex are either Mohammedan (Gorontalo) or pagan (Bolaang Mongondou, Sangirese, Talaut). The total population of the Minahasa-Gorontalo peoples is 500,000. The Macassarese and Buginese, numbering 2,500,000, form the largest population group, and are the dominant people of the island. Most of the coastal districts and much of the interior were formerly under the rule of their radjas. They are Mohammedan in religion.

The Lesser Sunda Islands.–With a total land area of 35,000 square miles and a combined population of 3,500,000 this chain of islands extends eastward along the southern border of the Indies from Bali to Timor. The terrain throughout is almost entirely mountainous, with 28 active or recently active volcanoes, 17 of them in the island of Flores alone. Good highways traverse parts of Bali and Lombok, but large sections are accessible only by mountain trails. To the east one finds a few stretches of fair road in Sumbawa, Sumba, Flores, and Timor; but Savu, Roti, and the Alor-Solor Islands have almost no real roads. Indeed, east of Bali the interior districts of all the islands are still almost completely undeveloped and have been visited only rarely by outsiders. The only towns of even moderate size in the Lesser Sundas are Singaradja and Den Pasar in Bali, Mataram in Lombok, Ende in Flores, and Kupang and Dilly in Timor. None of these attains a population of 20,000.

Bali, a volcanic, mountainous island, is the most fertile and most densely settled part of the Lesser Sundas, with a population of 1,200,000, and an area of 2,300 square miles. With the exception of a few thousand so-called Bali Aga, who dwell in remote interior villages and still retain much of the pagan pre-Hindu culture of the island, all the Balinese are Hinduist in religion. Bali, indeed, is a kind of museum piece, a living survival of fourteenth-century Java. Many of its noble and high-caste families are descended from refugees who fled Java when the old empire of Modjopahit collapsed. Aside from such deutero-Malay accretions, the Balinese belong to the dark Caucasoid proto-Malay racial stock.

Lombok, a high, volcanic island of 2,000 square miles with a population of 700,000, is the home of three different cultural groups. The western coastal districts are occupied by Balinese, little different from their relatives across the Lombok Straits. The remainder of the island is inhabited by the Sasak, a Mohammedan people who were formerly subject

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Fig. 6.–Islands and peoples of the Lesser Sundas

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to Balinese princes. Tucked in among the Sasak, however, are several thousand Bodha, still largely pagan in religion and quite primitive in general culture. All three of these groups are predominantly proto-Malay in physical type, although Veddoid traits appear among both Sasak and Bodha.

Sumbawa is a partially volcanic, mountainous island 5,000 square miles in area, with a population of 300,000. It is divided into four sultanates: Sumbawa, Sanggau, Dompo, and Bima; all the inhabitants, with the exception of the pagan Do Donggo in the mountains of Bima, are Mohammedan. The predominant racial stock is proto-Malay.

Sumba, a non-volcanic island of low mountains and plateaus, has an area of 5,500 square miles and a proto-Malay population of 100,000. The natives are mostly pagan.

Savu and Roti are small islands with low-lying coasts and hilly interiors. The area of Savu is 200 square miles; that of Roti, 650 square miles. Their populations total 30,000 and 60,000 respectively. The proto-Malay inhabitants include large numbers of Christian converts, although paganism retains its hold over the majority.

Flores, a mountainous and extremely volcanic island, has an area of 5,600 square miles and a population of 500,000. It is divided into five tribal sections: Manggarai, Ngada, Sika, Ende, and Larantuka. The inhabitants of the western districts are mainly proto-Malay in physical type; but moving toward the east one encounters a bewildering mixture of racial stocks in which proto-Malay, Melanesian Negroid, Papuan, and even Australoid strains are clearly apparent. Wide noses, dark skins, and fuzzy hair predominate among the people of eastern Flores. Although Christianity has made some inroads and many of the coastal dwellers profess Islam, the great majority of the Florenese are pagan.

Timor, largest of the Lesser Sundas, is a mountainous, non-volcanic island 9,000 square miles in area. The eastern half and a small enclave on the northwest coast are Portuguese territory. Three tribal groups inhabit Timor: the Kupangese, in the southwestern extremity; the Atoni, in the western and central parts of the Dutch section; and the Belu, extending from central Dutch Timor eastward over the remainder of the island, including all of Portuguese Timor. The Portuguese territory is the only place in the whole of Indonesia, except for a few remote interior regions, where Malay is not used as a lingua franca. Here the Tetum dialect of Belu is the official trade language. The racial composition of the Timorese population, which totals 700,000, is the most mixed in the Indies. In addition to proto- and deutero-Malay elements, Melanesian Negroid, Papuan, Negrito, and Australoid types all occur, in

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varying proportions in different districts. Nearly every racial stock that ever lived in Indonesia is represented in this one island. A fair proportion of the natives have been Christianized or Islamized, but the great bulk of the Timorese are pagan.

The Alor-Solor Islands–Solor, Adonara, Lomblem, Pantar, and Alor– have a combined area of 2,000 square miles and a population of 150,000. They are mountainous, five of the peaks being active volcanoes. Next to New Guinea, these are probably the least-known islands in the entire Indies. Until very recently almost no reports were available concerning the inhabitants. The principal racial elements are Melanesian Negroid and Papuan; but in Pantar lives a remarkable, heavily bearded type that may be an Australoid survival, while in eastern Alor there are some dwarf tribes of apparently pure Negrito stock.

The Moluccas.–These islands occupy the seas between Celebes and Timor on the west and New Guinea on the east. There are hundreds of them, mostly small, but they include two large ones–Ceram and Halmahera–and several of intermediate size. The combined land area of all the Moluccas is 35,000 square miles, and their total population is 425,000. Although most of the islands are mountainous, some, such as the Aru group, have such low elevation that they consist mainly of continuous swampland. Roads are virtually nonexistent in the Moluccas, and interior travel and transportation are very difficult. Consequently, except in the larger islands, most of the native settlements are situated on the coasts, and communication is principally by boat. Each of the major island groups has at least one town which is the focus of trade and the port-of-call for steamships. But most of these commercial centers are small and insignificant except as gateways for export and import. The only truly urban community in the whole of the Moluccas is Amboina, in the Ambon Islands south of Ceram. Ternate, on an island of the same name west of Halmahera; Tidore, just south of Ternate on another small island; and Bandaneira, in the Banda Islands, are three secondary centers whose importance has declined greatly since the golden days of the spice trade, when the Moluccas, or “Spice Islands,” were the richest commercial region in the Indies. Most of the islands are either decadent or still in a primitive state of development. Nevertheless, the Moluccas are of vital strategical significance, for they guard the shortest sea and air lanes north from Australia to the Philippines and Japan. The Dutch had their second largest naval base in the Indies at Amboina.

Wetar, off the northern coast of Portuguese Timor, is a little-known island of 1,200 square miles with a population of only 7,500. The terrain is hilly and the soil infertile. The racial stock of the natives is a mixture

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Fig. 7.–Islands and peoples of the Moluccas.

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of proto-Malay and Papuan. Certain tribes are reported to be extremely warlike, given to head hunting, and hostile to outsiders. So isolated and primitive is this island that, except for a few Mohammedans and even fewer Christians, all the inhabitants are still pagan.

Kisar, east of Wetar, is a small island of 50 square miles, which, despite infertile soil, supports a population of 9,000. The terrain is hilly, and almost bare of trees. The natives are of proto-Malay stock, but one district is inhabited by a group of about 200 half-breeds, products of the mating of soldiers with Kisarese over a hundred years ago, when an East India Company fort was maintained on the island. They have Dutch names and do not intermarry with the natives, but they have forgotten the Dutch language entirely. About 10 percent of the people of Kisar are Christian.

The Leti Islands (Leti, Moa, and Lakor), east of Kisar, have a combined area of 350 square miles and a population of 15,000. They are non-volcanic and relatively infertile. Leti and Moa are hilly, Lakor quite flat. The proto-Malay natives are about 50 percent Christianized.

The Luang Islands (Luang and Sermata), adjacent to the Leti group, are hilly and non-volcanic, with an area of 150 square miles and a population of 5,000. About half of the Luang people profess Christianity; the Sermatans are still mostly pagan. The racial stock is predominantly proto-Malay.

The Babar Islands, six in number, lie east of Luang. Their combined area is 250 square miles; that of the largest island 220 square miles. They are non-volcanic, with a high and rugged terrain. The very primitive natives are almost completely pagan and formerly practiced head hunting. They are of the so-called Alfur hybrid physical type, a cross of proto-Malay and Papuan. Whereas Kisar and the Leti and Luang Islands are relatively “civilized,” Babar, like Wetar, has remained virtually untouched by outside influences.

The Roma Islands (Roma and Damar) lie north of Babar, and together have an area of 200 square miles. Both are mountainous and of volcanic origin. One of the peaks on Damar is still active. The sparse population of 3,000 is thoroughly isolated, primitive in culture, and pagan in religion. The racial stock is Alfur hybrid.

The Nila Islands (Nila, Teun, and Serua) stretch northeast of Damar into the open waters of the Banda Sea. Each of the three islands is an active volcano, and on the slopes of these dwell about 3,000 natives of Alfur physical type, almost completely secluded from the outside world and still pagan. The total area is about 100 square miles.

The Tanimbar Islands, with an area of 2,150 square miles, are 66 in number, but only seven are inhabited. One of them, Yamdena, is by far

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the largest, and on its southern coast is situated the main town of Saumlaki, a regular port-of-call for steamships. All the islands are non-volcanic and low-lying, the elevation rarely exceeding 200 meters; much of the terrain consists of impenetrable swamps. The 25,000 natives are of the mixed Alfur type, with a preponderance of Papuan characteristics, including dark skin and frizzy hair. They are very primitive and formerly fought savagely among themselves, taking heads and eating parts of the bodies of slain enemies. They have a long record of hostility to whites also, but since 1907, when the Dutch strengthened the police force in the islands, disturbances have been checked. They still retain their traditional culture and are mostly pagan.

The Kei Islands, northeast of Tanimbar, under the coast of New Guinea, have an area of 575 square miles distributed over three large islands and innumerable small ones. They are non-volcanic. Great Kei, the largest, is extremely mountainous, but the others are much lower, the second largest one, Nuhuroa, consisting largely of swampland. They are all densely forested. The principal town is Tual, the center of trade and shipping. The population of 30,000 is Alfur in physical type. Although still primitive in general culture, only about one-third of the Keians remain pagan. The remainder are equally divided between Islam and Christianity. The prevailing attitude toward outsiders is friendly, although bloody internal warfare was only recently checked by the Dutch.

The Am Islands, far to the east, lie close to New Guinea. They number over a hundred, but only five are large. The entire group is close-packed, with narrow water divisions between its parts. The terrain is flat and low, consisting largely of extensive marshes broken by low hills. Virgin forest covers most of Aru. The area of 3,350 square miles supports a population of 20,000 of mixed Alfur stock, similar to the Tanimbarese. Dobo, the main town, and a regular port-of-call for ships, is on the western island of Wamar. This is one of the few places in the Indies where Japanese were numerous before 1941. They engaged principally in the pearl-fishing business. Some parts of Aru are still unexplored, and in interior Wokam live nomadic tribes who have never been seen by white men and who seldom come in contact with the other natives. The Arunese are quite primitive, and mostly pagan; but friendly and obedient. Even among themselves they have rarely indulged in warfare.

The Watubela Islands, six in number, lie northwest of. Kei. Only three are inhabited, the total population being 2,500. The area is about 150 square miles, and the terrain consists mostly of low hills. The islands are isolated and unimportant. A few of the natives, of Alfur type, profess Islam, but the majority are pagan.

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The Goram Islands, north of Watubela, with an area of approximately 200 square miles, are six in number, but only three are inhabited. They are hilly and thickly wooded. The total population of mixed Alfur stock is 6,000. Although these islands are off the regular shipping routes, the natives have had considerable contact with outsiders, and Islam now claims nearly all of them. The Dutch had much difficulty with piracy and slave-raiding here until the latter part of the nineteenth century, but in recent years conditions have been peaceful.

The Ceramlaut Islands, off the southeastern tip of Ceram, number 12, 6 of them inhabited. The area is approximately 100 square miles; the population, 6,000. They are low, infertile coral clusters. About 1,000 of the inhabitants are of alien origin, including Chinese, Arabs, and Indonesians from other parts of the Indies. Formerly troublesome pirates, the natives are almost entirely Mohammedan.

The Banda Islands, in the center of the Banda Sea south of Ceram, have an area of 100 square miles. The 11 islands have lost their aboriginal population and are now inhabited by a mixture of Javanese, Buginese, Macassarese, and other immigrants, totaling 6,000. Hilly and volcanic, the Banda group was formerly a prosperous center of spice cultivation. The days of wealth have now passed, and a general atmosphere of decadence pervades the region, despite the fact that the principal town, Bandaneira, has one of the finest harbors in the Indies, and several of the islands have fair roadways.

The Ambon Islands, the commercial and administrative center of the Moluccas, are a group of four located off the southwest coast of Ceram. The total area is 500 square miles, Amboina, the main island, comprising over 300 of these. The islands are of volcanic origin, and although activity long ago ended, hot springs and sulfur beds are common and earthquakes frequent. Mountain ranges traverse the entire group. The city of Amboina, with 10,000 population, is the largest community in eastern Indonesia and was the second most important naval base of the Dutch. The 60,000 natives, of mixed Alfur stock, are mostly Christian, although a fair number profess Islam; they have been among the friendliest of all Indonesians toward the Netherlands Government. Strong, intelligent, obedient, and brave, they supplied a large proportion of the troops of the colonial army and were prominent in government clerical service, as teachers, and as foremen of native workers. Trade has been handled mainly by outsiders: Europeans, Chinese, Arabs, and immigrants from elsewhere in Indonesia; and the alien population is very large. In the city of Amboina, for instance, there lived in 1940 almost 1,000 Europeans and several hundred Arabs and Chinese.

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Ceram, largest of the Moluccas, has an area of 6,700 square miles. The island is predominantly mountainous but non-volcanic, with a peak 3,055 meters high in the very center. The eastern part, however, is either hilly or very low and swampy. Most of the land is densely wooded. The rivers are almost useless for navigation, and there are no roads; consequently land travel is entirely by means of mere trails. There are no large towns and few harbors. The natives, numbering 60,000, are in general quite primitive, despite the fact that about 12,000 profess Christianity and 16,000 are Mohammedan. Most of these converts live in the coastal districts, where considerable intermixture with aliens has occurred; but the wild interior is still almost untouched by cultural influence from the outer world. The mountain people of western Ceram are tall, excitable, dark-skinned folk of Papuan and Melanesian Negroid stock. They have been among the most ferocious head hunters in the Indies, and their warlike activities have given the Dutch much trouble. They are known as Patasiwa Hitam. The central districts are inhabited by mixed Alfur tribes, of a more peaceable disposition: the Patasiwa Putih, Patalima, and Seti. The hills and marshes of eastern Ceram shelter a Veddoid people, the Bonfia, who are shy, unwarlike, and very primitive in culture.

Bum, west of Ceram, is an oval-shaped island with an area of 3,400 square miles. It is mostly a mass of non-volcanic mountains, but large parts of the coast are flat and marshy. Only one river is navigable for small boats, and there are no roads. The population of 20,000 is divided between the pagan Gebmelia of the interior, predominantly of proto-Malay stock, and the mixed folk of the coastland, the Gebmasin, who have been partially Christianized or Mohammedanized. Most of Buru has only recently been explored, but the natives are peaceable.

The Sula Islands, lying between Buru and Celebes have an area of about 5,000 square miles. There are three large islands and innumerable smaller ones. They are non-volcanic, hilly in the interior sections, with low-lying swampy coasts. The population of 15,000 is mainly of proto-Malay stock, with submerged Papuan and Veddoid strains. Sula is one of the least-known parts of the Indies; and the pagan natives are quite primitive, many of them still living a nomadic existence.

Halmahera, northernmost of the Moluccas, is a grotesquely shaped island about 200 miles long, with an area of 6,500 square miles, including smaller satellite islands. The four long peninsulas are high, densely forested mountain chains which tumble together in the center. The northern peninsula is volcanic, with three active and two semiquiescent peaks; the other sections are non-volcanic. With no good navigable rivers, and a

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total absence of roads, travel in the interior is exceedingly arduous. Much of Halmahera is virtually uninhabited, the total population being 50,000 or an average of less than eight per square mile. The natives, many of them nomads, are of the hybrid Alfur stock, and extremely primitive in culture. They are grouped in more than 30 distinct tribes, most of which have been very little investigated. Western civilization has scarcely touched this island, except for the labor of a few missionaries, who estimate the number of their converts at almost 10,000, perhaps an exaggeration. The number of Mohammedans is not known. In any case, the great majority of the Halmaherans are still pagan in religion.

Ternate, off the west coast of Halmahera, is a small island occupied almost entirely by a lofty, active volcano. The total area is 25 square miles, most of it densely wooded. The principal town, Ternate, is a shipping center, with a fine harbor. The population of 10,000 is basically of Alfur stock, but so much intermixture with outsiders has occurred that the original type has been obscured. Ternate, next to Amboina, is the largest town of eastern Indonesia; and was formerly the capital of the most powerful sultanate east of Macassar. The natives of this island are entirely Mohammedan.

Tidore, a mile south of Ternate, is also a small, mountainous island, but its volcano is no longer active. It has an area of 25 square miles and a population of 15,000. The natives, originally of Alfur stock, have intermixed considerably with aliens. The main town, Tidore, has a good harbor, and was formerly the seat of a sultanate that rivaled Ternate in power. The Tidorese are all Mohammedans.

The Makian Islands–Moti, Makian, and Kayoa–lie south of Tidore. They have a combined area of about 50 square miles, and a population of about 10,000. Makian is built around an active volcano; the other islands are of volcanic origin, and hilly. The Alfur natives have all been Mohammedanized.

The Batjan Islands, off the southwest coast of Halmahera, number about 80, but only 3 are of large size. The total area is 1,000 square miles; the population, 10,000. The islands are of volcanic origin, hilly, and covered with forests. The sultanate of Batjan was formerly rather powerful, but today the region is of little importance. The Alfur natives are mostly Mohammedan, but there are a few hundred Christians.

The Obi Islands, south of Batjan, are a group of six, but only one is large. The total area is 1,000 square miles. The islands are mountainous, non-volcanic, and densely wooded. The aboriginal inhabitants have disappeared, and most of the population today is of a “floating” character, coming in temporarily to fish, dive for pearls, cut sago, and collect forest

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products. A fair estimate of the number of relatively stable settlers would not exceed 2,000.

LANGUAGE AND WRITING

All the peoples of the Indies speak languages belonging to a single linguistic stock, the Malayo-Polynesian, with the exception of the tribes of northern Halmahera in the Moluccas and of Alor in the Lesser Sundas. These groups possess languages that are generally referred to as Papuan, a category in which the tongues of New Guinea also fall. They have never been properly studied or classified; but they are clearly different from the Malayo-Polynesian languages. The latter form one of the most widespread linguistic families in the world, with hundreds of branches extending all the way from Madagascar, off the southeast coast of Africa, through the East Indies and the Philippines to Formosa on the north, up through the Malay Peninsula to the borders of Burma and Siam, and clear across the Pacific from Indonesia through Melanesia and Micronesia to the distant outposts of Hawaii and Easter Island.

The scores of Indonesian languages, although nearly all of them belong to this single stock, are mutually incomprehensible–the range of variation being comparable to that within the Indo-European languages of Europe. But the linguistic problem in the Indies is simplified by the fact that there exists a kind of “basic Malay,” a simplified version of Sumatran Malay, which is understood throughout most of the islands. This language, which can be acquired by a few months of steady practice, is indispensable for verbal communication with natives, almost none of whom can speak English, Dutch, or any other non-Indonesian tongue.

Although over 90 percent of the natives are illiterate, writing, introduced by the Hindus, has been known in the western islands of the Indies for over a thousand years. The ancient Hindu-derived scripts are rapidly passing out of use but still survive in parts of Sumatra and Celebes, in Bali, Flores, and Sumbawa, and even to some extent in Java. The Arabic alphabet, and recently the Roman, have displaced this archaic type of writing in most of the advanced areas. Paper is now in general use, but the traditional way of writing is to scratch the letters on the shiny surface of bamboo strips or palm leaves, which are then tied together in books. Accordion-like books made of long strips of thin bark folded together between wooden covers are used by the Batak of Sumatra.

ECONOMIC ORGANIZATION

Most of the Indonesians are agriculturists, and rice is by all odds the mainstay of native subsistence. The more primitive method of cultivation

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is to clear and burn the natural growth and plant the grains with digging sticks in the ash-fertilized soil. Irrigated rice cultivation, either on flooded flatlands or on artificially constructed hillside terraces, is limited to the more advanced areas, notably Java, Sumatra, Bali, and southwestern Celebes. Wet-rice agriculture was introduced into the Indies at a much later date than the “burn and plant” system and has not yet spread to the remoter regions. Wherever it is introduced, the yield of grain increases tremendously, and population. rises with miraculous speed. Year-round wet-rice cultivation on terraced hills, in fertile volcanic soil, is the secret of Java’s ability to support its enormous population.

The western islands are the main rice area of the archipelago. Rice has never been introduced, or has come in only recently, throughout most of eastern Indonesia and among certain very primitive tribes of the western region. Yams and taro, tuberous vegetables, and sago, a tapioca-like meal which is beaten and washed from the pith of a kind of palm tree, are the staples in Nias, Mentawei, and Engano, isolated islands off Sumatra’s west coast, and in Banggai, off the eastern point of Celebes. Two other western Indonesian groups, the nomadic Kubu of Sumatra and Punan of Borneo, subsist by hunting and collecting the wild products of the jungle. In eastern Indonesia, rice is replaced as the main crop by either maize (corn) or sago. The former predominates in the Lesser Sundas east of Lombok, while sago meal is the principal food throughout most of the Moluccas. Thus, with minor exceptions, one can map out three main agricultural regions in the archipelago: the western rice area, the central maize section, and the eastern sago zone. ^f

Vegetable food predominates in the diet of the Indonesians. Customarily, however, they supplement their rice, corn, or sago dishes with bits of meat and fish, principally the latter. Fishing, indeed, is the second most important source of food in native economy. Nets, lines, a wide variety of ingenious dams and traps, and stupefying drugs are all used in fishing.

Hunting holds a subsidiary place in native economic life except among the nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes of Sumatra, Borneo, and some of the larger eastern islands. Wild pigs, deer, monkeys, and wild fowl are the principal kinds of game. The more advanced peoples have guns; but among the remoter tribes, where hunting is still important, spears, the bow and arrow, and the blowpipe with poisoned darts are used. Also, the wide variety of Indonesian fish traps is matched by those used for game. Noose-traps and stationary spring-spears, operating on the principle of the bow and arrow, are suitable for small animals, while for larger ones deadfalls and heavily weighted suspended spears are employed.

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Domesticated animals include dogs, cats, chickens, pigs, water buffalo, cattle, horses, goats, and sheep. Hardly a group can be found, even the primitive forest nomads, who do not have dogs. Cats are not nearly so numerous, which is unfortunate, for the Indies are infested with rats and mice. All Indonesian peoples, except the wandering savages of the jungle, keep chickens. Until 500 years ago pigs were raised in nearly every part of the archipelago. Since then their numbers have been continually decreasing, for with each advance of Islam the pork taboo makes the people get rid of them. It is easy to distinguish Mohammedan from Christian or pagan villages by the absence or presence of pigs.

The gigantic water buffalo, or carabao, is the principal work and draft animal of the islands, and despite the importation of motorcars, most of the heavy transport is still done by buffalo cart. These animals are sometimes slaughtered and eaten, but fish is generally preferred to meat, except for pork in non-Mohammedan areas. Buffalo are found only in the more accessible regions; they have never been introduced into interior Borneo or some of the eastern islands. Cattle, either the humpbacked Indian variety or recently imported European breeds, are not nearly so numerous or widespread as carabao. The horses of the islands are very small, not much bigger than ponies, and were apparently first imported into the Indies by Hindus. They are used as pack or riding animals and in towns to draw little two-wheeled hire-carriages in which driver and passenger ride back to back. Goats are raised in nearly all the islands, mainly for meat and to a lesser extent for milk. Indonesians, like most Orientals, do not care much for milk, butter, or cheese. Sheep were first introduced by Europeans and are still of minor importance in native economy.

Whatever their means of livelihood, most Indonesians are independent workers. Over 70 percent work for themselves, while only 30 percent are wage earners, generally in the employ of European companies. Sixty percent are farmers, 5 percent merchants, 3 percent cattle raisers, hunters, or fishermen, and 1 percent in the professions. Thus the great majority live in the “closed economy” of their native communities, which are almost entirely self-sufficient, producing all they consume, with little left over to sell for cash.

The Indonesians are also poor, not only in money, but in food and possessions as well. Their houses are mostly mere bamboo and thatch huts, their clothes simple and few. Food, especially in overpopulated Java, is not plentiful, but fortunately they require very little. Two bowls of rice, with small servings of fish and vegetables on the side, are sufficient for daily needs. As for money, income tax statistics show that 95 percent of the natives earned less than $50 a year; and only 0.05 percent

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received over $450 a year. Europeans, comprising only 0.4 percent of the population, paid 50 percent of the income tax receipts; while alien Asiatics, mostly Chinese, constituting 2 percent of the population, paid 30 percent. These figures demonstrate clearly the general economic structure of the Indies: the natives work mostly to produce food for themselves; the foreigners work for money profits.

SETTLEMENTS AND HOUSING

The majority of the Indonesians live in small villages, but there are some exceptions. The Kubu of Sumatra, the Punan of Borneo, and some of the primitive tribes of the eastern islands have no set habitations, but wander constantly in small bands searching for food. Their camps are clusters of simple shelters made of sticks and leaves. The sea nomads, or Orang Laut, spend most of their lives in small boats with rude mat coverings over one section.

The other peoples of the Indies have fixed settlements that are more or less permanent. Where the “burn and plant” method of agriculture prevails, the soil is exhausted after a few years, and the people must move their houses to a fresh location. Also, since this type of cultivation is not very productive, a single settlement can never be large. Where irrigated rice is grown, however, the soil retains its fertility and yields abundantly year after year. In such regions the villages are permanent and often rather large. Inland Borneo and Java exemplify this contrast between wet- and dry-rice sections.

Throughout the archipelago housing is generally very simple. The usual building materials are bamboo and leaf or fiber thatch. In most of Indonesia the ground plan of the dwellings is rectangular; but some groups build their houses directly on the earth, while others raise them up on piles or stone platforms. The pile dwelling is the more ancient type and occurs in the remoter districts. Although most of the Indonesian houses are small, some tribes build enormous structures accommodating scores and even hundreds of people. The extreme development of the longhouse occurs in the interior districts of Borneo, where a single building may shelter an entire village population. Even more archaic house forms than the rectangular pile dwelling are encountered in some islands. These oval-shaped or round structures occur in a part of Nias, in Engano, in the Land Dyak section of western Borneo, in the Lesser Sunda islands of Timor, Flores, Lomblem, and Savu, and in the northern part of Halmahera in the Moluccas. Balinese houses differ from all others in Indonesia. A whole group of closely related families dwell within a walled enclosure, in a cluster of small, clay-sided, thatch-roofed structures.

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Even today in regions where the government’s authority has not penetrated sufficiently to ensure internal peace, the native settlements are protected by ingenious fortifications. Formerly most villages had them. In flat country the clusters of houses are surrounded by earthen walls, sometimes with a dry moat on the outside, the entire breastwork being thickly planted with thorny bamboo very difficult to penetrate. Narrow passageways, easily blocked, are the only means of entrance. In mountain districts a village is preferably located on the top of a high hill and can be reached only by a narrow path, parts of it so steep that ladders must be used. In time of war these ladders can be pulled up. The set defenses are often supplemented by concealed pitfalls, trigger-spears, and hidden bamboo spikes, sometimes poisoned at the tip, which impede the progress of barefoot attackers. Under the peaceful conditions of the recent past, the ancient fortifications have been leveled in most regions, and most of the hilltop people have come down out of their lofty strongholds to lower land. Also, settlements formerly closely clustered for better defense have become more dispersed.

Stone architecture, flourishing in Java and Sumatra during the medieval Hindu period, is now a dead art except in Nias and among the Balinese, whose exquisite temples and shrines are among the wonders of the world. . In Nias, megalithic art of a pre-Hindu type reaches a peak which is truly astounding among a people otherwise so primitive. The massive walls, majestic stone stairways, bathing pools, and huge sculptured monuments of the Nias people, though not nearly so widely publicized as the great stone faces of Easter Island in the Pacific, are actually much more impressive. The Batak of Sumatra, the Minahasa of Celebes, and the Sumbanese of the Lesser Sunda Islands are the only other peoples of Indonesia who do stone sculpturing, principally in the form of mausoleums for dead chieftains.

The village pavilion, used for ceremonials and council meetings, is characteristic of Indonesia. Where no separate buildings are devoted to such purposes, as in parts of Borneo and Celebes, the chief’s home or his section of the longhouse includes a portion which serves as a communal meeting place. In some regions–notably Mentawei, parts of Borneo and Celebes, and most of eastern Indonesia–the council houses also function as the temples of pagan cults; while in other places the villages have separate temple buildings, formerly adorned with the skulls or scalps of slain enemies and human sacrifices. The community pavilion in many tribes is the men’s clubhouse, where they congregate in the daytime and sleep at night. Here guests are accommodated also.

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In Mohammedan regions the mosque takes the place of the ancient pagan temple. Smaller communities have mosques constructed of wood, bamboo, and thatch; but in larger centers the Islamic church is often a large edifice, built in Byzantine style with cement walls and metal roof.

CLOTHING AND ADORNMENT

The daily dress of the Indonesians is as simple as most of their houses. Where weaving is known, or imported cloth available, the usual attire is a cotton blouse and batik sarong for women, and a shirt and sarong or trousers for men. Women drape over one shoulder a long strip of cloth which can be used to carry bundles and babies or as a head shawl. Men wear either cloth turbans or fezzes, a white fez being the mark of one who has made the pilgrimage to Mecca. The natives seldom wear shoes. The semi-Europeanized city dwellers are taking more and more to the white man’s style of dress, including shoes; but this occurs seldom among women. Indeed, it is almost literally true that the only native women who dress in European fashion are prostitutes. In rural districts, both men and women remove their blouses when working; in Bali and parts of Borneo women regularly go naked above the waist. While daily dress is simple, the festive garments of the Indonesians are very elaborate, made of the finest batik and specially woven cloth intricately brocaded with silk and gold thread.

A few remote tribes still have no knowledge of weaving and seldom come in contact with traders who sell imported textiles. These primitive groups make their garments of bark cloth, beaten out of the inner bark of certain trees. Even where woven textiles are in use, the natives often make their working clothes–kilts for women and loincloths for men– of this material. The most elaborate development of bark-cloth garments is found among the Toradja mountain tribes of Celebes. The women of a few isolated islands–Mentawei and Engano off the west coast of Sumatra, and Buru, Aru, and Ceram in the Moluccas–still wear leaf and plaited-fiber skirts occasionally.

Body ornaments include a wide variety of earrings and disks, head decorations, necklaces and neck pendants, arm and leg bracelets, belts and corselets, and miscellaneous jewelry such as finger rings, pins and brooches, buckles and buttons. The primitive tribes make their ornaments principally of flowers, feathers, wood, bone, and shell; metal decorations of gold, silver, brass, tin, and copper predominate in the more advanced regions. A general rule is that the most primitive and the most civilized peoples wear fewest ornaments; while those on “intermediate” levels of culture specialize in elaborate adornment.

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Plate 10Above: Batak “hot dog” stand, Sumatra. The vendors are selling pieces of roasted dog meat in a marketplace.

Below: Entrance to a Batak village, Sumatra, showing earthen fortifications.

Photographs by E.E. Muhs.

 

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Plate 11Above: Minangkabau longhouse, Sumatra. All Minangkabau buildings have graceful saddle-shaped roofs. Courtesy Netherlands Information Bureau.

Below: Toba Batak village, Sumatra, showing the sloping gables of the houses of this subtribe. Photograph by E. E. Muhs.

 

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Plate 12Above: Balinese temple gateway with carved wooden doors.

Below: Houses in Nias with massive timbers, carved and painted gables, and hooded roofs. Sculptured stone monuments dedicated to ancestors, in foreground, on paved village plaza. Courtesy Netherlands Information Bureau.

 

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Plate 13Above: Mentawei longhouse.

Below: One of the various types of Borneo longhouses.

 

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The Indonesians also exercise their decorative fancy on the flesh of the body itself. Virtually every people in the islands pierce the ears for the insertion of rings or disks. The custom is declining among men of the more advanced groups, but it is almost universal among women. Generally, the extreme types of ear mutilation–greatly distended lobes and multiple incisions–are found among the more backward tribes. Filing of the front teeth–to points, down in an even line (in many cases to the gums), or with concave grooves on the outer surface–is a very general practice, and was formerly universal in the archipelago. In some places, as in Engano and among the Toradja of Celebes, teeth may be simply broken off or knocked out by the roots. The genital organs are another part of the body subjected to mutilation, including supercision, circumcision, and female incision. The latter two operations are practiced almost exclusively in Mohammedanized areas.

Tattooing, formerly a general custom in most of Indonesia, is still practiced widely in the more backward districts of nearly every island, excepting Java, Sumatra, Bali, and Lombok. Borneo is probably the greatest tattooing center in the world. Perhaps because tattooing is so general, body painting is rather rare. A variation on mere painting is employed by the western Toradja of Celebes, who stipple the face and hands with resin in dot-and-line designs. A substitute for tattooing in a few remote parts of Celebes, in Nias, and in some of the Moluccas is burning or cutting cicatrices in the flesh. Only three tribes–the Klamantan Milanau of Borneo, the Gorontalese of Celebes, and the Redjang of Sumatra–compress the heads of infants to give them an admired flatness of forehead and occiput. The natives of Kei, Babar, and Tanimbar in the Moluccas bleach their hair with lime. Nose mutilation is encountered nowhere in the islands west of New Guinea.

WEAPONS

With the increasing displacement of hunting by agriculture and the decrease in native warfare, the importance of weapons has declined. Most Javanese, for instance, have no weapons except ornamental krisses kept as heirlooms, while in Borneo the old head-chopping ax is disappearing for lack of use. The most important weapons in the Indies are the sword, spear, blowgun, bow, and shield. Swords, spears, and shields are used throughout all the islands; but the blowgun is predominantly a western Indonesian weapon, while the bow is found mainly in the eastern part of the archipelago. Slings and clubs are rare, as are throwing sticks. Poisons made from tree sap are smeared on blowgun darts, and, in some

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tribes, on arrows as well. The blowguns themselves are of wood or bamboo. The latter are easy to make, as bamboo is hollow; but the wooden pipes require careful workmanship. Some are made by lashing two grooved sticks together so that the longitudinal grooves combine to form a circular passage. The other method is to drill a hole down through a long piece of wood in the manner of a gunsmith boring a rifle. Iron tools are needed for making such blowguns.

TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION

The importation of motorcars and the extension of good roads are revolutionizing travel and transportation in Indonesia, but where roads have not been built the ancient methods survive. Buffalo carts and pack horses are used to a considerable extent, but most travel is on foot and most transportation by human porters, women as well as men. In the more remote districts, the principal carrying device is the back basket, with tumpline passing over the forehead or shoulder straps, or, for heavy loads, both. Porters in coastal regions use balance poles, which rest on the shoulders and have the load suspended from both ends.

The coastal peoples are expert seafarers, and before the coming of the steamship most of the water commerce was carried by their big sailing praus, with or without outriggers. The smaller boats are usually dugout canoes hewn from a single log and provided with outriggers. On inland lakes and rivers the boats are generally devoid of external floats. Nearly all the dugouts of the Indies have double outriggers supported by two booms passing across the vessel. Sometimes, to make them more seaworthy, the dugouts have their sides built up with planks attached to the log keel by lashing or wooden pegs.

HANDICRAFTS

Two manufacturing accomplishments are common to all groups in the islands: woodworking and the plaiting of mats and baskets. Pottery making is somewhat more limited in spread, and several groups, notably in the eastern Indies, appear never to have learned the technique. Indonesian pottery is generally poor in quality, scantily decorated, and un-glazed. The potter’s wheel is almost never used, the vessels being made by scooping and patting into shape a lump of clay.

The two arts of handicraft in which Indonesians excel are textile weaving and metal work. The latter is far more widespread than the former and apparently is much more ancient in the archipelago. Many tribes of Celebes and the eastern islands have never advanced beyond the bark-

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cloth level of textile development, but very few peoples lack the knowledge of metal manufacture. Most of the iron is bought from traders in the form of bars, but some tribes mine and smelt local ore. A piston bellows with bamboo cylinders and wadded plungers is used in smelting and forging, and the product is tempered by plunging it red hot into cold water. Copper, brass, gold, and silver artifacts are made by beating or by the * lost-wax” method of molding.

Weavers work with two kinds of looms. The more primitive type has the warp threads tied at one end to a fixed horizontal stick and at the other to a bar which passes behind the small of the back of the weaver. The more complex looms have set frames. Textiles are decorated either by brocading with colored or gold or silver thread, or by dyeing. The locally made coloring materials are disappearing since the importation of aniline dyes. For simple cloths whole-dyed threads may be woven directly, but far more complicated methods are also used. They all come under the general heading of “resist dyeing,” in which certain parts of the cloth or thread are covered with wax, leaves, or fibers, so that when the dye is applied it does not color these places. In this way a design is produced. For multicolor dyeing, the sections already tinted are covered and a different color is applied to the remainder of the cloth. Ikat (“tie”) dyeing is done on the threads before weaving, and when these threads are woven, so carefully have the colors been applied that the desired design appears in the finished fabric. Plangi (“rainbow”) cloths are dyed by covering certain parts of the textile with leaves or other resistant substances, and then tying these sections into small bundles, so that when dipped they do not take the color. By successive tyings and dippings multicolor designs can be produced. Batik cloths are colored by smearing wax over the parts which are not to be tinted and then applying the dye. The wax is later removed by boiling. Here again, several colors can be produced on a single cloth by repeated waxing and dipping.

DRAMA, DANCING, AND MUSIC

The artistic talents of the Indonesians are not confined solely to handicrafts. In the so-called fine arts, their creative abilities appear to special advantage in dancing, music, and drama. The more primitive tribes use gongs and drums principally, although they have some rude wind and stringed instruments. The dancing of the interior tribes, like their music, is also rather simple, running largely to pantomime. The highest development of these arts is found in Java and Bali, where Indian influence has enriched the aboriginal patterns. The music of the great gamelan

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orchestras is related to that of the backward tribes in much the same way that European symphonies are related to peasant folksongs. And the elaborate posturing dances and beautifully synchronized group performances of the Javanese and Balinese troupes offer a similar degree of comparison with the pantomimic animal and war dances of the jungle peoples as, in the Western tradition, the Russian ballet with folkdancing. In both instances, the old rhythms and motifs have contributed to the more sophisticated patterns, which are, indeed, lineal descendants of the ancient forms.

The gamelan orchestras have as their principal instruments copper-bowl xylophones, which carry the burden of the music; while the violins, flutes, clarinets, and trumpets embroider the basic pattern, and the big drums and gongs keep up a running undertone of complicated rhythms. Indonesian dancers move their feet very little, and most of the meaning of their performance is expressed by intricate, highly symbolic posturing with the body, arms, and hands. Similarly, while the face of the dancer remains an immobile and expressionless mask, the movements of the head and eyes are significant.

The dramatic art of the islands, which among the more remote tribes consists mainly of the pantomimic dances just mentioned and some religious pageant-like performances, also attains a peak of development in Java and Bali. The stories are largely derived from the Indian epic poems Mahabharata and Ramayana, but some of the dramas are based upon traditional native tales. Wayang is the generic term for drama, and there are several kinds of plays. One is performed by human actors, usually masked, who speak the lines. Another, and perhaps the most ancient kind, consists in the unrolling of a long scroll on which the scenes of the play are painted. A monologist recites the lines. All the other types of wayang are puppet shows, the figures being made of various kinds of material. Most popular of all is the shadow play with flat leather puppets manipulated from beneath the stage by thin stick attachments.

European and American music apparently has made little appeal to Indonesians; and they are frankly shocked by the Western bisexual, close-contact ballroom dancing. But the cinema has taken hold with them to the extent that it threatens the survival of the traditional drama wherever movie theaters have come in. “Westerns” and animated cartoons are their favorites.

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

The social organization of the Indonesian peoples shows three levels of development. The first is represented by the small proportion of natives

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who live in the few modern cities: Batavia, Bandung, and Surabaya in Java; Medan and Palembang in Sumatra; Macassar and Menado in Celebes; and Bandjermasin and Pontianak in Borneo. Among these the traditional social groupings have been largely forgotten, and their type of community life is a product of Western influence.

The second level is that of the native states, still semi-independent, although geared in with the Dutch colonial administration. This type of organization is restricted to Java and the coastal regions of other islands, and came into Indonesia about 1,500 years ago as an imported Hindu element. Before that, the social system of the Indies had never developed beyond the tribal or village community stage. Like the modernized city organization, the native states represent a superimposition on the ancient tribal and village groupings; and even now only a minority of the people are directly concerned with these petty principalities. They are survivals of the Hindu imperialism that preceded the European version of the same thing.

Despite successive conquests, underneath the shifting alien dominations the native communities have gone their traditional ways relatively undisturbed. The third and deepest level of social organization, represented by the masses of the native Indonesians in their countless tribes and settlements, has been left essentially untouched by foreign governmental systems. This is actually and potentially the most important social stratum in the islands, for upon its firm foundation must rise the future democratic state of Indonesia, after the imperialistic superimpositions have been stripped away.

The tribal groupings, many of them so large that they might more appropriately be termed nations, are mostly nongovernmental units. They are cultural areas, within each of which the customs and language are the same and the people remember an ancient bond of relationship. But there are no central tribal governments, and the largest administrative units on the native level are clusters of villages which have combined to form districts, with district chiefs and councils. This is the typical stage of development in the more advanced areas, such as Java and most of Sumatra. In regions of simpler culture, as in the interior parts of Borneo and Celebes, each settlement is virtually independent, and district organization is absent.

Throughout the Indies, even in places where villages are grouped in district federations, the most important functional unit, socially and politically, is the community. The native communities are not only typically democratic; they are also to a high degree communalistic. The

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chief and his assistants are chosen by vote of the villagers, although the offices tend to become hereditary. All or nearly all the adult males in the settlement have a voice in the direction of community affairs. Descendants of slaves, newcomers to the village, and persons of a traditionally inferior class may be either entirely disfranchised or given limited political privileges, but the prevailing tendency is democratic. The officials are subject to control in their decisions by the council, and they must never violate the adat, or traditional rules, of the community. With these checks on them, they have little chance to indulge any, inclinations toward dictatorship. Wherever despotism has developed in the Indies, it has been imported from outside. But even in such cases, the wiser administrators have generally refrained from much interference in the local communities, demanding only peace and taxes, and a limited amount of personal and military service.

The Indonesians lay great emphasis on genealogy and reckon relationships far beyond the immediate family. These extended systems of kinship are important functionally, for upon them are based marriage rules, regulations concerning place of residence, obligations of blood vengeance, and property laws. Some of the tribes stress descent in the female line, while others emphasize male descent. These unilateral schemes of social organization are confined mostly to Sumatra and certain parts of eastern Indonesia. Patrilineal descent is characteristic of most of the mountain peoples of Sumatra and the vast majority of groups in the eastern islands, from Bali to New Guinea. Matrilineal descent occurs only among the Minangkabau and one or two other tribes of Sumatra, and in restricted enclaves in some of the Lesser Sundas and Moluccas. In the whole central part of the archipelago, bilateral kinship systems are the rule–in Borneo, Celebes, and Java particularly–and here relationship is reckoned on both father’s and mother’s sides, as in America.

The rules governing marriage depend upon the manner of tracing descent. Among peoples with bilateral systems, choice of a spouse is restricted only by incest rules, which prohibit marriage with close relatives on either side of the family, usually extending to first cousins only. Where patrilineal kinship prevails, relatives on the father’s side are tabooed, sometimes to very distant degrees of relationship; while maternal kinsmen, even those closely linked by blood, may marry. The reverse rules apply in a matrilineal society.

In certain parts of Sumatra and in some areas of eastern Indonesia the patrilineal and matrilineal systems of reckoning kinship become vastly elaborated by the development of clans. Where this occurs in a patrilineal tribe, a person is forbidden to marry all members of the father’s clan, no

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matter how distant the relationship may be. In groups with matrilineal clans the prohibition is applied to all members of the mother’s clan. The situation is similar to what would happen if we in America were to taboo marriages between all persons with the same surname. The idea behind these rules is that all persons with the same clan name are descended from a common ancestor, who founded the clan. The clan-marriage taboo is just as stringently enforced as incest regulations, and the penalty for transgression, as in the case of real incest, used to be death.

The mode of reckoning kinship influences the place of residence of a couple after marriage. Almost invariably, where descent is matrilineal, residence is matrilocal, that is, with the wife’s people; whereas, where the male blood tie is the test of relationship, residence is patrilocal, with the husband’s kinsmen. In areas where bilateral kinship prevails, usually a man and his wife may reside where they choose, but in many places this is not so. For instance, among the interior tribes of Borneo and Celebes, although relationship on both sides is reckoned equally, a married couple go to live in the village or longhouse of the wife. Some authorities believe that this is a survival of a former system of tracing descent in the female line only.

In certain respects the rules governing sex and marriage in Indonesia appear somewhat lax to Europeans and Americans. Premarital sexual relations, especially in the less civilized tribes, are not regarded as wicked, but rather as quite normal. If an unmarried girl becomes pregnant, however, the boy involved is usually required to marry her. Moreover, the period of freedom is short, as marriages generally occur soon after puberty, at the age of about 16 for girls and a year or two later for boys.

Once married, strict faithfulness is expected of a woman, although extramarital amours on the part of husbands are not considered to be so serious. According to traditional native law in many tribes, the punishment for adultery was death; in others, heavy fines were the rule. The Dutch have long since abolished the death penalty for this offense. Just as a husband’s adultery is more lightly regarded than a wife’s, so also can a man obtain a divorce more easily than a woman among most Indonesian peoples.

In nearly all tribes, a man may marry as many wives as he can support; and although Mohammedan canon law restricts the number of legal wives to four, it sets no limit on the number of concubines a man may have. Many of the native radjas and sultans support whole squads of concubines, in addition to their four status wives, and the offspring of the various women are ranked according to the position of their mothers in the royal household. But the great majority of Indonesians can afford

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only one wife apiece. The factor of expense applies not only to mere support of the woman, but to her “purchase price” as well, for throughout most of the islands a man has to pay for his wife. The bride price usually varies according to the social rank of the girl’s family, which tends to keep the poor from marrying above their station. Although polygyny, possession of multiple wives, is relatively rare, despite its legality, divorce occurs very frequently. It is not uncommon for both men and women to marry and divorce several times in the course of their marital careers. Generally the first marriage is arranged by the parents, with or without consulting the desires of the prospective bride and groom, but subsequent unions are matters of personal choice.

PROPERTY, CLASS, AND CASTE

The democratic political functioning of the native communities in most of Indonesia is complemented by a prevailing communalism of property. Individual property is largely restricted to movable and personal articles, such as clothes and weapons. Houses are generally regarded as collective family property; and land belongs to the whole community. Exclusive private possession of land is an idea strange to most Indonesians. Each individual or family gets a share of the communal land, and such shares may not be sold because they are not the property of their holders. With the consent of the whole community, parcels of land may be leased, even to outsiders; but complete alienation is impossible. The Dutch wisely reinforced traditional law on this point by statutory enactments; and no one may buy land from Indonesians or native communities. The great plantations of the Indies, therefore, occupied leased land, and the companies paid rent to the native owners.

This ancient system of true communalism in land property has been undergoing steady alteration, and the tendency has been toward a kind of “permanent family leasehold.” This change has followed the spread of wet-rice agriculture, and the reason is that irrigated fields represent a capital investment in the form of ditches, sluice gates, dams, and terraces. Such improvements are inseparable from the land itself. But if a family which has obtained virtually permanent tenure of a parcel of land by such investment then moves away from the village, its holding reverts to the community. Absentee ownership is forbidden by the adat, or native traditional law.

In the same way that the primitive communalism of Indonesian villages has been modified in areas where improved methods of cultivation have introduced permanent capital investment in land, so also can a

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correlation be noted between decline in the pure democracy of native society and the spread of “higher” culture. Social stratification tends to develop and become rigid in the more advanced areas. Where Hindu culture, for instance, never penetrated, there complete social democracy prevails; while on the borderline of civilization, so to speak, intermediate grades of stratification have developed, with distinctions of varying rigidity drawn between noble, common, and slave classes. Exclusive hereditary nobilities, linked in most cases with dynastic state governments and despotic systems of feudalism, exist, or did until recently, in all the more advanced regions. Even in areas where social stratification prevails, however, the great mass of natives are still untouched by imported ideas of superior and inferior classes of men. Forms of address and etiquette may vary for different ranks of society, but in daily life and community administration all stand pretty much on the same level. One exception must be made to the statement that Indonesian native society is fundamentally democratic. Slavery prevailed until recent years in nearly all parts of the islands, the slaves being mostly war captives or descendants of conquered peoples. The status was hereditary and usually involved no inhumane treatment; although in certain tribes slaves were occasionally used for human sacrifice.

NATIVE WARFARE

Before the establishment of European rule, intermittent feuds between villages, divisions of tribes, and whole tribal groups kept the islands in a state of continual internal strife. Even today, in remote districts, native wars break out intermittently. Boundary disputes, revenge for injuries inflicted by members of another group, and, in some cases, the pressing need for more land to support increasing population are among the causes of hostilities. But above all, head hunting has been the principal impulse to warfare in the Indies.

In ancient times virtually all the peoples of Indonesia were head hunters, and the practice has not yet died out completely despite the strong efforts of the government to stop it. The reasons for this peculiar custom seem on the surface to be mainly desire for war prestige and revenge for previous raids. Also, in many tribes a youth is not considered a proper man or fully qualified for marriage until he has captured a head. But underlying these superficial reasons are the ideas of the Indonesians concerning the magical power of human heads. A community which has been suffering from epidemics, crop failures, or infertility of women and domestic animals, in trying to fathom the cause of this ill luck, may arrive at the characteristically Indonesian notion that the group is suffering from a

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deficiency of magical power. One of the best direct means of getting the needed spiritual “juice” is to capture a new batch of heads from some other village, for magical energy is most richly concentrated in human heads. Feuds thus started may go on for generations, because a settlement which has lost a number of heads will explain subsequent misfortunes as consequences of this theft of vital energy, and will try to restore the “balance of heads” by making a return raid. Head hunting, therefore, is in one sense a grand and grisly game, with the score kept in heads; while in a deeper sense it is a serious religious duty, performed with pride for the spiritual benefit of a man’s own people.

Being such valuable objects, heads are also obtained for funeral feasts and other sacrificial ceremonies. They are the best of all possible offerings. Moreover, the ancestral ghosts, once head hunters themselves, are likely to withdraw their supernatural favors from their descendants if they do not perform the sacred duty of replenishing the magical stock of the group by capturing heads. The idea that the head is a very holy part of the body is widespread in Indonesia, even in regions where head hunting is a thing of the past. The greatest breach of etiquette is to touch another’s head without good reason. Many a white man has lost his life because he did not know how natives regard their heads.

Head hunting is linked with partial cannibalism in most areas where it occurs. The head snatchers eat bits of the flesh of their trophies, especially the brains, to invigorate themselves spiritually. Aside from this form of cannibalism, which is a kind of magical “communion” service, man eating is not condoned by any Indonesian tribe except, formerly, by the Batak of Sumatra. Even the Batak, however, seldom or never ate human beings except for specifically defined reasons: to inflict the utmost revenge on slain enemies, or to impose the most extreme kind of punishment imaginable upon criminals.

RELIGION

The great majority of Indonesians–about 90 percent–are nominally Mohammedans; approximately 2,500,000 profess Christianity; and the million Balinese are avowedly Hinduist in religion. But the kind of Mohammedanism, Christianity, and Hinduism practiced is hardly of the “pure” sort in any instance; the vital religions of the islands are the old ghost, spirit, and ancestor cults, which have persisted all through the centuries despite surface changes. The Javanese, for instance, are almost 100 percent Mohammedan; but their fundamental beliefs about spirits, life after death, magic, and the like are really pagan. The Javanese or

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Balinese village has at the very basis of its religious system worship of the local spirits and of the ancestral ghosts of the community, for whom ancient altars serve as offering places.

The pagan substratum is the most important element in the whole superimposed system of religious beliefs and practices, and it gives the tone to the later layers. The great masses are heathen at heart, despite their superficial affiliation with the great world religions.

The true type of Indonesian religion, which still survives relatively untouched by outside influence in the interior districts of Sumatra, Borneo, and Celebes, and in many of the isolated smaller islands, rests basically upon beliefs and practices concerned with magic, spirits, and the ghosts of the dead. The magical concepts, as already mentioned, emerge in the headhunting complex. They imbue other aspects of religious life as well; for the people believe that a vast store of magical power permeates the universe, and that it can be “tapped” for human purposes by certain methods. Some persons are adept in getting at supernatural energy, and they can be hired to do this delicate and dangerous work. The purpose is usually a good one–healing the sick, helping the crops, and the like; but black magic may be used against enemies. Every tribe and village has its specialists in this field; but common folk also, by prescribed ritual incantations and actions, can turn magic to their uses. Whole communities may hold ceremonies calculated to get spiritual energy for the entire group, as among the Toradja of central Celebes. Here, at the high point of a week-long ceremony, the women of the village put themselves into a kind of trance, “send their souls” up to the sky, where the great spirits have a vast store of magical power, and draw upon this mighty source for the benefit of the whole community.

The belief in spirits is different from that in generalized magical force, and the activities connected with the spirit cult are more specific in their intention and formalization. This is because in this sphere the people know with what they have to deal, and the rituals can be “aimed” at a certain spirit or spirits. Also, the ideas concerning these supernatural beings are more concrete than in the case of magic. Every Indonesian people believes in the existence of hosts of spirits, widely variable in kind and power. Some are good, others bad; and the main purpose of the spirit cult is to obtain the aid of the former in combating the malevolent influence of the latter. There are earth, air, and water spirits, and a great number of celestial beings who appear as leaders of the lesser ones. The central Borneo tribes try to discover the will of the heavenly deities by observing the flight of birds, who are under the direction of the air spirits, the latter in turn following the orders of their superiors in the

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celestial realm. The Batak of Sumatra believe that they can imprison certain kinds of spirits in little figurines of wood or stone, which are then set outside the village to protect the inhabitants from the hordes of evil creatures who prowl the earth. There are all sorts of sickness spirits; and in eastern Indonesia particularly, when an epidemic is raging the people make a little boat, lure the evil spirits of illness aboard it, and tow the “scapeboat” out to sea, where it is abandoned. Many localities have their own special spirits. Indonesians climbing a mountain may make offerings not only to the deities of the mountain itself, but also to the spirits of rocks and streams on the way up. Passing a headland known to house a supernatural being, Malay sailors will lie flat in their vessel, perfectly quiet, while the helmsman steers a gingerly course by the dread spot.

Powerful though the beliefs in magic and the spirits are, probably the most important cult in Indonesia has to do with the ghosts of the dead and the ancestors. In few other places in the world do funeral ceremonies involve so much time, energy, and sacrifice. In many tribes the dead receive not only one, but two and even three successive funerals, at each of which the bones of the deceased are exhumed or removed from their tombs for cleaning, blessing, and redisposal. The ways of disposing of mortal remains are extremely varied. In the island of Sumatra alone, for instance, the different tribes bury, cremate, entomb, abandon, conceal in caves, and seal in trees the bodies of their dead. Even within the same tribe, diverse methods of disposal may be employed, depending upon the age, rank, sex, and manner of death of the deceased.

This obsession with death and the dead reaches its culmination in the all-important ancestor cult. The ancestors have passed beyond, to the realm of the spirits, and, if kept satisfied, are in an excellent position to aid the living. Therefore they receive endless sacrifices, and the people dread offending them in any way. This, indeed, is a great reason for the conservatism of the Indonesians, as the ancestors are likely to be angered by any alteration in the ways they were used to on earth.

The ancestor cult is universal throughout the Indies, and is the most important single feature of native religion. Linked with it is a widespread use of spiritualistic seances for the purpose of getting in contact with the ghosts of the dead and discovering their will. The shaman, or medium, goes into a state of trance induced by such devices as incantations and wild dancing to the accompaniment of steady drum-beating, and gulping in great clouds of incense. While in the trance, the medium’s body becomes the host of an ancestral ghost, who speaks through the mouth of the shaman.

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Plate 14Above: Man of Nias in ceremonial costume, including the warrior’s neck emblem and elaborate headgear. The poster is printed in the Nias language, which was never written until recently.

Below: Javanese couple, the man in semi-European style clothing.

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Plate 15Above: Balinese dancers in performing costumes. The metal headresses are so finely worked that they look like starched lace.

Below: Minangkabau of Sumatra in ceremonial costume. These richly brocaded garments are heirlooms.

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Plate 16Above: Mentawei girl with teeth filed to points.

Below: Toradia woman, Celebes, with resin stippling on her face.

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Plate 17Above: Bahau Dyak, Borneo, showing distension of the ear lobes.

Below: Mentawei man, with bow and poisoned arrows.

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The native Indonesian religions, then, are varying mixtures of paganism with later infusions of Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity. “Conversion” merely means taking on new names for old things; and the supernatural beings, beliefs, and practices introduced from outside are simply added on and fitted into the ancient cults. Purely pagan tribes are still found in the islands off the west coast of Sumatra* in certain remote parts of the latter island itself, in central Borneo and Celebes, and in many of the islands between Java and New Guinea. Hinduism, mixed with pre-Hindu elements, survives only in Bali, although 600 years ago it was the universal religion of all Java and most of Sumatra. Mohammedanism, also by no means “pure,” has now spread over nearly all of Sumatra, Java, and the coastal districts of Borneo and Celebes. It is steadily making converts in the eastern islands, some of which–Lombok and Sumbawa, for instance–are almost completely Islamized.

Christianity has never been able to gain headway in Mohammedan areas. In Java, for instance, there are at most 200,000 Christians–probably not more than half of these natives–and this despite centuries of missionary effort. The Christian religion has found its best field among the pagan tribes, notably the Batak of Sumatra, the Toradja and Minahasa of Celebes, and the Ambonese of the Moluccas. The latter two groups are almost entirely “Christian.” Islam, however, seems to harden its followers against conversion, and throughout the history of missionary enterprise in the Indies the zones of Christianity and Mohammedanism have been mutually exclusive.

DUTCH ADMINISTRATION

Unlike the Americans in the Philippines, who after expelling the Spanish immediately started a general reform of government, education, and social life, the Dutch have been extremely cautious about introducing changes in the administration of the Indies. They have retained as far as possible the traditional forms of government, tried scrupulously to avoid interference in native life, and until recently have done little to promote native education.

The old East India Company, a commercial body operating under the aegis of the Netherlands Government, actually was the colonial administration until its dissolution in 1798. It kept the native sultans in power, ruling through them, and demanding only a monopoly of trading rights and exploitation of natural resources. When the Company collapsed, the Government merely stepped into its place and operated in the time-honored manner, becoming in considerable degree a commercial organization itself. Around 1900 the Government gave up its business activities–with the

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exception of a few enterprises and monopolies–and opened the Indies to exploitation by private companies, turning itself completely to the task of colonial administration. It pledged itself to a “liberal” policy of rule: on the one hand to keep native customs and institutions intact as far as possible, and on the other to extend education and participation in government to Indonesians as rapidly as possible. In the former, complete success was achieved, for it has always been the policy of the Dutch to refrain from interference in native life except when absolutely necessary. The latter aim, however, was never achieved, except very partially, with the result that only a very small proportion of the natives ever attended school and even fewer ever voted. Thus the main emphasis has been upon maintaining the status quo and only slowly opening educational and political privileges to the Indonesians. The whole policy is well termed one of extreme gradualism.

By Dutch definition the Indies were not a colony, but rather an integral part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, like Holland itself, Surinam, and Curasao. The islands had their own government, to handle internal affairs, under the ‘guidance” of the mother country, and the latter controlled their relations with foreign states. Legislation concerning matters of broad and fundamental import for the Indies went through the parliament in Holland, while questions having only local application were handled by the governor-general and the organs of government in Batavia.

The governor-general, appointed by the Crown, was directly assisted by an advisory body of five, chosen by the Dutch ruler and cabinet, called the Council of the Indies, and by a cabinet of eight. The governor-general named six of the ministers; the Netherlands Crown and cabinet selected the ministers of war and the navy. The central government at Batavia had one other branch, potentially the most important of all. This was the parliament, or Volksraad, the “People’s Council.” Created in 1916 as a purely advisory body, it slowly gained in power, until, after 1929, it came to function almost as a true legislative assembly. Members could introduce bills on their own initiative, and the Volksraad could amend bills presented to it by the governor-general. The latter had to present every bill he advocated to the Volksraad for a vote. If a budget bill were not approved, the Netherlands parliament decided the issue; in case of disagreement on other ordinances the conflict was resolved by a royal decree. The governor-general, in case of emergency, might proclaim an executive order having the power of law immediately; but if the Volksraad at its next meeting questioned his action the Crown was called upon to arbitrate the dispute.

The partially democratic nature of this near-parliamentary body is further demonstrated by the way its members were chosen. The chairman

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was appointed by the Crown and cabinet of the Netherlands. The remaining 60 members were partly elected and partly appointed by the governor-general in the following manner: of the 30 Indonesian delegates, 20 were elected and 10 appointed; of the 25 Europeans, 15 were elected and 10 appointed; and of the 5 “alien Asiatic” deputies, 3 were elected and 2 appointed. Thus 38 of the members were elected and 22 appointed. The term of office was 4 years. To ensure proportional sectional representation among the native members, the islands were divided into twelve electoral areas. If this had not been done, the Javanese, with two-thirds of the total Indonesian population, would have held nearly all the seats in the Volksraad. The method of election was indirect, only members of the various local councils–provincial, regency, and municipal–voting for delegates. These local councilmen in turn were partly appointed and partly elected by the people of their district, in most places voting by village units. The whole process was complex and cumbersome, but, according to the Dutch, it was designed to give all groups proper representation.

Outside the central government, there were three main systems of administration: the Civil Service, the native rulers, and various kinds of district councils.

The Civil Service consisted of several grades of officials. The highest were the governors of the eight main divisions of the Indies. Then came the residents, assistant residents, and controleurs, in charge of progressively smaller districts. Most of the officers thus far down the list were Dutchmen, although a minority were half-castes who had gone to school in Holland. The lower grades of the Service included thousands of native officials. Indeed, the entire staff had only about 30,000 European members as against 180,000 natives, most of the latter in such relatively minor capacities as clerks and messengers. Also, a large proportion of the “European” employees were half-castes in subordinate positions. Candidates for all posts from controleur upward were selected by an examining committee from graduates of high schools in Holland and the Indies. Successful applicants were sent to either Leiden or Utrecht University, where they were partially supported by government scholarships. The course took 5 years, and when the young “aspirant controleurs” were ready to leave for the Indies they had acquired a thorough knowledge of Indonesian history and law, the ethnology of the native peoples, and the languages of the archipelago. There is no doubt that the Dutch civil officers in the Indies were the best colonial administrators in the world, and the reason for this lay in the rigid standards of selection of candidates and in the admirable course of training they received.

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The second type of regional administration was that of the native rulers, mostly hereditary in the higher ranks. The system of retaining the traditional governmental organization to the greatest possible degree had been characteristic of the Dutch ever since the days of the old East India Company. This method of colonial administration is called “indirect rule,” which is a precise term, for each of the native potentates had at his side a Dutch civil officer who “advised” him–in other words, actually “ruled through” him. Of the total area of Java, 7 percent was under the jurisdiction of 4 sultans, and most of the remainder of the island was divided into 70 “regencies,” each ruled by a hereditary native potentate. Outside Java, 60 percent of the dominions were ruled indirectly through local princes, mostly hereditary. In all the 340 native states and regencies the rulers merely went through the motions of administration, and their powers were entirely subordinated to those of the Indies government. The finances, especially, were strictly controlled, although the monetary allowances made to the princes were very liberal in most instances. Each ruler of a native state had under him district and assistant district chiefs, generally of the lesser nobility of the region. The lowest unit in the hierarchy of native regional government was the village community, ruled by a chief, sometimes hereditary and sometimes elective, who was assisted by certain other officials. Typically also, there were a village assembly, to which all adult males in good civil standing were eligible, and a council of elders, a kind of senate drawn from the assembly. These village communities were the main centers of Indonesian native government. Only a small proportion of the common folk ever had anything to do with either the higher native officials or the Dutch administrators. Their political horizon ended at the borders of their own community. The village governments ran in traditional grooves sanctified by usage extending back beyond memory; and the successive conquerors of the Indies have been satisfied to leave them alone, going on generation after generation in accordance with ancient customs and laws.

The third type of regional administration was a recent development, although the groundwork for it had been laid as far back as 1903, with the first “decentralization” law. The plan was to develop in every section of the Indies a complete local government to handle internal affairs. Each of the major administrative divisions–provinces, regencies, and municipalities–was to have not only its executive Civil Service staff and its native rulers, but also a council, partly appointed and partly elective. Tribal divisions were to be given a controlling voice in their own affairs by setting up tribal or “community” councils. The system, if carried through completely, would have worked out into a scheme similar to the

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American federal type of government, with its State legislatures, county boards, and city councils. By 1941 the new decentralized plan was already in partial operation. Six provincial, 70 regency, 15 municipality, and 2 “community” or tribal councils had been established and were functioning. In most of these, about half of the members–European, native, and “alien Asiatic”–were appointed by the executive of the region; for the elective deputies only taxpayers, in general, were allowed to vote. Thus the franchise extended to only a minute proportion of the natives, but as the plan developed and as economic and educational standards rose, more and more of the Indonesians would have been brought within the voting group. Legislation passed by the various councils was subject to veto by the Dutch governor or other official in charge of the district; but an appeal could be made to the governor-general, who made the final decision.

EDUCATION

The Dutch did little to open the minds of the Indonesian masses to broad world perspectives through education. Only 5 to 10 percent of the government expenditures were for education, as against 25 percent in the Philippines. The underlying philosophy seems to have been that too rapid education among the natives would have produced social disorganization and discontent, along with imposing a heavy drain on the government budget.

The system of schooling was organized on a dual basis, depending upon whether the Dutch or native language was used in teaching. Standard Malay was the language in most of the latter type of schools; but where knowledge of Malay had never penetrated, the local vernacular was the medium of instruction, and Malay was taught as a subject. The great bulk of the native pupils, about 1,700,000 out of 2,000,000, never got beyond the lowest unit, the village school, whose course covered three grades only. Education was neither compulsory nor free, although some scholarships were provided for poor but able students.

Above the primary level, which rose to six grades, Indonesian students had their choice of going on in the native-language school system to trade, agricultural, or normal secondary schools, or passing over into the white secondary school system by attending “link schools” where they learned the Dutch language. This sounds as though the Dutch segregated children by race in primary, though not in secondary, schools. This is not true, however, for the criterion of separation was language, not race, and Indonesian or Chinese children who spoke Dutch could enter the European primary schools along with the whites. For Chinese students, the type of

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primary school attended depended upon what language they knew; although the majority went to special “Dutch-Chinese” schools, where Dutch was taught through the medium of Malay. In addition to public schools, private and missionary institutions were subsidized by the Government, and almost 20 percent of all pupils in the Indies attended these. They included nonsectarian private, Chinese private, Catholic and Protestant missionary, and Mohammedan parochial schools.

The highest education offered was that of the five colleges of Java: the technical institute at Bandung, and the schools of law, medicine, agriculture, and literature at Batavia. The Japanese war interrupted plans for uniting these institutions in a University of the Netherlands East Indies. An infinitesimal proportion of the natives who started in the primary school system ever attained university education; indeed, very few– about 15 percent–even got beyond the third elementary grade.

MISSIONARY ACTIVITY

Every missionary group in the Indies operated under a license in which the area of activity was strictly delimited and the procedure minutely prescribed. These licenses were subject to immediate cancellation if the missionaries overstepped the bounds of their stated privileges, or if the government found that the natives were opposed to their presence. Some districts were virtually closed to missionaries, notably the strongly Mohammedan areas of Atjeh in Sumatra and Bantam in western Java, and the Hinduist island of Bali. Even where missionaries had been active for centuries, however, their efforts to convert the natives were largely unsuccessful. Undoubtedly the neutral attitude of the government was partly responsible for this, but the religious situation in Indonesia would have been unfavorable to Christianity in any case. Since 90 percent of the natives are Mohammedan, and Mohammedans the world over are notoriously hard to convert, the little success of the missionaries would be explainable even though the government had strongly encouraged them.

As mentioned above, largest results have been attained by the missions in previously pagan regions. Of approximately 2,000,000 Christians in the Indies (only 3 percent of the total population), 500,000 were in Sumatra, largely among the pagan Batak, and an equal number in Celebes, mostly in the non-Mohammedanized Toradja and Minahasa districts. Five percent of the Indonesians were still pagan in 1940, and the missionaries were competing with Islam–which spreads automatically, largely by way of intermarriage between Mohammedan traders and pagan women–to

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get control of these virgin fields before they were irretrievably lost to the religion of Allah. Thus, even if it won most of the yet unexploited districts, the best the Christian church could hope for would be conversion of less than 10 percent of the native population of the Indies.

EUROPEANS AND AMERICANS

In 1940 there were almost 250,000 people classed as Europeans living in the Netherlands East Indies. A sizable proportion of these were persons with varying degrees of native blood, but sufficiently white to be included in the general European category. Dutch citizens composed the vast majority, totaling around 220,000. Germans numbered about 7,000; Japanese (for legal reasons classed as Europeans), 7,000; British, 2,500; Swiss, 800; Americans, 650; and Belgians, 625. Fully 200,000, or 80 percent, of the whites lived in Java; and of the 50,000 in the other islands, 30,000 were concentrated in Sumatra. The Europeans have tended to cluster in urban centers, and almost half of them in 1940 were found in seven cities. In Java these were: Batavia (40,000), Surabaya (30,000), Bandung (20,000), and Semarang (15,000); in Sumatra: Medan (4,000) and Padang (3,500); and in Celebes: Macassar (3,500). The number of Europeans and Americans in the Indies was formerly much smaller than in recent years. During East India Company control and throughout most of the nineteenth century, private businesses were not welcomed by the government, which monopolized nearly all the commercial enterprises. In 1870 there were only 35,000 whites in the islands; by 1900, after the government had relaxed its restrictions, the total had risen to 90,000; and the last 40 years increased this figure by almost 300 percent.

The white population fell into three main categories: the plantation operators and employees; the urban business and professional classes; and the government workers, including administrative and military personnel and teachers. The latter two composed about 80 percent of the total, and lived principally in the larger communities. Here living conditions were excellent, with fine houses, elegant clubs, a variety of entertainment facilities, and an abundance of cheap and pleasant native servants. Life in the back country–on plantations, in mission centers, oil fields, and government posts–was generally rather dull, the days running on routine, with little to do but work. The comforts of the cities–electricity, good roads, modern stores, and the rest–were lacking. Nearly all the whites lived in anticipation of the periodic furloughs in Europe, usually triennial;

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and intended, when their days of service were over and their hoped-for fortunes accumulated, to retire on pensions to their home countries.

THE CHINESE

Much more numerous than the Europeans were the Chinese, totaling about 1,200,000, or almost 2 percent of the Indies population. In 1940 approximately one-third of them had been born in China; but among the remainder a large proportion were descendants of immigrants to the islands many generations ago. In every respect the Chinese occupied an intermediate status between Indonesians and whites. They were much more literate than the natives, over 50 percent of the men and about 15 percent of the women being able to read and write. Most of them were middle-class merchants, operating nearly all the retail businesses and a fair number of the small wholesale houses. The others were concentrated principally in the tobacco districts of northeastern Sumatra and the tin-mining islands of Banka and Billiton; in both areas they worked mostly as coolies. Half of the Chinese, 600,000, lived in Java; 500,000 in Sumatra, a little less than 100,000 in Borneo; and around 30,000 scattered over the other islands. Thus they were more evenly distributed than the Europeans.

The Chinese, however long their families may have lived in the islands, have kept themselves a separate group, retaining their own customs and preserving a lively interest in the home country. Since there have never been many Chinese women in the Indies, much intermarriage with natives has occurred. But the families, no matter how much Indonesian blood they may have absorbed, have remained Chinese in customs and sentiments. They have had their own temples, associations, and even schools; and have kept up the family and ancestor cult of China even though many generations separated them from the motherland.

In the past the Chinese were subjected to numerous discriminatory laws, being confined to “ghetto” sections of towns and required to obtain passes to travel outside. Hardly a trace of these legal disabilities survived in 1940. The Chinese had freedom of movement and residence; their legal status was carefully defined, with full consideration for their special requirements; there were Dutch-Chinese schools; and subsidies were granted to Chinese private schools. Where enough Chinese lived, they were given proportional representation in local and provincial councils; and in the Volksraad three to five seats were reserved for them. Since the Netherlands and China have been on the same side in the present world conflict, the loyalty of the Indonesian Chinese has suffered no split. They, with the half-castes, are bound to constitute an important middle-class element in the future reconstruction and reorganization of the Indies.

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THE HALF-CASTES

One of the most striking differences between British and Dutch colonies appeared in the treatment of half-castes. To the British, these people had an inferior status; and they seldom rose high in governmental or business positions, nor were they admitted to white clubs and social circles. In the Indies, however, they were classed as Europeans, met a minimum of discrimination in jobs, and were accepted everywhere as equals. Persons of mixed blood held some of the highest posts in government, and no impediment, social or legal, stood in the way of a Dutchman wishing to marry one of them. Nearly all of them spoke Dutch, for they attended the Dutch language schools. For the most part they occupied a middle-class status, working as minor officials, as school teachers, and in clerical positions. Some discrimination did exist, but their lot in the Dutch islands was better than in any other colonial area in the world.

Temperamentally, the mixed-blood people were much better balanced than their fellow Eurasians elsewhere in the Orient. They did not display the combination of servility and aggressiveness attributed to British half-castes, because their personalities were not warped by galling discriminations. They were a living disproof of the outmoded theory that mixed-bloods inherit the worst traits of both parental groups. On the contrary, they demonstrated clearly the truth that the bad reputation of half-castes in other parts of the world is due to their treatment and not to their biological heredity.

Miscegenation between Europeans and natives was more frequent in earlier times than recently, for it has declined as the number of white women in the islands has increased. Interracial matings were formerly encouraged by the Dutch authorities, for they saw in them a good means of cementing friendly relations between themselves and the Indonesian people through the creation of a mixed-blood intermediary group. The native ideas of sex in this part of the world are quite liberal, and a girl is not condemned, among most groups, for living with a white man. The attitudes of the Dutch and the Indonesians were well suited, therefore, and the production of half-castes went on smoothly generation after generation.

Despite a marked decrease in the frequency of miscegenation during recent decades, it persisted as a regular feature of white colonial life. Its two main centers were the army barracks and the plantations. Although subjected to a constant barrage of criticism, the army continued to allow Dutch soldiers in the islands to have their dusky mistresses, mostly on the ground that this temporary monogamous system reduced venereal infection. Unmarried white overseers on plantations employed native

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housekeepers, and although not all of these became concubines of their masters, a fair proportion of them undoubtedly did. In addition to blood, mixture by way of concubinage, occasionally legal marriages occurred between Europeans and natives, but most of the half-caste population originated from extramarital unions.

The Dutch have done well to treat the children of mixed matings fairly. In them they have had a generally loyal intermediary group, appreciative of the consideration shown them. Except for the Chinese, the half-castes have been the only middle-class element in the whole Indies. In this intermediate position they have possessed an intimate knowledge of both Dutch and native society. When the Indies arise from the desolation of the present war, the intelligent, well-educated, temperamentally sound Eurasians will surely take their place among the leaders of the reconstruction.

EXPORT PRODUCTION AND TRADE

Indonesia has been the most profitable colonial possession of its size in the world. In an average recent year, 1938, British India, long famed for its richness, two and one-half times the size of the Indies and with a population six times as large, had only twice as much export and import trade. The amazing wealth of the archipelago can be attributed to three things: the fertility of the soil, augmented by little seasonal change and a wide range of crop possibilities; the mineral deposits in the subsoil; and the cheapness and tractability of the native labor supply.

The soil of the islands varies, but a large proportion is exceedingly productive, particularly in the volcanic areas. The volcanic ash is an excellent fertilizing agent, provided that it is seeped into the earth by sufficient rain, and Indonesia has plentiful rainfall. Crops can be grown 12 months in the year in most regions, for seasonal variations are slight. The islands are a natural hothouse, continually putting forth plant life in great abundance. Nearly every island includes land varying from steaming coastlands to very high mountains, while in between are hills and valleys of all intermediate elevations. Consequently the variety of crops is phenomenal. The greatest staple is rice, which flourishes at all levels and furnishes the principal food supply. The abundant rain and the numerous streams make irrigation possible in most of the archipelago. Maize, vegetables, and fruits are raised in considerable variety. Thus, despite its large population, Indonesia can feed itself. No greater testimony to the richness of the soil could be presented than the fact that the Javanese, packed more than 800 to the square mile, live almost entirely on the products of their own land.

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In addition to the bountiful and continuous harvest for native consumption, the islands produced a vast store of crops for export. These exports made Holland one of the richest countries in the world.

The leading commercial crop during recent times was rubber, and for many years it was the main export commodity. Until 1940 the Indies were the second largest rubber-producing area in the world, being slightly surpassed by British Malaya; but in that year t}ie islands forged ahead, with 49 percent of the total world yield, as against 41 percent for Malaya. During normal years Indonesia supplied between 35 and 40 percent of all the rubber used in the world. Sumatra was the principal rubber-producing region of the islands; and here, especially on the east coast, vast plantations covered areas as large as many of our States. The trees were lined up with geometrical precision, so that, looking through a rubber plantation from any angle, the rows extended straight out as far as the eye could see, like the pillars of a great cathedral. Each tree had its little metal cup, and every morning a coolie would come and make a fresh diagonal slash in its bark to start the sap running.

Sugar ranked next to rubber among the commercial agricultural commodities of the Indies. Most of it was grown in Java, where it constituted the main export crop. Recently, however, sugar fell upon evil days, for the world markets were glutted and prices dropped close to the cost of production. Tea, in normal years, was almost as important a commercial crop as sugar. Copra, from which coconut oil is made, and palm oil were also supplied by the Indies in considerable quantity. The remaining principal agricultural commodities fell into two classes: those in which the Indies had a virtual world monopoly, and those which other areas produced in large quantities. To the former category belonged quinine, pepper, and kapok fiber, of which Indonesia supplied, respectively, 90, 85, and 75 percent of the world export total. To the latter class belonged coffee, and agave and sisal fiber, used for making twine.

The mineral wealth of the islands has hardly been tapped, and the vast hinterlands of Borneo and New Guinea hold promise of great future development. Even the abundant production of oil for two decades has scarcely begun to draw upon the abundant reserves in the subsoil. Although petroleum with its byproducts ranked next to rubber as the principal export of the Indies during the past 5 years, the archipelago supplied only 3 percent of the world’s total production, standing fifth among the oil-yielding countries. Tin was the second most important mineral export, and, while the amount of production varied from year to year, Indonesia consistently ranked next to Malaya, the world’s main source of this metal. Most of the tin came from government-owned locations in Banka, Billiton,

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and Singkep, islands situated between Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. The government also operated coal and gold mines in western Sumatra, but the amounts produced were never large. Most of the coal was used within the islands for ships and railways. Bauxite, the aluminum ore, was increasing in production in 1940, when 230,000 tons were exported.

In addition to production for export, the Dutch drew profits from handling the trade and transportation of the Indies. A Dutch shipping company, the Koninklijke Paketvaart Maatschappij, had a virtual monopoly of the extremely profitable interisland trade, and the railroads were owned by the government. But the big returns came from investments in plantation agriculture, mining and oil production, and commercial banking. Of the total 2 billion dollars of European and American capital invested in the Indies, the Dutch held three-fourths. The British share was almost 14 percent; Franco-Belgian companies had 5 percent; American investments accounted for 3 percent; and German and Japanese, 1 percent each.

The human stake of the big companies is the third of the reasons given above for the profitable nature of the Indies. The native labor supply was phenomenally cheap and tractable. Whether openly stated or not, the interest of the commercial corporations lay in keeping the working masses both cheap and docile. Lest this be taken as too severe an indictment, it must be stressed that there was no “plot” on the part of the business interests to “enslave the masses.” They pointed to the obvious fact that the majority of the Indonesians were quite contented with their way of life, and raised the question whether it might have been unwise, even cruel, to infect them with the devastating germ of ambition.

Certainly the system worked for many centuries, and was working when the islands fell to the invaders in 1942. Fully 70 percent of the Indonesians worked for themselves, mostly on little rice plots, from which they drew enough sustenance to keep themselves alive. The other 30 percent represented a good proportion of the profit-making capital of the Indies. They were the wage earners, laboring on the plantations and in the mines and oil fields for exceedingly low pay. Ten dollars a month was an excellent wage for a native worker; and on it he was able to keep well and even happy, because his wants were so modest. The great majority of them had a per capita income of less than $50 a year. By contrast, the bulk of European salaries fell between $2,000 and $80,000 a year; while the alien Asiatics, mostly Chinese, had incomes clustering in the range from $160 to $2,000.

Despite the fact that Indonesians received so small a share of the income, in the past 40 years they made marked progress as independent producers of agricultural commodities for export. In 1898 their share in this market

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Plate 18Above: Balinese dancers, with gamelan orchestra.

Below: Mentawei dancers doing an animal pantomime.

 

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Plate 19Above: Sadang burial caves, Celebes, chiseled in the face of a cliff. They have wooden doors and carved guardian images.

Below: Stone tombs, Sumba.

Courtesy Netherlands Information Bureau.

 

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Plate 20Above: Palace of the Sultan if Siak, eastern Sumatra. Siak is one of the scores of native states which the Dutch ruled “indirectly,” retaining the hereditary princes in office.

Below: Catholic missionaries in the plaza of a central Flores village. The conical structures are fetish houses of the pagan ancestor cult. Photograph by Rev. R.N. Geldens.

 

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Plate 21Above: Workers in a Javanese batik shop. Their skilled labor brings them a wage of about 20 cents a day.

Below: Street scene in Batavia, capital of the Indies, showing unique steam tramcars. Photographs by E.E. Muhs.

 

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was only 10 percent of the total; in 1913, 24 percent; in 1930, 31 percent; and in 1937, 46 percent. Their principal product was rubber, of which they supplied 50 percent. As in all other types of commercial agriculture, however, most of the native plantations were small, and there were few Indonesian big businessmen. Some crops for export were grown almost exclusively by natives, such as pepper (100 percent), copra (98 percent), kapok (90 percent), tapioca (80 percent), and coffee (70 percent). Their share of the tea market was 15 percent; and of the tobacco sales, 8 percent. They had no part, except as laborers, in the production of sugar, palm oil, and quinine; and also no petroleum or tin investments. Much of the profits from native-grown products went to the export companies, mostly Dutch, for the Indonesians had no way of selling their goods on the world market and had to dispose of them through middlemen. Still, the striking rise in native commercial agriculture from nearly nothing 40 years ago to almost half of the total in 1937 is a good augury for the future of the Indonesians in this type of independent enterprise.

Industrialism was virtually nonexistent in the Indies. Probably the main reason was that the islands were so eminently suited to agricultural enterprise, and paid such handsome profits on this alone, that no strong stimulus to industrialization was ever felt. Statistics on occupations for 1938 show that 1,670,000 Indonesians were classified as industrial workers. But 670,000, or over 40 percent, were home producers, mostly women occupied in such handicrafts as spinning, weaving, sewing, and batik-printing. Another 840,000, or slightly more than 50 percent, were employed in very small plants, such as the sarong workshops of central Java. Only 120,000, or less than 10 percent, worked in large factories, including textile mills, oil refineries, sugar mills, armories, and automobile assembly plants. In 1939 the Dutch, foreseeing the strong probability of a German invasion of Holland, started an intensive program of industrial expansion in the Indies. Plans were drawn up for rapid construction of more oil refineries, textile mills, iron smelters, chemical plants, and armament works. The scheme was barely under way when the Japanese invaded the islands.

The Indies are a rich prize for any conqueror. Particularly is this so for Japan, with a dense population, an insufficient food supply, a high degree of industrialization, and a shortage of domestic minerals and other raw materials. Such a country needs a hinterland where there are no factories, but only fertile soil, abundant mineral deposits, and cheap labor inured to subservience. Indonesia is made to order on all these points. With the islands completely under her control, Japan would gain what she has lacked during the 50 years of her rise to power–namely, a balanced and

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self-sufficient economy. Here are oil, coal, and metals; here are food and other agricultural products, such as rubber; and the lack of precisely these things has constituted Japan’s greatest weakness. Looking back from the vantage point of 1943, it now seems almost inevitable that the Japanese would pursue the course they have. The reason for the prevalent belief that they would not go after the Indies was that the archipelago lay at such a great distance that, despite its rich store of needed supplies, the difficulties of transportation to Japan over an enemy-threatened sea route would make the conquest unprofitable. This, indeed, is one of the most vulnerable points of Japan at present. On the 4,000 miles distance between Batavia and Tokyo may rest the fate of the Pacific war.

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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Most of the sources of information on the East Indies are in the Dutch language. Since few persons outside the Netherlands can read this language, and since only four or five of the largest American libraries possess adequate collections of Indonesian literature in Dutch, the following list of references is restricted to books in English. The present volume is based largely upon, and is in part an adaptation of, the author’s recent book The Ageless Indies (The John Day Co., New York, 1942).

Alder, W. F. 1923. Men of the inner jungle. London.

Banner, H. S. 1927. Romantic Java. London.

Baum, V. 1937. A tale of Bali. Garden City.

Beaufort, L. F. de. 1929. Science in the Netherlands East Indies. Amsterdam.

Bickmore, A. S. 1868. Travels in the East Indian Archipelago. London.

Bijlmer, H. T. 1929. Outlines of the anthropology of the Timor Archipelago. Weltevreden.

Bock, C. A. 1881. The head-hunters of Borneo. London.

Boeke, J. H. 1942. The structure of Netherlands Indian economy. New York.

Bousquet, G. H. 1940. A French view of the Netherlands Indies. New York.

Boyle, F. 1865. Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo. London.

Broek, J. O. M. 1942. Economic development of the Netherlands East Indies. New York.

Brown, J. M. 1914. The Dutch East. London.

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Campbell, D. M. 1915. Java: past and present. London.

Carpenter, F. G. 1943. Java and the East Indies. New York.

Cator, D. 1905. Everyday life among the head-hunters. London.

Cator, W. J. 1936. The economic position of the Chinese in the Netherlands Indies. Chicago.

Clune, F. 1942. Isles of Spice. New York.

Coenen Torchiana, H. A. van. 1921. Tropical Holland. Chicago.

Collins, G. E. P. 1937. East monsoon. London.
          1937. Makassar sailing. London.

Coomaraswami, A. K. 1927. History of Indian and Indonesian art. London.

Couperus, L. 1924. Eastward. London.

Covarrubias, M. 1938. The Island of Bali. New York.

Day, C. 1904. The policy and administration of the Dutch in Java. New York.

Embree, E. R., Simon, M. S., and Mumford, W. B. 1934. Island India goes to school. Chicago.

Emerson, R. 1937. Malaysia: a study in direct and indirect rule. New York.
          1942. The Netherlands Indies and the United States. New York.

Emerson, R., Mills, L. A., and Thompson, V. 1942. Government and nationalism in Southeast Asia. New York.

Evans, I. H. N. 1922. Among primitive peoples in Borneo. London.
          1923. Studies in religion, folklore and custom in British North Borneo and the Malay Peninsula. Cambridge.

Forbes, H. O. 1885. A naturalist’s wanderings in the Eastern Archipelago. London.

Furness, W. H. 1902. The home-life of Borneo head-hunters. Philadelphia.

Furnivall, J. S. 1939. Netherlands India: A study of plural economy. Cambridge.

Gelderen, J. van. 1939. The recent development of economic foreign policy in the Netherlands East Indies. New York.

Gomes, E. H. 1911. Seventeen years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo. London.

Great Britain, Admiralty, Naval Intelligence Division, Geographical Section. 1920. A manual of Netherlands India. London.

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Handbook of the Netherlands East Indies. 1930. Buitenzorg.

Hart, G. H. C. 1943. Towards economic democracy in the Netherlands Indies. New York.

Hiss, P. H. 1941. Bali. New York.

Holt, C. 1939. Dance quest in Celebes. London.

Hoop, A. N. J. T. A T. van der. 1932. Megalithic remains in South Sumatra. Zutphen.

Hose, C. 1900. In the heart of Borneo. London.
          1926. Natural man, a record from Borneo. London.
          1927. Fifty years of romance and research. London.

Hose, C. and McDougall, W. 1912. The pagan tribes of Borneo. London.

Hyma, A. 1942. The Dutch in the Far East. Ann Arbor.

Institute of Pacific Relations. 1943. War and peace in the Pacific. New York.

Josselin de Jong, J. P. B. de. 1937. Oirata, a Timorese settlement on Kisar. Amsterdam.

Kat Angelino, A. D. A. de. 1931. Colonial policy. The Hague.

Kaudern, W. 1925-1938. Ethnographical studies in Celebes. Goteborg.

Keith, A. M. 1940. Land below the wind. New York.

Kleen, T. A. 1936. The temple dances in Bali. Stockholm.
          1937. Wayang (Javanese theatre). Stockholm.

Kleiweg de Zwaan, J. P. 1923. Physical anthropology in the Indian Archipelago and adjacent regions. Amsterdam.

Klerck, E. S. de. 1938. History of the Netherlands East Indies. Rotterdam.

Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardri jkskundig Genootschap. 1938. Atlas van Tropisch Nederland. Batavia.

Krom, N. J. 1927. Barabudur: archaeological description. The Hague.

KUNST, J. 1937. The music of Java. Amsterdam.

Loeb, E. M., and Heine-Geldern, R. 1935. Sumatra. Vienna.

Low, H. 1848. Sarawak. London.

Lumholtz, C. 1920. Through Central Borneo. New York.

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McGuire, P. 1942. Westward the course! New York.

Marsden, W. 1783. The history of Sumatra. London.

Mjoberg, E. G. 1930. Forest life and adventures in the Malay Archipelago. London.

Moss, R. L. B. 1925. The life after death in Oceania and the Malay Archipelago. Oxford.

Nyessen, D. J. H. 1929. The races of Java. Weltevreden.

Perry, W. J. 1918. The megalithic culture of Indonesia. London.

Pleyte, C. M. 1901. Indonesian art. The Hague.

Ponder, H. W. 1934. Java pageant. London.

Powell, H. 1930. The last paradise. New York.

Raffles, T. S. 1817. The history of Java. London.

Roth, H. L. 1896. The natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo. London.

Rutter, O. 1922. British North Borneo. London.
          1929. The pagans of North Borneo. London.

St. John, H. 1883. The Indian Archipelago. London.

St. John, S. 1862. Life in the forests of the Far East. London.

Sarkar, H. B. 1934. Indian influences on the literature of Java and Bali. Calcutta.

Scheltema, J. F. 1912. Monumental Java. London.

Schnitger, F. M. 1938. Forgotten kingdoms in Sumatra. Leiden.

Schrieke, B. 1929. The effect of Western influence on native civilizations in the Malay Archipelago. Batavia.

Snouck Hurgronje, C. 1906. The Achehnese. Leiden.

Stutterheim, W. F. 1929. Indian influences in the lands of the Pacific. Weltevreden.
          1929. A Javanese period in Sumatran history. Soerakarta.

Vandenbosch, A. 1941. The Dutch East Indies. Berkeley.

Walcott, A. S. 1914. Java and her neighbors. New York.

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Wallace, A. R. 1872. The Malay Archipelago. London.

Wit, A. de. 1906. Java, facts and fancies. Philadelphia.
          1923. Island-India. New Haven.

Zoete, B. de, and Spies, W. 1939. Dance and drama in Bali. New York.

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SOURCE:

ISLANDS AND PEOPLES OF THE INDIES

By RAYMOND KENNEDY

Associate Professor of Sociology
Yale University

The Dai Nippon Prisoner Of War In Indonesia Drawing painting sketch collections 1942-1945

THIS THE PART OF CD-ROM DAI NIPPON OCCUPATIONS INDONESIA 1942-1945, THIS PAINTING FROM THE  DEI DAI NIPPON PRISONER OF WAR,WITH SEEN THIS PAINTING WE WILL KNOW THE SITUATIONS OF POW CAMP,THIS ONLY A PART OF COLLECTIONS THE COMPLETE COLLECTIONS EXIST BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER PLEASE SUBSCRIBED VIA COMMENT

DEI Camp Drawing

Collections

1942-1945

CREATED BY

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

copyright@2012

 

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•  Augustus 1943 – nieuwe uniformen
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• Australische fanfare
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• Awas mata2 moesoeh’
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• Baanvegen is geen gek vak. M.K. Boerman’
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• Babi-revue
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• Babi-revue
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• baby melk!!
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• Babylonischen schorpioen centaur, Openbaringen 9

 

 

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• Baden in de Soengi(MANDI DISUNGAI)
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• Baden met assistentie – 1 l. water(MANDI DENGAN PEMABTU DENGAN 1 l AIR)
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• baden van olifanten aan de Birma-spoorweg(MANDI DIJLN BURMA)
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• badgebruik en bed voor en tijdens de internering(KAMAR MANDI DIINTERNIR)
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• Badkamer(KAMAR MANDI)
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• badkamer boven bij de loodsen
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• Badkamer boven bij de loodsen
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• Badkamer boven bij de loodsen
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• Badkamer Kedoeng Badak kraan dicht met…
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• Badtijd v volwassenen’(MANDI BERSAMA)
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• Bagage
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• bagage-inspectie van nieuwkomers
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• Bakhuys 43′
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• Bakker Puttelaar
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• Bakkerij
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• Bakkerij
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• bakkerij in barak
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• Bakkerij Tavoy
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• Bakkersoven
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• Bakkersoven
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• Ballade der dysenteriepatiënten
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• ball players
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• “Bamboe Halers”‘; opdruk papier…
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• banden plakken en zagen
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• Bandoegan “Jasme”‘
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• BANGKINANG MIDDLE SUMATRA  CAMP
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• Bangkinang 15/9-’44 School en zaken!! Hoeveel…
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• Bangkinang 1944 De HN’
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• Bangkinang 4-4-’44 ZvL Ladies Only’
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• Bangkinang 5 sept. 1944′
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•  Bangkok riverside Oriental hotel

bangkong semarang camp

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•  Bangkong 1945
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• Bangkong Semarang tekenaar Gogelein jr: hij was…
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• Bangkong Semarang’

BANJOE BIROE MIDDLE JAVA CAMP

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• Banjoe biroe
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• Banjoe Biroe
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• Banjoe Biroe
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• Banjoe Biroe bij Ambarawa Midden-Java
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• Banjoe Biroe Dominee Kuiper houdt dienst op het…
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• Banjoe Biroe het nimmer stille stilletj
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• Banjoe Biroe mijn uitzicht van kamer 11
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• Banjoe Biroe slaap- en woonruimte
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• Banjoe Biroe vrijheid achter de muur
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• Banjoe Biroe’
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• Banjoe-Biroe
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• Banjoe-Biroe
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• Banjoebiroe kamer 23′; ‘Inwendige van een zaal…
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• Banjoebiroe kamp III ook dit gaat voorbij
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• Bantjeuh 3 mei 1943
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• Barak
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• barak
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• Barak 24′
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• Barak 3
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• “Barak 3” was vol
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• Barak 4
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• Barak 4
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• barak met houtvoorraad en fornuis
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• barak met manden
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• barakinterieur

The adventure Of Captain Ivan Smirnoff as the part Of Dai nippon Occupation Indonesia in 1943

THIS IS THE PART OF DAI NIPPON OCCUPATION JAVA IN 1943,THE COMPLETE INFO EXIST IN CD-ROM BUT ONLY FOR PREMIUM MEMBER,PLEASE SUBSCRIBE VIA COMMENT TO GE THE AMIZING STORY WITH FULL ILLUSTRATIONS

 

The Adventures of Captain Smirnoff ‘The Flight of the diamonds’

CREATED BY

DR iWAN SUWANDY,mha

copyright2012

Capt Smirnoff in U.S.

Capt Ivan Smiroff of The netherland East Indies Air Forces in the U.S. to haved bullet removed from his body in order to be sure of being able to find his way while flying, he told the newsman at press conference in San Fransisco Last week

Captain Smiroff said the steel bullet recieved when shot by the Japanese in March 1942 threw off his plane compass.

His plane was carrying a load of evacuoes from Java when the enemy fifghter shot it down near Broome in Nothern Australia.

On Board were diamonds valued in the neighborhood $21.000.000.which were lost but later discovered.

Since then Smiroff has flown 600 hours with The American Air Transport Command based in Australia.

He praised the work of the work transport planes in war operations, saying without them the Pacific war would not been successfully carried out.

He pointed out the jungle and the lack of roads permitted only transport plane to convey material and troops.

He remarked that unfortunately the transport pilot had no glory , only work.

“The Japs know they are Hecked”he declared Captain Smirnoff . who was famed as an airlined pilot and air racer before the war,pointed out that where as at the time of the Pearl Harbor. The allies were completely unorganized , they now were on offensive

CAPTAIN IVAN SMIRNOFF
RUSSIA’S 4TH HIGHEST ACE IN WWI
NATURALISED DUTCH CITIZEN
CAPTAIN OF A CRASHED DC-3 DAKOTA

Captain Ivan Vasielivich “Turc” Smirnoff was born at dawn on 30 January 1895 on a small farm near Vladimir, about 120 miles west of Moscow.

Ivan Smirnoff was Russia’s fourth highest Ace in World War I. He was credited with shooting down 11 German aircraft. He was highly decorated as follows:-

– Croix de Guerre
– Cross of St. George (when he was foot soldier)
– White Eagle of Siberia
– Order of St. Anna
– Order of St. George (equivalent to our Victoria Cross)
– Order of St. Stanislaus

Ivan was naturalised as a Dutch citizen. In early 1942, Captain Smirnoff had flown his DC-3 Dakota transport aircraft between Java and Australia evacuating Royal Netherlands Indies Airlines office and ground staff, along with civilians and service personnel.

On 3 March 1942, Dutch Dakota DC-3 PK-AFV of the KNILM (Netherlands East Indies KLM) piloted by Captain Ivan Smirnoff, left Bandung in Java headed for Australia with a plane load of evacuees and a box of diamonds worth approximately £300,000. They managed to escape Java just 3 days before the Japanese took the Bandung area. They were attacked by three Japanese Zeros about 80 kms north of Broome. Captain Smirnoff was wounded several times in his arms and hip. Smirnoff managed to put the Dakota into a steep spiral dive with the Zeros in pursuit and made a forced landing on the beach. The box of diamonds went missing after the crash.

Full details of the above crash
and the loss of the diamonds

 

Ivan Smirnoff eventually died in a Catholic clinic on the Spanish Island of Majorca on 23 October 1959.

The National Archives’ ANGAM Database shows the following records held regarding Smirnoff:-

SMIRNOFF Tivan – Nationality: Dutch – Arrived Perth per Dutch Air Force Plane 13 March 19421942 to
1942PP246/4DUTCH/SMIRNOFF T

  Captain in the US 317th Troop Carrier Group

For the first few months the aircraft and crews belonging to KLM/KNILM were busy ferrying supplies from Archerfield, Brisbane, Queensland to US bases in Northern Australia.

 

The crew members were Te Roller, Hulsebos, Dirk Rap, Peter Deenik, Van Dijk, Jan Van Balkom, Iwan Smirnoff, Van Messel, Dunlop, Frans Van Breemen and Rijers.

 

But, in May 1942

 came the end. Their aircraft (two DC2, two DC3, three DC5 and four Lockheed-14) needed maintenance and spare parts which only the Americans could supply.

 

One day when Ivan drove to the airfield he found all the machines in their hangars and the director waiting for the pilots. He told that it was no longer possible for a civil company (KLM/KNILM) to get a licence to bring out spares from the USA.

 

The director explained that although KNILM operated their aircraft under charter to the U.S. military, General MacArthur had been reluctant to allow so many valuable aircraft to remain in civilian hands. As a result, KNILM were coerced into selling their aircraft to the USAAF.

 

This coercion took the form of a suspension of logistical support such as the impounding of one hundred cases of spare parts. To prevent the fleet being grounded KNILM had now arranged for its sale to the American Army Command.

 

Surviving documents suggest that all of the KNILM aircraft were to have been sold to the Australian government for a token £5 each, but the transaction was apparently overruled in favour of a sale to the USAAF. This purchase is reputed to have cost Uncle Sam $530,000.00 for ten aircraft (one Lockheed-14 had been written off).

 

Nicholas Dijkstra, a friend of Ivan Smirnoff, explains:

 

“KNILM management negotiated a handover of the aircraft to the US Air Force. Our crews, based in Sydney and Brisbane, were very upset about this decision. It meant that a useful service came to a sudden end, whilst the future of the crew members remained uncertain. Still, in my opinion this was not the reason that five(*)aircraft of KLM/KNILM flew a few days later under the Sydney Harbour Bridge.

 

 

On a beautiful Sunday in the month of May 1942, two US ‘Kittyhawks’ had flown under the Sydney Harbour Bridge.

 

I was in Elizabeth Bay at the time, or near there, and saw them. Traffic on the bridge came to a full stop and people were excited. The following day it was the main item of conversation – everybody thought that it was a great stunt. Nobody had done that before!

 

A couple of days later on 14 May, when the aircraft of KLM and KNILM were being prepared for the final flight to Wagga Wagga, we were also talking about the ‘Kittyhawk Stunt’.

 

 We were to make a short flight over Sydney for a final check of the aircraft. Some people of the ground staff suggested that it would be nice to come along for the short flight, so at the end close to fifty people, ground staff personnel, waiters and waitresses from the restaurant at the airport as well as kitchenstaff, were taken on board ready for take off.

 

Then one of the pilots suggested that we could do better than the two US Kittyhawks and fly some of the aircraft in formation under the Sydney Harbour Bridge. A KLM radio-operator, Joe Muller (he had previously been shot down at Carnot Bay, WA, with KLM Captain Ivan Smirnoff in the DC3 PK-AFV) was asked to go to the control tower to ask permission to fly under the bridge. Watching from the tarmac we could see Joe Muller talking to the personnel in the control tower

 

. After a few minutes he came out to the walkway alongside the tower, Joe Muller looked in our direction and then raised his thumb in what we took to be the ‘OK’ signal. And off we went…

 

The five(*)aircraft took off and eventually took up formation approaching the bridge from the Sydney Heads.

 

Still in formation we flew under the bridge, pulled up, made a wide turn and then flew in single line again under the bridge and then returned to Kingsford Smith Airport.

 

After we landed and taxied to the ramp, there was hell to pay! Anybody with some kind of authority was there. It then became clear that Joe Muller had not asked for permission to fly under the bridge.

 

 He explained to us that his thumbs-up signal only meant that the aircraft looked fine! The authorities did not have much to nail us down with, but we heard later that an order had been issued, forbidding to fly under the bridge and that anyone doing so, would be fined one hundred pounds ($200) for every person aboard.”

 

(*) According to Nicholas Dijkstra there were five machines and he flew with Captain Jan van Bal

At least (according to other sources) the machines flying under the bridge were:

 

DC2, PK-AFK, piloted by Captain Frans Van Breemen
DC3, PK-ALW “Wielewaal” piloted by Captain Peter Deenik
DC5, PK-ADC, piloted by Captain Dirk Rab with John Gyzemyteras Flight Engineer

 

 

….”What about us?” growled Ivan. “You selling us, too?”
Ivan persisted: “I am with you to build things up, not to knock them down. Can you suggest some other way?”
The director was sorry, but he couldn’t.

 

It was dreadful to think of KLM machines in the hands of the Yanks. It was dreadful to contemplate the prospect of sitting idle, month after month, waiting for the war to end. The Yanks were in dire need of pilots but when Ivan asked for a job the young captain in charge took one look at him and said, dryly: “Thanks, Pop, I guess we’ll get by and not trouble you.”

 

Ivan lived well now, he had grown ‘fat and flourishing’. In fact he had grown so much that he burst out of all his clothes and had to search the Sydney shops to find seventeen-and-a-half-inch collars.

 

During most of 1942 the Japanese still thought they were going to win the whole Pacific region, and they found Port Moresby on New Guineato be vital to fulfil that goal. The Allied, on the other hand, had not yet understood how important it really was to defend the very same area.

 

The first real victory against the Japs in the Pacific Ocean was carried out mostly by Australian troops. From 25 August to 7 September 1942 the Australians defeated the Japanese at Milne Bay about 350 km south-east of Port Moresby. This victorybecame an important turnpoint in WWII, it showed to everyone that the Japs could be beaten, and therefore the morale was now extensively increasing everywhere.

 

General MacArthur had had his HQ well of the way in Melbourne, but when things eventually started to look better, he moved his HQ to Brisbane. And when the Japs were defeated on New Guinea, he moved his HQ further on, to Port Moresby.

 

….Finally, on 20 January 1943 Ivan was gazetted Captain (First Pilot) in the 39th Troop Carrier Squadron, 317th Troop Carrier Group(which later that year (30 September) moved their headquarters from Townsville to Port Moresby) for operational flying duty. His appointment was made by General Kenny, Chief of Staff. It was an honour – there were only four First Pilots named. Now Ivan had joined the Americans.

 

 

 

But Ivan had to learn about some US flight rules that appeared silly to him. One of the regulations laid down, that unless the weather (In Opinion Of Ground Control) were 100% good, the trip was cancelled. The experienced pilots went wild over this too-cautious rule.

 

Ivan just refused to accept it and soon after was preparing to leave when ground control signalled:
“Trip off, weather tricky.”
“Nonsense!” he roared down the airfield intercom. “Put me on to the fellah in charge here.”
When he was put through he blew up the airfield commander good and proper.
The commander listened patiently then said:
“I get your point, Captain; just the same, you can’t fly.”
“Like hell I can’t!” bellowed Ivan. “Who is the guy that gives you your orders?”
“Senior Colonel, Divisional Command.” He was given the name of a base a hundred miles away.

 

To the switchboard operator Ivan roared: “Get me Divisional Command,” and when, an hour later, the call came through, insisted on getting on to the senior colonel and putting a politer version of his case.

 

“I sure admire your spirit,” said the colonel, “all the same, you can’t fly.”
“Colonel,” growled Ivan, almost crushing the receiver in his hands,
“I know that an order is an order. All the same I am now obliged to send a report to the General in charge of your Air Force.”
“You do just that,” said the colonel, and hung up.

 

Ivan composed a blistering report and organized a girl typist to “English” it for him.

 

He never got an answer but in 3 days’ time a directive “from the Old Man himself” went out to all airport commands. “This man Smirnoff,” it said, “he’s Dutch. Let him fly whenever he says, disregard regulation in his case.”

 

So Ivan was becoming a legend in yet another country, and the ground staffs, at every base, turned out cheerfully in all weathers to give him the best servicing the could. They knew that if Captain Smirnoff said he was going up, he damn’ well would.

 

Months later Ivan was told that his letter had been circulating in “the highest circles” and that MacArthur had yelled with laughter and said: “Get me some more of those damn’ Dutch, I could do with them.”

 

 

The corner of Annerley Road and Laurier Street in Brisbane, Queensland.

 

….Margot was now living in Brisbane, close to the Brisbane River, in another furnished flat at the corner of Annerley Road and Laurier Street, so that Ivan could sleep at home between his arduous journeys to Port Moresby on New Guinea. There were only 5 kilometres to drive from Archerfield Airport to Annerley Road and Margot.

 

She had never worked harder in her life – the younger Dutch pilots, unhappy in the local “hotels”, looked upon the Smirnoff home as Netherlands territory. The Australian climate agreed with her, she felt better, and there were experienced doctors at hand who saw to it she suffered no more pain than was absolutely unavoidable.

 

 

 

When Ivan first flew to Port Moresby there was nothing there at all – not a hut, not a yard of tarmac, not a telephone.

 

MacArthur fixed that. He had the complete airfield – stores, canteens, sick bays, offices, landing strips and all – built in just 3 days. “Those Yanks, they do an amazing job,” said Ivan. Only a month after the first airfield was completed Port Moresby was surrounded by not less than 7 airfields.

 

Ivan ferried tools, building materials, jeeps, ammunition, bacon and eggs, and medical stores from Brisbane to Port Moresby in a series of bewildering priorities that he could never fathom. On one of his very earliest flights he took a complete plant for making Coca-Cola!

 

On the return flights to Brisbane Ivan took sick and wounded. Once he evacuated the whole hospital, all down with malaria – patients, doctors, nurses, everybody.

 

He also carried back Japanese prisoners for interrogation. This was a horrible task; nearly all the prisoners were sick, suffering from dysentery.

 

En route to Port Moresby Ivan gladly took on additional observation and spotting duties, mostly reporting movements of Jap destroyers and submarines. They soon learned that the Great Barrier Reef was favourite ‘parking lots’ for captains of the enemy submarines. They were easy to spot from high altitudes, and easy to destroy afterwards.

 

There were 2100 kilometres to fly between Brisbane and Port Moresby, and they normally made an intermediate stop at Townsville both ways. This service was maintained every 24 hours. After a 24 hour round trip to Port Moresby each crew member had a day off.

 

 

 

To the right you see a detail from Ivan’s personal briefcase, which he carried on his missions to Port Moresby on New Guinea. Below in the ID-window the following can be read:

 

This case and contents are the property of the U.S. Army Air Corps. Click on the picture to enlarge…

 

At the same time, when Ivan was busy at the US 317th Troop Carrier Group, KLM had managed to build up new activities. In August 1942 they had opened a service to Ciudad Trujillo in Peru and now, one year later, by August 1943, they were running a service of Lockheed-14’s from Miami in USA. The Dutch Air Force had been given a base at Jackson, Mississippi, where the Netherlands flag flew supreme – the only foreign flag, other than those flown at embassies – with permission to wave over United States territory. Ivan now realized that by hook or by crook he must get himself to America.

 

the transport of the diamonds from Java to WA during WWII, the bombing of Broome, the Dakota crash and survival of half the passengers. Fascinating history. The second part deals with the court case, when three men were charged with stealing the diamonds. Fascinating depiction of the life led by those men in outback Australia in the 1940s

REFERENCE BOOKS

“The Hidden Chapters – Untold Stories of Australians at War in the Pacific”
by Robert Piper

Please look another info from magazine below

“As The third Year Begin”

And try to read the small words, the complete info exist in CD-ROM

An article in the “Knickerbocker Weekly – Free Netherlands-‘of 21 February 1944 the flight of Captain Smirnoff, March 3, 1942.
For general information about the “Knickerbocker Weekly ‘, read the introduction to the thesis of Charlotte Cook,”

The Knickerbocker Weekly and the Netherlands Information Bureau

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dutch and Australian of Dai Nippon POW built Railway in Burma during WWII

Dutch and Australian of Dai Nippon POW built Railway in Burma during WWII

KISAH TAWANAN PERANG DAI IPPON BANGSA ASING bELANDA DAN USTRALIA DIKIRIM KE BURMA UNTUK MEMBANGUNG JALAN KERETA API SAAT PERANG DUNIA KEDUA

CREATED BY

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

THIS IS THE PART OF LIMITED E-BOOK IN CD-ROM

:DIA NIPPON OCCUPATION INDONESIA”

INTRODUCTION

I HAVE FOUND THAT TWO VERY INTERESTING COLLECTION IN CONNECTION WITH THE EX KNIL POW DUTCH GOVERNMENT SENT DAI NIPPON INDONESIA TO BUILD THE BURMA ROAD Railway API RIVER BRIDGE INCLUDING there Kwai

EXPLORATION IN GOOGLE STORY THAT I FIND INTERESTING HOW TWO WAY FROM INDONESIA those prisoners TO BURMA.

PLEASE MY COMMENTS AND ADDITIONAL INFORMATION FROM THE DAI NIPPON POW FAMILY IN BURMA TO THIS STORY SO FULL AND ATTRACT MORE

IF YOU WANT TO HAVE THE FULL CD-ROM through the following COMMENT PLEASE REGISTER TO BECOME A PREMIUM MEMBER.

JAKARTA JULY 2012

Dr Iwan suwandy, MHA

 SAYA TELAH MENEMUKAN DUA KOLEKSI YANG SANGAT MENARIK YANG BERHUBUNGAN DENGAN TAWANAN PERANG EX KNIL BELANDA YANG DIKIRIM PEMERINTAH DAI NIPPON INDONESIA KE BURMA UNTUK MEMBANGUN JALAN KERATA API DISANA TERMASUK JEMBATAN SUNGAI KWAI

PADA EKSPLORASI GOOGLE SAYA MENEMUKAN DUA KISAH YANG MENARIK BAGAIMANA PERJALANAN PARA TAWANAN TERSEBUT DARI INDONESIA KE BURMA.

SAYA HARAP KOMENTAR DAN TAMBAHAN INFORMASI DARI PARA KELUARGA TAWANAN PERANG DAI NIPPON DI BURMA AGAR KISAH INI JADI LEBIH LENGKAP DAN MENARIK

BILA ANDA INGIN MEMILIKI CD-ROM YANG LENGKAP SILAHKAN MENDAFTAR LIWAT COMMENT UNTUK MENJADI ANGGOTA PREMIUM.

JAKARTA JULY 2012

Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

4 January 1943

POW (Tawanan Perang ) menumpang Kapal  di Tanjong Priok, Jawa (Januari 1943)

 Kapal Neraka  ke Singapura (Januari 1943)

Dai Nippon  mengirim tawanan perang Belanda bangsa barat dengan kereta api di seluruh Jawa, dari Malang ke Batavia. Untuk waktu yang singkat mereka dikurung di barak mantan Batalyon Infantri KNIL ke-10, yang disebut Camp Sepeda oleh para tahanan Inggris dan Australia.

 Dari kamp transit mereka dibawa ke pelabuhan terdekat Tanjong Priok, di mana mereka naik ke kapal Singapura yang terikat Harugiku Maru. [1]

Felix Bakker menceritakan perjalanan mereka:

Minggu pertama Januari 1943,

 seribu orang dari perkemahan kami, [Samethini] di antara mereka, diangkut ke Batavia (Jakarta) di kereta yang ditumpangi-up.

Satu minggu kemudian kami berdesakan, 1.100 pria, menjadi sebuah kapal barang Jepang tua, tidak tahu di mana Jepang yang akan membawa kita.

 Kami dikemas jauh di dalam kapal, seperti ikan haring dalam kaleng bisa. Menetas di atas kami adalah hari terbuka dan malam, sehingga kami menderita panas yang hebat dari matahari di siang hari.

 Saat hujan keras, para pelaut Jepang menaruh terpal di atas palka terbuka. Kami punya sangat sedikit makanan dan minuman, dan dengan segera itu bisa mencekik di sana.

Kondisi di memegang sebuah hellship menuju Singapura

(Januari 1943)

 

Perhatikan menetas terbuka atas, cocok description.Illustration Bakker oleh Belanda POW WF BrinksSource: Geheugen van Nederland / The Museon

Sumber: Geheugen van Nederland / Museon ini

Yang disebut toilet kecil, ruang kayu di sepanjang pagar kapal. Untuk sampai di sana, kami harus memanjat tangga baja yang sangat curam dan panjang.

Sesampai di sana, kita sering harus menunggu dalam antrian untuk waktu yang lama. Jika ada terlalu banyak sejalan, menurut penjaga, dia akan menggunakan gagang senapan untuk mengalahkan mereka kembali menuruni tangga.

Selain itu, banyak tahanan turun dengan disentri. Pasien tidak dapat memanjat tangga, dan melakukan segala tempat mereka. Kami harus membersihkan kekacauan karena penyakit ini menular. Banyak yang tidak bisa tidur karena takut kapal akan ditenggelamkan oleh Sekutu pada malam hari.

 Banyak dari kita merasa mental dan fisik rusak segera, terutama mereka dengan keluarga tertinggal. Singkatnya, itu adalah penderitaan.

Lalu, suatu malam (saya tidak akan pernah melupakan ini selama saya tinggal), sesuatu yang sangat indah terjadi.

Laut tenang, malam itu jelas, dan kita bahkan bisa melihat beberapa bintang dari lubang neraka gelap kita. Tiba-tiba kami mendengar suara indah dari musik yang indah dimainkan pada akordeon.

Kami langsung tahu itu Han Samethini. Dia duduk di atas menetas dengan komandan transportasi Belanda di sampingnya, dan beberapa sedikit Jepang yang lebih jauh.

Kami mendengar kemudian bahwa kapten Jepang telah memberi izin baginya untuk bermain musik(arkodeon). Malam itu Han Samethini memainkan bintang turun dari langit. Strauss, Mozart, Brahms. Itu luar biasa.

 

Kapal, penuh sesak dengan lebih dari seribu tahanan perang, benar-benar diam. Bahkan orang sakit berhenti mengeluh. Tapi sekitar saya, saya bisa mendengar tangisan kuat pria, dan jujur saja, saya menumpahkan beberapa air mata juga.

Mendengarkan musik surgawi ini dari waktu lain dan dunia, kami berbelok semua pikiran kita untuk orang yang kita cintai, yang dipisahkan semakin jauh dari kami dengan setiap pergantian sekrup kapal.

 Han Samethini pasti berpikir keluarganya juga,

karena ia bermain arkodeon dengan perasaan yang sangat kuat tersebut. Saya tidak tahu berapa lama ia bermain. Tak lama cukup bagi kami.

Kami bertepuk tangan, bukan hanya karena kekaguman tetapi lebih dari itu karena rasa syukur. Dalam tengah situasi mengerikan, Han Samethini digunakan bakat diberkati musiknya malam itu tak terlupakan, untuk tidak hanya melupakan penderitaan selama beberapa saat, tetapi untuk memberi kita kekuatan untuk menghadapi masa depan yang sangat berbahaya. [2]

original info

POWs boarding a transport in Tanjong Priok, Java (January 1943)

 

Hell Ship to Singapore (J

January 1943)

The Japanese shipped the Dutch POWs west by rail across Java, from Malang to Batavia.  For a brief time they were confined in the former barracks of the KNIL 10th Infantry Battalion, called Bicycle Camp by the British and Australian prisoners.  From this transit camp they were taken to the nearby port of Tanjong Priok, where they boarded the Singapore-bound vessel Harugiku Maru. [1]  Felix Bakker recounts their journey:

The first week of January 1943,

 a thousand men from our camp, [Samethini] among them, were transported to Batavia (Jakarta) in a boarded-up train.

 

One week later we were crammed, 1,100 men, into an old Japanese freighter, not knowing where the Japs were going to bring us. We were packed deep inside the ship, like herrings in a tin can. The hatches above us were open day and night, so we suffered the intense heat of the sun during the day.

 When it rained hard, the Japanese sailors put a tarp over the open hatch. We got very little food and drink, and pretty soon it got suffocating down there.

 

 

Conditions in the hold of a hellship bound for Singapore (January, 1943)
Note the open hatches above, matching Bakker’s description.Illustration by Dutch POW W.F. BrinksSource: Geheugen van Nederland / The Museon

Source: Geheugen van Nederland / The Museon 

The so-called toilets were small, wooden spaces along ship’s railing. To get there, we had to climb a very steep and long steel ladder. Once there, we often had to wait in line for a long time. If there were too many in line, according to the guard, he would use the butt of his rifle to beat them back down the ladder.

 

On top of that, many prisoners came down with dysentery. Those patients were unable to climb the ladder, and did everything where they were. We had to clean the mess because the illness is contagious. Many could not sleep for fear the ship would be torpedoed by the Allies during the night.

 Many of us felt mentally and physically broken soon, especially those with families left behind. In a word, it was misery.

 

Then, one evening (I will never forget this as long as I live), something incredibly beautiful happened.

The sea was calm, the evening was clear, and we could even see some stars from our dark hellhole. Suddenly we heard the wonderful sounds of beautiful music played on an accordion.

 

We knew right away it was Han Samethini. He sat on top of the hatch with the Dutch transport commander next to him, and some Japanese a bit further away.

 

We heard later that the Japanese captain had given permission for him to play. That night Han Samethini played the stars down from the sky. Strauss, Mozart, Brahms. It was overwhelming.

 

The ship, crammed with over a thousand prisoners of war, was totally silent. Even the sick stopped moaning. But around me I could hear strong men weeping, and to be honest, I shed some tears as well. Listening to this heavenly music from another time and world, we turned all our thoughts to our loved ones, who were being separated farther and farther from us with each turn of the ship’s screws.

 

 Han Samethini must have thought of his family too, as he played with such intense feeling. I don’t know how long he played. It was not long enough for us.

 

We applauded, not only because of admiration but even more so out of gratitude. In this midst of this horrible situation, Han Samethini used his blessed musical talent that unforgettable night, to not only forget the misery for a few moments, but to give us strength to face the very perilous future. [2]

______________________

Footnotes

 

Source: wrecksite.eu

 

Source: japansekrijgsgevangenkampen.nl

 

  [1] The Harugiku Maru (ex-KPM Van Waerwijck) departed Tanjong Priok on January 15 and arrived in Singapore on the 18th. 

 The POWs in this transport were designated Java Party 9. Ship’s identity established by the Java Party 9 roll, which lists Samethini’s name, cross referenced with the Dutch source above.

The latter states that most of these POWs came from Kampong Makassar, a prison camp about 6 km south of Batavia.  Felix Bakker comments, “Han Samethini and Joop Postma were [with us] all the way from Malang [to] Batavia (barracks of the KNIL 10th Infantry Battalion)….We were never in Kampong Makassar.  I am sure of it.  I knew Batavia my whole boyhood.”  Bakker, personal e-mail to author (April 25, 2012).

Frank Samethini also transited through Bicycle Camp, arriving there several months earlier (October 1942) with a group of POWs from Surabaya.  He recounts his experiences in Chapter 6 of his memoir.

[2] Bakker, personal e-mail to Margie Samethini-Bellamy (September 2006). Translated by Margie.

 

Changi (January 1943)

 

Selarang Barracks, Changi POW Camp
Source: New Zealand Electronic Text Centre

Setelah tiga hari kesengsaraan di dalam palka hellship itu, Han dan rekan-rekannya muncul ke dalam terang dan berbaris menuruni tangga kapal. Hari berikutnya mereka naik truk yang membawa mereka ke kamp transit berikutnya. Felix Bakker melanjutkan:

Ternyata tujuan kami adalah Singapura. Kami turun di sana dan ditempatkan di kamp Changi, di mana kita bergabung sebagian besar 70.000 tentara Inggris, Australia, dan India ditangkap pada musim gugur Singapura. [1]

Frank Samethini juga telah ditransfer ke Changi. Kelompoknya dari tawanan perang Belanda telah tiba pada bulan November 1942, dikirim ke bagian (Australia Imperial Forces) AIF. Tak lama setelah kontingen Han tiba, Frank mendapat kabar bahwa adiknya berada di sekitarnya. Dia segera pergi untuk menemukannya:

Han Adikku dilaporkan terlihat di daerah rumah sakit Changi. Dalam perjalanan saya di sana, perawatan yang baik diambil untuk menghormati para penjaga Sikh dengan cara yang benar. Menyebut diri mereka “Free Indian”, mereka telah pergi ke musuh. Banyak rata-rata mereka, lebih buruk dari tentara Jepang ketika datang untuk mencari alasan untuk bashing kami.

 Sebuah kapel berdiri lebih bawah jalan, pintunya terbuka. Di dalam, orang Australia pada sebuah tangga, memperbaiki jendela kaca berwarna, mengatakan, “Howdie” tanpa mendongak dari pekerjaannya. Tanpa berpikir, saya duduk di depan altar kecil dan menekuk kepala saya. Tapi kata-kata tidak akan datang.

Apakah saya masih percaya? Kemudian semua sumur ke atas, memancar sebagainya ke dalam doa kekerasan. Sesaat kemudian saya keluar lagi, merasa lebih lega. Han tidak di rumah sakit dan, berkat Tuhan, juga tidak dalam plot yang semakin meningkat dari gundukan tanah yang baru digali. Kembali di kamp saya, Han berjalan untuk menemui saya di pintu gerbang, dan semuanya baik-baik. [2]

“Plot yang semakin meningkat dari gundukan tanah yang baru digali”
Pemakaman RAMC kapten di Changi kamp kuburan (Oktober 1942)
Sumber: http://www.fepow-community.org.uk

tawanan perang Inggris  di Changi
Pria dari Lancashire Utara Loyal Resimen (Oktober 1942)
Sumber: http://www.fepow-community.org.uk
Secara singkat bersatu kembali, yang Samethinis berangkat pada suatu pencarian yang tidak biasa:
Han, wizard pada akordeon, karena ia dikenal, adalah keinginan untuk mencoba tangannya lagi di keyboard piano. Belum menyentuh satu tahun keledai. Kami menemukan petugas yang bertanggung jawab dari hiburan, olahraga kumis bela diri sengit, mengawasi drama Shakespeare dilakukan di teater terbuka. Pertama dilakukan usaha untuk mengabaikan kita, tapi kita menanam diri tepat di depannya.

“Ya?” dengan hina di matanya untuk dua orang asing yang berani mengganggu mendengarkan-Nya. Kami memberitahunya.

“Ya, tentu saja, itu piano ada di panggung. Tapi tidak untuk amatir, terima kasih Namun, ada satu lagi di gereja yang dapat dibuat tersedia di beberapa waktu atau lainnya.. Tapi pikiran, semua ini musik swing. Kami tidak mengijinkan jazz di gereja. ” [3]
Nasihat luhur Perwira Inggris tidak hanya hanya gagal mencegah Han, memancing dia ke mencuri pertunjukan:

Tidak ingin membuang-buang kata lain pada pembangun kekaisaran, kita kembali ke bagian kami, yang kebetulan perbatasan dengan alasan hiburan.

Han mengambil kotak “pemerasan” lama dari hook, menerima sebatang rokok yang dibuat khusus dari salah satu anak laki-laki yang mengantisipasi apa yang akan terjadi. “Bank Bonnie Loch Lomond” diikuti dengan “Ketika Mata Irlandia Apakah Tersenyum” dan “Beautiful Dreamer.” Ketika ia sampai ke “Tipperary,” semua orang di teater terbuka telah berjalan keluar pada Bard untuk bergabung dengan kami dalam bernyanyi besar-lagu, yang dipimpin oleh amatir. [4]

19 Januari 1943

Java Garis bagian di Changi

Tahanan transit dari Jawa ke Kereta Api Birma berkumpul di sini.
Ilustrasi oleh British POW Charles Thrale
Sumber: Review FEPOW Bulanan

Frank adalah untuk tetap di Changi sampai April 1943, namun Han dan kelompoknya dikirim ke utara pada awal Februari. [5] Bakker berhubungan:

Kami tidak tinggal sangat lama, sepuluh hari kemudian kami sedang dalam perjalanan ke Thailand dengan kereta api. Han Samethini termasuk di antara tawanan perang Belanda di transportasi ini. [6]

Mengendarai garis Singapura-Bangkok rel up panjang Semenanjung Malaya, mereka mendekati base camp selatan Kereta Api Birma, outlier dari sebuah domain dari kesulitan dan kebiadaban yang mengungguli apa pun Jepang telah ditimpakan pada mereka sejauh ini.

 

Singapura dan bagian selatan Kereta Api Birma

original info

After three days of misery in the hellship’s hold, Han and his comrades emerged into the light and marched down the gangplank. The following day they boarded trucks that took them to their next transit camp. Felix Bakker continues:

It turned out our destination was Singapore. We disembarked there and were housed in the Changi camp, where we joined most of the 70,000 British, Australian, and Indian troops captured at the fall of Singapore. [1]

Frank Samethini too had been transferred to Changi. His group of Dutch POWs had arrived in November 1942, being sent to the AIF (Australian Imperial Forces) section. Shortly after Han’s contingent arrived, Frank got word that his brother was in the vicinity. He went at once to find him:

My brother Han is reported seen in the hospital area of Changi. On my way there, good care is taken to salute the Sikh guards in the correct manner. Calling themselves “Free Indians”, they have gone over to the enemy. A mean lot they are, worse than the Japs when it comes to finding an excuse for bashing us up.

 A chapel stands further down the road, its door open. Inside, an Aussie on a stepladder, repairing the stained-glass window, says, “Howdie” without looking up from his work. On an impulse, I take a seat before the small altar and bend my head. But words will not come.

Do I still believe? Then it all wells up, gushing forth into violent prayer. A moment later I am outside again, feeling much relieved. Han is not in the hospital and, thanks to the Lord, also not in the ever growing plot of mounds of freshly dug soil. Back in my camp, Han runs to meet me at the gate, and all is well. [2]

 

 

“The ever growing plot of mounds of freshly dug soil”
Funeral of RAMC captain in Changi camp cemetery (October 1942)
Source: http://www.fepow-community.org.uk

 

British POWs at Changi
Men of the Loyal North Lancashire Regiment (October 1942)
Source: http://www.fepow-community.org.uk
Briefly reunited, the Samethinis set off on an unusual quest:
Han, the wizard on the accordion, as he is known, is craving to try his hand again on the keyboard of a piano. Hasn’t touched one in donkey years. We find the officer in charge of entertainment, sporting a fierce martial moustache, supervising a Shakespearean play performed in the open air theatre. First an attempt is made to ignore us, but we plant ourselves right in front of him.

“Yes?” with contempt in his eyes for the two foreigners who dare to interrupt his listening. We tell him.

“Yes, of course, that’s a piano there on the stage. But not for amateurs, thank you. However, there’s another one in the church which could be made available at some time or other. But mind, none of this swing music. We do not permit jazz in church.” [3]
The British officer’s lofty admonition not only only failed to deter Han, it provoked him into stealing the show:

Not wishing to waste another word on the empire builder, we return to our section, which happens to border on the entertainment grounds.

Han takes the old “squeeze box” from the hook, accepting a tailor-made cigarette from one of the boys who anticipates what is coming. “Bonnie Banks of Loch Lomond” is followed by “When Irish Eyes Are Smiling” and “Beautiful Dreamer.” When he gets to “Tipperary,” everyone in the open air theatre has walked out on the Bard to join us in the great sing-song, led by the amateur. [4]

19 January 1943

 

 

The Java Lines section at Changi

Prisoners transiting from Java to the Burma Railway were assembled here.
Illustration by British POW Charles Thrale
Source: FEPOW Monthly Review

Frank was to remain at Changi until April 1943, but Han and his group were sent north at the beginning of February. [5]  Bakker relates:

We did not stay very long, as ten days later we were on our way to Thailand by train. Han Samethini was among the Dutch POWs in this transport. [6]

Riding the Singapore-Bangkok rail line up the length of the Malay Peninsula, they approached the southernmost base camps of the Burma Railway, outliers of a domain of hardship and savagery that were to surpass anything the Japanese had inflicted on them so far.

 

Singapore and the southern portion of the Burma Railway
(Click map to enlarge)

___________________

Footnotes

[1] Felix Bakker, personal e-mail to Margie Samethini-Bellamy (September 2006)

[2] The Sky Looked Down, Chapter 6: Destination Railroad

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] According to records kept at the Thailand-Burma Railway Centre (see images below), Samethini arrived in Changi on January 19 and departed on February 2.  Andrew Snow, a researcher at the TBRC, comments: “On page 55 Java Party 9 Roll it shows Samethini H S/N 49816 with a red dash after his name.  The red dash in the Java Party 9 code shows that 625 men left Singapore for Thailand on 02/02/1943.  The Java Party 9 arrival date is shown as

19/01/1943.” 

 in 19.January 1943

via Red Cross Australia and  society Tokyo Japan

 

m #c922. WW2: Tasmania to Australian POW in Java, Fwd to Thailand POW Camp, 1943, Dual Censored. May 1943 stampless printed POW cover to Australian at POW camp in Java, Australian violet censor handstamp and Japanese magenta censor handstamp. Manuscript “ovl 19/1/43” indicating internment in Thailand. Manuscript “received 22 Oct 44” and “written 7 May 43” on reverse. Scarce dated inward usage to Thailand.very long journey cover almost one years

The Dai Nippon Thai–Burma Railway

History Collections

1942 to 1943

Created by

Dr Iwan suwandy.MHA

 Kereta Api Kematian (Januari 1943)
 

“Kami berdesakan, tiga puluh lima orang, dalam kompartemen baja”

Ilustrasi oleh Charles Thrale
Sumber: Review Fepow Bulanan

Perjalanan dari Singapura ke ujung selatan Kereta Api Birma waktu hampir seminggu. Felix Bakker lagi memakan narasi:

Kami berdesakan, tiga puluh lima orang, dalam kompartemen baja. Pintu disimpan terbuka, dengan tali membentang di antara mereka, sehingga kita bisa berpegang pada tali ketika “pergi ke toilet.” Setelah beberapa hari, disentri meletus lagi dengan semua penderitaan tersebut.

Pasien harus diadakan rapat atau mereka akan jatuh dari kereta karena kelemahan mereka. Pada siang hari itu panas mendidih pada mereka wagon baja, dan pada malam hari kita membeku.

 Dalam situasi hampir tidak mungkin untuk tidur, kami harus mencoba yang duduk dan menarik lutut ke atas. Untuk orang-orang tinggi di antara kita ini adalah lebih buruk daripada mereka yang lebih pendek dan lebih kenyal. Saya tidak termasuk di antara kedua.

Ban Pong stasiun kereta api, Thailand
Sumber: Australia War Memorial (P00761.029)

Dua kali di siang hari kereta api akan berhenti, dan dari gerobak masing-masing dua orang diizinkan untuk mendapatkan barel kecil air dan satu lagi bubur beras. Hanya itu yang kami punya untuk makanan dan air per hari.

Jika salah satu orang sakit mencoba untuk meninggalkan gerobak untuk batal, tentara Jepang akan memukulnya kembali ke kereta dengan popor senapan mereka. Seperti pada kapal, kondisi di dalam kereta menjadi hampir tak tertahankan.

Ini perjalanan kereta waktu lima hari lima malam, sampai kami tiba di Ban Pong, Thailand. Ada kami berdesakan dalam truk jadi kami tidak bisa rontok, meskipun kita hampir tidak bisa berdiri untuk kurang tidur.

 Kami harus berjalan kaki dari Kanchanaburi ke kamp Chungkai. Ini benar-benar lebih mirip sleepwalking, tetapi popor senapan dari penjaga kami memastikan kami terus mengejutkan pada.

Di kamp itu sudah beberapa ribu tahanan perang Inggris, yang telah membangun barak bambu dan yang telah mulai bekerja pada rel kereta api. Setelah apel, yang berlangsung lebih dari satu jam sementara Jepang terus menghitung kita berulang-ulang, akhirnya kami bisa pergi ke barak kami, di mana kebanyakan dari kita hanya pingsan karena kurang tidur.

Setelah beberapa hari di Chungkai, kelompok kami dari 500 tawanan perang Belanda harus pindah ke negara ke kamp kerja paksa pertama kami, tetapi tidak sebelum kami harus mendengarkan pidato oleh komandan kamp Jap. I, dan kebanyakan dari kita, tidak ingat banyak tentang omong kosong itu selain:

“Anda harus dihormati dan merasa terhormat bahwa Anda membantu untuk melakukan suatu proyek besar di bawah kepemimpinan Jepang, dan karena itu Anda akan harus bekerja keras untuk mendapatkan kehormatan ini.”

Yah, kita mempelajari kebenaran bahwa pernyataan terakhir. Kami berjalan, garis panjang pria, di jalan berpasir kecil yang segera menjadi jejak hutan. Perjalanan memakan waktu tiga hari.

 Banyak jatuh sakit disentri, malaria, dan kaki terluka. Pada sore hari di hari ketiga, kami dihentikan di sebuah tempat terbuka di hutan di sepanjang Sungai Kwai.

Di satu sisi, dekat sungai,

 tiga besar, tenda baru untuk komandan kamp Jepang dan para penjaga Korea.

Di sisi lain, di dekat tepi hutan, berdiri tua, usang, tenda kotor yang merupakan tenda rumah sakit untuk sakit parah. Semua orang harus menemukan tempat di dekat semak-semak atau di bawah pohon di tepi kamp.

Para Thaiâ “Kereta Api Birma. 1942-1943.

Kereta Api Thailand-Burma
1942-1943
Proyek ini menghasilkan kerugian besar hidup Tahanan Sekutu Perang (POW) dan pekerja paksa Asia yang digunakan untuk membangun itu.

 Sebuah diperkirakan 13.000 tawanan perang dan 80.000 buruh Asia meninggal karena penyakit, kelaparan sakit, dan kebrutalan di tangan Tentara Jepang

Pembangunan Jalan Kereta api  Burma-Thailand tahun 1943

Baca lebih lanjut tentang kereta api bangunan di Thailand oleh POW

  
John Allen

Responden: John Allen, lahir 1917

Pewawancara: Frank Heimans,
            untuk The Hills Shire Council

Tanggal Wawancara: 22 Juni 2010

Transkripsi: Glenys Murray Juli 2010

 Itu adalah fakta yang diketahui pada masa itu bahwa jika Anda bisa menjawab, tidak peduli apa pertanyaan, seorang Jepang bertanya. Jika Anda bisa menjawab langsung itu adalah OK, tetapi jika Anda ragu-ragu itu bohong. Itulah cara mereka menyimpulkan semuanya.

Mereka dikirim untuk Australia menjaga bebek mereka ingin melihatnya. Para kolonel Jepang menanyakan apa yang terjadi dengan bebek. Dia tidak mendapatkan telur yang ia terbiasa.

 Dia mengatakan “Saya tidak tahu aku akan pergi dan meminta bebek” Dia mengatakan “semua benar pergi”.

Jepang Rail Truk, Burma-Thailand Kereta Api, 1945
 
Oh well kita lakukan segala macam hal lucu di sana.

Aku dipromosikan menjadi kopral hari perang dimulai dan aku beres dengan sekitar tiga puluh cowok. Tugas kami adalah untuk turun ke tempat jembatan telah hanyut atau tertiup pergi untuk mengangkut barang dari satu sisi ke sisi lain di sungai.

 Di situlah saya menghabiskan enam bulan. Kami tidak hidup terlalu buruk di sana. Kami pencuri segala yang kami bisa mendapatkan tangan kami pada.

Hampir semua makanan itu bergerak. Ketika perang selesai, kita terbangun suatu pagi. Kami tahu ada sesuatu yang tidak beres.

 Hal itu tidak benar karena penduduk setempat terus mengatakan kepada kita bahwa Amerika ada di sana. Kami tidak pernah melihat satu tapi mereka mengklaim Amerika ada di sana.

 Para penjaga sedang membuat emplacements senjata kamp bulat kecil kami di sana. Kami bertanya-tanya apa yang terjadi di sini.

Mereka berbaris kami dan menempatkan kami pada sebuah truk kereta api dan jauh kami pergi. Itu adalah truk ternak kami masuk Kami berhenti tiga atau empat kali.

Kami tidak tahu di mana kami akan pergi. Mereka akhirnya berhenti dan saya berada di gerbong terakhir jika Anda suka tetapi itu hanya hal yang mengambang ternak.

Salah satu bab turun untuk buang air dan saat itulah seorang penjaga Jepang berjalan di tikungan dan melihat dia. Dia baru saja hendak mengetuk dia lebih dengan gagang senapan dan seorang Amerika berjalan bulat dan melihatnya dan ia meratakan Jap. Saat itulah kami menemukan perang berakhir.

Mereka kemudian mengumumkan bahwa perang itu selesai. Kami memiliki kamp di sana tempat kami menginap sampai kami baik-baik saja.

Itu adalah semacam lucu up selesai. Aku ada di sana untuk sementara waktu. Saya lakukan memasak pada masa itu. Mereka memiliki landasan Saya kira sekitar satu kilometer dari kamp.

Mereka pesawat kecil datang. Anda tidak bisa mendarat yang besar. Mereka adalah lima pesawat penumpang dan mereka datang dan mengambil bab yang sakit untuk membawa mereka keluar.

Mereka telah saya di luar sana dengan semacam dapur buatan sendiri. Untuk memberi mereka secangkir teh.

Kadang-kadang mereka akan di luar sana pada pukul sembilan pagi hari dan mereka tidak akan dijemput sampai pukul tiga sore. Di sanalah aku menghabiskan dua hari terakhir.

Akhirnya kereta membawa kami turun ke Port Swettenham dan menempatkan kita pada perahu pulang.

  
Burma-Thailand POW Mess Parade, 1943
 
 

 

Bagaimana orang Jepang memperlakukan Australia meskipun?

Nah Jepang sendiri mereka tidak terlalu buruk. Tapi tentara Jepang mereka memiliki satu bintang umum, mereka memiliki dua bintang dan kemudian mereka memiliki tiga bintang.

Nah tiga bintang bisa mengetuk neraka keluar dari dua bintang jika ia ingin. Dia unggul. Kami menemukan bahwa tentara Jepang mereka robot lebih atau kurang.

Mereka melakukan apa yang mereka diperintahkan. Apa yang kami lakukan telah penjaga Korea dan mereka anjing mutlak. Kesenangan mereka yang terbesar adalah untuk melihat seberapa banyak rasa sakit mereka bisa menyebabkan.

Kami berdua menjaga kamp kami banyak waktu. Mereka dibaptis BB dan BBC, bajingan anak dan cobber bajingan anak itulah yang dimaksud. Mereka menyebabkan banyak rasa sakit dan penderitaan sepanjang garis.

 Ketika kami tiba di base camp ini setelah baris itu selesai. Salah satu bab di unit dia memiliki sedikit pengalaman tentang perawatan gigi sebelum ia pergi.

Mereka memiliki beberapa peralatan medis yang telah disampaikan di sana oleh Palang Merah. Dia mulai naik sedikit dari proyek gigi karena tidak ada yang melihat seorang dokter gigi selama tiga tahun.

 Dia muncul dan tidak lama dimulai dari pada datang salah satu bajingan anak masuk Dia harus mendapatkan giginya diperbaiki. Dia menolak untuk melakukannya dan selesai sampai mendapatkan bersembunyi untuk tidak melakukannya.

Dia mengatakan “semua yang tepat yang akan ia melakukannya”. Jadi dia pergi ke kakus disentri dan diisi jarum suntik keluar dari itu. Itulah yang disuntikkan ke dalam mulutnya ketika dia pergi untuk melakukan pekerjaan. Kami tidak pernah melihatnya lagi. Saya akan mengatakan tanpa keraguan ia disentri dengan tegas.

Apa yang Anda makan selama itu?

Kami makan nasi dan satu-satunya yang kami miliki dengan nasi adalah cabai. Kami memiliki sedikit cabe kering merah. Kami punya banyak dari mereka dan beras dan tepung tapioka.

Ransum adalah secangkir nasi tiga kali sehari. Di pagi hari itu direbus sampai seperti bubur a. Dua lainnya makanan itu dimasak dalam bentuk gabah. Kami merebus cabai dan tuangkan sedikit jus cabai di atasnya.

Selama bertahun-tahun yang kita makan tiga pannikins penuh beras sehari sebagian besar dingin waktu.

Saya dapat memberitahu Anda itu tidak terlalu selera. Saya tidak makan nasi hari ini.

  
Trestle jembatan, Thailand 1945
 
Sekarang ceritakan tentang pekerjaan Anda dalam membangun Jalan Kereta Api Thailand-Burma apa yang Anda benar-benar berpartisipasi dalam?

Yah semua kita miliki adalah memilih dan sekop. Itu alat kami.

Tugas kami adalah untuk memotong melalui bukit-bukit untuk membuat … negara yang cukup berbukit di sana.

 Kami akan memotong bukit-bukit atau mengisi bawah di mana kami harus membangun jembatan kereta api.

 Mereka dibangun dari pepohonan setempat. Mereka memotong pohon ke bawah. Mereka memiliki suatu alat yang mereka gunakan untuk menempatkan mereka dalam tumpukan dan mengusir mereka turun dengan driver tumpukan dan meletakkan topi di atas mereka.

 Kadang-kadang mereka harus pergi lagi lantai itu yang curam, yang tinggi.

Sebagian besar waktu kami lakukan jembatan, mereka sedikit lelucon benar-benar karena mereka tidak punya cara untuk senyawa ing pendekatan.

Mereka harus mengisi mana jembatan dimulai enam atau delapan kaki dalam. Mereka hanya bisa mengisinya dengan kotoran kita digali dari tempat lain.

Mereka akan mengisi mereka dan ketika mereka menempatkan mereka di mana kereta api dimulai mereka sudah tenggelam sedikit. Pendekatan ke jembatan ini akan jauh di bawah jembatan itu sendiri. Mereka sampai di sana.

Kami membuat trik cepat di Jepang. Mereka tidak tahu bahwa kami melakukannya. Untuk membangun jembatan ini kami harus memiliki perancah tentu saja Anda sadari.

Kemudian setelah mereka selesai kita harus menarik perancah bawah. Semua perancah dilemparkan di sisi atas jembatan. Anda mendapatkan banyak dari musim hujan di sana, musim hujan.

Ketika musim hujan datang membentuk bendungan. Tekanan balik itu dicuci jembatan bendungan pergi. Mereka melepaskan hal-hal yang kami miliki di sana melepaskan, tidak bisa menahan air kembali. Ini akan membangun dan jauh ia pergi jembatan dan semua. Itulah yang terjadi dengan banyak jembatan kita dibangun.

Di mana yang benar-benar terletak di Burma atau Thailand? Mana saja kau?

Ia pergi dari suatu tempat yang bernama Thanbyuzayat menjadi Thailand. Saya tidak bisa memikirkan tempat di mana ia selesai. Ini akan menjadi beberapa ratus kilometer panjang setidaknya.

Apakah Anda terutama di daerah satu atau apakah Anda bergerak di sekitar banyak?

Kami memulai di dasar dua puluh kilometer di Thanbyuzayat dan kami menghabiskan di kamp 105. Itu setengah jalan ke atas. Tim-tim lainnya lebih jauh.

  
Membangun Jalan Kereta api Burma-Thailand , 1943

 
Apa yang akan hari-hari biasa Anda menjadi seperti sebagai tawanan perang di bawah Jepang?

Hal yang sama setiap hari. Ketika kami pertama kali pergi ke sana kita digunakan untuk mendapatkan setiap hari kesepuluh dari melakukan apa yang kita ingin lakukan.

 
 Tak lama sebelum itu dipotong keluar. Kami punya banyak sakit bahwa kita bekerja tujuh hari seminggu, berhenti periode selesai. Kadang-kadang kami pergi sebelum siang hari untuk pergi ke pekerjaan dan tiba di rumah pukul sepuluh atau sebelas malam.

 Kami harus berjalan begitu sialan jauh untuk sampai ke pekerjaan. Itu adalah hal yang sama setiap hari. Hari demi hari melakukan jembatan atau melakukan stek yang pernah kami lakukan.

Berapa lama adalah berjalan kaki ke tempat kerja yang sebenarnya dari mana Anda tinggal?

Anda mungkin harus berjalan dua puluh kilometer. Jika Anda bekerja di dekat kamp Anda Anda memiliki satu dekat. Kamp kami harus dua arah. Awal itu akan menjadi hanya beberapa ratus meter. Pada saat Anda siap untuk memindahkannya Anda telah melakukan dua puluh atau dua puluh lima kilometer setiap sisi.

Sekarang yang tahanan Australia lainnya perang bahwa kita mungkin telah mendengar tentang Anda bertemu di sana?

Tak satu pun dari setiap catatan besar, saya tahu yang aneh sedikit. Ada beberapa di distrik sini lama. Mereka semua mati sekarang. Walter Johnson ada di sini, Roy Gembala ada di sini, Gordon McKnight ada di sini, Norm Malone yang ada di sini.

  
Weary Dunlop pada tahun 1945
 
Dunlop Jadi Weary (Sir Earnest Edward Dunlop) adalah dokter di unit Anda?

Yeah, well dia tidak perlu terlalu dikhawatirkan dengan saya. Saya mendapat cukup penjahat pada satu tahap tetapi sebagian besar waktu saya bisa mendapatkan sekitar.

Saya tidak punya dekat sebagai penyakit sebanyak banyak dari mereka karena saya lebih muda dan sehat seperti banteng ketika saya bergabung. Ada orang lain selamat sama baiknya dengan saya. Aku memang punya sedikit keuntungan.

Saya adalah salah satu yang dipilih untuk membawa tim turun untuk mengangkut barang-barang itu di selokan ketika jembatan terpesona. Kami thieved cukup barang-barang di sana.

 Kami tinggal cukup baik. -Hal semacam ini membantu tanpa keraguan.

Jadi berapa banyak pria di unit Anda selamat perang?

Saya tidak tahu. Ada 495 dari memori awalnya. Aku akan mengatakan jika setengah dari mereka selamat itu akan menjadi maksimal. Saya tidak tahu, tidak punya cara untuk mengetahui.

Jadi berapa lama kau benar-benar menjadi tawanan perang?

Tiga setengah tahun.

Itu luar biasa?

Istri saya … saya terdaftar sebagai hilang diyakini tewas. Dia tidak tahu aku masih hidup selama tiga setengah tahun. Dia diberitahu bila perang dimulai bahwa saya hilang diyakini tewas.

  
Tawanan perang dan “pribumi” bekerja di jalan Kereta api Burma-Thailand 
 
Sekarang katakan hari itu bahwa Anda bertemu keluarga Anda lagi ketika Anda kembali dari perang? Apa itu seperti bagi Anda?

Ketika kami pulang kami keluar dari perahu dan mereka membawa kami dengan bus hingga Moorebank yang akan bergabung dengan keluarga kita.

Para chap yang hidup di jalan ia mengambil istri dan kiddies bawah untuk menemui saya di sana. Ketika bus berhenti, mereka akan memiliki daftar yang di atasnya.

Ada chap biasa berdiri di bagian belakang bus dan memanggil nama-nama dengan mikrofon yang yang berikutnya turun dari bus. Ada cukup banyak keluarga sana seperti yang Anda sadari.

Para chap yang keluar sebelum aku, Ernie Noble, ia jauh lebih tua dari saya dan cukup lemah. Mereka menyebut namanya keluar tapi dia punya banyak masalah turun dari bus.

Mereka menyebut nama saya sebelum dia turun dari bus. Ketika ia keluar pikiran istri saya yang saya turun. Dia memiliki sedikit kejutan ketika saya diikuti.

Dia melakukan mengenali Anda bukan?

Nah saya dikenali ketika aku turun. Dia hanya menyebut nama dan semua dia bisa melihat apakah ini pria tua sedikit keluar dari bus. Dia tidak tahu apa yang akan terlihat seperti.

Itu cerita yang bagus. Begitu sulit bagi Anda untuk menyesuaikan diri dengan kehidupan normal lagi di Australia?

Tidak juga, ada tidak benar-benar. Saya tidak berpikir aku punya masalah besar. Kami menghabiskan bulan akan keluar masuk rumah sakit terkutuk.

Aku berada di Rumah Sakit Yarralla cukup lama. Saya memiliki semua gigi dihapus dan saya harus amandel saya dibawa keluar sementara aku ada di sana.

Saya pergi bekerja mengendarai truk untuk chap ada untuk sementara waktu. Lalu suatu malam saya punya ketukan di pintu di rumah dan sekelompok petani di sana.

 Mereka bertanya apakah saya menempatkan sebuah truk di jalan ke troli buah mereka ke pasar dan mereka akan menjamin untuk memberikan saya pekerjaan mereka jika saya melakukannya. Yang saya lakukan, yang pada tahun 1948.

Saya telah digunakan untuk memberikan layanan yang saya harus berikan sebelum perang. Itulah layanan hanya saya kenal. Itu adalah cara yang saya bekerja.

Tetapi pelayanan yang mereka dapatkan selama perang, itu bukan pelayanan sama sekali. Jika carrier lelah suatu malam, ia meninggalkan buah di sana sampai besok malam. Dia tidak peduli.

Peta Kereta Api Birma
(Klik untuk perbesar)
Sumber: perthone.com

Untungnya angin musim kering masih di sana selama beberapa bulan lagi. Apel memiliki semua orang keluar pagi berikutnya sebelum siang hari. Untuk sarapan kami mendapat semangkuk kecil bubur nasi. Dokter kami telah membuat beberapa orang sakit jauh dari kelompok kerja.

Hal ini tidak dihargai oleh Jepang, yang menendang sejumlah orang-orang ini terhadap rincian tenaga kerja. Ketika dokter memprotes keras, empat penjaga pergi ke arahnya dengan tongkat sampai dia jatuh pingsan ke tanah.

 Setelah beberapa jam para penjaga melemparkan air di wajahnya dan membuatnya bisa diseret ke nya “tenda rumah sakit.” Dengan cara ini tentara Jepang menjelaskan bagaimana mereka akan menjalankan sesuatu.

Kereta api yang akan bekerja di sekitar 6 kilometer dari kamp. Satu detail memotong berbagai petak di hutan oleh menggergaji pohon dan hacking pergi sikat.

Kelompok-kelompok lain mulai pekerjaan pondasi awal untuk rel kereta api. Pekerjaan itu dilakukan dengan tangan, dengan cangkul dan sekop. Keranjang anyaman digunakan untuk membuang tanah di mana ia dibutuhkan.

 Setiap orang harus bergerak satu meter kubik tanah. Ini diukur sangat tepat oleh Jepang pada akhir hari dengan bagian selesai kereta api.

 Hanya ketika pengukuran itu benar bisa rincian tenaga kerja kembali ke perkemahan. Jika tidak, kami harus tetap bekerja oleh cahaya obor. Hal ini terjadi lebih dan lebih, dengan semakin meningkatnya jumlah orang jatuh sakit. Itu adalah tenaga kerja yang sangat berat di bawah matahari panas sekali.

Air di kantin kami segera pergi, dan air untuk minum teh dibawa oleh dua orang sekali sehari, dari sungai 6 kilometer. Orang-orang juga membawa bubur nasi untuk makan siang.

Kami punya sepuluh menit untuk makan bubur dan teh minuman, dan kemudian kembali bekerja. Jika hal-hal tidak berjalan cukup cepat, atau jika kita tidak bekerja cukup keras, menurut Jepang, kami akan dipukuli dengan tongkat bambu, sekop, atau popor senapan.

Untuk pertama kalinya dalam hidup saya, saya belajar apa yang benar-benar haus berarti: mulut dan tenggorokan kering sebagai gabus, bibir bengkak, visi memberikan kran dingin, air jernih, sebanyak yang Anda inginkan.

 

 

Ilustrasi oleh Francess Richardson
Gambar milik mantan British POW Len Baynes

 

 

“Green Neraka”
Sumber: Geheugen van Nederland / Museon ini

 

Karena kondisi kerja paksa tanpa ampun, tidak cukup makanan (tiga mangkuk bubur, dan malam hari kadang-kadang sup labu), dan kurang tidur karena nyamuk dan diare, jumlah sakit parah meningkat setiap hari.

Ada disentri, malaria, dan kaki terluka parah oleh borok tropis karena banyak dari kita tidak memiliki sepatu lagi dan bekerja dengan kaki telanjang. Sekarang setiap hari orang sekarat. Tidak ada yang lolos penyakit menular seperti disentri. Saya juga mengalami pertarungan pertama menyakitkan saya dengan itu.

Malam-malam yang terburuk ketika kram memaksa Anda untuk merangkak di kegelapan ke kakus di tepi hutan.

Kakus adalah parit hingga tiga meter dengan batang bambu diletakkan di. Di antara wajah-wajah, aku melihat ayahmu [Samethini] pada apel pasien disentri. Meskipun permohonannya, dokter kami tidak menerima obat.

Nama Thailand untuk kamp situs adalah Nombredai, yang kita segera berubah menjadi “Nonparadise.” Ini adalah neraka lebih dari apa pun. Namun itu akan mendapatkan jauh lebih buruk kemudian, di kamp kerja paksa hulu di pegunungan hutan berbatu, di musim hujan.

Kami mendapat istirahat beberapa hari setelah menyelesaikan bagian kita dari rel kereta api, dan kemudian kami berbaris ke kamp kerja berikutnya. Saya tidak tahu nama yang kamp kerja berikutnya. Kami tidak tinggal lama di sana, tetapi kemudian lagi, bekerja pada rute kereta api, bergerak tanggul bumi dan bangunan.

 

 

Sumber: BBC

 

Di kamp berikutnya, yang disebut Wampo, kami bekerja pada bagian berbatu jembatan kereta api. Ini adalah proyek besar, sebagai jembatan dua bagian akan dibangun di bawah dan terhadap batuan menggantung di atas sungai.

Sejauh yang saya ingat, kami adalah tenaga kerja dari 2.000 tawanan perang Sekutu: sekitar 600 warga Australia, 700 Inggris, dan 450 Belanda. Ada juga sekitar 100 pekerja Thailand, yang gajah menyeret pohon yang ditebang, yang akan digunakan di jembatan, dari hutan ke sungai. Tiga POW kamp kerja paksa yang dilakukan pada bank pasir di tikungan sungai. Angin musim hujan belum tiba. Untuk pertama kalinya kami memiliki tenda untuk bivouacs.

Benar-benar tidak cukup dari mereka, karena kami harus berbaring sangat dekat bersama-sama. Tapi karena kita bekerja dalam shift, ada ruang hampir tidak cukup untuk semua orang.

Inggris dan Australia yang rinci untuk membangun jembatan, dan kami Belanda dan beberapa ratus orang Inggris mendapat tugas hacking pergi batu besar, sehingga kereta api bisa melanjutkan ke arah jembatan. Pembangun jembatan bekerja sepanjang hari di siang hari. Tapi kita pemotong batu bekerja dalam tiga shift, siang dan malam.

Pergeseran pertama, dengan berpasangan, harus membuat lubang 1,2 meter manual, menggunakan pahat dan palu. Tujuannya adalah untuk setiap pasangan untuk membuat dua lubang, satu lubang sehingga setiap manusia.

Dynamite kemudian meledak di lubang itu. Pergeseran kedua harus membersihkan puing-puing – bongkahan batu, batu, dan kerikil – menekannya gunung dengan sekop, atau menggunakan jack baja untuk batu-batu besar.

 Begitu mereka selesai, pergeseran ketiga muncul untuk membuat lubang dengan palu dan pahat. Begitulah selanjutnya, siang dan malam. Setelah gelap, kami bekerja dengan lampu obor disebut hellfires. Pada siang hari itu searingly panas di batu-batu. Haus itu sangat buruk, terutama ketika kita melihat sungai mengalir di bawah ini.

 

 

Selatan pendekatan terhadap jembatan kereta api di Wampo Selatan.

Perhatikan pemotongan besar-besaran di tebing di atas jembatan.
Sumber: Australia War Memorial (AWM122325)

 

Sketsa Wampo Selatan oleh Belanda POW A.G. Muller
Lihat dari utara
Sumber: Geheugen van Nederland / Museon ini

Sebuah bagian dari jembatan Wampo hari ini
Sumber: picasaweb.google.com

 

Di sini juga, kami diganggu dan dipukuli dengan alasan apapun, atau tanpa alasan. Kami punya beras sedikit lebih dari di kamp-kamp sebelumnya, dan ada tawanan perang sakit parah lebih sedikit. Tapi jadwal kerja malam-dan-hari itu adalah pembunuh, dan fragmen batu tajam merobek-robek kaki kita karena kebanyakan dari kita tidak punya sepatu kiri untuk dipakai.

 Kami harus tetap bekerja pada kaki yang sakit dan luka-up. Setelah beberapa saat, Anda kehilangan hitungan jam, hari, malam. Tidak ada pikiran yang lebih, hanya bekerja, makan, tidur, bekerja, makan, tidur.

Kurang tidur membawa sebagian dari kita mengucapkan kelelahan. Karena itu, malaria dan disentri datang kembali dengan kekuatan, dan cedera kaki menjadi semakin buruk dan buruk. Butuh waktu sekitar empat minggu untuk memotong batu dari ketinggian 15 meter dan 100 meter panjang berkeping-keping. Setelah itu kami harus mengangkat batang pohon, dimaksudkan untuk bagian akhir dari jembatan, dari sungai ke bebatuan.

Ketika jembatan itu akhirnya selesai, dan ikatan silang kayu dan rel bisa direbahkan, kami berbaris ke kamp berikutnya tanpa istirahat.

Hanya sakit parah tetap tinggal. Banyak dari mereka terluka parah kaki. Mereka diangkut ke dasar / rumah sakit kamp Chungkai. Henri Samethini pasti di antara mereka, karena dia sakit, dengan kaki terluka, dan karena aku melihatnya lama kemudian dalam Chungkai. [1]

1) SOLDIER BELANDA DI KAMP Moulmein DIKIRIM ATAS DAI NIPPON Moulmein CAR POW VIA KURIR KE ISTRI kepada istrinya VIA BATAVIA (JAKARTA)
Dia mengatakan bahwa dia berada dalam kesehatan dewa dan bertanya tentang anak-anaknya. Istrinya tinggal di Surabaya, Selama Pendudukan Dai Nippon warga negara Indonesia yang meriah Expatriat didnot dimasukkan ke dalam kamp POW.
Lihatlah dua koleksi yang sangat langka:
(1) Dai Nippon Moulmein POW Kartu dikirim ke Batavia (Jakarta)
(2) Istrinya Dai Nippon Jawa ID yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah Dai Nippon Militer di Soerabia.

 

Moulmein POW Camp

 

Moulmein POW Kartu

Depan POW kartu

 

 

 

 

 DAI NIPPON BELANDA POW Moulmein

Writter telah menemukan beberapa sejarah pos langka, kotak memorabilia dan dokumen memorabilia yang terkait dengan jembatan pada kwai sungai dan tawanan perang Dai Nippon perkemahan di Burma Moulmein (sekarang Myamar) yang pekerjaan POW untuk dibangun yang terkenal jembatan

Penulis telah menemukan beberapa koleksi memorabilia Yang terkait di masa mendatang Mencari Google Artikel tawanan perang di Moulmein Burma Yang dipaksa bekerja membangun Jembatan Kwai sungai,

Ada juga tawanan Yang BERHASIL Pulang Ke Indonesia, Masih menyimpan Kotak Tembakau Yang dibawanya Ke Kamp Tawanan di Moulmein, inofrmasi perjalannya Ke Birma bahasa Dari Tjimahi ditoreh PADA Kotak kaleng Tembakau tersebut Mencari Google Artikel Baru tempat singgah dalam perjalan bahasa Dari Dan Ke disajikan Sesudah perkemahan tersebut.

Rangoon (Yangoon saat ini) Burma (Myamar)—->Moulmein POW Camp Burma dan lengkap tangalnya ,bernama Coegen, meupakan penemuan luar biasa karena sangat jarang tawanan perang” b=”tahun 1942 berangkat dari POW Tjimahi ke batavai(Jakarta), selanjutnya ke Penang–>Rangoon (Yangoon saat ini) Burma (Myamar)—->Moulmein POW Camp Burma dan lengkap tangalnya ,bernama Coegen, meupakan penemuan luar biasa karena sangat jarang tawanan perang” c=”Tahun 1942 berangkat bahasa Dari POW Tjimahi Ke batavai (Jakarta), Selanjutnya Ke Penang-> Rangoon (Yangoon saat inisial) Burma (Myamar) -> Moulmein POW Camp Birma Dan Lengkap tangalnya, Bernama Coegen, meupakan penemuan Luar Biasa KARENA sangat jarang tawanan perang “>Tahun 1942 berangkat bahasa Dari POW Tjimahi Ke batavai (Jakarta), Selanjutnya Ke Penang-> Rangoon (Yangoon saat inisial) Burma (Myamar) -> Moulmein POW Camp Birma Dan Lengkap tangalnya, Bernama Coegen, meupakan penemuan Luar Biasa KARENA sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut disajikan Sesudah dlam keadaan Hidup Ke Indonesia Masih menyimpan Kotak Tembakau Yang dibawanya Ke Kamp Tawanan di Moulmein

Biside yang menemukan iD dari theDai Nippon ‘s Moulmein POW ID sebelum dia tertangkap dan dikirim ke kamp tawanan perang, ia bekerja di eksplorasi gas minyak di Plaju, Sumatera Selatan, juga ditemukan surat dari kamp Moulmein ke Batavia untuk istrinya, dan istrinya Dai nippon ID Card.

Selain ITU juga ditemui Kartu ID Mr Romeijn pegawai perminyakan Belanda BPM Plaju Yang ditawan Dai nippon

 

, Dan di bawa Ke Kamp tawanan perang Dai Nippon Di Burma, lihatlah surat Yang dikirmnya bahasa Dari Camp tersebut bahasa Dari Burma kepadza isterinya di surabaya liwat batavia (Jakarta) surat POW Kartu bahasa Dari kamp Moulmein Birma kepada Isterinya di Indonesia

 

* Dai Nippon Moulmein (sekarang Myanmar) Kartu dikirim ke istrinya melalui Batavia (sekarang Jakarta)

Serta KTP pendudukan jepang Atas Nama isterinya,,

Selain sejarah pos dan ID, penulis juga menemukan satu kotak tembakau mengesankan dengan scrip menorehkan rute dari Indonesia, melalui jakarta untuk ranggon (sekarang Yangoon ata setidaknya ia datang ke Dai Nippon Moulmein prisenor kamp perang di Burma (sekarang Myanmar) ia bergerak dari tasikmalaya Jawa Barat kamp, ke Batavia pada tahun 1942, ke Penang dan setidaknya ke Burma (sekarang Myanmar) pada tahun 1942, nama tawanan perang Coghen (Belanda timur indie tentara)

Rangoon (Yangoon saat” b=”Ditemukan juga kotak tembakau milik tawanan perang bangsa belanda Coghen , yang menoreh kotak kaleng tembakau tersebut dengan tempat singgah dalam perjalan dari dan kembali ke camp tersebut.tahun 1942 berangkat dari POW Tjimahi ke batavai(Jakarta), selanjutnya ke Penang–>Rangoon (Yangoon saat” c=”Ditemukan juga Kotak Tembakau Milik tawanan perang kata bangsa belanda Coghen, Yang Menoreh Kotak kaleng Tembakau tersebut Mencari Google Artikel Baru tempat singgah dalam perjalan bahasa Dari Dan Ke disajikan Sesudah kamp tersebut.tahun 1942 berangkat bahasa Dari POW Tjimahi Ke batavai (Jakarta), Selanjutnya Ke Penang-> Rangoon (Yangoon saat “>Ditemukan juga Kotak Tembakau Milik tawanan perang kata bangsa belanda Coghen, Yang Menoreh Kotak kaleng Tembakau tersebut Mencari Google Artikel Baru tempat singgah dalam perjalan bahasa Dari Dan Ke disajikan Sesudah kamp tersebut.tahun 1942 berangkat bahasa Dari POW Tjimahi Ke batavai (Jakarta), Selanjutnya Ke Penang-> Rangoon (Yangoon saat Moulmein POW Camp Burma dan lengkap tangalnya ,bernama Coegen, merupakan penemuan luar biasa karena sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut kembali dlam keadaan hidup ke Indonesia.” b=”ini) Burma (Myamar)—->Moulmein POW Camp Burma dan lengkap tangalnya ,bernama Coegen, merupakan penemuan luar biasa karena sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut kembali dlam keadaan hidup ke Indonesia.” c=”Suami) Burma (Myamar) -> Moulmein POW Camp Birma Dan Lengkap tangalnya, Bernama Coegen, merupakan penemuan Luar Biasa KARENA sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut disajikan Sesudah dlam keadaan Hidup Ke Indonesia.         “>Suami) Burma (Myamar) -> Moulmein POW Camp Birma Dan Lengkap tangalnya, Bernama Coegen, merupakan penemuan Luar Biasa KARENA sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut disajikan Sesudah dlam keadaan Hidup Ke Indonesia.

 

 

 

 

1.The MR H.COEGEN’S BOX TEMBAKAU YANG MENYELURUH DARI KAMP NIPPON DAI POW DI BURMA MOLMEIN, DENGAN INFO SCRTECH TUJUAN NYA TEH DAN TANGGAL. ia membawa OLEH DAI NIPPON DENGAN TEMAN NYA DARI TJIMAHI (CAMP MILITER, DEKAT BANDUNG, SEKOLAH traning MILITER) UNTUK

 BATAVIA (JAKARTA) 11-10-42,

 untuk Penang-3-11-42

Rangoon(now Yangoon) Burma 9-11-42—>” b=”—> Rangoon(now Yangoon) Burma 9-11-42—>” c=”-> Yangon (sekarang Yangoon) Burma 9-11-42 ->  “>-> Yangon (sekarang Yangoon) Burma 9-11-42 ->

 Moulmein Camp, di mana ia dan pekerjaan temannya untuk membangun Brige yhe di sungai Kwai 1n 1942. Mungkin ia bertemu dengan prosioner lain dari perang dari Plaju Bapak Romein, kartu nya POW wassend tahun 1943 ke Batavia (Jakrta) untuk istrinya di Surahaya.

INI HANYA KOLEKSI Memorable SUDAH PERNAH LAPORAN, silahkan copy donnot, ilustrasi ini milik Dr suwandy Iwan collctions swasta @ copyright 2010.

* Frontside

Backside Bapak Coegen POW Moulmein Dai nippon kamp Birma tobaccobox Dr @ hak cipta iwan suwandy 2010

SHOWCASE: ATAS BURMA DN RARE POW KAMP CARD
(1) MR ROMEYN, BELANDA Plaju BPM PETUGAS ID, WHO WAS TANGKAP BAY Dain NIPPON DAN DIKIRIM SEBAGAI tawanan perang AT DAI BURMA KAMP Moulmein NIPPON

 

(2) BELANDA BPM Plaju OFICER AT CAMP Moulmein DIKIRIM ATAS DAI NIPPON Moulmein CAR POW VIA KURIR KE ISTRI kepada istrinya VIA BATAVIA (JAKARTA)

 

 

Dia mengatakan bahwa dia berada dalam kesehatan dewa dan bertanya tentang anak-anaknya. Istrinya tinggal di Surabaya, Selama Pendudukan Dai Nippon warga negara Indonesia yang meriah Expatriat didnot dimasukkan ke dalam kamp POW

Dai Nippon Moulmein POW Kartu dikirim ke Batavia (Jakarta)
(2) Istrinya Dai Nippon Jawa ID yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah Dai Nippon Militer di Soerabia.

 

Dainippon Burma POW istri ID

 

 

 

original info

 

The Death Railway (January 1943)

 

“We were crammed, thirty-five men, in steel compartments”

Illustration by Charles Thrale
Source: Fepow Monthly Review

The journey from Singapore to the southern end of the Burma Railway took nearly a week. Felix Bakker again takes up the narrative:

We were crammed, thirty-five men, in steel compartments. The doors were kept ajar, with a rope stretched between them, so that we could hold on to the rope when “going to the toilet.” After a few days, dysentery erupted again with all its misery.

 

Those patients had to be held tightly or they would fall out of the train due to their weakness. During the day it was boiling hot in those steel wagons, and at night we froze.

 

 Under those circumstances it was almost impossible to sleep; we had to try that sitting down and pulling our knees up. For the tall guys among us this was even worse than for those who  were shorter and more supple. I was not among the latter.

 

 

Ban Pong railway station, Thailand
Source: Australian War Memorial (P00761.029)

 

Twice during daylight the train would stop, and from each wagon two men were allowed to get a small barrel of water and another one of rice gruel. That was all we got for food and water per day.

If one of the sick men tried to leave the wagons to void, the Japs would beat him back into the train with their rifle butts. As on the ship, conditions inside the train became almost intolerable.

This train trip took five days and five nights, until we arrived at Ban Pong, Thailand. There we were crammed into trucks so we could not fall out, even though we could barely stand for lack of sleep.

 We had to walk from Kanchanaburi to Chungkai camp. It was really more like sleepwalking, but the rifle butts of our guards made sure we kept staggering on.

In the camp were already a few thousand British POWs, who had built bamboo barracks and who had started working on the railroad. After roll call, which lasted longer than an hour while the Japanese kept counting us over and over, we could finally go to our barracks, where most of us simply collapsed from lack of sleep.

After a few days in Chungkai, our group of 500 Dutch POWs had to move up country to our first labor camp, but not before we had to listen to a speech by the Jap camp commander. I, and most of us, don’t remember much about his nonsense other than:

“You should be honored and feel privileged that you are helping to undertake such a great project under Japanese leadership, and therefore you shall have to work hard to earn this honor.”

Well, we learned the truth of that last statement. We walked, a long line of men, on a small sandy road which soon became a jungle trail. The walk took three days.

 Many fell ill with dysentery, malaria, and injured feet. In the late afternoon of the third day, we halted in a clearing in the forest along the River Kwai.

On one side, near the river,

 were three large, new tents for the Japanese camp commander and the Korean guards.

On the other side, near the edge of the forest, stood an old, threadbare, grubby tent which was the hospital tent for the gravely ill. Everybody else had to find a spot near the bushes or under the trees at the edges of the camp.

 

 

 

 

 

The Thaiâ “Burma Railway. 1942 to 1943.

 

• The Thai–Burma Railway
  1942 to 1943

The project resulted in a huge loss of life of the Allied Prisoners of War (POWs) and Asian forced labourers that were used to construct it.

 An estimated 13,000 POWs and 80,000 Asian labourers died of disease, sickness, starvation and brutality at the hands of the Japanese Army

 

 

Building the Burma-Thailand railway, 1943

Read more about building railway at Thailand by POW

John Allen

Part Two

Interviewee: John Allen, born 1917

Interviewer: Frank Heimans,
            for The Hills Shire Council

Date of Interview: 22 June, 2010

Transcription: Glenys Murray, July 2010

 It was a well known fact in those days that if you could answer, it didn’t matter what the question, a Japanese asked you. If you could answer straight away it was OK but if you hesitated it was a lie. That was the way they summed things up. They sent for the Australian looking after the ducks they wanted to see him. The Japanese colonel asked him what had happened to the ducks. He wasn’t getting the eggs that he was used to. He said “I don’t know I’ll go and ask the ducks” He said “all right go on”.

Japanese Rail Trucks, Burma-Thailand Railway, 1945

Oh well we did all sorts of funny things there.

I was promoted to corporal the day the war started and I was sorted out with about thirty blokes. Our job was to go down to where the bridges had been washed away or blown away to ferry the stuff from one side to the other across the creek. That’s where I spent six months. We weren’t living too bad there. We were thieving everything we could get our hands on. Nearly all food was moving. When the war finished, we woke up one morning. We knew there was something going wrong. It wasn’t right because the locals kept telling us that the Americans were there. We never saw one but they claimed the Americans were there. The guards were making gun emplacements round our little camp there. We wondered what was going on here.

They lined us up and put us on a railway truck and away we went. It was a cattle truck we were in. We stopped three or four times.

We had no idea where we were going. They finally came to a stop and I was in the last carriage if you like but it was just a cattle float thing. One of the chaps got down to relieve himself and as he did a Japanese guard walked round the corner and saw him. He was just about to knock him over with a rifle butt and an American walked round and saw it and he flattened the Jap. That’s when we found out the war was over.

They announced then that the war was finished. We had a camp there where we stayed till we were alright.

It was a funny sort of a finish up. I was there for a while. I was doing the cooking in those days. They had an airstrip I suppose about a kilometre away from the camp.

They had little aeroplanes come. You couldn’t land a big one. They were five passenger aeroplanes and they came in and picked up the chaps who were sick to take them out.

They had me out there with some sort of homemade kitchen. To give them a cup of tea. Sometimes they’d be out there at nine o’clock in the morning and they wouldn’t get picked up till three o’clock in the afternoon. That’s where I spent the last two days.

Finally a train took us down to Port Swettenham and put us on a boat to come home.

Burma-Thailand POW Mess Parade, 1943

 

 

How did the Japanese treat the Australians though?

Well the Japanese themselves they weren’t too bad. But the Japanese army they had the one star general, they had the two stars and then they had the three stars.

Well the three stars could knock hell out of the two stars if he wanted to. He was superior. We found that the Japanese soldiers they were more or less robots.

They did what they were told. What we did have were Korean guards and they were absolute dogs. Their greatest pleasure was to see how much pain they could cause. We had two of them guarding our camp a lot of the time. They were christened the BB and the BBC, the boy bastard and the boy bastard’s cobber that’s what it referred to. They caused a lot of pain and suffering along the line.

 When we got to this base camp after the line was finished. One of the chaps in the unit he had a bit of experience on dental work before he went. They had some medical supplies that had been delivered there by the Red Cross. He started up a little bit of a dental project because no one had seen a dentist for three years.

 He turned up and no sooner started up than in came one of the boy bastards came in. He had to get his teeth fixed up. He refused to do it and finished up getting a hiding for not doing it. He said “all right that’d he’d do it”. So he went over to the dysentery latrines and filled a syringe up out of that. That’s what injected into his mouth when he went to do the work. We never saw him again. I would say without a doubt he had dysentery in no uncertain terms.

 

What were you fed all that time?

We were fed rice and the only thing that we had with rice was chilies. We had the little red dried chilies. We had plenty of them and rice and tapioca flour.

The ration was a mug of rice three times a day. In the morning it was boiled up like a porridge. The other two meals it was cooked in a grain form. We’d boil the chilies up and pour a little bit of chili juice over it.

For years that was our meal three pannikins full of rice a day most of the time cold.

I can tell you it wasn’t very appetizing. I don’t eat rice today.

Trestle bridge, Thailand 1945

Now tell me about your work in building the Thai-Burma Railway what did you actually participate in?

Well all we had was a pick and shovel. That was our tools.

Our job was to cut through the hills to make… fairly hilly country over there.

 We’d cut through the hills or fill up down below where we had to build the railway bridges.

 

 They were built out of the local trees. They cut the trees down. They had an apparatus that they used to put them in piles and drive them down with the pile driver and put a cap on top of them.

 Sometimes they had to go another storey it was that steep, that high.

Most of the time we were doing the bridges, they were a bit of a joke really because they had no way of compound ing the approaches.

They had to fill up where the bridge started six or eight foot deep. They could only fill it up with the dirt we dug out of another spot. They’d fill them up and when they put them where the railway started they’d already sunk a bit. The approach to the bridges would be this much below the bridge itself. They got there.

We pulled a fast trick on the Japanese. They didn’t know that we were doing it. To build these bridges we had to have scaffolding of course you realise.

Then after those were finished we had to pull the scaffolding down. All the scaffolding was thrown on the top side of the bridge. You get a lot of rainy seasons over there, the monsoons.

When the monsoons come it forms a dam. The pressure behind it washed the dam bridges away. They let go the stuff we had in there let go, it couldn’t hold the water back. It would build up and away she’d go bridge and all. That’s what happened to a lot of the bridges we built.

Where was that actually located in Burma or Thailand? Where were you?

It went from a place called Thanbyuzayat up into Thailand. I can’t think of the place where it finished. It would have been a couple of hundred kilometres long at least.

Were you mainly in the one area or did you move around a lot?

We started off in the twenty kilometre base at Thanbyuzayat and we finished off at the 105 camp. That was half way up. The other teams were further along.

Building the Burma-Thailand railway, 1943

What would your typical day have been like as a prisoner of war under the Japanese?

It was the same every day. When we first went there we used to get every tenth day off to do what we wanted to do.

 

 It wasn’t long before that was cut out. We had that many sick that we worked seven days a week, period finish stop. Sometimes we’d leave before daylight to go out to the job and arrive home at ten or eleven o’clock at night.

 We had to walk so damn far to get to the work. It was the same thing every day. Day after day doing the bridges or doing the cuttings which ever we had to do.

How long was the walk to the actual work site from where you were living?

You may have to walk twenty kilometres. If you were working near your camp you had a close one. The camp we had to go both ways. The start of it would be only a couple of hundred yards. By the time you were ready to move it you’d done twenty or twenty five kilometres each side.

Now which other Australian prisoners of war that we might have heard about did you meet there?

None of any great note, I know a few odd ones. There was a few in the district here a long time ago. They’re all dead now. Walter Johnson was here, Roy Shepherd was here, Gordon McKnight was here, Norm Malone who was here.

Weary Dunlop in 1945

So Weary Dunlop (Sir Earnest Edward Dunlop) was your doctor in your unit?

Yeah, well he didn’t have much to worry about with me. I got pretty crook at one stage but most of the time I was able to get about.

I didn’t have near as much sickness as a lot of them because I was younger and fit as a bull when I joined up. There were others survived just as good as me. I did have a little bit of an advantage.

I was one selected to take the team down to ferry the stuff across the gutters when the bridge was blown away. We thieved enough stuff there.

 We were living pretty well. These sort of things helped without a doubt.

So how many men in your unit survived the war?

I don’t know. There were four hundred and ninety five from memory originally. I would say if half of them survived it would be a maximum. I don’t know, had no way of knowing.

So how long were you actually a prisoner of war?

Three and a half years.

That’s amazing?

My wife… I was listed as missing believed killed. She didn’t know I was alive for three and a half years. She was notified when the war started that I was missing believed killed.

POWs and “natives” working on the Burma-Thailand railway

Now tell me that day that you met your family again when you came back from the war? What was that like for you?

When we came home we got out of the boat and they took us by bus up to Moorebank to be joined with our families.

The chap that lived up the road he took my wife and kiddies down to meet me down there. When the bus pulled up, they’d have a list of who was on it.

There was a chap used to stand at the back of the bus and call out the names with a microphone of who was the next one getting off the bus. There were quite a lot of families there as you realise. The chap who was getting out before me, Ernie Noble, he was a lot older than me and pretty feeble. They called his name out but he had a lot of trouble getting off the bus.

They called my name out before he was off the bus. When he got out my wife thought that was me getting off. She had a bit of a surprise when I followed.

She did recognise you did she?

Well I was recognizable when I got off. He just called the name and all she could see was this little old bloke getting out of the bus. She had no idea what I’d look like.

That’s a good story. So was it difficult for you to adjust to normal life again in Australia?

Not really, no not really. I don’t think I had any great problems. We spent months going backwards and forwards to the damned hospital.

I was in Yarralla Hospital for quite a while. I had all my teeth removed and I had my tonsils taken out while I was there.

I went to work driving a truck for a chap there for a while. Then one night I had a knock on the door at home and a group of farmers there. They asked me would I put a truck on the road to cart their fruit to market and they’d guarantee to give me their work if I’d do so. Which I did, that was in 1948.

I’d been used to giving the service I had to give before the war. That was the only service I knew. It was the way that I worked. But the service that they got during the war, it wasn’t service at all. If the carrier was tired one night, he’d leave the fruit there till tomorrow night. He didn’t care.

 

 

Map of the Burma Railway
(Click to Enlarge)
Source: perthone.com

 

Luckily the dry monsoon was still there for a few more months. Roll call had everybody out next morning before daylight. For breakfast we got a small bowl of rice gruel. Our doctor had kept some sick men away from the labor groups.

This was not appreciated by the Japs, who kicked a number of these men towards the labor details. When the doctor protested vehemently, four guards went at him with sticks until he fell unconscious to the ground.

 After a few hours the guards threw water on his face and allowed him to be dragged off to his “hospital tent.” This way the Japs made it clear how they would run things.

The railroad to be worked on was about 6 kilometers from camp. One detail cut a wide swath through the forest by sawing down trees and hacking away the brush.

Other groups started the initial foundation work for the railroad. The work was done by hand, with picks and shovels. Woven baskets were used to dump the soil where it was needed.

 Each man had to move one cubic meter of soil. This was measured very precisely by the Japs at the end of the day by the finished section of railroad.

 Only when the measurement was correct could the labor details return to camp. If not, we had to keep working by torch light. This happened more and more, as increasing numbers of men fell ill. It was very heavy labor under the broiling sun.

The water in our canteens was soon gone, and water for tea was brought by two men once a day, from the river 6 kilometers away. Those men also brought the rice gruel for lunch.

We got ten minutes to eat gruel and drink tea, and then it was back to work. If things did not go fast enough, or if we did not work hard enough, according to the Japs, we would get beaten with bamboo sticks, shovels, or rifle butts.

For the first time in my life, I learned what thirst really meant: mouth and throat dry as a cork, swollen lips, visions of faucets giving cool, clear water, as much as you wished.

 

 

Illustration by Francess Richardson
Image courtesy of former British POW Len Baynes

 

 

“Green Hell”
Source: Geheugen van Nederland / The Museon

 

Due to the merciless slave labor conditions, not enough food (three bowls of gruel, and at night sometimes pumpkin soup), and lack of sleep on account of mosquitoes and diarrhea, the number of seriously ill rose daily.

There was dysentery, malaria, and feet badly injured by tropical ulcers because many of us did not have shoes anymore and worked with bare feet. Now every day people were dying. Nobody escaped contagious illnesses like dysentery. I also suffered my first painful bout with that.

The nights were worst when the cramps forced you to crawl in pitch darkness to the latrines at the edge of the forest.

The latrines were ditches up to three meters deep with bamboo trunks laid across. Among familiar faces, I saw your father [Samethini] at a roll call of dysentery patients. In spite of his pleading, our doctor did not receive any medications.

The Thai name for the camp site was Nombredai, which we immediately changed to “Nonparadise.” It was hell more than anything else. And yet it would get much worse later, in the labor camps upstream in the rocky jungle mountains, in the rainy season.

We got a few days rest after finishing our part of the railroad, and then we marched to the next labor camp. I don’t know the name of that next labor camp. We did not stay there long, but went on again, working on the route of the railroad, moving earth and building embankments.

 

 

Source: BBC

 

At the next camp, called Wampo, we worked on the rocky parts of the railway bridges. This was a huge project, as the two-part bridge was to be built underneath and against the rocks hanging over the river.

As far as I remember, we were a labor force of 2,000 Allied POWs: about 600 Australians, 700 British, and 450 Dutch. There were also about 100 Thai workers, whose elephants dragged the felled trees, to be used in the bridges, from the forest to the river. The three POW labor camps were situated on sand banks in the river bend. The rainy monsoon had not arrived yet. For the first time we had tents for bivouacs.

Really not enough of them, as we had to lie down very close together. But because we worked in shifts, there was barely enough room for everyone.

The British and Australians were detailed to build the bridges, and we Dutch and a few hundred Brits got the task of hacking away the huge rock, so the railroad could proceed towards the bridges. The bridge builders worked all day during daylight. But we rock cutters worked in three shifts, day and night.

The first shift, by twos, had to make holes 1.2 meters deep manually, using chisel and hammer. The goal was for each pair to make two holes, so one hole per man.

Dynamite was then exploded in those holes. The second shift had to clear away the debris – chunks of rock, stones, and gravel – pushing it down the mountainside with shovels, or using steel jacks for the large rocks.

 As soon as they were finished, the third shift showed up to makes holes with hammer and chisel. And so it went, day and night. After dark, we worked by torch lights called hellfires. During the day it was searingly hot on those rocks. The thirst was very bad, especially when we saw the river streaming below.

 

 

Southern approach to the railway viaduct at Wampo South.

Note the massive cutting in the bluff above the bridge.
Source: Australian War Memorial (AWM122325)

 

Sketch of Wampo South by Dutch POW A.G. Muller
View from the north
Source: Geheugen van Nederland / The Museon

A section of the Wampo viaduct today
Source: picasaweb.google.com

 

Here also, we were harassed and beaten for any reason, or no reason. We got a little more rice than in the previous camps, and there were fewer gravely ill POWs. But the night-and-day work schedule was a killer, and the sharp stone fragments tore up our feet because most of us had no shoes left to wear.

 We had to keep working on those sore and cut-up feet. After a while, you lost count of hours, days, nights. No more thoughts, only work, eat, sleep, work, eat, sleep.

The lack of sleep brought most of us to utter exhaustion. Because of this, malaria and dysentery came back in force, and the foot injuries got worse and worse. It took about four weeks to cut that rock of 15 meters height and 100 meters long to pieces. Afterwards we had to hoist tree trunks, meant for the final sections of the bridges, from the river to the rocks.

When the bridges were finally completed, and the wooden cross ties and the rails could be laid down, we were marched to the next camp without a break.

Only the gravely ill stayed behind. Many of them had seriously injured feet. They were transported to the base/hospital camp Chungkai. Henri Samethini must have been among them, as he was ill, with injured feet, and because I saw him much later in Chungkai. [1]

1) DUTCH SOLDIER AT MOULMEIN CAMP SENT THE DAI NIPPON MOULMEIN POW CAR VIA COURIER TO HIS WIFE TO HIS WIFE VIA BATAVIA (JAKARTA)
He told that he was in god health and asking about his children. His wife stayed at Soerabaja, During Dai Nippon Occupation the Indonesian citizen who merried expatriat didnot put in the POW camp.
Look at two very rare collections :
(1) Dai Nippon Moulmein POW Card sent to Batavia(Jakarta)
(2) His wife Dai Nippon Java ID issued by Dai Nippon Military government at Soerabia.

 

Moulmein POW Camp

 

Moulmein POW Card

Front of POW card

 

 

 

 

 DAI NIPPON DUTCH POW MOULMEIN

The writter had found some rare postal history, box memorabilia  and memorabilia document related with the bridge on the river kwai and POW  of Dai Nippon camp at Moulmein Burma(now Myamar) which the POW work to built that famous bridge

Penulis telah menemukan beberapa koleksi memorabilia yang terkait dengan tawanan  perang di Moulmein Burma yang dipaksa bekerja membangun jembatan river Kwai,

Ada  juga tawanan yang berhasil pulang ke Indonesia ,masih menyimpan kotak tembakau yang dibawanya ke Kamp Tawanan di moulmein ,inofrmasi perjalannya ke Burma dari Tjimahi ditoreh pada kotak kaleng tembakau tersebut dengan tempat singgah dalam perjalan dari dan kembali ke camp tersebut.

tahun 1942 berangkat dari POW Tjimahi ke batavai(Jakarta), selanjutnya ke Penang–>Rangoon (Yangoon saat ini) Burma (Myamar)—->Moulmein POW Camp Burma  dan lengkap tangalnya ,bernama Coegen, meupakan penemuan luar biasa karena sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut kembali dlam keadaan hidup ke Indonesia masih menyimpan kotak tembakau yang dibawanya ke Kamp Tawanan di moulmein

Biside that found the iD of theDai Nippon ‘s  Moulmein POW ID before he had caught and sent to the POW camp,he work at Gas oil exploration at Plaju,South Sumatra, Also found his letter from moulmein camp to Batavia for his wife,and his wife Dai nippon ID Card.

Selain itu juga ditemui  kartu ID Mr Romeijn pegawai perminyakan Belanda BPM Plaju yang ditawan Dai nippon

 

, dan di bawa ke Kamp tawanan perang Dai Nippon Di Burma ,lihatlah surat yang dikirmnya dari Camp tersebut dari Burma kepadza isterinya di surabaya liwat batavia(Jakarta) surat POW Card dari camp Moulmein Burma kepada Isterinya di Indonesia

 

*Dai Nippon Moulmein (now myanmar) Card sent to his wife via Batavia(now jakarta)

serta

KTP pendudukan Jepang atas nama isterinya,,

Beside the postal history and ID, The author also found one memorable tobacco box with Incised scrip the route from Indonesia,via penang to ranggon (now Yangoon ata least he  came to The Dai Nippon moulmein prisenor of war camp at Burma (now Myanmar) he move from tasikmalaya west java camp,to Batavia in 1942, to Penang  and at least to Burma (now myanmar) in 1942, the name of prisoner of war Coghen (Dutch east indie army)

 

Ditemukan juga kotak tembakau 

milik tawanan perang bangsa  belanda Coghen , yang   menoreh kotak kaleng tembakau tersebut dengan tempat singgah dalam perjalan dari dan kembali ke camp tersebut.tahun 1942 berangkat dari POW Tjimahi ke batavai(Jakarta), selanjutnya ke Penang–>Rangoon (Yangoon saat ini) Burma (Myamar)—->Moulmein POW Camp Burma  dan lengkap tangalnya ,bernama Coegen, merupakan penemuan luar biasa karena sangat jarang tawanan perang tersebut kembali dlam keadaan hidup ke Indonesia.

 

 

 

 

1.THE MR H.COEGEN ‘S TOBACCO BOX

 WHO SURVIVE FROM THE DAI NIPPON POW CAMP AT MOLMEIN BURMA, WITH HIS SCRTECH INFO TEH DESTINATION AND DATE. hE BRING BY THE DAI NIPPON WITH HIS FRIEND FROM TJIMAHI (MILITARY CAMP,NEAR BANDUNG,MILITARY TRANING SCHOOL) TO

 BATAVIA(JAKARTA)11-10-42 ,

 the to Penang-3-11-42

—> Rangoon(now Yangoon) Burma 9-11-42—>

 Moulmein Camp , where he and his friend work to build yhe brige on the river Kwai 1n 1942. May be he met the other prosioner of war from Plaju Mr Romein, his POW card wassend in 1943 to Batavia(Jakrta) for his wife in Surahaya.

THIS THE ONLY MEMORABLE COLLECTIONS HAD EVER REPORT , please donnot copy, this illustration belong to Dr Iwan suwandy private collctions@copyright 2010.

*frontside

Backside of Mr Coegen POW Moulmein Dai nippon camp Burma tobaccobox@copyright Dr iwan suwandy 2010

SHOWCASE :THE RARE DN BURMA POW CAMP CARD
(1) MR ROMEYN ,DUTCH PLAJU BPM OFFICER ID ,WHO WAS CAPTURE BAY DAIN NIPPON AND SENT AS PRISONER OF WAR AT DAI NIPPON MOULMEIN  CAMP BURMA

 

(2) DUTCH BPM PLAJU OFICER  AT MOULMEIN CAMP SENT THE DAI NIPPON MOULMEIN POW CAR VIA COURIER TO HIS WIFE TO HIS WIFE VIA BATAVIA (JAKARTA)

 

 

He told that he was in god health and asking about his children. His wife stayed at Soerabaja, During Dai Nippon Occupation the Indonesian citizen who merried expatriat didnot put in the POW camp

Dai Nippon Moulmein POW Card sent to Batavia(Jakarta)
(2) His wife Dai Nippon Java ID issued by Dai Nippon Military government at Soerabia.

 

DaiNippon Burma POW’s  wife ID

 the end

 

 

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Dr Iwan suwandy,MHA

 

 

Pengantar

Saya baru saja menemukan buku tentang Tan Malaka yang berjudul Dari Penjara Ke Penjara ,buku ini juga telah diterjemahkan kedalam bahasa jepang,

Untuk mengenal lebih lanjut tentang sejarah buku ini dan juga tentang Tan Malaka silahkan membaca hasil penelitian oleh dr Iwan di Bawah Ini

Jakarta Juli 2012

Dr Iwan Suwandy,MHA

 

 

 

Ringkasan

Image of the title page of: Tan Malaka (1947). Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara. vol 1, 3rd ed. Djakarta: Widjaya.

This is Tan Malaka’s autobiography, which was published in three volumes.

• manshurzikri says:

May 31, 2011 at 7:39 am

sejauh ini, saya tidak pernah mendengan tentang “memoar dari penjara ke penjara”. Sebab, buku “dari penjara ke penjara” itu sendiri pada dasarnya memoar dari Tan Malaka (karena dia berupa catatan harian yang ditulis oleh Tan Malaka selama masa pergerakannya 

 

 

Introduction

 

Selain Madilog, Tan Malaka  menulis beberapa buku, seperti

 Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara

Tan Malaka adalah orang yang dikagumi karena kecerdasannya. Ia menggagas pemikiran Madilog (Matrealisme Dialektika dan Logika). Selain Madilog, ia menulis beberapa buku, seperti Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara dan Gerpolek. Bahkan, ia adalah orang pertama yang mendeklarasikan Partai Republik Indoneisa di Bangkok. Selama masa hidupnya, Tan Malaka banyak sekali diasingkan dari negeri Indonesia.
Saat pengasingan, Tan Malaka hijrah ke Moskow, Berlin, dan Belanda.

 Meskipun berada di luar Indonesia, Tan Malaka tidak penah berhenti mempejuangkan kemerdekaan.

Ia menulis banyak artikel dan melakukan berbagai propaganda politik melalui media luar negeri. 

Tan Malaka meninggal pada 1949. Harry A Poeze, sejarawan asal Belanda, menyebutkan bahwa ia mati ditembak TNI di lereng Gunung Wilis, Kediri.

Dari Penjara Ke Penjara Bagian Satu

by Tan Malaka

Buku sejarah hidup Tan Malaka, Bapak Republik Indonesia yang ditulis secara pribadi ketika beliau berada dalam Penjara di tanah airnya sendiri. Buku ini terdiri dari Tiga jilid, dimana jilid pertama ditulis oleh beliau ketika berada di Penjara Magelang. Hampir sebagian hidup Tan Malaka dihabiskannya di dalam penjara, akibat aktifitas politiknya yang anti kolonialisme.

Namun pada kenyataannya, Tan Malaka tidak hanya dipenjarakan oleh Pemerintah kolonial, tp juga oleh pemerintahan bangsanya sendiri yang berbeda posisi politik dengan Tan Malaka.

Jilid pertama ini mengisahkan kehidupan beliau disekitar masa pemenjaraan oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dan pemerintah Filipina

 

 

 

Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara

Ditulis tahun 1946-1947 di penjara Ponorogo. Berisi tentang riwayat hidup (otobiografi). Ia menguraikan perjalanannya dari suatu negara ke negara lain untuk menghindar dari kejaran agen-agen kolonial. Ia juga memaparkan pandangan tentang kepercayaan, filsafat dan tentang negara. Dari buku inilah kebanyakan para pemerhati mendapat gambaran kehidupan Tan Malaka yang revolusioner.

 

dalam penjara, ariel baca buku tan melaka

 

Selama dalam tahanan Ariel mengaku banyak mengisi masa dengan membaca buku2 falsafah, dan sesekali menulis. Salah satu buku yang dibaca adalah karya Tan Melaka, tokoh nasional yang pernah menulis buku Dari Pendjara Ke Pendjara.

Ariel menolak komen saat ditanya soal kekasihnya Luna Maya yang mula kembali aktif berlakon drama, begitu juga saat ditanya kemungkinan dirinya mencipta lagu atau duet dengan Luna.

Ariel mengaku bosan di penjara, kerana itu dirinya banyak mengisi kegiatan dengan membaca dan menulis, harus ada yang dikerjakan.

Tan Malaka menghabiskan sebagian besar hidupnya dalam pembuangan di luar Indonesia, dan secara tak henti-hentinya terancam dengan penahanan oleh penguasa Belanda dan sekutu-sekutu mereka. Walaupun secara jelas disingkirkan, Tan Malaka dapat memainkan peran intelektual penting dalam membangun jaringan gerakan komunis internasional untuk gerakan anti penjajahan di Asia Tenggara. Ia dinyatakan sebagai “Pahlawan revolusi nasional” melalui ketetapan parlemen dalam sebuah undang-undang tahun 1963.

Semua karya Tan Malaka dan permasalahannya didasari oleh kondisi Indonesia. Terutama rakyat Indonesia, situasi dan kondisi nusantara serta kebudayaan, sejarah lalu diakhiri dengan bagaimana mengarahkan pemecahan masalahnya. Cara tradisi nyata bangsa Indonesia dengan latar belakang sejarahnya bukanlah cara berpikir yang teoritis dan untuk mencapai Republik Indonesia sudah dia cetuskan sejak tahun 1925 lewat Naar de Republiek Indonesia.

Jika membaca karya-karya Tan Malaka yang meliputi semua bidang kemasyarakatan, kenegaraan, politik, ekonomi, sosial, kebudayaan sampai kemiliteran (Gerpolek-Gerilya-Politik dan Ekonomi, 1948), maka akan ditemukan benang putih keilmiahan dan ke-Indonesia-an serta benang merah kemandirian, sikap konsisten yang jelas dalam gagasan-gagasan serta perjuangannya.

Tan Malaka dalam fiksi

Dengan julukan Patjar Merah Indonesia Tan Malaka merupakan tokoh utama beberapa roman picisan yang terbit di Medan. Roman-roman tersebut mengisahkan petualangan Patjar Merah, seorang aktivis politik yang memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Tanah Air-nya, Indonesia, dari kolonialisme Belanda. Karena kegiatannya itu, ia harus melarikan diri dari Indonesia dan menjadi buruan polisi rahasia internasional.

Salah satu roman Patjar Merah yang terkenal adalah roman karangan Matu Mona yang berjudul Spionnage-Dienst (Patjar Merah Indonesia). Nama Pacar Merah sendiri berasal dari karya Baronesse Orczy yang berjudul Scarlet Pimpernel, yang berkisah tentang pahlawan Revolusi Prancis.

Dalam cerita-cerita tersebut selain Tan Malaka muncul juga tokoh-tokoh PKI dan PARI lainnya, yaitu Muso (sebagai Paul Mussotte), Alimin (Ivan Alminsky), Semaun (Semounoff), Darsono (Darsnoff), Djamaluddin Tamin (Djalumin) dan Soebakat (Soe Beng Kiat).

Kisah-kisah fiksi ini turut memperkuat legenda Tan Malaka di Indonesia, terutama di Sumatera.

Beberapa judul kisah Patjar Merah:
Matu Mona. Spionnage-Dienst (Patjar Merah Indonesia). Medan (1938)
Matu Mona. Rol Patjar Merah Indonesia cs. Medan (1938)
Emnast. Tan Malaka di Medan. Medan (1940)
Tiga kali Patjar Merah Datang Membela (1940)
Patjar Merah Kembali ke Tanah Air (1940)

Buku
Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara
Menuju Republik Indonesia
Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara, autobiografi
Madilog
Gerpolek

(Sumber: http://id.wikipedia.org)

 

 

 

Biography

Tan Malaka

 

 

Tan Malaka

Tan Malaka atau Ibrahim gelar Datuk Tan Malaka (lahir di Nagari Pandam Gadang, Suliki, Sumatera Barat, 2 Juni 1897 – meninggal di Desa Selopanggung, Kediri, Jawa Timur, 21 Februari 1949 pada umur 51 tahun)^[1] adalah Bapak Republik Indonesia,^[2] seorang aktivis pejuang kemerdekaan Indonesia, seorang pemimpin sosialis, dan politisi yang mendirikan Partai Murba. Pejuang yang militan, radikal, dan revolusioner ini banyak melahirkan pemikiran-pemikiran yang berbobot dan berperan besar dalam sejarah perjuangan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Dengan perjuangan yang gigih maka ia dikenal sebagai tokoh revolusioner yang legendaris.

Dia kukuh mengkritik terhadap pemerintah kolonial Hindia-Belanda maupun pemerintahan republik di bawah Soekarno pasca-revolusi kemerdekaan Indonesia. Walaupun berpandangan sosialis, ia juga sering terlibat konflik dengan Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI).

Tan Malaka menghabiskan sebagian besar hidupnya dalam pembuangan di luar Indonesia, dan secara tak henti-hentinya terancam dengan penahanan oleh penguasa Belanda dan sekutu-sekutu mereka. Walaupun secara jelas disingkirkan,

 

Tan Malaka dapat memainkan peran intelektual penting dalam membangun jaringan gerakan sosialis internasional untuk gerakan anti penjajahan di Asia Tenggara. Ia dinyatakan sebagai pahlawan nasional melalui Ketetapan Presiden RI No. 53 tanggal 23 Maret 1963.^[3]

Tan Malaka juga seorang pendiri partai PARI dan Murba, berasal dari Sarekat Islam (SI) Jakarta dan Semarang. Ia dibesarkan dalam suasana semangatnya gerakan modernis Islam Kaoem Moeda di Sumatera Barat.

Tokoh ini diduga kuat sebagai orang di belakang peristiwa penculikan Sutan Sjahrir bulan Juni 1946 oleh sekelompok orang tak dikenal di Surakarta sebagai akibat perbedaan pandangan perjuangan dalam menghadapi Belanda.^[4] [sunting] Riwayat

         Tahun 1897, Tan Malaka lahir di Suliki, Sumatera Barat. Dia lahir di tengah-tengah lingkungan Minangkabau, dari pasangan Rasad Caniago dan Sinah Simabur.

         Saat berumur 16 tahun, 1913, setelah tamat Kweekschool Bukit Tinggi, atas bantuan gurunya dengan pinjaman biaya dari Engkufonds, meneruskan pelajarannya ke

 

 

 

Karena cerdas, saat berumur 16 tahun, ia dikirim ke Negeri Belanda

         Rijks Kweekschool di Haarlem, Belanda.

Tahun 1919

         ia kembali ke Indonesia dan bekerja sebagai guru disebuah perkebunan di Deli. Ketimpangan sosial yang dilihatnya di lingkungan perkebunan, antara kaum buruh dan tuan tanah menimbulkan semangat radikal pada diri Tan Malaka muda.

Tahun 1921,

          ia pergi ke Semarang dan bertemu dengan Semaun dan mulai terjun ke kancah politik

         Saat kongres PKI 24–25 Desember 1921, Tan Malaka di undang dalam acara tersebut.

         Januari 1922

         ia ditangkap dan dibuang ke Kupang.

         Pada Maret 1922

         Tan Malaka diusir dari Indonesia dan mengembara ke Berlin, Moskwa dan Belanda.

         Mewakili Indonesia dalam Kongres Komunis Internasional (Komintern) IV, kemudian diangkat sebagai Wakil Komintern di Asia dan berkedudukan di Kanton.

         Tahun 1924,

         diangkat sebagai Ketua Biro Buruh Lalu Lintas dalam sebuah Konferensi Pan-Pasifik yang diselenggarakan oleh utusan-utusan Komintern dan Provintern.

         Tahun 1924, menerbitkan buku “Naar de Republiek Indonesia” (Menuju Republik Indonesia) yang berisi konsep tentang negara Indonesia yang tengah diperjuangkan. Lebih dulu dari pleidoi Mohammad Hatta didepan pengadilan Belanda di Den Haag yang berjudul “Indonesia Vrije” (Indonesia Merdeka) (1928) atau tulisan Soekarno yang berjudul “Menuju Indonesia Merdeka” (1933)

         Tahun 1925,

          masuk Filipina dengan nama Elias Fuentes dan berhasil menghubungi salah seorang sahabat Semaun di sana, selanjutnya mendorong didirikannya Partai Komunis Filipina.

         Tahun 1926,

          masuk Singapura dengan nama Hasan Gozali, bertemu dengan Subakat, Sugono dan Djamaluddin Tamim yang berhasil meloloskan diri dari Indonesia.

         Tahun 1927,

         bersama Subakat, Sugono, dan Djamaluddin Tamim mendirikan PARI (Partai Republik Indonesia).

         Tahun 1932,

          berhasil masuk Hongkong dengan nama Ong Soong Lee, kemudian tertangkap oleh Polisi Rahasia Inggris. Setelah lebih kurang 2 ½ bulan ditahan dalam penjara Hongkong, Tan Malaka mendapat keputusan dikeluarkan ke Shanghai.

         Tahun 1936,

         mendirikan dan mengajar pada School for Foreign Languages di Amoy, Cina.

         Tahun 1937,

          Tan Malaka masuk Burma kemudian ke Singapura, bekerja sebagai guru bahasa Inggris di Sekolah Menengah Tinggi Singapura.

         Tahun 1942,

         Tan Malaka masuk Penang menuju Medan, Padang, dan akhirnya tiba di Jakarta.

         Tahun 1943

         , menulis buku dan menyusun kekuatan bawah tanah (ilegal), dengan menjadi buruh (romusha) pada tambang batu bara di Bayah (Banten) dengan nama Husein.

         Tahun 1945,

         mendorong para pemuda yang bekerja di bawah tanah pada masa pendudukan Jepang (Sukarni, Chairul Saleh, Adam Malik, Pandu Kartawiguna, Maruto, dan lain-lain) untuk mencetuskan revolusi yang kemudian terjadi dengan Proklamasi Republik Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945.

         Tahun 1946,

          menjadi promotor Persatuan Perjuangan yang mengikatkan persatuan antara sejumlah 141 organisasi terdiri dari pimpinan partai, serikat-serikat buruh, pemuda, wanita, tentara, dan laskar.

         Tahun 1947,

          menentang politik Perundingan Linggarjati.

         Tahun 1948,

         menentang politik Perundingan Renville. Mendirikan Partai Murba dan Gerilya Pembela Proklamasi.

         21 Februari 1949,

          Tan Malaka mati terbunuh di Kediri, Jawa Timur.^[1]

Perjuangan

Pada tahun 1921

 Tan Malaka telah terjun ke dalam gelanggang politik. Dengan semangat yang berkobar dari sebuah gubuk miskin, Tan Malaka banyak mengumpulkan pemuda-pemuda komunis. Pemuda cerdas ini banyak juga berdiskusi dengan Semaun (wakil ISDV) mengenai pergerakan revolusioner dalam pemerintahan Hindia Belanda. Selain itu juga merencanakan suatu pengorganisasian dalam bentuk pendidikan bagi anggota-anggota PKI dan SI (Sarekat Islam) untuk menyusun suatu sistem tentang kursus-kursus kader serta ajaran-ajaran komunis, gerakan-gerakan aksi komunis, keahlian berbicara, jurnalistik dan keahlian memimpin rakyat. Namun pemerintahan Belanda melarang pembentukan kursus-kursus semacam itu sehingga mengambil tindakan tegas bagi pesertanya.

Melihat hal itu Tan Malaka mempunyai niat untuk mendirikan sekolah-sekolah sebagai anak-anak anggota SI untuk penciptaan kader-kader baru. Juga dengan alasan pertama: memberi banyak jalan (kepada para murid) untuk mendapatkan mata pencaharian di dunia kapitalis (berhitung, menulis, membaca, ilmu bumi, bahasa Belanda, Melayu, Jawa dan lain-lain); kedua, memberikan kebebasan kepada murid untuk mengikuti kegemaran mereka dalam bentuk perkumpulan-perkumpulan; ketiga, untuk memperbaiki nasib kaum miskin. Untuk mendirikan sekolah itu, ruang rapat SI Semarang diubah menjadi sekolah. Dan sekolah itu bertumbuh sangat cepat hingga sekolah itu semakin lama semakin besar.

 

Perjuangan Tan Malaka tidaklah hanya sebatas pada usaha mencerdaskan rakyat Indonesia pada saat itu, tapi juga pada gerakan-gerakan dalam melawan ketidakadilan seperti yang dilakukan para buruh terhadap pemerintahan Hindia Belanda lewat VSTP dan aksi-aksi pemogokan, disertai selebaran-selebaran sebagai alat propaganda yang ditujukan kepada rakyat agar rakyat dapat melihat adanya ketidakadilan yang diterima oleh kaum buruh.

Seperti dikatakan Tan Malaka pada pidatonya di depan para buruh “Semua gerakan buruh untuk mengeluarkan suatu pemogokan umum sebagai pernyataan simpati, apabila nanti menglami kegagalan maka pegawai yang akan diberhentikan akan didorongnya untuk berjuang dengan gigih dalam pergerakan revolusioner”.

Pergulatan Tan Malaka dengan partai komunis di dunia sangatlah jelas. Ia tidak hanya mempunyai hak untuk memberi usul-usul dan dan mengadakan kritik tetapi juga hak untuk mengucapkan vetonya atas aksi-aksi yang dilakukan partai komunis di daerah kerjanya. Tan Malaka juga harus mengadakan pengawasan supaya anggaran dasar, program dan taktik dari Komintern (Komunis Internasional) dan Profintern seperti yang telah ditentukan di kongres-kongres Moskwa diikuti oleh kaum komunis dunia. Dengan demikian tanggung-jawabnya sebagai wakil Komintern lebih berat dari keanggotaannya di PKI.

Sebagai seorang pemimpin yang masih sangat muda ia meletakkan tanggung jawab yang sangat berat pada pundaknya. Tan Malaka dan sebagian kawan-kawannya memisahkan diri dan kemudian memutuskan hubungan dengan PKI, Sardjono–Alimin–Musso.

Pemberontakan 1926 yang direkayasa dari Keputusan Prambanan yang berakibat bunuh diri bagi perjuangan nasional rakyat Indonesia melawan penjajah waktu itu. Pemberontakan 1926 hanya merupakan gejolak kerusuhan dan keributan kecil di beberapa daerah di Indonesia. Maka dengan mudah dalam waktu singkat pihak penjajah Belanda dapat mengakhirinya. Akibatnya ribuan pejuang politik ditangkap dan ditahan. Ada yang disiksa, ada yang dibunuh dan banyak yang dibuang ke Boven Digoel, Irian Jaya. Peristiwa ini dijadikan dalih oleh Belanda untuk menangkap, menahan dan membuang setiap orang yang melawan mereka, sekalipun bukan PKI. Maka perjaungan nasional mendapat pukulan yang sangat berat dan mengalami kemunduran besar serta lumpuh selama bertahun-tahun.

Tan Malaka yang berada di luar negeri pada waktu itu, berkumpul dengan beberapa temannya di Bangkok. Di ibu kota Thailand itu, bersama Soebakat dan Djamaludddin Tamin, Juni 1927 Tan Malaka memproklamasikan berdirinya Partai Republik Indonesia (PARI). Dua tahun sebelumnya Tan Malaka telah menulis “Menuju Republik Indonesia“. Itu ditunjukkan kepada para pejuang intelektual di Indonesia dan di negeri Belanda. Terbitnya buku itu pertama kali di Kowloon, Hong Kong, April 1925.

Prof. Mohammad Yamin, dalam karya tulisnya “Tan Malaka Bapak Republik Indonesia” memberi komentar: “Tak ubahnya daripada Jefferson Washington merancangkan Republik Amerika Serikat sebelum kemerdekaannya tercapai atau Rizal Bonifacio meramalkan Philippina sebelum revolusi Philippina pecah….”

Pahlawan
Peristiwa 3 Juli 1946 yang didahului dengan penangkapan dan penahanan Tan Malaka bersama pimpinan Persatuan Perjuangan, di dalam penjara tanpa pernah diadili selama dua setengah tahun. Setelah meletus pemberontakan FDR/PKI di Madiun, September 1948 dengan pimpinan Musso dan Amir Syarifuddin, Tan Malaka dikeluarkan begitu saja dari penjara akibat peristiwa itu.

Di luar, setelah mengevaluasi situasi yang amat parah bagi Republik Indonesia akibat Perjanjian Linggajati 1947 dan Renville 1948, yang merupakan buah dari hasil diplomasi Sutan Syahrir dan Perdana Menteri Amir Syarifuddin, Tan Malaka merintis pembentukan Partai MURBA, 7 November 1948 di Yogyakarta.

Pada tahun 1949 tepatnya bulan Februari Tan Malaka hilang tak tentu rimbanya, mati tak tentu kuburnya di tengah-tengah perjuangan bersama Gerilya Pembela Proklamasi di Pethok, Kediri, Jawa Timur. Tapi akhirnya misteri tersebut terungkap juga dari penuturan Harry A. Poeze, seorang Sejarawan Belanda yang menyebutkan bahwa Tan Malaka ditembak mati pada tanggal 21 Februari 1949 atas perintah Letda Soekotjo dari Batalyon Sikatan, Divisi Brawijaya[1].

Direktur Penerbitan Institut Kerajaan Belanda untuk Studi Karibia dan Asia Tenggara atau KITLV, Harry A Poeze kembali merilis hasil penelitiannya, bahwa Tan Malaka ditembak pasukan TNI di lereng Gunung Wilis, tepatnya di Desa Selopanggung, Kecamatan Semen, Kabupaten Kediri pada 21 Februari 1949.

Namun berdasarkan keputusan Presiden RI No. 53, yang ditandatangani Presiden Soekarno 28 Maret 1963 menetapkan bahwa Tan Malaka adalah seorang pahlawan kemerdekaan Nasional.

Madilog

Madilog merupakan istilah baru dalam cara berpikir, dengan menghubungkan ilmu bukti serta mengembangkan dengan jalan dan metode yang sesuai dengan akar dan urat kebudayaan Indonesia sebagai bagian dari kebudayaan dunia. Bukti adalah fakta dan fakta adalah lantainya ilmu bukti. Bagi filsafat, idealisme yang pokok dan pertama adalah budi (mind), kesatuan, pikiran dan penginderaan. Filsafat materialisme menganggap alam, benda dan realita nyata obyektif sekeliling sebagai yang ada, yang pokok dan yang pertama.

Bagi Madilog (Materialisme, Dialektika, Logika) yang pokok dan pertama adalah bukti, walau belum dapat diterangkan secara rasional dan logika tapi jika fakta sebagai landasan ilmu bukti itu ada secara konkrit, sekalipun ilmu pengetahuan secara rasional belum dapat menjelaskannya dan belum dapat menjawab apa, mengapa dan bagaimana.

Semua karya Tan Malaka dan permasalahannya didasari oleh kondisi Indonesia. Terutama rakyat Indonesia, situasi dan kondisi nusantara serta kebudayaan, sejarah lalu diakhiri dengan bagaimana mengarahkan pemecahan masalahnya. Cara tradisi nyata bangsa Indonesia dengan latar belakang sejarahnya bukanlah cara berpikir yang teoritis dan untuk mencapai Republik Indonesia sudah dia cetuskan sejak tahun 1925 lewat Naar de Republiek Indonesia.

Jika membaca karya-karya Tan Malaka yang meliputi semua bidang kemasyarakatan, kenegaraan, politik, ekonomi, sosial, kebudayaan sampai kemiliteran (Gerpolek-Gerilya-Politik dan Ekonomi, 1948), maka akan ditemukan benang putih keilmiahan dan ke-Indonesia-an serta benang merah kemandirian, sikap konsisten yang jelas dalam gagasan-gagasan serta perjuangannya.

Pahlawan

Peristiwa 3 Juli 1946 yang didahului dengan penangkapan dan penahanan Tan Malaka bersama pimpinan Persatuan Perjuangan, di dalam penjara tanpa pernah diadili selama dua setengah tahun. Setelah meletus pemberontakan FDR/PKI di Madiun, September 1948 dengan pimpinan Musso dan Amir Syarifuddin, Tan Malaka dikeluarkan begitu saja dari penjara akibat peristiwa itu.

Di luar, setelah mengevaluasi situasi yang amat parah bagi Republik Indonesia akibat Perjanjian Linggajati 1947 dan Renville 1948, yang merupakan buah dari hasil diplomasi Sutan Syahrir dan Perdana Menteri Amir Syarifuddin, Tan Malaka merintis pembentukan Partai Murba, 7 November 1948 di Yogyakarta.

Pada tahun 1949 tepatnya bulan Februari Tan Malaka hilang tak tentu rimbanya, mati tak tentu kuburnya di tengah-tengah perjuangan bersama Gerilya Pembela Proklamasi di Pethok, Kediri, Jawa Timur. Tapi akhirnya misteri tersebut terungkap juga dari penuturan Harry A. Poeze, seorang Sejarawan Belanda yang menyebutkan bahwa Tan Malaka ditembak mati pada tanggal 21 Februari 1949 atas perintah Letda Soekotjo dari Batalyon Sikatan, Divisi Brawijaya^[1].

Direktur Penerbitan Institut Kerajaan Belanda untuk Studi Karibia dan Asia Tenggara atau KITLV, Harry A Poeze kembali merilis hasil penelitiannya, bahwa Tan Malaka ditembak pasukan TNI di lereng Gunung Wilis, tepatnya di Desa Selopanggung, Kecamatan Semen, Kabupaten Kediri pada 21 Februari 1949.

Namun berdasarkan keputusan Presiden RI No. 53, yang ditandatangani Presiden Soekarno 28 Maret 1963 menetapkan bahwa Tan Malaka adalah seorang pahlawan kemerdekaan Nasional.

Tan Malaka dalam fiksi

 

 

Sampul Majalah Tempo dengan Tan Malaka

Dengan julukan Patjar Merah Indonesia Tan Malaka merupakan tokoh utama beberapa roman picisan yang terbit di Medan.

Roman-roman tersebut mengisahkan petualangan Patjar Merah, seorang aktivis politik yang memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Tanah Air-nya, Indonesia, dari kolonialisme Belanda. Karena kegiatannya itu, ia harus melarikan diri dari Indonesia dan menjadi buruan polisi rahasia internasional.

Salah satu roman Patjar Merah yang terkenal adalah roman karangan Matu Mona yang berjudul Spionnage-Dienst (Patjar Merah Indonesia). Nama Pacar Merah sendiri berasal dari karya Baronesse Orczy yang berjudul Scarlet Pimpernel, yang berkisah tentang pahlawan Revolusi Prancis.

Dalam cerita-cerita tersebut selain Tan Malaka muncul juga tokoh-tokoh PKI dan PARI lainnya, yaitu Muso (sebagai Paul Mussotte), Alimin (Ivan Alminsky), Semaun (Semounoff), Darsono (Darsnoff), Djamaluddin Tamin (Djalumin) dan Soebakat (Soe Beng Kiat).

Kisah-kisah fiksi ini turut memperkuat legenda Tan Malaka di Indonesia, terutama di Sumatera.

Beberapa judul kisah Patjar Merah:

         Matu Mona. Spionnage-Dienst (Patjar Merah Indonesia). Medan (1938)

         Matu Mona. Rol Patjar Merah Indonesia cs. Medan (1938)

         Emnast. Tan Malaka di Medan. Medan (1940)

         Tiga kali Patjar Merah Datang Membela (1940)

         Patjar Merah Kembali ke Tanah Air (1940)

Fakta-fakta Tan Malaka ^[5]

         Perjalanan Tan Malaka sepanjang 89.000 km, setara 2 kali keliling bumi. Dia mengunjungi dua benua dan sekurang-kurangnya ke 11 Negara.

         Bahasa Yang Dikuasai : Minang, Indonesia, Belanda, Rusia, Jerman, Inggris, Mandarin, Tagalog.

         Nama Samaran : Elias Fuentes, Estahislau Rivera, Alisio Rivera (Filipina); Hasan Gozali (Singapura), Ossorio (Shanghai), Ong Song Lee (13 varian, Hongkong), Tan Ming Sion (Burma), Legas Hussein, Ramli Hussein, Ilyas Hussein (Indonesia), Cheung Kun Tat, Howard Lee (Cina).

         Teman Dekat Wanita : Syarifah Nawawi (Bukittinggi), Fenny Struyvenberg (Belanda), Nona Carmen (Filipina), Paramita Rahayu A. (Jakarta) dan A.P. Toa Chi (Cina)

         Penjara : Filipina (1937), Hongkong (1932), 11 Penjara di Jawa (1922, 1946-1948)

        

 

Tan Malaka

(lengkapnya Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Malaka) lahir di Suluki, Nagari Pandan Gadang, Sumatera Barat dengan nama Ibrahim. Menurut Harry A. Peoze, tahun kelahiran Tan Malaka secara tepat tidak diketahui. Pada waktu itu belum ada register (daftar) penduduk bagi orang Indonesia.

Peoze menemukan data tahun kelahiran Tan Malaka yang berbeda: 1893, 1894, 1895, 2 Juni 1896, 2 Juni 1897, dan 1897. Ia sendiri mengatakan bahwa ia dilahirkan pada tahun 1994, tanggal 14 Oktober 1894, dan pada tahun 1896. Poeze cenderung untuk menganggap tahun 1897 sebagai tahun kelahiran Tan Malaka yang paling tepat; melihat fakta bahwa pada tahun 1903 ia mengikuti pendidikan di sekolah rendah. Maka, dapatlah ditarik kesimpulan bahwa ketika itu ia berusia kurang lebih 6 tahun.

Tan Malaka menyatakan bahwa keluarganya beragama Islam dan beradat asli Minangkabau. Ia lahir dalam kultur yang peduli terhadap pendidikan dan memiliki tradisi keagamaan yang kuat. Keluarganya adalah tergolong taat kepada agama Islam

Tan Malaka memiliki beberapa nama dalam perjalanan hidupnya baik di dalam maupun luar negeri dengan alasan, karena nama Tan Malaka sudah dikenal di seluruh Sumatera dan pemerintah Belanda, nama tersebut tidak dapat mengadakan perjalanan dan juga untuk menyembunyikan identitas.

Ketika memasuki Manila dan Hongkong (1927) Tan Malaka merubah namanya menjadi Elias Fuente. Bernama Oong Soong Lee ketika memasuki Hongkong dari Sanghai (1932), Ramli Husein saat kembali ke Indonesia dari Singapura melalui Penang terus ke Medan, Padang dan Jakarta (1942). Ketika berada di Bayah (Banten), Jawa Barat sebagai pekerja yang membantu romusha di masa revolusi, ia menggunakan nama Ilyas Husein. Namanya yang lain Cheng Kun, Tat, Elisoe, dan Howard Law.Extille adakalanya ditambah dengan Kiang Mai. Ketika menulis karangan untuk pers Komunis, harian Njali yang terbit di Batavia sejak bulan September 1925 sampai Mei 1926. Ia menggunakan, Haji Hasan dalam beberapa surat-surat yang ditulis buat kawan-kawannya, dan nama Nadir. Tan Malaka menyamar sebagai Tan Ho Seng, ketika belajar dan bekerja sebagai guru bahasa di Nanyang Chinese Normal School, Singapura.

Adapun riwayat hidup Tan Malaka secara urutan waktu, sebagai berikut:

1897 Tan Malaka lahir, bermain dan sekolah di Kweekschool.

1913 Setelah tamat Kweekschool Bukit Tinggi, atas bantuan gurunya dengan pinjaman biaya dari Engkufonds, meneruskan pelajarannya ke Rijks Kkweekschool di Haarlem, Nederland. Selain menuntut ilmu di sekolah, beliau sudah aktif mempelajari keadaan masyarakat Eropa sejak meletus dan selesainya Perang Dunia ke-1 (1914-1918) serta pecah dan selesainya Revolusi Sosial di Rusia (Oktober 1917) yang bersambung dengan mulai berdiri dan mengumandangnya suara Internasionale III.

1918 Atas permintaan Ki Hadjar Dewantara yang mendatangi Tan Malaka bersama Dr. Gunawan di Nederland, mewakili Indische Vereeniging, dalam Kongres Pemuda Indonesia dan Pelajar Indologie di Deventer, memberikan prae-advies tentang pergerakan Nasional.

1919 Kembali ke Indonesia dan bekerja sebagai guru sekolah untuk anak-anak kaum buruh perkebunan Senembah, di Sumatera Timur.

1921 Terjun dalam lapangan pendidikan rakyat yang didirikan oleh Serikat Islam Semarang, dan VSTP (Serikat Buruh Kereta Api) yang dipimpin oleh Semaun di Semarang.

– Tan Malaka menjadi penganjur utama tentang pentingnya persatuan antara kaum Komunis dan Islam dalam menentang kolonialisme/imperialisme. Hal ini dikemukakan dalam sebuah rapat SI di Semarang bersama dengan Semaun.

– Tan Malaka menjadi Wakil Ketua Serikat Buruh Pelikan (Tambang) Cepu yang didirikan oleh Semaun.

– Dalam Kongres PKI dipilih menjadi ketua, mewakili Semaun yang sedang berada di luar negeri (Moskow), di dalam Kongres beliau berpidato tentang pentingnya Persatuan Islam-Komunis dan memperingatkan bahayanya politik ‘pecah & adu’ (devide et impera) yang di kala itu sedang digunakan oleh pemerintah kolonial Belanda untuk melumpuhkan gerakan-gerakan rakyat Indonesia. Ide Tan Malaka tersebut mendapat dukungan penuh dari seorang tokoh SI, Kyai Tubagus Hadikusumo.

1922 Tan Malaka mewakili Vaksentral-Revolusioner pemimpin pemogokan kaum buruh penggadaian (PPPB) di Jogjakarta dan mengatur solidaritas serta aksi yang dilancarkan oleh serikat buruh anggota Vaksentral-Revolusioner (VSTP., Pelabuhan, Pelikan, Gula, dan lainnya).

– Tanggal 2 Maret ia ditangkap dan dibuang ke Kupang (Timur), kemudian dalam bulan itu juga mendapat externing ke Eropa (Nederland). Tan Malaka ditangkap dan diasingkan pemerintah kolonial ke luar negeri. Dari Belanda, ia pergi ke Moskow (Uni Sovyet) melalui Polandia. Ia dikejar-kejar intel dan spionase kolonial Belanda, Inggris, Jepang, Amerika Serikat, Perancis, rezim nasionalis Kumintang. Di mata mereka, Tan Malaka adalah buronan politik “kaliber kakap.”

– Berbicara dalam Perayaan 1 Mei yang diselenggarkan oleh kaum buruh dan Partai Komunis Holland (CPH), kemudian dipilih sebagai calon dalam pemilihan umum parlemen.

– Menuju Jerman dan terjun langsung di tengah-tengah rakyat Jerman yang masih dalam keadaan penderitaan hidup karena harus menanggung seluruh hutang perang Serikat yang dibebankan kepada rakyat Jerman sebagai negeri kalah perang (Perang Dunia ke-1, tahun 1914-1918).

– Mewakili Indonesia dalam Kongres Komunis Internasional (Komintern) IV, kemudian diangkat sebagai Wakil Komintern di Asia dan berkedudukan di Canton, di mana daerahnya meliputi Seksi-seksi Partai Komunis yang sudah ada atau akan didirikan di daerah ‘Selatan’ yang oleh Tan Malaka disebut ASLIA ialah: Burma, Siam, Annam, Filipina, Malaya dan Indonesia.

– Berhasil bertemu dengan Dr. Sun Yat Sen, Presiden Republik Tiongkok pertama yang daerahnya waktu itu baru meliputi Tiongkok Selatan berpusat di Yenan.

1924 Diangkat sebagai Ketua Biro Buruh Lalu Lintas dalam sebuah Konferensi Pan-Fasifik yang diselenggarakan oleh utusan-utusan Komintern dan Provintern (Serikat Sekerja Internasional Merah) yang dikunjungi oleh utusan-utusan dari Tiongkok Utara & Selatan, Indonesia dan Filipina.

– Memimpin Majalah berbahasa Inggris The Dawn (Fajar) sebagai suara dari Biro tersebut.

1925 Masuk Filipina dengan nama Elias Fuentes dan berhasil menghubungi salah seorang sahabat Semaun di sana, selanjutnya mendorong didirikannya Partai Komunis Filipina.

1926 Masuk Singapura dengan nama Hasan Gozali, bertemu dengan Subakat, Sugono dan Djamaluddin Tamim yang berhasil meloloskan diri dari Indonesia.

1927 Bersama Subakat, Sugono dan Djamaluddin Tamim mendirikan PARI (Partai Republik Indonesia) untuk meluncurkan kembali langkah-langkah menyusun kekuatan Partai Komunis di Indonesia yang lumpuh akibat pemberontakan Madiun pada akhir tahun 1926.

– Masuk lagi ke Filipina tetapi tertangkap oleh Dinas Rahasia Amerika, di mana dalam perkara tersebut Tan Malaka dibela oleh parlemen dan presiden pertama Republik Filipina, Manuel Quezon. hakim Filipina atas permintaan pemerintah Amerika memutuskan mengeluarkan Tan Malaka dari Filipina ke Amoy.

1932 Berhasil masuk Hongkong dengan nama Ong Soong Lee, kemudian tertangkap oleh Polisi Rahasia Inggris. Setelah lebih kurang 2 ½ bulan ditahan dalam penjara Hongkong, Tan Malaka mendapat keputusan dikeluarkan ke Syanghai.

1936 Mendirikan dan mengajar pada School for Foreign Languages di Amoy, Cina.

1937 Ketika Jepang mulai mengarahkan serangannya menuju Amoy, Tan Malaka masuk Burma kemudian ke Singapura, bekerja sebagai guru bahasa Inggris di Sekolah Menengah Tinggi Singapura.

1942 Setelah mengalami pertempuran-pertempuran di sekitar Benteng Seletar antara tentara Jepang dan Inggris di Singapura, Tan Malaka masuk Penang menuju Medan, Padang dan akhirnya tiba di Jakarta.

1943 Menulis buku dan menyusun kekuatan di bawah tanah (ilegal) dengan merupakan dirinya sebagai buruh (roomusha) pada tambang batu bara di Bayah (Banten) dengan nama Husein, mengikuti jalannya tempo untuk dicetuskannya kelahiran Republik Indonesia Merdeka melalui revolusi.

1945 Pendorong para pemuda yang bekerja di bawah tanah di waktu pendudukan Jepang (Sukarni, Chairul Saleh, Adam Malik, Pandu Kartawiguna, Maruto, dan lain-lain) untuk mencetuskan revolusi yang kemudian terjadi dengan Proklamasi Republik Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945.

1946 Promotor Persatuan Perjuangan yang mengikatkan persatuan antara sejumlah 141 organisasi terdiri dari pimpinan partai, serikat-serikat buruh, pemuda, wanita, tentara, laskar dan lain-lain, di atas dasar program revolusi yang dikenal dengan nama 7 Pasal Minimum Program, menolak politik kompromi dengan imperialis Belanda yang dimulai dengan politik 1 November dan 3 November 1945.

1947 Menentang politik kompromi Linggarjati tahun 1947.

1948 Menentang politik kompromi Renville tahun 1948.

– Pendiri Partai Murba yang melanjutkan Program Persatuan Perjuangan.

– Pendiri Gerilya Pembela Proklamasi (GPP) yang berpusat di Jawa Timur.

1949 Tangggal 19 Februari hilang karena diciderai (ditembak mati dan jenazahnya dilempar ke sungai Brantas) di Kediri, Jawa Timur, di saat beliau sedang memimpin revolusi melawan agresi Belanda, di saat itu pula para pemimpin pemerintahan pusat di Jogja sudah banyak yang ditangkap dan ditawan Belanda.Tan Malaka mati terbunuh di hadapan senapan sekelompok tentara republik sendiri atas perintah gubernur militer Jawa Timur.

Karya-karya Tan Malaka

Tan Malaka termasuk penulis yang cukup produktif dalam menuangkan alam pikirannya. Berikut ini adalah karya-karyanya:

1. Materialisme-Dialektika-Logika (Madilog)

Tebal kitab ini, 462 halaman, yang ditulis di Rajawati, dekat pabrik sepatu Kalibata, Cililitan, Jakarta dengan waktu yang dipakai lebih kurang 8 bulan, dari 15 Juli 1942 sampai 30 Maret 1943 (berhenti 15 hari), 720 jam. Jadi, menurut Tan Malaka, kira-kira 3 jam sehari. Dalam seminggu empat hari ia pergunakan untuk menulis, yaitu dari pukul 6 sampai pukul 12. Setelah itu berjalan-jalan di desa. Tiga kali seminggu ke perpustakaan di Gambir dengan berjalan kaki yang memakan waktu 4 jam.

Kitab ini ditulisnya dengan tulisan tangan dengan hurup kecil supaya aman dari mata polisi dan tongkat kempetai Jepang. Tidak ada catatan bahan referensi, karena buku-bukunya telantar cerai berai dan lapuk atau hilang di berbagai tempat atau negara, – walaupun demikian menjelang habis Madilog ditulis, ia berjumpa dengan beberapa buku tentang logika dalam bahasa Belanda, Inggris, Jerman dan Spanyol- sehingga ia mengandalkan ingatan Tan Malaka; jembatan keledai (ezelbruggetje).

Maksud penulisan Madilog menurut Tan Malaka, adalah pertama sebagai cara berpikir. Bukanlah suatu Weltanschauung atau pandangan dunia; walaupun, menurutnya, hubungan antara cara berpikir dan pandangan dunia atau filsafat adalah seperti tangga dengan rumah. Rapat sekali. Dari cara orang berpikir, dapat diduga filsafatnya dan dari filsafatnya dapat diketahui dengan cara dan metode apa sehingga sampai ke filsafat itu.

Kedua, Madilog juga diharapkannya sebagai bacaan penghubung kepada filsafat proletar Barat. Karena, menurutnya, otak proletar Indonesia tak bisa mencernakan paham yang berurat dan tumbuh pada masyarakat Barat yang berbeda sekali dengan masyarakat Indonesia dalam iklim, sejarah, keadaan jiwa dan cita-citanya.

Ketiga, untuk mengupas dan mengobati penyakit penjajahan, keterbelakangan dan kolonialisme, Tan Malaka menyajikan landasan pandangan yang beralaskan pada materialisme, dialektika dan logika. yang dituangkannya dalam sebuah buku Madilog. Dari sinilah kemudian, Tan Malaka memandang realitas lokal, nasional dan internasional dalam aneka lini kehidupan, termasuk di dalamnya keberadaan agama yang ia masukkan ke dalam kelompok kepercayaan.

Karya terbesar dari Tan Malaka ini diniatkannya sebagai upaya untuk merombak sistem berpikir bangsa Indonesia, dari pola berpikir yang penuh dengan mistik kepada satu cara berpikir yang rasional. Tanpa perombakan cara berpikir, sulit rasanya bangsa Indonesia untuk maju dan mewujudkan masyarakat Indonesia yang merdeka dan sosialistik. MADILOG sebagai konsep berpikir yang memadukan ketiga unsurnya, yaitu MAterialisme, DIalektika dan LOGika, merupakan kesatuan dan tidak boleh dipecah-pecah.

1. Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara

Ditulis tahun 1946-1947 di penjara Ponorogo. Berisi tentang riwayat hidup (otobiografi). Ia menguraikan perjalanannya dari suatu negara ke negara lain untuk menghindar dari kejaran agen-agen kolonial. Ia juga memaparkan pandangan tentang kepercayaan, filsafat dan tentang negara. Dari buku inilah kebanyakan para pemerhati mendapat gambaran kehidupan Tan Malaka yang revolusioner.

1. Gerpolek (Gerilya Politik Ekonomi)

Ditulis di penjara Madiun 1948. Berisi tentang ajarannya dalam melakukan gerilya politik maupun ekonomi. Uraian tentang cara bergerilya dalam politik dengan strategi militer, maupun dengan penguatan ekonomi dengan merebut seluruh kekayaan asing. Keduanya menjadi satu dan saling menguatkan.

4. Sovyet atau Parlemen

Ditulis tahun 1921 di Semarang. Berisi tentang uraian sistem pemerintahan yang dikenal saat itu seperti sistem parlemen di Inggris mulai abad ke-12, juga di Perancis, Jerman dan lain-lain. Intinya menurut Tan Malaka, parlemen dengan sistem perwakilan yang dikenalnya hanya akan menjadi perkakas dari yang memerintah. Bersamaan dengan mulai menguatnya kapitalisme dengan ujung imperialisme, parlemen pada akhirnya hanyalah alat dari kapitalisme. Kemudian dengan tegas Tan Malaka membedakan parlemen dengan sovyet (Dewan Rakyat) yang menurutnya parlemen adalah alat untuk mengekalkan perburuhan dan kapitalisme, sedangkan sovyet (Dewan Rakyat) adalah alat sementara guna menghilangkan pengaruh kapitalisme (modal) untuk mendatangkan sosialisme.

1. Toendoek Kepada Kekoesaan, Tetapi Tidak Toendoek Kepada Kebenaran

Ditulis di Berlin tahun 1922. Berisi tentang pembelaannya ketika ditangkap di Bandung tanggal 13 Februari 1922 dengan tuduhan mengganggu ketertiban umum, membuat keonaran dan yang terberat adalah adalah usaha menggerakkan rakyat untuk mengadakan pemberontakan guna mengusir penjajah Belanda dari bumi Indonesia. Ia menyatakan bahwa tuduhan itu tidak benar dan penguasa kolonial hanya berusaha untuk mematikan aktivitas pergerakan nasional saat itu.

1. Goetji Wasiat Kaoem Militer

Ditulis tahun 1924 di Saigon. Diterbitkan dengan nama Sumendap dan Daniel, tetapi menurut Poeze mungkin ditulis Tan Malaka.

1. Indonesiai ejo mesto na proboezjdajoesjtsjemsja vostoke

Diterbitkan di Moskow tahun 1924. Pada brosur ini tertulis Sukindat, tetapi menurut Poeze mungkin ditulis Tan Malaka. Poeze mengatakan, brosur ini berisi tentang thesis bagi keadaan sosial dan ekonomi serta tuntutan untuk berorganisasi yang mengembangkan strategi dan taktik untuk diterapkan di Indonesia.

1. Naar de Republiek Indonesia (Menuju Republik Indonesia)

Diterbitkan di Canton, April 1925. Berisi tentang uraiannya akan kondisi dunia, pertentangan dua sistem antara kapitalisme dan komunisme yang diyakininya akan dimenangkan oleh komunisme. Dilanjutkan dengan dengan situasi di Indonesia di mana penjajah Belanda melakukan penjajahan dengan biadab, namun Tan Malaka yakin suatu saat penjajah akan kalah apabila semua organisasi perjuangan yang ada terutama PKI, dapat menyusun tujuan revolusionernya.

1. Massa Actie

Ditulis di Singapura tahun 1926. Secara umum brosur ini berisi tuntutan bagaimana melakukan sebuah revolusi di Indonesia. Sebuah revolusi terutama di Jawa dan Sumatera adalah sesuatu yang tak dapat dihindarkan. Baginya tidak ada sikap yang netral, yang ada adalah berpihak pada penjajah Belanda atau rakyat terjajah Indonesia. Dari sini kemudian baru Tan Malaka beralih pada bagaimana menjalankan revolusi yang benar, dan massa aksi bukan putch, tidak bisa dicapai oleh pemberontakan atau kudeta secara anarkis.

1. Manifesto PARI (Manifesto Bangkok)

Ditulis di Bangkok 1927. Berisi uraian tentang perlunya membentuk partai baru dan menamakannya PARI (Paratai Republik Indonesia) yang dibentuk semata-mata untuk kepentingan Indonesia serta akan memberikan yang terbaik untuk itu. Manifesto ini mengoreksi kesalahan PKI, yaitu pemberontakan 1926/1927 yang menyebabkan hancurnya partai dan mereka tidak bermaksud memunculkan partai ini lagi, karena beranggapan tidak mungkin jika mendirikan partai-partai yang telah melakukan cukup kesalahan. Kemudian manifesto juga menyatakan pemutusan dengan Internasionale (Comintren) yang menurutnya tidak akan baik di Indonesia. Dengan mengambil contoh dari Jerman, Italia, Bulgaria dan China dinyatakannya kepemimpinan Moscow gagal untuk negeri lain. Seluruh Internasionale Ketiga (Comintern) dibangun demi kepentingan Rusia dan terutama pemimpin-pemimpin komunis dari Timur cenderung akan terjebak kepada ketaatan buta dan kehilangan kemandirian mereka, akibatnya mereka akan kehilangan hubungan dengan rakyat mereka sendiri yang tentunya berlainan dengan suasana kejiwaan rakyat Rusia.

1. Lokal dan Nasional Aksi di Indonesia

Diterbitkan di Singapura 1926. Menurut Poeze, brosur ini diterbitkan dalam bagian yang terpisah, secara rahasia disebabkan dengan cara menyalinnya dengan mesin ketik. Bagian pertama dikenal juga dengan judul “Soerat Rahasia boeat lokal aksi di Minangkabau”, 20 September 1926.

1. SI Semarang dan Onderwijs

Ditulis di Semarang tahun 1921 pada saat Tan Malaka berusaha merumuskan tujuan pendidikan dari sekolah Serikat Islam yang mulai dibangunnya (dikenal juga dengan sekolah Tan Malaka). Berisi pokok-pokok pikiran yang akan dikembangkan/diajarkan dalam sekolahnya.

1. Asia Bergabung (Gabungan Aslia)

Ditulis tahun 1943. Menurut Poeze hanya selesai separuh.

1. Semangat Moeda

Ditulis di Manila tahun 1926, namun oleh Tan Malaka dikatakan di Tokyo sebagai tempat penerbitannya.

15. Politik

Ditulis di Surabaya pada tanggal 24 November 1945. Berisi tentang percakapan antara Godam (simbolisasi kaum buruh), Pacul (petani), Toke (pedagang), Den Mas (ningrat) dan Mr. Apal (wakil kaum intelektual). Menguraikan tentang bagaimana caranya merdeka, maksud dan tujuan kemerdekaan, serta bagaimana mengisi kemerdekaan itu dan yang tak kalah penting adalah Indonesia Merdeka harus berdasarkan sosialisme.

16. Rentjana Ekonomi

Ditulis di Surabaya pada tanggal 28 November 1945. Berisi tentang percakapan dengan simbolisasi yang sama seperti yang ada dalam politik. Menguraikan tentang rencana pembangunan ekonomi, yang menurutnya ekonomi sosialislah yang dapat membawa kemakmuran bagi Indonesia kelak.

1. Moeslihat

Ditulis di Surabaya pada tanggal 2 Desember 1945. Berisi tentang percakapan dengan simbolisasi yang sama seperti yang ada dalam politik. Menguraikan tentang strategi dan taktik dalam perjuangan untuk membawa Indonesia ke arah kemerdekaan.

1. Manifesto PARI (Manifesto Jakarta)

Ditulis di Jakarta tahun 1945. Menguraikan tentang pertentangan sistem yang ada di dunia, antara kapitalisme dengan komunisme yang menurutnya akan dimenangkan oleh komunisme serta penolakan atas percobaan pendirian Republik Indonesia yang kapitalis dan membatalkan semua upaya dari luar untuk menjajah kembali Indonesia dengan cara apa pun.

1. Thesis

Ditulis tahun 1946 di Lawu. Berisi tentang ajarannya mengenai pembentukan negara sosialistis. Uraian tentang perjuangan mencapai kemerdekaan Indonesia seratus persen. Juga pembelaannya terhadap tuduhan Trotsky yang selalu dituduhkan kepadanya, berkenaan dengan pemberontakan PKI 1926 yang gagal dan oleh pihak PKI kegagalan itu selalu dialamatkan kepada Tan Malaka sebagai orang yang menyabotnya.

1. Koehandel Di Kaliurang (Perdagangan Sapi di Kaliurang)

Ditulis tanggal 16 April 1948 dengan nama samaran Dasuki. Berisi tentang penolakan terhadap perjuangan diplomasi yang tidak berprinsip, yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah saat itu. Perjuangan lewat diplomasi hanya akan merugikan Indonesia dan menjual Indonesia kepada kaum kapital asing, oleh karena itu perundingan harus dibatalkan atau dihandel dan mempersiapkan kaum MURBA untuk berjuang.

1. Surat Kepada Partai Rakyat

Ditulis 31 Juli 1948 di penjara Magelang sebagai sambutan tertulis dalam pembentukan Kongres Partai Rakyat tanggal 10-11-12 Agustus 1948. berisi tentang bagaimana mengorganisasikan Partai Rakyat agar menjadi partai yang memperhatikan dan memperjuangkan rakyat MURBA.

1. Proklamasi 17-8-1945, Isi dan Pelaksanaannya

Pidato tertulis pada Kongres Rakyat Indonesia Desember 1948. Berisi tentang penolakan perundingan yang dilakukan Indonesia saat itu dan persiapan perang kemerdekaan dalam menghadapi agresi militer Belanda.

1. Uraian Mendadak

Merupakan salinan tertulis dari pidato yang diucapkan di depan Kongres peleburan tiga partai (Partai Rakyat, Partai Buruh, dan Partai Rakyat Jelata) menjadi Partai Murba. Berisi tentang reorganisasi partai dan uraian untuk tetap mempertahankan Republik Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945.

Karya-karya tulis Tan Malaka meliputi semua bidang kemasyarakatan dan kenegaraan-politik, ekonomi, sosial, kebudayaan sampai kemiliteran, terlihat benang putih keilmiahan dan ke-Indonesiaan, serta benang merah orsinalitas, kemandirian, kekonsekuenan, dan konsistensi yang direnda jelas dalam gagasan-gagasannya dan perjuangan implementasinya dalam rumusan konsepsional dan penjabaran operasionalnya.

Setting Sosial Politik Tan Malaka

Latar kehidupan Tan Malaka berada dalam ruang dan waktu dengan sosiopolitikkultural yang melingkupinya. Paling tidak, ada tiga situasi dan kondisi penting yang mewarnai pandangan serta perjalanan hidup Tan Malaka yaitu, keadaan internasional, Minangkabau dan alam pikir Barat.

Pertama. Keadaan internasional. Menurut Tan Malaka:

Tahun 1918, terjadi perjanjian Versailles. Pada waktu itu dunia sedang gemuruh. Satu negara besar dan baru dalam di segala-gala timbul, ialah Sovyet Rusia. Pada jaman itu saya masih muda, masih belajar di Eropa Barat. Dalam usia Sturm und Drang periode itu, dalam usia sedang bergelora itu saya dilondong topan yang bertiup dari Eropa Timur itu. Dunia Barat sendiri pada masa itu seakan-akan mengikuti Sovyet Rusia. Dari dunia Eropa Timur itulah saya mendapatkan semua ilham dan petunjuk yang saya rasa perlu buat perjuangan politik, ekonomi dan sosial kita.

Di bidang politik di Eropa, terjadi dampak pergolakan politik Pascaperang Dunia I di Eropa pada umumnya dan di Belanda pada khususnya. Revolusi Oktober 1917 di Rusia yang disusul oleh gerakan revolusioner kaum sosial-demokrat Belanda yang dipimpin oleh Troestra memberi inspirasi kepada unsur-unsur progresif Indonesia yang tergabung dalam ISDV untuk menuntut pemerintahan sendiri dan perwakilan hak-hak yang luas.

Di bidang ekonomi, Perang Dunia I mengakibatkan kemacetan pengangkutan hasil perkebunan sehingga pengusaha perkebunan mengurangi produksinya sehingga berakibat rakyat banyak kehilangan pekerjaan dan pendapatan. Penderitaan rakyat bertambah besar lebih-lebih karena gubernemen membebankan pajak yang lebih berat kepada rakyat.

Perkembangan politik kolonial Belanda adalah politik kolonial konservatif (1800-1848), cultuurstelsel (1830-1870), permulaan politik kolonial liberal (1850-1870) dan politik ethis (1900), yakni edukasi, irigasi dan emigrasi.Tan Malaka lahir pada akhir abad ke-19, ketika diberlakukannya politik etis Belanda. Politik etis ini merupakan politik balas budi bangsa Belanda kepada Hindia Belanda oleh keuntungan yang diperolehnya selama dasawarsa-dasawarsa yang lalu. Kebijakan politik ini adalah terbukanya kesempatan yang makin luas di kalangan pribumi untuk memperoleh pendidikan modern ala Belanda. Pendidikan ini juga untuk memenuhi kebutuhan atas tenaga-tenaga terdidik untuk birokrasi. Dari sinilah munculnya beberapa intelektual muda yang bersentuhan dengan pemikiran Barat, termasuk tentang nasionalisme.

Kedua, alam Minangkabau. Secara sosiologis, nagari -kesatuan masyarakat lokal dalam masyarakat Minangkabau- merupakan konsep kosmologis yang di dalamnya terkandung kehidupan religius yang bersifat kontemplatif transenden. Secara holistik, dalam nagari tidak saja diurus masalah teknis pemerintahan, malahan sampai pada hal-hal yang bersifat transenden seperti kehidupan surau. Surau pada jaman dahulu merupakan kelengkapan suku dan tempat berkumpulnya anak-anak muda serta remaja dalam upaya menimba ilmu pengetahuan. Surau sekaligus juga digunakan sebagai tidur bersama, membahas berbagai ilmu agama, dan juga dimanfaatkan sebagai tempat penyelesaian berbagai permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh suku melalui musyawarah bersama yang merupakan inti demokrasi kultural nagari.

Daerah Minangkabau pada permulaan abad ini mengenal tiga paham yang pada umumnya berpengaruh pada diri penduduknya. Ketiga paham itu adalah paham Islam, adat dan kolonialisme serta berbagai implikasi yang dikandungnya. Ketiganya mempunyai pendukung walaupun para pendukung ini juga terpengaruh oleh ketiganya. Bentrokan paham, negosiasi dan saling memanfaatkan dari interaksi pendukung tersebut sering terjadi.

Daerah Minangkabau merupakan daerah terbuka dari lalu lintas dunia internasional untuk melakukan aktivitas politik, ekonomi, agama dan budaya. Sifat pragmatis dari sebagian penduduk cepat mengambil manfaat dari perkembangan yang berlaku. Kemudian dalam mengambil manfaat dari administrasi perdagangan, administrasi pemerintahan dan juga dalam bidang pendidikan.

Bukit Tinggi menjadi pusat pendidikan se-Sumatera. Sekolah Raja, yaitu sekolah guru berbahasa Belanda (Kweekschool) yang berada di kota itu merupakan tempat melatih pada tingkat menengah anak-anak Indonesia dari seluruh Sumatera. Sekolah ini adalah tempat penampungan bagi anak-anak kalangan bangsawan dan orang-orang besar lainnya di pulau tersebut.

Merantau merupakan bagian dari tradisi Minangkabau. Kedudukan perantau begitu mulia dalam masyarakat. Pergi merantau, menurut visi falsafah Minangkabau dapat membuka mata untuk mengenal dunia luar yang luas, di mana mereka akan mendapatkan hal-hal baru yang nanti akan dibawanya pulang. Merantau, bukanlah semata mencari uang atau harta, melainkan juga menuntut ilmu atau mengaji. Berdasarkan batasan ini, menurut Alfian, Tan Malaka adalah seorang perantau, baik fisik maupun mental (pemikiran).

Rantau pertama yang dialami Tan Malaka ialah ketika dia meninggalkan desa tempat lahirnya pergi menuntut ilmu ke “Sekolah Raja” di Bukit Tinggi. Walaupun masih berada di alam Minangkabau, tapi alam asalnya adalah Nagari Pandan Gadang. Sewaktu dia tamat belajar di Bukit Tinggi, ia diberi gelar Datuk Tan Malaka oleh kaum atau sukunya, sebagai kepala adat mereka. Ini berkait erat dengan ilmu yang diperolehnya di rantau. Tidak lama sesudah itu, dia pergi lagi melanjutkan studinya ke negeri Belanda, perantauan yang amat jauh bagi anak muda yang baru berumur 16 tahun. Ruang lingkup alamnya lambat laun berubah dari Nagari Pandan Gadang yang kecil meluas menjadi Minangkabau dan kemudian Indonesia. Modal ini dikembangkan Tan Malaka untuk memahami dan menginterpretasikan permasalahan-permasalahan masyarakat Indonesia.

Visi adat dan falsafah Minangkabau dari merantau untuk mengontraskan atau membandingkan dunia rantaunya dengan realitas alam asalnya, sehingga dapat melihat mana yang baik dan yang buruk dari keduanya. Hal ini mengundang orang berpikir kritis dan dialektis. Oleh karena itu kontradiksi atau konflik dianggap wajar, terutama karena suasana tersebut akan selalu dapat diintegrasikan atau diselesaikan secara memuaskan atau harmonis melalui proses pemilihan mana yang baik dan buruk dengan akal, yaitu kemampuan berpikir secara rasionil. Dengan demikian, visi itu mendorong orang untuk berpikir secara kritis, dinamis atau dialektis. Cara berpikir demikian dengan sendirinya menolak dogmatisme atau parokhialisme. Karena menolak dogmatisme, maka dengan sendirinya menghendaki kebebasan berpikir.

Dalam perantauan, mental Tan Malaka berhasil melepaskan diri dari keterikatan terhadap salah satu dari berbagai corak nilai yang hidup dan berkembang dalam masyarakat dan berhasil melahirkan pemikiran-pemikiran baru yang bercorak lain, berbobot dan orisinal. Ini karena mempunyai idealisme untuk membangun manusia dan masyarakat Indonesia baru, menghargai kebebasan berpikir dan memiliki sikap kritis yang tajam serta mempunyai kepercayaan kepada diri sendiri yang kuat sehingga mendorong untuk memiliki keberanian mengembangkan pemikiran sendiri.

Ketiga, alam pikir Barat. Pada usia sekitar 23 tahun, Tan Malaka mengalami pergulatan batin dan pikiran tentang agama yang bekaitan dengan mistik. Dalam satu suratnya Tan Malaka menulis untuk salah seorang temannya, Dick: “…aku pun masih mencari-cari, atau yang lebih tepat, masih menyelidiki. Aku sudah memilih arah pokok dalam kehidupan sosial dan agama, bila yang belakangan ini dapat kusebut demikian. Pertanyaan berikut kini sedang mendapat perhatianku: ‘Yang disebut kejadian di luar hukum alam (gaib) itu, apakah memang benar-benar ada?’ aku hidup di tengah bangsa yang gemar akan mistik. Hari ini atau lusa aku akan berjumpa dengan ahli mistik…”

Tan Malaka memberikan penilaian terhadap agama dan pilihannya marxisme: “…gereja itu, Dick, benar-benar suatu organisai ekonomi…gereja Katolik kupandang sebagai eksploitasi kapitalistis yang paling rendah, karena nama tuhan dipakai.

…tentang Islam lebih baik kita diam saja. Dalam agama itu pun ajaran lebih penting daripada praktik. Setiap praktik kebanyakan masih diarahkan pada pemilihan harta benda, tercapainya kedudukan yang lebih baik, atau kekayaan.

….kulihat dengan kepalaku sendiri apakah artinya mistik Islam. Berhari-hari kuserahkan diriku kepada suatu bimbingan. Kesimpulan akhirnya adalah sebagai berikut: mistik itu mungkin sekali omong kosong saja, atau penipuan, atau kedua-duanya sekaligus. Ah, aku sungguh muak melihat penipuan itu di manapun agama menyelinap di dalam masyarakat! Bukannya aku menolak kebajikan itu sendiri yang juga menjadi tujuan, misalnya Islam. Tetapi itu berlaku pada jaman dulu sekali ketika Muhammad sendiri masih hidup sangat sederhana…

… Jadi, kebajikan dan perdamaian itu kupandang hanya mungkin dapat tercapai melalui revolusi. Begitulah seorang Marxis yang materialistis sesungguhnya mempunyai latar belakang yang idealistis…”

Kelak pada perkembangan kehidupannya Tan Malaka memiliki pandangan bahwa Islam memiliki kekuatan revolusioner dan dapat menjadi alat untuk melawan kolonialisme dan imperialisme dengan melakukan pembelaan dan menganjurkan PKI untuk bekerja dengan terhadap Serikat Islam.Di bidang agama perhatiannya besar sekali pada soal-soal mistik: tetapi di bidang sosial ia sudah memilih gagasan komunisme.

Kepergiannya ke negeri Belanda bisa disebut sebagai jendela awal perkenalannya pada dunia luar. Berkenalanlah dirinya dengan paham sosialisme dan menjadikannya berkenalan dengan pemikiran Nietzche dan karya-karya Th. C. Arlyle, yang membuatnya berada dalam semangat dan paham revolusioner. Tan Malaka menyerap secara kritis alam pikir Hegel, Lenin, Karl Marx, Engels dan Charles Darwin. Ini ditandai dengan banyaknya rujukan kepada tokoh-tokoh tersebut sebagai kerangka acuan pemikirannya, terutama dalam bukunya, Madilog.

Selanjutnya adalah persentuhan pemikiran Tan Malaka dengan berbagai kalangan sampai para aktivis, pemikir dan tokoh dunia Barat. Dengan didukung modal minat, semangat dan kecerdasan yang dimilikinya untuk belajar; jaringan pergaulan, berorganisasi ditambah kemampuan penguasaan bahasa yang banyak, menjadi bekal perjuangannya di dalam maupun luar negeri. Menurut pengakuan Tan Malaka, ia menguasai berbagai bahasa seperti, Belanda, Jerman, Inggris, Melayu, Jawa, Perancis, Tagalog, Siam, dan sedikit bahasa Cina. Dari kemampuan bahasa ini, Tan Malaka mendirikan sekolah bahasa di Amoy, School for Foreigen Languages yang berkembang pesat kemajuannya

Dari sebagian tulisannya, basis pandangan tentang realitas, Tan Malaka memilih menggunakan materialisme dan rasionalisme dan paham komunisme sebagai ideologi perjuangan politik, meski Tan Malaka melakukan penafsiran ulang demi penyesuaian situasi dan kondisi Indonesia. Alam pikir Barat berperan dalam perjalanan kehidupan Tan Malaka. Alam dan kerangka pikir Barat diselami, akan tetapi dalam penggunaannya disaring secara kritis dan dinamis.

Dari latar keadaan internasional, adat Minangkabau dan alam pikir Barat, tidaklah aneh jika dia dijuluki nasionalis, sosialis dan komunis yang beragama Islam. Berikut beberapa komentar atas sosok Tan Malaka:

Pokoknya di dalam sekujur tubuhnya mengalir sederas-derasnya, darah anti-Imperialisme, anti-Kolonialisme, sedang setiap denyut jantungnya membersihkan nafas perjuangan kemerdekaan Tanah Air dan Bangsanya.

Saya kenal almarhum Tan Malaka. Saya baca semua ia punya tulisan-tulisan. Saya berbicara dengan beliau berjam-jam, dan selalu di dalam pembicaraan-pembicaraan saya dengan almarhum Tan Malaka ini, kecuali tampak bahwa Tan Malaka adalah pecinta tanah air dan bangsa Indonesia, ia adalah sosialis sepenuh-penuhnya.

Tan Malaka adalah tokoh yang mewakili komunis di Timur Jauh. Ia adalah pemimpin komunis yang paling berhasil dan berpengalaman.

Perjalanan hidup Tan Malaka, pahlawan kemerdekaan nasional Republik Indonesia ini, seringkali diwarnai kegulitaan dalam kesejarahannya. Seperti kepastian kapan Tan Malaka lahir dan kematiannya yang tragis; tidak ada kuburan Tan Malaka, rencana penyerahan kepemimpinan nasional dari Bung Karno kepada Tan Malaka, pandangan terhadap Tan Malaka hendak melakukan kudeta terhadap Soekarno-Hatta dan perpecahan di kalangan kader PKI hingga kematian Tan Malaka penuh teka-teki dan mengenaskan. 
Redaksi : Seniman Kehidupan

Tautan : http://www.pmii-ciputat.or.id/alumni/kolom-alumni/158-riwayat-tan-malaka.html 

Tags :
Biografi Tan Malaka, sejarah tan malaka, kisah tan malaka, seniman kehidupan, tan malaka

 

         Senin, 09 Mei 2011

         Tan Malaka Memikirkan Indonesia (2)

         Ditulis ulang : Muhammad Ilham

        

          

         Madilog adalah cara berpikir Tan yang menautkan ilmu bukti melalui penyesuaian dengan akar kebudayaan Indonesia sebagai bagian dari kebudayaan mondial.

          

          Tidak sepenuhnya memang Tan menyelisihi filsafat materialisme yang sebatas menganggap materi dan kenyataan menampak (fisikiah) sebagai yang ada dan utama; namun dalam Madilog, Tan menekankan bukti (meliputi budi, kesatuan, pikiran, dan inderawi) sebagai yang utama. Bukti merupakan fakta. Adapun fakta menjadi fondasinya ilmu bukti.

          

         Melalui Madilog, Tan bukan cuma memikirkan realita Indonesia pada masa hidupnya. Namun layaknya seorang futuris, ia membenturkan kontemplasi filsafatnya ini untuk masa depan Indonesia.

          

         Dan gagasan dalam Madilog-nya menerap dan jalin-menjalin sebagai sebuah pola yang konsisten dan konsekwen (ilmiah dan Indonesia sentris) melalui karya-karya lainnya yang secara holistik memikirkan berbagai permasalahahan Indonesia berikut implementasinya. Maka boleh dibilang pemikirannya tidak lekang dimakan jaman. Avonturisasi politiknya di mancanegara selalu licin. Tapi ironis, di tanah airnya sendiri Tan justru tetap bergerak secara klandestin.

          

         Tak banyak diketahui dalam buku-buku pelajaran sejarah bahwa Tan-lah yang menggerakkan massa untuk menggelar rapat raksasa di Lapangan Ikada pada 19 September 1945. Soekarno mengagumi pemikiran Tan yang banyak menginspirasi perjuangan Revolusi Kemerdekaan.

Dalam salah satu artikel Kisruh Ahli Waris Obor Revolusi yang dimuat Majalah Tempo edisi khusus Tan Malaka (2008), disebutkan begitu kagumnya dengan pemikiran Tan Malaka, Soekarno pernah membuat sebuah testamen ahli waris revolusi untuk Tan jika terjadi sesuatu pada diri Soekarno – Hatta.

          

         Ketika masa Revolusi Kemerdekaan, Tan lebih memilih jalannya sendiri membentuk Persatuan Perjuangan (PP) pada 1 Januari 1946 untuk mengambil alih kekuasaan dari tangan sekutu. Namun niatnya disalahartikan sebagai sebentuk jalan mengkudeta Soekarno – Hatta.

          

          Tan dibui, berpindah-pindah di penjara Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur hingga lepas pada September 1948 sejalan dengan tuntasnya naskah Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara yang ia tulis. Sebagai responsnya atas situasi politik Indonesia akibat Perjanjian Linggajati (1947) dan Renville (1948), Tan merintis Partai Murba pada November 1948. Tan –lagi-lagi– dituding mengkudeta pemerintah. Pada 21 Februari 1949 akhirnya Tan tewas di tangan orang sebangsanya sendiri dan di tanah airnya sendiri. Sejatinya, sejarah tentang seorang tokoh pendiri bangsa lazimnya menyampaikan pesan-pesan moral dan edukasi untuk generasi sesudahnya. Tapi bukanlah sejarah namanya jika kepentingan atas masa lalu sarat juga dengan kepentingan-kepentingan politis yang memungkinkan citra tokoh itu untuk dibelokkan, dikaburkan, bahkan dihilangkan. Asa hidup di alam kemerdekaan berupa keterbukaan dan kejujuran mengungkapkan masa lalu pun kadang terhadang oleh narasi-narasi besar (grand narratives [baca: negara]). Sebagaimana hal itu didapati dari sepinya jejak pemikiran Tan Malaka dalam buku-buku pelajaran sejarah seputar gagasannya mewujudkan republik ini. Sebagai sosok pejuang sekaligus pemikir yang lain dari keumuman eksponen pergerakan nasional, jalan hidup Tan yang asing dan banyak mengasing itu pun membuat Matu Mona mengiaskan dalam karya Patjar Merah Indonesia­-nya dengan julukan mysteryman. Senyata dengan jejak kehidupannya yang asing dan banyak mengasing. Dan dalam penulisan sejarah Indonesia modern, memori kolektif masyarakat Indonesia –khususnya siswa-siswa sekolah– terhadap sosok Tan Malaka tidaklah sebagus dibandingkan terhadap Soekarno, Hatta, dan Sjahrir. Konteks bagus itu pun tak lebih hanya sebatas mengenal nama, kedudukan, dan momen seputar sang tokoh.

        

          

         Napak Tilas periodesasi kiprah Tan Malaka (sumber : tempo.com)/perbesar : klik gambar

        
Jejak pemikiran para tokoh pendiri bangsa sebagai hal yang lebih hakiki untuk diteladani justru menguap dalam teks-teks pelajaran sejarah yang diproduksi untuk kepentingan pendidikan nasional. Meski begitu, dalam wacana sejarah selama beberapa dasawarsa terakhir ada pergeseran nilai terkait subjek, perspektif, dan pendekatan masa lalu yang menjauhi narasi-narasi besar. Pergeseran itu dimaklumi juga terjadi karena ketidakpuasan terhadap narasi besar dalam mengendalikan dan memproduksi teks-teks sejarah. Ketika teks tidak berbunyi sebab ada yang ter/di-sembunyikan, maka medium seni visual (seperti fotografi, film, dan teater) menjadi alternatif menggali hakikat dan pemahaman masa lalu melalui pendekatan subaltern (Nordholt & Steijlen [2007]; rujuk juga Nordholt, Purwanto, & Saptari [2007]). Jelas ini menjadi penting sebagai sebentuk penyi(ng)kapan terhadap narasi besar dalam menarasikan masa lalu, yang mana salah satunya menyangkut citra tokoh semisal Tan Malaka ini.

Setidaknya patut disyukuri adanya ikhtiar menempatkan Tan Malaka berdasarkan sejarah dalam konteksnya (historicizing history), selain melalui teater juga film sebagai alternatif yang baik untuk membangunkan masyarakat dari amnesia sejarah. Saya tidak ada hasrat berlebih untuk terlalu menyoalkan masih ditemukan kelemahan historical mindedness dalam film karya kawan-kawan dari Institut Kesenian Jakarta tersebut. Tapi dengan menyisipkan beberapa perkataan yang lekat dengan cerminan jiwa dan pemikiran Tan Malaka dalam mengecam taklid buta dan fanatisme sempit terhadap ideologi atau kepercayaan apapun dalam fragmen-fragmen film tersebut, telah menyambung lidah “bapak republik” itu untuk mengedukasi mental dan sikap rakyat Indonesia yang hidup pada alam kekinian. Misalnya perkataan Tan (adalah pola pikir madilognya [rujuk juga perkataan ini dalam Alfian. 1977]) di hadapan anak-anak kecil yang diajari berhitung: “Akuilah dengan hati bersih bahwa kalian dapat belajar dari orang Barat. tapi jangan sekali-kali kalian meniru dari orang Barat. Kalian harus menjadi murid-murid dari Timur yang cerdas…”

Secara generis, perkataan itu sebetulnya akan terus patut dan layak dipakai kapanpun sebagai pandangan dan kedudukan bangsa Indonesia untuk menilai, menghadapi, dan terlibat dalam kumparan masalah nasional dan dunia. Tidak terjerembab dalam banalitas hubungan kebudayaan Barat dan Timur serta punya prinsip dalam menghadapi benturan peradaban antarkedua kutub tersebut. Relasi ideal antara Barat dan Timur memang menjadi salah satu pokok pemikiran Tan Malaka. Seperti halnya juga Sutan Sjahrir atau Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana, Tan Malaka –seperti halnya Sjahrir– agaknya gelisah juga dengan tabiat dan sikap kaum bumiputra yang mana satu pihak begitu mengagungkan adiluhungnya dominasi Barat secara taklid sehingga tanpa disadarinya merendahkan diri sendiri sebagai seorang Indonesia. Pihak lain terpenjara dalam kekolotan alam pikiran Timur yang masih dikuasai mitos dan menolak sama sekali segala hal berbau Barat sebagai yang dinilai sesat dan menyesatkan. Permasalahan itu pun kini masih hadir dalam wajah baru, tapi esensinya tak banyak berubah jika menyelami dalam-dalam perkataan Tan Malaka tersebut. Sejarah yang memihak untuk Tan Malaka jelas melebihi apresiasi pemerintah yang pada 1963 sebatas memberinya gelar pahlawan kemerdekaan nasional. Menghadirkan kembali gagasan-gagasan jenialnya tentang Indonesia, tentunya jauh lebih penting melebihi gelar kepahlawanan. Pemikirannya yang mengajarkan: anti-dogmatisme, berpikir kritis, anti-kekerasan sebagai siasatnya melawan kezaliman dan kebodohan pada masa hidupnya, am

Bibliografi

 

 

Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara

         Parlemen atau Soviet (1920)

         SI Semarang dan Onderwijs (1921)

         Dasar Pendidikan (1921)

         Naar de Republiek Indonesia (Menuju Republik Indonesia) (1924)

         Semangat Muda (1925)

         Massa Actie (1926)

         Pari dan Nasionalisten (1927)

         Pari dan PKI (1927)

         Pari International (1927)

         Manifesto Bangkok(1927)

         Aslia Bergabung (1943)

         Muslihat (1945)

         Rencana Ekonomi Berjuang (1945)

         Politik (1945)

         Manifesto Jakarta (1945)

         Thesis (1946)

         Pidato Purwokerto (1946)

         Pidato Solo (1946)

         Madilog (1948)

         Islam dalam Tinjauan Madilog (1948)

         Gerpolek (1948)

         Pidato Kediri (1948)

         Pandangan Hidup (1948)

         Kuhandel di Kaliurang (1948)

         Proklamasi 17-8-45 Isi dan Pelaksanaanya (1948)

         Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (1970)

[sunting] Referensi

1. 1.     ^ ^{a b c} “Misteri Kematian Tan Malaka Terungkap”, Kompas, diakses Juli 2007
2. 2.     ^ Muhammad Yamin, Tan Malaka Bapak Republik Indonesia: Riwajat Politik Seorang Pengandjoer Revolusioner jang Berfikir, Berdjoeang dan Menderita Membentoek Negara Republik Indonesia, Djakarta: Berita Indonesia, 1946
3. 3.     ^ M. Yuanda Zara, Peristiwa 3 Juli 1946: Menguak Kudeta Pertama dalam Sejarah Indonesia, MedPress, 2009
4. 4.     ^ lihat Soejatno dan Anderson B 1974. Revolution and social tensions in Surakarta 1945-1950. Indonesia 17:99-111 (dengan dua rujukan lainnya di catatan kaki).
5. 5.     ^ Majalah Tempo Edisi Khusus Tan Malaka, 7 Agustus 2008

[sunting] Bacaan lanjutan

         Castle, James W. Diplomasi and Perdjuangan Tan Malaka Contra Sjahrir: Kegelisahan Kepada Revolusi. , 1972.

         Hery, Yunior H. Tan Malaka Dibunuh!: Meneropong Krisis Politik, 1945-1949. Yogyakarta: Resist Book, 2007.

         Mrazek, Rudolf. Semesta Tan Malaka. Yogyakarta: Bigraf Pub, 1994.

         Poeze, Harry A. Tan Malaka, Gerakan Kiri, Dan Revolusi Indonesia. Jakarta: KITLV-Jakarta, 2008.

         Poeze, Harry A, and Hersri Setiawan. Tan Malaka, Gerakan Kiri, Dan Revolusi Indonesia: Jil. 2. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 2009.

         Poeze, Harry A, and Hersri Setiawan. Tan Malaka, Gerakan Kiri, Dan Revolusi Indonesia: Jil. 3. Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia, 2010.

         Poeze, Harry A. Tan Malaka: Pergulatan Menuju Republik. Jakarta: Pustaka Utama Grafiti, 1999.

         Yamin, Muhammad. Tan Malaka: Bapak Republik Indonesia. Djawa Timur: Moerba Berdjoeang, 1946.

         Zulkifli, Arif. Tan Malaka. Jakarta: Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia (KPG), 2010.

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       (Indonesia) “seniman-kehidupan.blogspot.com ‘Tan Malaka'”

 

The Indonesian Music Jazz History Collections

The Indonesian Music Jazz

History Collections

 

Created By

Dr Iwan Suwandy.MHA

Copyright@ s013

THIS THE PART OF E-BOOK IN CD-ROM

“The Indonesian Music Record History Collections”

This sample not full illustrated,the complete CD exist but only for Premium Member ,please subscribed via comment.

 

 

 

Introductions

JAZZ

First,

jazz is important thing/genre for musician, if you can play jazz you can play anything, find as many jazz song as you can get, listen to that song carefully, feel it in your heart, feel the beat, feel the tempo, feel the note, listen to that song, take what they play, and try to improvisation the song with your skill.

Second,

 you must know the basic chord for jazz, like Maj7, m7, Dom7, Maj, min, and also you must memorize the 12 major scales, and chord arpeggios, its really useful for playing jazz you know, you can’t play anything, if you can’t play the basic right?

 

Third,

 you must know the chord progression, like circle of fourth, circle of fifth, and the others, its really useful for making jazz songs, with chord progression you can made a nice song, or nice rhytem melodic.

Fourth,

 buy a songbook that have the chord, tone, and also the chord progression, it will help you to play the song, play with low tempo, then try a mid tempo, and try a fast tempo if you can:P

Fifth,

find a software for computer that contains the tone, and the chords sounds, and try to improvise the song with yourself, try the scales, the arpeggios, the chords, and the others.

Sixth,

learn Chord inversion, Pentatonic scales of your favourites chords, blues scales, melodic minor scales, harmonic minor scales, minor scales, major scales, and the modes.

Seventh,

made a jazz band! you couldn’t go forward if there is no friend to ask right? ask many people about the teoric, and practice.

Good luck

 for the exercise!!!, remember, practice not make perfect

The Indonesian Music Jazz Collections

 

History

The History of Jazz Music in Indonesia

in the 30’s.

Jazz music first entered Indonesia in the 30’s.

Brought by

Jazz  musicians from the Philippines in 1930

who are looking for a job in Jakarta with playing music.

Not only transferring jazz, they also introduced a wind instrument, such as trumpet, saxophone, the music lovers in Jakarta. They play Latin jazz rhythms, such as boleros, rhumba, samba and more.

The names of the musicians who still remember is

 Soleano, Garcia, Pablo, Baial, Torio, Barnarto and Samboyan.

 read more about The Jazz  musicians from the Philippines in 1930

The Philippines Jazz Dance Bands of the 1930s

 

 

 

The new jazz messengers in the Philippines were the dance bands, which performed the “de cajon” or stock arrangements. The brass and horn sections’ harmony was in block, closed-chord position and was often audibly predictable. Among the very popular Swing bands of the 1930s, the Shanghai Swing Masters, the Pete Aristorenas Orchestra, the Cesar Velasco Band, the Tirso Cruz Orchestra at the Manila Hotel, the Mabuhay Band (also overseen by Tirso Cruz), and the Mesio Regalado Orchestra were among the more prominent names that flourished.

These big bands would provide dance music in the Swing style for Manila’s high-class society and for major provincial capitals where fiestas and other social events would take place year- round. It kept the jazz musicians busy and gainfully employed which gave them an opportunity to travel around the country and eventually overseas, where the pay was much higher.

In fact, many of the jazz musicians after discovering other foreign capitals where jazz was appreciated, would decide to have long extended contracts living a more prominent way of life as compared to the economic limitations back home. But home being close to their hearts, these foreign-based Filipino jazz musicians would periodically visit their motherland to update locals with their latest musical wares.

Read more anout

The popular Jazz Band in 1930

 

 

 

Duke Elinton band

For the first time in the Czech Republic, the Duke Ellington Orchestra will perform their stylized magic.

 

The first-class artistic ensemble interprets the wonderful jazzy music of Duke Ellington, the legendary jazz composer, big band leader and pianist. Duke Ellington was one of the most important figures in the genre of Jazz music and the Duke Ellington Orchestra is known for doing the man proud.

So if you feel like kicking up your jazz feet and experiencing a night of atmospheric music, go have a listen to the Duke Ellington Orchestra performing at Lucerna Hall in Prague. Tickets available at http://www.ticketpro.cz

 

 

Count Basie orchestra

 

Count Basie Orchestra
Directed by Grover Mitchell

 

GROVER MITCHELL

Photo: Armond Bagdasarian

 

***1999 GRAMMY WINNER***
(Best Large Jazz Ensemble Performance)

And winner of :

* Total of 17 Grammy Awards
* 2 Grammy Hall of Fame Awards
* 9 DownBeat Readers and Critics Poll Awards

The swing revival currently going gangbusters in clubs and ballrooms across the nation is generating a new audience for swing music, both contemporary and classic. These new-found fans, sensing something big is to be found behind the music of Big Bad Voodoo Daddy and other favorites of the current scene, have started to seek out the originals, the roots of the music. Inevitably, their search leads them to the Count Basie Orchestra.

Something similar happened in the 1980s, when the era’s young lions introduced a new audience to the hard-bop era heroes they emulated. Today’s swing bands – Royal Crown Revue, Squirrel Nut Zippers, Cherry Poppin’ Daddies – are sending new fans to Benny Goodman, Cab Calloway, Louis Jordan and beyond to the birth of swing and Basie. After all, it was in the Basie bands of the ’30s, in front of the dance floor at Kansas City’s Reno Club, that the jazz rhythm section blossomed and what came to be forever known as “Basie swing” developed.

The reemerging popularity of swing in all its forms is just one of the factors in the recent ascendancy of the Count Basie Orchestra. Another is the strength of the ensemble itself. After back-to back-Grammy awards for 1997 and 1998, the Basie band, directed during the last four years by Grover Mitchell, is crackling with musical vibrancy. With drummer Butch Miles back at the center of the rhythm section, the band has roared through a 1999 itinerary that lists multiple trips to Europe, two weeks in Japan and stops in such exotic locations as Istanbul and Brazil. But the orchestra is most busy here in the U.S. with performances in towns running the gamut from Baltimore, New York, Detroit, Chicago and Atlanta to Fort Wayne, Lubbock, Savannah, Worster and Morgantown.

Maybe that’s one reason the orchestra sounds so good on this latest recording Swing Shift. Another is the first-rate writing of Allyn Ferguson and Bob Ojeda. Ferguson is the noted arranger whose pen was central in Sarah Vaughan’s 1981 meeting with the Basie Orchestra’s horn section as well as last year’s Grammy Award-winning Count Plays Duke. His seven new compositions and three standard arrangements embody the classic sound of Basie swing yet reflect the harmonic depth that Ferguson has brought to his writing since his days with Stan Kenton – full of color, contrast and what can only be called artistry in rhythm.

This theme of modernism within the tradition (no contradiction in today’s Basie band) is continued by Ojeda, one of the group’s trumpeters who has written for everyone from Lionel Hampton to George Benson. While Ojeda’s pieces glisten with sleek harmonic touches and rhythmic shifts, they nonetheless read as authentic pages from the Basie omnibus, both in their spirit and the crafted spaces they arrange for soloists.

Add to this mix Grover Mitchell, a leader with deep roots in the orchestra’s history and long associations with its founder. A lyrical lead trombonist and soloist in the tradition of Tommy Dorsey, Lawrence Brown and Jack Teagarden, Mitchell worked with Duke Ellington and Lionel Hampton briefly before joining Basie in 1962. Absent from the band in the ’70s, Mitchell returned in 1980, remaining until Basie’s death in 1984. Of the three directors who have been at the helm since Basie’s passing (Thad Jones and Frank Foster were the others), Mitchell seems best able to project the Basie spirit, to both his band members and audiences. “I knew from the moment I joined this band I was going to lead it someday,” he says. “I can’t tell you why, but I knew it was my destiny.”

Under Mitchell, the band has returned to its hallmarks: swing, precision, and above all, a focus on the ensemble. The current aggregation has its share of great soloists, but Mitchell has stressed the totality of sound and interplay among musicians. He is aided in this endeavor by the remarkable continuity of personnel that continues to connect past to the present in the band. There are five permanent members in the current band who played under Count Basie’s personal leadership: trombonist Bill Hughes, who joined in 1956, John Williams, Butch Miles, Kenny Hing and Clarence Banks. They are part of the musical DNA that is replicating the Basie spirit for present and future members who never played under Basie himself.

This “guarding of the flame” is the same mission that has driven Count Basie Enterprises, the administrative operation behind the Basie Orchestra which has guided its growth and protected its integrity in the post-Basie years. “Our role has been to keep the Basie band a living, breathing, growing orchestra,” says Aaron Woodward III, CEO of Basie Enterprises and an uncompromising purist regarding all matters concerning Count Basie. “Above all, we want to keep the music true to the Basie way.”

Today, the Basie band is bringing generations of fans together as never before. Young audiences who’ve heard their favorite neo-swing band play “One O’clock Jump,” now sit or dance side-by-side with veteran fans who’ve spent a lifetime cherishing Basie’s 1937 recording of the same tune. This multi-generational appeal is what sets the Basie band apart from the current crop of swing bands. Swing music is not a fad, and it is no passing fancy with the Basie Orchestra. Rather, it is a living art form with an esteemed tradition and a history that spans most of our waning century.

The Count Basie Orchestra continues to build new fans the old fashioned way – by hitting the road, meeting its audiences and playing its music, night after night. It has managed to fuse contemporary sensibilities with its own traditions, in part because it is a genuine “working band” with the esprit de corps that comes from facing its listeners nightly – not a rehearsal unit playing for the recreation of its members or a studio unit that comes together occasionally to make a record. The Basie band is that rarest of all musical ensembles today: a full-time touring jazz orchestra. Night in and night out, they let audiences experience firsthand that miraculous combination of power and grace that only exists when 19 jazz musicians stand shoulder to shoulder and call themselves a big band.

 

Jazz in the 1930s was widely heard on radio as popular music. Besides the usual Duke Ellington and Count Basie hits, local talents abounded, like singer Ding Yalong, who “crooned” in the style of Bing Crosby, then a vocalist in Paul Whiteman’s Orchestra. Radio music in the 1930s had outstanding locally-bred musicians perform live while broadcasting featured instrumentalists like pianists Joe Climaco, Rafael Artigas, and Ariston Avelino. This was a way of informing the listening public that Filipinos were learning rapidly from their foreign counterparts.

Another venue in the 1930s where jazz was predominantly heard was the Ugoy-ugoy Cabaret. This dance hall was dimly lit and the music was non-stop. The taxi dancers were paid by a number of minutes indicated by a whistle, which had nothing to do with the music because the music was continuous. Located in a town in the province of Laguna, ugoy-ugoy, a Tagalog that means “swing” in English. This is probably where the late composer, Miguel “Mike” Velarde, was inspired to name one of his compositions “Ugoy-ugoy Blues”, which became a hit in the early 1930s.

 

 

 

Top left Photo:

 

The Filipino Band jazzes it up big time at the Saratoga Hotel-Restaurant, Chicago, Illinois, earning $1,000.00 a month in the early 1930s. Courtesy of John Silva Collection.

 

 

 

 

 

Bottom right Photo:

 

 Nemesio Regalado introduced the Tonette wind instrument to the Philippines in 1937.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

In addition to playing in Jakarta, such as

 

the Hotel Des Indes

 

 

 (now Ambassador Merlin Plaza)

and

 

the Hotel Der Nederlander

 

 

 

(so the government offices),

they also play in other cities, such as

 

the Hotel Savoy Homann – Bandung

and

 

 in Hotel Oranje (Yamato) – Surabaya.

In 1948
 
approximately 60 musicians Dutch came to Indonesia to form a symphony orchestra that contains the local musicians. One is the famous Dutch musician

 

Jose Cleber

Jozef Cleber or too often simply written Jos Cleber (born in Maastricht, June 2, 1916 – died in Hilversum, The Netherlands, May 21, 1999 at age 82 years) is a musician (conductor) a Dutch national who arrived in Indonesia in 1949 in cooperation with the Dutch Government and Indonesia in order to develop the music in Indonesia

Family
He was the youngest of eight children Josephus Gerardus Cleber, an organist and choral conductor, his mother Anna Maria Bastian. He was born a Catholic family.

 In 1939

he was married to Elisa Magdelijns (1917-2007), had a daughter (Yvonne Charlotte).

 

But in 1951

 then divorced and married again in 1951 was also in Jakarta with

Johanna Dirkje de Bruijn (born 1923)

who met at Radio Batavia (Jakarta) and had a daughter also (Karian).

 Music education
He has a tremendous musical talent, and learned music from his father. After completing secondary school, he entered the School of Music Up (muzieklyceum), and continued studying violin and piano at the conservatory in the city of Luik (Belgium). He also studied jazz music, and admirers of

 

 

Duke Elington,

and are advised to learn the saxophone and clarinet, but the trombone is a musical choice (which is said to correspond with his trombone mouthpiece).

Experience the music
At the age of 15 years (1931)
 He has played at Stedelijk Maastrichtsch Orchestra (orchestra city) as a viola player. Then he played on

 

Paul Godwin orchestra,

and

then at the time of military service in 1939 at

 

 the Tonhalle Orchester Zürich play.

After World War II ended
 he returned to Holland and worked as a trombone player and a violin

 

 in ‘Tuschinski-Theater’

under the leadership of musician Max Tak, and the assistance he has worked as a musician in the orchestra Pop trombonis leaders Avro Elzard Kuhlman (AVRO = Algemeene Vereeniging Radio Omroep / Radio Broadcasting The Netherlands).

Later in 1942

 

 He worked as trombonis the Concertgebouw-Orchestra (an orchestra at the Concert Hall of Amsterdam’s famous until now).

 

 

Besides, he also learned the conductor, the science of harmony and kontrapun Baaren composer Kees van Amsterdam.

Then he met with

 

Theo Uden Masman, a dance orchestra leader in Hilversum.

 

 Not long after he joined

 

 

 the Metropolitan Orchestra leader

Dolf van Linden

as a trombone player and aransir between 1945-1948.

 

He also joined the band and Decca Selecta Swing Combo. [1]
Music career trip to Indonesia since
Off to Indonesia 1948

In the month of June 1948
 He went to Indonsia.
After his return to Holland in 1952,
in 1962
 He and his wife (Joke) and son (Karian) to South Africa.

However, in 1964

 he returned to Holland (Hilversum).
 Year 1981
 his retirement (age 65), and died in Hilversum in 1999 (at age 83 years).
 Jos Cleber history in song Indonesia Raya

In 1948
The Dutch government sent an

orchestra leader

 

 

 Yvon Baarspul

 

Philharmoni

coming from the Netherlands about 46 people, but then declined

 

read more about Yvon Baarspul

Radio Philharmonic Orchestra 1948-1950

In 1947, the idea to give the radio orchestra of Batavia a professional status arose in The Hague and Jakarta simultaneously. At the instigation of the Colonial Office the conductor Yvon Baarspul was approached to form an up to par symphony orchestra over there, that should be able to play an extensive repertoire. Added to the NIROM-orchestra that was already in existence, this ensemble would ultimately count approximately 63 members. The musicians (most of them were male) were offered a contract for two years, while the Dutch government sponsored the initiative. Because in those days, it was still long before ‘the East’ could be called a safe place, one might remark that this was a risky business. Anyway, in those turbulent years there was a great need for cultural relaxation ‘overseas’. The result:     On 5 June 1948,   27 candidates left Rotterdam on the M.S Garoet to the Dutch East Indies. Another group of 12 musicians followed a little later by plane.   The violinist Herman v.d. Vegt was released from his occupation for one year to assist Baarspul in the function of leader of the orchestra. The members of the orchestra who came from the Netherlands were lodged in Hotel Chaulan, at a walking distance from the radio on King’s Square. A year later, the wives and children came over. In those times, a new quarter was being built on the edge of Batavia, and this was where most people were lodged eventually. The rehearsals started soon in the big studio of the recently renamed ‘Radio Broadcasting Organisation of the Transition Period’ (ROIO). Vice-president Mohammed Atta became the patron of this new orchestra. On 30 August 1948 the inaugural concert took place in a sold out hall  (the so-called Garden Hall)   in the Tjikini zoo of Batavia. (now Taman Ismael Marzuki Garden-TIM)             Read more info about Tjikini Zoo   This old zoo in the former Batavia was obviously very popular with small children. Besides large and dangerous animals, there was a lot of small stuff, you should give even to eat. And if you had been there and it was very hot, you could always go to Tjikini pool next to the zoo. But that there is also no longer   The zoo no longer exists, no longer. He was moved to Jakarta Selatan(south Jakarta) Cilandak and there become Kebun Binatang Ragunan Zoo. Whether this hippo is still alive I do not know. Not very likely. This picture is from 1958 and I do not know how old these animals can be. What I do know is that every time that I saw I was wide open mouth or sleep or appetite ayam pang corridor. (Chicken roaster)   1957,  my wife is with our firstborn to look at the elephant, remarkable animal, what with that terrible long nose? For such a large animal but he has a small mouth, but still …. better but at a safe distance. But there was more in that old Kebon Binatang Cikini, a cinema, I am for the first time in my life been to the movies. 1938, I was ten years and was with two friends(sobats) by my father for the party brought to the film. “Tom Saywer” was called. The story I can not remember, but there was an angry Indian in those with a life-size Golok (native daggers)Tom chased. Tom fled into a cave and climbed the wall to a ledge he can not go. Then comes that Indian look with recurring Golok between his teeth and a few nasty green eyes closer and closer. Palpitations, almost, just a meters …. and then … tolol Giel jatuh pingsan, fainted and only in the taxi home again added. The last time I was in that movie theater in 1955 from the Cikini hospital Raden Saleh. I had just visited my wife, who received follow-up after the birth of our firstborn. The film was called “Them” and went about ants as big as buffaloes. Mutants by atomic radiation during nuclear tests in the desert of Alamagordo. Bukan main say(abismal lover) , people and animals were eaten and the cracking of the bones sounded like Mercon in Tahun Baru Tiong Hoa.(Chinese lunar new year) Slept poorly that night. And dese crazy, I know all there, but namanya cinema, I can not remember. If anyone knows that yet, please leave a message on this website, I would really like to know. Also a picture of that cinema is very welcome. Source” Pak Giel More than 1000 people were in the audience. On the program: Works by Bach, Geraerdts and Brahms with assistance of the oratorium choir. In the two years that the orchestra existed a number of members formed chamber music ensembles. There were, for instance, two string quartets that came into being. The “Radio Philharmonic Brass quintet” performed with the pianists Frans Szabo and Douda Poliakine and there were numerous recitals and solo-performances. The orchestra went on tour several times: · September ’49  to Semarang, Surabaya and Bali on  the M.S. Ophir (the ship served as a hotel as well). · November ’49 to Singapore by plane to do 5 concerts in the ‘Victoria memorial Hall’ and a youth concert in ‘Happy World’, a big tent. · The end of ’49, two concerts in Pladjoe, near Palembang. From the Radio Philharmonic Orchestra a chamber orchestra was also formed, which was under the leadership of conductor Frits Hinze and which mainly played at the local theatre. In the mean time, the Cosmopolitan orchestra, under the guidance of Jos Cléber, provided for the lighter repertoire. At the same time, the interest of the Indonesian and Chinese side increased. The management of ROIO, that had been able to establish this new symphony orchestra with strong support from the government, supposed that it would serve the cultural purpose of this institution best not by keeping the orchestra conscientiously within the privacy of the walls of the studio, but by taking care that the concerts were broadcast from the concert hall as much as possible. As a rule, the concerts would be recorded to be broadcast later from the various relay stations in the country, amongst others those of Semarang, Surabaya, Bandung and Makassar. Apart from the ‘Garden Hall’, the concerts also took place in the ‘Willemskerk’,    The Portuguese ‘Buitenkerk’, the theatre and  in ‘Concordia’ in Batavia. read mote about Portugeus Church batavia Portuguese Church   If you travel to the old city of Jakarta, sempatkanlah stop by the Zion Church. The church is located at the corner of Prince Street and Jalan Mangga Dua White Rose, in West Jakarta area. In the past, the Church Zion Church known as the Portuguese (Portugeesche Buitenkerk). In those days, there are two churches, known as the Portuguese Church, First Church of Zion, called “Portuguese Church Outside the City” (outside the fortress city of Batavia) and the second “Portuguese Church in Town” (located in the fortress city of Batavia). However, the latter church was burned down in 1808 AD, while still standing upright Zion Church with all its glory until now.   Portuguese Church or Church of Zion are still used as places of worship. According to history, Zion Church was completed in 1695 AD and inaugurated on Sunday, October 23, 1695 AD, with the blessing by the Reverend Theodore ZAS. The full blessing of the church’s story neatly written in Dutch on the notice board, which until now can still be seen on the walls of the church. Physical construction of a church that has a magnificent architecture takes approximately two years. Laying the first stone made by Pieter van Hoorn in the year October 19, 1693 AD Zion Church is known for the robustness of the building and still have the same furniture since its inception. This church suffered only two times the renovation, which in 1920 and 1978. In fact, it is said the church building suffered no cracks at all, despite the huge earthquake which spread to Australia, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines, caused by the eruption of Krakatoa in August 1883 AD This church building is protected by the government as a historic building by the Governor of DKI Jakarta Decree No. CB/11/1/12/1972. Zion Church was built on an area of 6725 square meters with building area of 32 X 24 meters which is supported by the main pillar of six and are built with a foundation block of a round rod 10 000. This church building can accommodate at least 1000 the congregation. However, now, shrinking the churchyard after being displaced Prince Jayakarta Road widening and road Mangga Dua, each five meters. As the name implies, Portuguese Church is a church relic of the Portuguese who had landed in the archipelago since the 16th century. However, mention of the word “Portuguese” as the name of the church have its own story. Perhaps, before the Church of Zion stand, where it stood a chapel (small church) Catholics in the year 1675 AD The chapel was founded by the Portuguese to the slaves who came from Bengal, Malabar, Koromandel, and Sri Lanka. The slaves were brought to the archipelago (including the Batavia) and employed for the sake of commerce and households. In general, they are Catholic and speak Portuguese. Since VOC Batavia and seize control of Portuguese rule, East India Company built the fort city of Batavia Batavia as a barrier region and areas outside it. In addition, the VOC also brought slaves from around the Portuguese archipelago to the city of Batavia (in the castle) to build urban infrastructure. No exception Portuguese slaves who live around Catholic Chapel-which incidentally is outside the castle of Batavia, was also brought into the City. Since then (1628 AD), a former Portuguese slave is flooding the central region and the outskirts of Batavia. Zion Church is actually a church built in place of the Catholic Chapel (Portuguese) before, as the release of the Portuguese slave residing on the edge and center of the City of Batavia. Terms of slave liberation is they have to switch religion (the Protestant) and use the Dutch language. The slaves who had been free is what is known as the Mardjiker. In a long time, the Church of Zion has been used by the Mardjiker hereditary, while the elite officials Batavia (VOC) worship in downtown. However, when the church burned in downtown Batavia, the VOC communities, officials, and the family moved worship to the Church of Zion, which lies on the edge of town. Over time this church eventually became the property of the elite Dutch Batavia. The Mardjiker was expelled from the church, but the elite Dutch / VOC already overdo mention this church as Portugeesche Buitenkerk aka Portuguese Church. After Indonesian independence, the former church of the Mardjiker is administered under the auspices of the Protestant Churches of Western Indonesia (GPIB). In 1957, when the trial Synod GPIB, Portuguese Church decided to change its name to GPIB Zion Church. By the surrounding community, the church is known as the Zion Church. Zion or Zion comes from the name of a hill in the Palestinian areas and is a symbol of salvation for the nation of ancient Israel. Zion Church has a unique characteristic, if viewed from the style and form of architecture, and furniture that have. The particular architecture stand out in every detail of the building. It can be seen, the church building to form one long room with three wooden ceilings the same height and curved like a keg. Since 2006, the church which included the type of the church hall (hall church) is also enhanced by the church floor tiles composed of gray granite, glazed entrance, and additional space measuring 6×18 meters around the church. Design and construction of a church that looked diarsiteki Mr. E. Ewout Verhagen from Rotterdam, it certainly will add to the impression of awe, at once fascinated. Look at the durability and robustness of the church that have survived for hundreds of years. Apparently, this robustness is supported by the construction of a building wall constructed from bricks bonded by a mixture of sand and heat-resistant sugar. In addition to architectural uniqueness, the furniture of the church also served with its own nuances. Upon entering the church door, for example, immediately posted four chandelier (chandelier), a large candle with a reflector (reflective light) shield-shaped bersimbol City of Batavia. Fourth chandelier is dependent on the corners of the room, since over 300 years ago. Right in the middle of the room, stands a baroque pulpit work of H. Bruyn (1695 AD). This pulpit supported two pole roll and a large canopy hoods that resembled a crown. Making octagonal pulpit carved with a blend of China, Europe, and India is said to have cost about 260 ringgit. Compare the cost of construction of the church who spend around 3,000 ringgit. Ornaments on the bottom side also gave its own style in the pulpit. Travelers who observe the details of this pulpit will find a complete angel ornaments shaped head with wings painted in colors similar to human skin. In addition to Pulpit, just to the right (if the tourists facing the altar from the front door), there are several rows of chairs and benches carved from dark wood (ebony). The chairs are often used for meetings of this church have a somewhat unique engraving. In the middle of the back of the chair for example, etched into a holy book that is open and on either side there are two little angels picture. If the tourist gaze into one wall of the church, it will be posted an inscribed stone in the Dutch language, which means: “The first stone church was laid October 19, 1693 by Pieter van Horn.” In addition, on the upper floor, the back, the travelers also can see the inflatable organ musical instruments (organ), parents who are still well preserved. Old organ which is the daughter of Reverend John Maurits grant Moors in the 17th century can still be used. Tourists can also see an iron wheel on the left side of the organ. Fibrous rubber wheel serves to fill the wind that blew the pipe-organ pipe tone when keys are pressed. Once the wheel is rotated by human power (two people), but since 1982 was replaced by electricity. The organ is supported by four slender pillars was last used on October 8, 2000. Around the neighborhood church, precisely in the foyer of the church, there are 11 graves in the official Dutch Batavia kumpeni first. Among those officials tomb is the tomb of the Governor-General Zwaardecroon (1718-1725 AD), tomb of the primary surgeon named Frederick Ribalt Batavia City (died in 1735 AD) and his son Francois Ribalt (1695 AD), as well as a sailor, named Commissioner General SH Frijkenius. Zion Church is located on the corner of Prince Jayakarta and Jalan Mangga Dua Raya, West Jakarta, DKI Jakarta, Indonesia. Zion Church is relatively easy to reach tourists, because it is about 300 meters to the City Railway Station (Station Beos City) and 200 meters from the Mangga Dua shopping complex. From Beos City Station, visitors simply walk away or hire a rickshaw heading towards Jalan Mangga Dua and stop down the road, the place where the church is located. Zion Church is now equipped with facilities such as 8 air conditioner (AC), parking lots, and buildings commonly known by the name of the manse. Manse is a special house built behind the church for the employees and the priest in charge of the church. A series of 7 concerts, dedicated to Dutch composers, took place in the big hall of the Radio Broadcasting Company of Jakarta. The composition and editorship were in the hands of the oboist Victor Swillens. These concerts were also broadcast by the radio stations of Semarang and Surabaya. The two valedictory concerts of the Radio Philharmonic Orchestra  in June 1950 made mention of the performance of the 9th symphony of Ludwig van Beethoven, with assistance of Batavia’s mixed choir. On this occasion Yvon Baarspul was knighted as “Ridder in de Orde van Oranje-Nassau”. The voyage back was made on the M.S. “Johan van Oldebarnevelt” on 21 July 1950. They arrived in Amsterdam on 17 August. Some of the members of the orchestra returned later to form        the “Orchestra Radio Jakarta”, under the leadership of Henk te Strake,  which remained in existence until 1953. >  Yvon Baarspul   Director of the Radio Philharmonic Orchestra in Batavia / Jakarta

 

Bataviaas Staforkest          

 

Batviaas Staff Orchestra o.l.v. Nico Gerharz ± 1915

The orchestra being overseas.

Long time, the music loving public depending on ad hoc ensembles, which needs to evolve into an orchestra.

The tournerende buitelandse opera companies often have their own band names that possibly supplemented by local forces or good amateurs.

The music-staff in Batavia emerged with the advent of a real conductor Nico Gerharz symphonic orchestra  that include 20 strings and horns full occupancy standard program could handle. It gave regular symphony concerts with or without soloists.

From 1904-1916

came the orchestra flourished and even went on tour to major cities in Java.

The Käthe Haasse when young, mother of Hella Haasse, the famous writer, performed concerts at that time of Beethoven, Grieg and Paul Seelig.

These gifted professional pianist also composed songs for choral polyphony. Immediately after the Japanese occupation, there were a few concerts in the theater, by the so-called Station Orchestra. (AFRIB) by the Allied Forces Radio broadcast in Batavia.

The later NIROM Radio Orchestra,

the result of smaller formations could, at the initiative of

Theo van der Bijl and Picklertrio

conquer a permanent place in listeners around the archipelago by support channels to let them hear. Fritz Hinze was the first conductor of the orchestra led format.

Locally formed smaller amateur orchestras in places like Surabaya (Vincent Loo) Malang, Makassar, Medan and Bandung.

For the court orchestra of the Sultan were Yokyakarta

 

artist Walter Spies

 

Walter Spies with Angelica Archipenko circa 1930

Walter Spies (15 September 1895 – 19 January 1942)

 was a Russian-born German primitivist painter. In 1923 he came to Java, living first in Yogyakarta and then in Ubud, Bali starting in 1927.

He is often credited with attracting the attention of Western cultural figures to Balinese culture and art in the 1930s and he influenced the direction of Balinese art and drama.

In 1937,

 Spies built what he described as a “mountain hut” at Iseh in Karangasem. Adored by the Balinese, Spies was the co-founder of the Pita Maha artists cooperative, through which he shaped the development of modern Balinese art and established the Westerner’s image of Bali that still exists today

 

Spies was the first to arrive, settling in Ubud in 1927.

The son of a German diplomat, he spent his formative years in Russia and traveled widely, living in Java before settling in Bali. He lived a heady, bohemian existence in those early Ubud days — it was the beginning of the West’s love affair with Bali, drawing luminaries such as Noel Coward, Charlie Chaplin, Vicky Baum, Miguel Covarrubias and Margaret Mead.

As a painter, Spies was profoundly influenced by Bali’s culture and landscape.

 One can see evidence of this in the following works, the first, Das Karussel, painted in 1922 before his travels to Bali, the second and third after his arrival there:

 

 

 

Spies’ life took a tragic turn after a decade of artistic productivity and growing fame.

His openly homosexual lifestyle attracted the disapproval of the Dutch colonial government and led to his imprisonment for “indecent behavior” during much of 1939.

Not long thereafter came the start of World War II and the German invasion of Holland. The Dutch-Indies government arrested all Germans, sending Spies to a prison camp in Sumatra.

From there, Spies was placed on a transport ship to Ceylon, a voyage that ended his life when the ship sank under bombardment by the Japanese

 

and

 

Paul Seelig

muzicus attracted.

Paul Seelig (1876 – 1945)          

Among the musicians in Indonesia there were also a few composers who left behind a voluminous oeuvre. The most important one among them was Paul Seelig, about whom there will be more later on. To just mention a few names: Constant van de Wall, Hector Marinus, Theo Smit Sibenga en Emile Hullebroek.

In Europe, there were also a number of composers who were inspired by eastern music and the gamelan: Claude Debussy, Maurice Ravel, Francis Poulenc, Colin McPhee and Peter Schat.  </P

 

Paul Johan Seelig

(1976-1945)

On June 13, 1945

 Mr. Cornelis died on Java. He was a talented composer, whose work has remained virtually unknown in the Netherlands until today: Paul John Seelig, born in Breda, 1876.

The course of his life is an absorbing story that for the most part takes place in the Far East. He had an all-round musical education in Germany for the most part and studied with prominent teachers. He studied the piano, the cello, orchestration and theory.

In 1888,

he was 2nd conductor of the Stadttheater in Essen. In the mean time, he was often travelling through countries such as Japan, Palestine, Turkey, Romania, Hungary and the Netherlands.

In 1900,

 Seelig comes back to the Dutch East Indies and becomes the conductor of

the court orchestra of the Susuhunan of Surakarta.

During the following 8 years in Solo,

 a penetrating study is made of eastern music.

After the death of his father, he settles in Bandung,

to take on the leadership of the publishing business (Matatani) and music- and instrument shop his father had founded. However, the wanderings have not yet finished.

Music and dramatic society “Braga” in 1910 with,

 amongst others, Paul Seelig on cello.

Publication Seelig / Matatani

 

 

Muziek en toneelvereniging “Braga” in 1910 met o.a. Paul Seelig cello

 

 

 

 In 1911

he leaves for Siam (Thailand). There he becomes

conductor and musical advisor of the Royal Orchestra of Bangkok.

 At that time, he noted down a large number of Siamese folk-melodies and he also composed the national anthem of Siam.

 

A large collection of songs, recorded from

native singers of Central Java,

would also appear in print afterwards.

The compositions of Seelig display an intriguing combination of eastern and western elements, the structure always betraying the craftsman.

Much of his voluminous, practically undated oeuvre has, apart from the Indies themselves, also been performed in Germany, France, Austria, America and Japan, but strangely enough hardly ever in our country.

After about 1930

 he has composed little more, because he was preoccupied with the publishing- and music business in Surabaya, Bandung (Bragaweg), Batavia and Semarang.

Most of his work has been indexed by his grandson and can also partly be found in the music libraries in this country.

Seelig has become famous mainly because of the so-called Pantun, a Malaysian variant of the Portuguese Moresco, which was accompanied by the plucked instrument, the krontjong. At the time, his piano concerto has been performed in the Indies several times with an orchestra by the pianist Käthe Haasse, the mother of writer Hella Haasse.

The musical score of this work that, like so many of his compositions, had been fancied lost because of the war, has been recovered recently. People are trying to put new life into it, among other things, by way of the computer. The orchestral score must still be worked out with the help of very concise notes.

Finally, the Radio Philharmonic Orchestra composed of local musicians and Hungarian and Dutch forces.

 After 1950,

 there remained a small band in Jakarta led by Henk te Strake

 

in 1952

to return to the Netherlands.
Some of these musicians (who later settled in Yogyakarta) is the forerunner of educators musicians in Indonesia

since 1952
School of Music with the establishment of Indonesia (SMIND),

 

and

 

 

Argo Records – RG-2 – P.1952. Side A. 2-A1 Kebiar 8’49

 

in 1961
transformed into the Academy of Music Indonesia (AMI) in Yogyakarta, which is now named
Indonesian Arts Institute (ISI) since 1984.

 

Read more info

 

Academy of Music Indonesia “AMI” another component, was born in 1961 evolved from the School of Music Indonesia (SMIND) that was built in 1952

Institut Seni Indonesia Yogyakarta

is known as the ISI is an institution of higher learning the art of status of public universities that have the authority to provide education to the highest level.

 

 ISI

was established on the basis of Presidential Decree No. 39/1984 dated May 30, 1984 and inaugurated by the Minister of Education and Culture Prof. Dr. Nugroho Notosusanto on July 23, 1984.

Although relatively young age as an institute, but the universities which is a component of the ISI has long existed and has been a long time to take part in the development of the country of art and generate a lot of artists and professionals who are scattered in various functions, professions and expertise, both within as well as abroad. ISI was formed by the fusion of three higher education pre-existing art, namely the College of Arts Indonesia “ASRI”, Academy of Music Indonesia “AMI”, and the Academy of Dance Indonesia “ASTI“.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

ASRI

 

College of Arts Indonesia “ASRI”

as the oldest of its components have been around since early 1950 as a result of the efforts of artists who were then gathered in Yogyakarta. Indonesia has a tradition of high art will be able to maintain and develop kemapuannya. Thus was born the Indonesian Academy of Fine Arts (ASRI) that originated from academy status and obtain a new shape in 1968 as a high school that gave him the authority to open an undergraduate degree.

AMI

 

Academy of Music Indonesia “AMI”

another component, was born in 1961 evolved from the School of Music Indonesia (SMIND) that was built in 1952; and the Academy of Dance Indonesia “ASTI” was born in 1963; a continuation of the Conservatory of Dance Indonesia (KONRI) which born a little way behind, namely in 1961

ASTI

As with ASRI,

the establishment of AMI and ASTI is also due to the strong encouragement of Indonesia art and culture lovers for mengmbangkan what they have. Although long before that arts education has traditionally been there, but to increase both vertical and horizontal necessary institutions of formal education and modern art

In early 1973,

the trial of the leaders STSRI “ASRI”, AMI, ASTI and several other arts academy with officials from the Ministry of education and Culture, agreed to establish an institution of higher education are more wide-ranging artistic and greater authority in both the field art and in terms of the provisions of higher education

 

Back to Jos Cleber informations

Then Jos Cleber a classic pop musicians such as Mantovani, working as an orchestra leader Cosmpolitan in Jakarta, because the players made up of various races (kosmospolitan).

 The players there are from Russia (Nicolai Varvolomeyeff), Hungary (George Setet, Henry Tordasi), Philippines (Pablo, Sambayon), Indonesia (Sardi,

 

Ismail Marzuki .,

 Iskandar

(father of

diah Iskandar).
While in Indonesia he had a lot of attention to the art of gamelan.
 I

ndonesia Raya Jos Cleber filmed version of

the Symphony M Jusuf Ronodipuro,

 

 

 that when it became the Head of Studio RRI Jakarta,

in 1950

 

 requested that Jos Cleber (at that time he was 34 years old) make arrangements Indonesia Raya, having successfully worked on the arrangement of songs, Indonesia, among others, Under the Full Moon Light, and Jasmine series.

Jusuf Ronodipuro describes Indonesia Raya, how songs are born and created, as well as explaining the meaning of the song. Cleber commented that he captures the nuances Marseillasse (French national anthem) in Indonesia Raya.

 

Composed by Jos Cleber was recorded at Studio RRI Jakarta on
beginning in 1951

by involving all the musicians of the orchestra cosmopolitan, recorded with a tape recorder that new Philips owned RRI at that time.

Then in 1997
re-recorded with a digital technique in Australia by Victoria Philharmony led Adie MS.

Bung Karno comments above arrangement Jos Cleber
Jusuf Ronodipuro Jos Cleber then invited to meet President Soekarno to Merdeka Palace to play the tape.
Bung Karno directly criticized the composition Cleber. According to Jusuf, Bung Karno said, “Indonesia Raya is like our Red and White Flag.
No need to be given more lace. “[2]

 

Orkes Studio Jakarta dalam dunia musik periode 1948-1950

.

Top of Form

Djakarta Studio Orchestra
One of the orchestra is in Jakarta Indonesia in the early days of independence, led by

 

 

 Soetedjo.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sutedjo  also the leader of angkasa sound  orchestra

The other two are Philarmonisch Radio Orchestra and

the Orchestra Cosmopolitan led by Jos Cleber.

Jakarta Studio Orchestra in the music world has duty to the period 1948-1950 is not light, which is trying to modernize the art keroncong to fit the era.

Despite facing various obstacles, OSD always tries to give consideration between Western and Eastern music, Hawaian and Malay, as well as jazz and keroncong. Soetedjo OSD lead since the first time established until July 1, 1950.

Cleber’s Jakarta studio  Orchestra cosmopolitan

music game to accommodate California.

 Of new bands springing up like

 The Progressive Trio, Iskandar’s Sextet and Octet who plays jazz and the Old Timers who plays Dixieland repertoire.

read more about

M Jusuf Ronodipuro

original in native java language

Muhammad Jusuf Ronodipuro utawa Joesoef Ronodipoero

 (Salatiga, Jawa Tengah, 30 September 1919 – Jakarta Kidul, 27 Januari 2008) iku misuwur minangka salah sawijining perintis RRI.

Saliyané iku dhèwèké uga naté dadi Duta Besar Indonesia. Ronodipuro tau dadi Duta Besar ing Uruguay, Argentina, lan Chili. Jusuf Ronodipuro gegarwa karo Siti Fatima Rassat nganti séda lan pinaringan telung putra: Dharmawan, Irawan lan Fatmi.

Panjenengané séda ing RSAD Gatot Soebroto déning komplikasi stroke lan kanker paru-paru: Ronodipuro misuwur olèhé ngrokok sing nganthi kaya sepur. Banjur panjenengané disarèkaké ing Taman Makam Pahlawan Kalibata, Jakarta Kidul ing tanggal 28 Januari 2008. Nalikané séda ora olèh kawigatèn akèh amerga mbarengi sédané lan panyaréyan Pak Harto.

Ronodipuro iku dianggep sawijining pahlawan Indonesia.

Panjenengané sing biyen bisa kelakon nggiyaraké Proklamasi Kamardikan 1945 lumantar radio menyang bangsa-bangsa saindhenging jagad. Ronodipuro uga sing ngrintis anané Radio Republik Indonesia (RRI) nganti saiki iki.

Menawa Dina Radio dipéngeti saben tanggal 11 September, iku amarga dina iku tanggaleYusuf Ronodipuro sakanca sejawaté miwiti ngedegake RRI ing tanggal 11 September 1945

Jaman pendhudhukan Jepang

Ing taun 1942,

Hindia-Walanda dibedhah déning Tentara Dai Nippon lan Tentara KNIL nungkul kasoran. Wiwit iku Hindia-Walanda dibroki Jepang lan Walanda ditendhang metu. Yusuf Ronodipuro dhéwé wiwit taun 1943 dadi wartawan radio militèr Jepang ing Jakarta, sing diarani Hoso Kyoku. Radio kuwi pemimpiné wong Jepang, yaiku Letkol Tomo Bachi, wakilé wong Indonesia anama Utoyo Ramlan. Déné pemimpin redaksiné Bahtar Loebis, kangmasé sastrawan dan wartawan Mochtar Loebis. Mochtar Loebis dhéwé nalika semana dipercaya mligi kanggo siaran mancanegara.

Tekané dina kamardikané bangsa Indonesia wis trontong-trontong. Jepang dibom atom déning Amérika Sarékat, sepisanan Hiroshima ing tanggal 6 Agustus 1945, banjur kasusul tanggal 9 Agustus 1945 Nagasaki uga dibesmi.

Jepang banjur nungkul marang Sekutu, nanging pawarta wigati iki durung tekan ing Indonesia, jalaran nalika semana arang-arang sing ngrungokaké radio.

Ronodipuro dhéwé senadyan nyambut gawé nèng radio Jepang, ya durung ngerti pawarta kuwi. Ujug-ujug siaran luar negeriné Hoso Kyoku ditutup embuh kena apa. Mochtar Loebis sing dipercaya nangani bab pawarta manca kuwi banjur mbisiki jaré Jepang wis nungkul marang Sekutu. Merga jejibahané dadi wartawan, PakYusuf banjur menyang Menteng 31, papan ngumpule para pejuwang mudha.

Nèng kono wis ana rapat wigati sing dipimpin Sukarni. Kabèh wis ngerti yèn Jepang nungkul, mbokmenawa saka Adam Malik sing dadi wartawan Domei. Pas Yusuf teka kabèh padha seneng. Sukarni kandha, jaré kaum mudha arep ngrebut Radio Jepang. Yusuf sing ngerti Hoso Kyoku diajak rembugan kepriyé carané ngrebut. Kamangka wektu kuwi Radio Jepang dijaga rapet banget déning Kempetai, pulisi militèr Jepang sing kejem banget.

 Proklamasi Kamardikan Républik Indonésia

Jemuwah ésuk jam 10.00 tanggal 17 Agustus 1945,

Proklamasi Kamardikan klakon diwacakaké déning Bung Karno ing Dalan Pegangsaan Timur 56. Ronodipuro dhéwé kala semana ora ngerti, sebab wong-wong ing Hoso Kyoku wiwit dina Rebo sadurungé wis ora entuk mlebu utawa metu manèh. Kabèh ana njero. Dumadakan ana wong teka, jenengé Syahrudin, nggolèki Yusuf karo menehaké kitir salembar. Layang cekak aos kuwi saka Adam Malik isiné tèks proklamasi.

Ronodipuro isih bingung, kepriyé carané teka Syahrudin bisa mlebu gedhong radio sing saiki ing Dalan Medan Merdeka Barat 4-5, kamangka wong Kempetai jaga kupeng. Bareng arep nyiaraké, Yusuf Ronodipuro bingung manèh, amarga panggonan siaran kabèh dijaga Kempetai. Tujuné kélingan yèn studio siaran luar negeri wis ora kanggo. Nanging, piyé carané wong pemancare ora ana. Yusuf banjur takon bagéyan teknis, ya nemu akal jempolan. Kabel sing kanggo menyang pemancar dalam negeri dicopoti, disambung karo pemancar luar negeri. Nanging ing studio katoné ya kaya siaran biyasa, amarga swarané ya isih kaya adat sabené. Kamangka wis ora dipancaraké.

Bareng wis tumata, jam 19.00,

 Yusuf Ronodipuro sing umuré ngancik 26 taun, banjur nyiaraké Proklamasi liwat siaran luar negeri. Kira-kira nganti 20 menit, lan ambal-ambalan, uga diterjemahaké menyang basa Inggris. Kuwi tegesé radio-radio BBC London, Radio Amerika, Singapura, lan sapituruté bisa nangkep kabèh, dadi wusana sadonya ngerti Indonesia wis Proklamasi Kamardikané.

Usaha Ronodipuro kuwi wekasané dikonangi déning Tentara Dai Nippon. Mbokmenawa siarané ketangkep radio ing Jepang. Mula, Kempetai dadi nesu banget. Angger kapapag wong Indonesia ing Hoso Kyoku, kabèh dipala. Ronodipuro ditendhang, diidak-idak, lan mèh dibabat samurai. Sikilé diidak nganti dhengkulé dheglok lakuné.

Sawisé iku Ronodipuro ngedegaké Radio Suara Indonesia Merdeka mawa barang-barang bekas.

Tanggal 25 Agustus

Bung Karno diaturi supaya pidato. Iki pidatoné Bung Karno kang sepisanan sasuwéné dadi Présidèn. Bung Hatta pidato

tanggal 29 Agustus.

Nalika semana ing daérah-daérah radio Jepang isih akèh sing siaran.

Ing daérah pancèn ora dijaga rapet kaya Jakarta. Sing njaga mung siji loro, iku merga Kempetainé wis kaya ora nduwé daya sawisé Jepang nungkul.

Mula Yusuf Ronodipuro matur marang Abdurahman Saleh, supaya radio-radio daérah mau beciké ngadani sesambungan siaran kanggo perjuwangan. Gagasané ditampa lan ing

10 September

pimpinan radio-radio daérah, saka Sala, Yogyakarta, Bandung, Semarang, lan liya-liyané bisa kumpul rembugan. Kabèh nyarujuki, njaluk marang pamaréntah Jepang supaya masrahaké radio-radioné ing Indonésia. Jepang ora gelem, amerga miturut rencana arep diserahaké marang Sekutu.

Tanggal 11 September

rapat manèh, nyarujuki madege Radio Republik Indonesia, lan uga sepisan maneh njaluk marang pemerintah Jepang supaya masrahaké radio-radio ing daérah. Merga tetep ora gelem, kepeksa banjur dirudapeksa, radio-radio direbut. Wong Jepangé dhéwé wis padha wedi, dadi wis kaya ora ana alangan. Yusuf Ronodipuro dhéwé banjur kapatah minangka Kepala RRI, déné Abdurahman Saleh mélu ngadegaké Angkatan Udara RI. Mula asmané saiki dilestarèkaké dadi jeneng lapangan terbang ing Malang.

Sekutu sing menang Perang Donya II kuwi banjur teka. Nalika semana sawisé Rapat Akbar Ikada, kaum mudha ngrebut kantor-kantoré wong Jepang dadi darbéné Republik, klebu Hoso Kyoku. Nalika Walanda ndomplèng Sekutu arep ngrebut bali Indonesia lumantar

Agresi I ing taun 1946,

 RRI dikuwasani Walanda, lan Yusuf Ronodipuro banjur dicekel lan dipenjara ing

 21 Juli 1947.

 Kedaulatan Indonesia ing taun 1949

Sawisé Walanda ngakoni kedaulatan Indonésia ing

taun 1949,

 Yusuf Ronodipuro lenggah manèh dadi Kepala RRI Serikat.

 Sabanjuré Yusuf Ronodipuro dipercaya ngayahi manéka warna jejibahan utawa tanggung jawab ing negara manca, klebu dadi duta besar utawa utusan menyang PBB.

 Sumber

       (jv) Winarto. 2005. “M. Yusuf Ronodipuro Bapak RRI. Dipala Jepang Nganti Dheglok Marga Nggiyarake Proklamasi” ing Damar Jati 2005:4 kaca 26-27, 36.

Year 1945 – 1950

Famous jazz band in 1945 – 1950 in Surabaya member

 

 Jack Lemmers (known as Jack Lesmana, Indra’s father) on bass / guitar,

 

 Bubi Chen (piano), Teddy Chen, Jopy Chen (bass), Maryono (saxophone), Berges ( piano), Oei Leng Boen (guitar), Didi Pattirane (guitar), Mario Diaz (drums) and Benny Hainem (clarinet).

When RRI Jakarta handed back to Indonesia,

 

Jusuf Ronodipuro

doing some renovation. Orchestra on the third Philarmonisch Radio Orchestra, Djakarta Studio Orchestra, and the Cosmopolitan Orchestra – will be retained but leadership is replaced. Ismail Marzuki was appointed as leader of the OSD bam.

Although the sense of hearing is already less than perfect, Jusuf still “forcing” Marzuki to led the orchestra that aspires to “advance the art-noise Indonesia” is.

OSD leadership handover is like a meeting between the “books with mas”. What is arranged Soetedjo continued Ismail Marzuki.

They stand shoulder to shoulder to bring the art of music and sound art to one goal: the music is understood by all the people of Indonesia.

Soetedjo “betrays an array of experts who have been musicians will understand the meaning and significance of training and discipline,” while Ismail was “forging of which is Dear to popularize the songs into the society … the society entertaining.”

Soetedjo maing himself referred to as “the only one who knew arrangeur Indonesia, which could rapidly-tjekatan been working” and “an artist-music-conscious organizations.”

But Ismail Marzuki OSD lead only for three months, then conductor submitted to a sebelurnnya Sjaiful Bahri known as orchestra players Puspa Delima. Sjaiful by Ismail Marzuki considered “fully gifted”.

 OSD advances under Sjaiful Bahri did not escape the influence of Dutch musicians such as Jos Cleber Diessevelt and Tom, who also had to educate Ismail Marzuki song arranging and orchestration. After the death Sjaiful Bahri, Cleber Diessevelt returned to the Netherlands, acting as a writer Ismail Marzuki keroncong arrangements for OSD

In 1955,

Bill Saragih form a group of Riders Jazz.

He played the piano, vibes and flute.

 Other members are Didi Chia (piano), Paul Hutabarat (vocals), Tobias Herman (bass) and Yuse (drums).

The next edition of the member Hanny Joseph (drums), Sutrisno (tenor saxophone), Lopis Thys (bass) and

 Bob Tutupoly (vocals).

The names of jazz musicians in Surabaya in the 50 – 60s

 Karamoy Eddy (guitar), Joop Talahahu (tenor sax), Leo Massenggani, Benny Pablo, Dolf (saxophone), John Lepel (bass), Alexander (guitar and piano) and Sadikin Zuchra (guitar and piano).

 

In the,, history “RHYTHM for 10 years one of the orchestra who has taken a special place in my heart which alone is,, RHYTHM SPECIAL TRIO / Quartet” led by Nick Mamahit, as long as there is no orchestra alone which can give more numerous kapada satisfaction and kesengan but also the difficulty in recording their lagu2 Mamahit besides Nick.

Nick Mamahit

name can not be separated by the establishment RHYTHM 10 years ago. Which begins in a recording studio (garage) small-sized 2×3 M. didjalan H. Agus Salim 65 (now N0.119) and didjalan Besuki 23, Nick et al his friends : Dick Abel (guitar, saxophone), Dick v / d Capellen (bass) and Max v. Preformance (drums) has made its own history with the establishment,, Special Rhythm Trio / Quartet “. They are pioneers in a new style  which show the songs ..

 The term which they use are,, progressief “.

Surely such the song

s style  which can not be so alone accepted by crowded peoples . Having experienced various hurdles and criticism from other artists as well as an duran2 then made a little spin songs  which many may also be accepted by chalajak who crowded bertjorak ie,, commercieel progessief “which means, that they play like what is embodied in their hearts (progressief) , but also not to forget and ignore common sense, or which may be accepted by fans of vinyl records.

Just remember back to lagu2 with,, Special Rhythm Trio “(progessief) al: Angin Mamiri , etc. Ole2 Bandung. which did not get a warm welcome and which is difficult to sold . Besides, there are also songs with new stles together, Rhythm Quartet “(commercieel progessief) which is,, tophit” then al: Lenggang Djakarta, dream last night, and Action Kutjing.Memang ………… Senjum uncompromising art.

Although the opinion and hearing the song was just something kind and quality, if the buyer does not like ………… then he too would not bought it

Recording with Nick Mamahit’s songs  not as easy as with others orchestra. Each player is an expert on their own and the songs  which must also be able to change their,, accentueer “spirit of their own with no one among them depending on their own, while in addition,, recording engineer” should also be able menjelami their spirit.

There is not a song   which can be recorded at night, on the contrary if they are really , in the mood “at least 2 pieces of many songs which can be inserted tape.

After,, the old gang “broke up in 1954,  

associated with the departure of Dick v / d v Capellen and Max. Dick preformance into the land of Abel to the Netherlands and Singapore, then Nick Mamahit own abode in Indonesia and the establishment of a new orchestra which can replace or menjamai,, Special Trio / Quartet “last, while the bauyers  very cold reception.

Then two years later in 1956, 

 Nick formed a trio with Risakotta Bart (drums) and Espehana (bass) who serve lagu2 of instrumental and the outcome  is longplay,, Sarinande “.
What a welcome from buyers and fans of the LPs and abroad on the outward appearance,, Sarinande “Mamahit prove that Nick has successfully captured the hearts of fans of vinyl records and views of,, in terms commercieel” succesnja achieve anyway.
And ……………… 5 years after,, Sarinande “longplay which then made the second by a,, SPECIAL RHYTHM” caption :,, ………… miss NICK Mamahit “.

The period of the recording, Sarinande “with,, miss” is 5 years (1956-1961).

 many problems , but just know that this is,, specifiek “Nick. heard as a contradiction or conflict, but precisely because,, specifiek “which is tjiri  specific  from Nick, it was just a matter of time granted.

Because of these styles coupled with the principles and perseverance which his property own , little give in the course and many other teman2 RHYTHM boost in driving the company which originally was,, hobby “, but then become a necessity in serving the arts.

Young musicians

 in Jakarta sprung up in 70 – 80.

INTERVIEW WITH Sudibyo Pr.
A History of Jazz in Indonesia Note

Fatherly figure was actually initially wanted him to be a musician, but not accomplished. Would end up just listening to it.

 

Although only one of jazz music lovers, but from his experience will be full of footage and historical development of jazz music in Indonesia.

 

Familiar with jazz music since the days of Indonesia’s independence war in the 1940s until he was much involved and the man behind the screen a variety of jazz events in Indonesia, especially in London.

With the support of many thousands of documentation about jazz and jazz albums in his home, now he is planning to publish a book of jazz music.

 

From a glance at the Radio interview with WartaJazz Bikima FM Yogyakarta, Indonesia has revealed that there is a jazz group in 1922. Surely it would be more satisfied if we wait for the book can be published and the important thing is probably what can be described in the book he may be a reflection of us all about the emergence of jazz music in Indonesia.

Jazz News (WJ): reportedly is preparing to launch a book about jazz music?

Sudibyo Pr (SP): Now working on a book, a new approximately 90% complete.

WJ: What motivated you to write a book of jazz?

SP: Actually, in an effort to communicate and socialize jazz music. Since most jazz books here mostly in English and not many books about jazz in Bahasa Indonesia. And of course my own as a jazz lover, want to try to share my experience to better communicate to new generations.

WJ: Do you really see that jazz is not popular in the community in Indonesia?

SP: I think it’s still a lot of the wrong image, wrong understanding. We as a true jazz lovers are also willing to raise the status of jazz as an art.

But until now I still understand that the situation in Indonesia is still so. In the United States alone that jazz before 1950 is actually somewhat neglected community as well.

 

After receiving the European jazz seriously, Americans are just beginning. And what was in Indonesia I think is still reasonable and it is one effort. It has never been a single published book entitled Jazz Indonesia, whose contents are only telling musicians or anyone who ever played jazz.

 

With some mixture of jazz and biographies of the characters. In addition, the book might be a little jazz my other guide book of nature is history.

WJ: I wonder what is written in the book?

SP: The first time about starting with what is jazz, all kinds of misconceptions and try to straighten our understanding. Especially knowing that jazz is very different from other music.

 

For as we look at jazz music with European musical glasses then always be missed. So does jazz have to approach the other way and may not exist in other music.

In the book I describe it, especially compared with European music. European music is music composition. Something that is built and the music should be played like what is written.

 

So if people like to paint pictures to paint. If jazz, to the contrary, he would express himself as well as the main priority is performance rather than composition.

 

Whether it’s jazz or not, after playing the new people know that it’s jazz or not. So if you like this game if you play jazz and it’s not like jazz.

 

 If the classical music, I play the score was able to say I play classical music and jazz that is later used to play, we hear first.

 

Actual composition was made by the musicians themselves when he was playing. Composition used here only as a basis for improvisation and melody build itself.

WJ: What is it that makes the impression of jazz music in our society is difficult to understand, a music class?

SP: If jazz music really can be difficult to understand as well. If up to now there is the impression that jazz is only for the upper class, was in Indonesia since the beginning of jazz music played on a five-star hotels.

 

 Because at the time it was difficult to ask clubs or a small café to showcase jazz music. Of their commercial aspect they did not dare. They think that jazz is still too foreign, and also happens to be the manager of these hotels as well as jazz lovers and also a lot of friends there so we finally started playing jazz in there.

 

Because hotels are five-star hotel, so that came mostly from upper middle class. This gives the impression that they make an exclusive group.

 

Perhaps it is true, but that eksklusifme jazz that’s more in terms of artistic rather than in terms of prestige.

 

Actually, they are for the love of jazz music and match the specific groups to form a group. Indeed, until now most are still a lot of jazz played in the major hotels and many have not played in other places though now little by little has been started (played in other places too-red).

WJ: And in the past, anything that you try to promote jazz music?

SP: We previously did not hold in hotels, but on campus. In the beginning was simple.

 

At that time the only source of jazz from the radio and there are several local musicians. Entertainment while students at the time when there is gathering together every week.

 

There we can drive around music, dance and always invite some jazz musicians. After that show they play. I often also bring some jazz recordings, finally my friends who love jazz and the other remains might come home we’re late.

 

At that time I ventured to hold a concert at the ITB LPs are played every full moon on the basketball court. I also love sober explanation according to my knowledge by recording from vinyl records and turntables powered by 50 watt amplifier that it was a great time. Finally nice enough, 2 hours with jazz music and after that we play dance music. Originally the case.

WJ: What exactly is the main activity of the Pak Dibyo it? Is jazz columnist? Or something else?

SP: When I was a lot of activity. But my profession is the architect, former professor of ITB, but indeed from the days of my students are active in promoting jazz, introducing jazz at the time not many people are familiar with jazz music, music that is still considered a lunatic. Although ultimately had an impact too.

WJ: First you study in?

SP: I went to the ITB which I then proceed to study in Britain and America.

WJ: In the book, is there any sort of how to enjoy jazz music?

SP: There are several things to consider, the first is the familiar elements of jazz music are the elements that make music that could be called jazz.

 

The second part is the identifier of each element of jazz music and a little bit about the structure of jazz music. Next is the history of jazz music, from the birth of jazz music.

 

Then was the development of style-style, because that person is known to jazz it was a lot of his style. It also indicates that very fast jazz music in its development, which in a century has been remarkable progress.

 

If the era of classical music from another era to era take hundreds of years. A lot of people that listen to jazz now be confused. Many in the jazz style.

 

Especially if the person did not know him. I hereby attempt to discriminate between one style with another style. There are funny stories, first time there are no bands that put on a musical instrument drum while wearing only a jazz group only. So that there are people who call the instrument is jazz. If anyone says that the band had a jazz band that means it has a drum.

WJ: What is the history of jazz in Indonesia is also specifically mentioned in the book?

SP: Yes, at the end. According to the data that I got that jazz was first played in Indonesia is about the year 1922.

 

So actually the first jazz recording ever produced in America was in 1917.

 

Since then the record began to spread across the world. Actually there is a musician from the Netherlands after a long time in America, he is also a saxophone player, came to Indonesia with his friends and make a band.

 

At that time regarded as the first jazz band in Indonesia. And I’ve noticed over the history of the game it was the Indo-Dutch almost 80% while the natives probably very few who play jazz music.

 

Indeed, if their names are read Dutch but judging by the name of the person is actually one of Jember, Banyuwangi and so on.

 

Why so? I have not found the right reasons but it should be investigated as well.

There are also a source that says about the year 1925 – 1927 many Filipinos into Jakarta and most of them are musicians. It also had an impact. Still some left, if in London there is still a musician whose name is Pablo Benny, Benny Corda, including the head of the radio orchestra in London, Sambayong it was the Filipinos who are jazz musicians who came to Indonesia in 1925.

WJ: Actually its development center in?

SP: Jakarta, Bandung, Bogor, Surabaya and Makassar. Originally used jazz played by a military group that usually they play to the top of his Dutch and Indonesian people, including his right to equal by the Dutch.

 

In the past they played in Societet, while the people of Indonesia can enter the building can be calculated, and even jazz had entered the palace.

 

We’ll see, at the time of the Dutch people who already have grammaphon Indonesia’s who?

 

Perhaps the Sultan alone. Anyway people of Indonesia on the social position like that of course they want to be aligned with the Dutch, who prefer to join the party events, dance with the Dutch.

 

In the United States was at that time jazz was still at an early stage, ie as much as a musical entertainment, as keadaanya not until now that some people considered as one of the jazz art form.

WJ: In those days, if there is a native who played jazz music?

SP: There is. In the report that I got it menebutkan that indigenous jazz musicians from Indonesia Aceh was the first time.

WJ: Is it true that some of our freedom fighters of the Army or its participating student play jazz to entertain the Netherlands?

SP: That’s not the Army their students, but individuals only. Incidentally I am also of the TP and there are some friends of Yogyakarta is also one of the union leaders that we are familiar with the name calling Pung mas.

 

He’s a musician too, and many of my friends at school who moved to Jakarta Yogyakarta about the year 1948.

 

There had with my friend from Ambon named Rudi Wayrata (live Lempuyangan, Yogya) and theists Matulesi, Edi Laluyan of Manado later formed the band in Jakarta.

 

At the time the band plays songs Hawain and pop songs, even though it in some style Hawain have started a little guitar solo in the direction of jazz music.

 

So they leave Yogyakarta to Jakarta. At one time mas Pung and I have an idea, why do we make the arrangements of vocal-group jazz arranger.

 

So that at the time, because mas Pung is also a fairly reliable aransir, has begun to make arrangements that are now possible such as Manhattan Transfer iringannya although still modest.

 

Playing in the studio until RRI (then still under the Dutch) and found by Jos Cleber (a Dutch orchestra leader).

 

 When he saw us play he remarked, “you are actually having an excellent vocal group, it helps me swatch cuman a jazz accompaniment is right”.

 

Eventually found by a trio (piano: Doddy Hughes; Drum: Boetje Pesolima; Bass: Dick Van Der Capellen) and offered to entertain the Dutch army.

 

So if what we did when it was known by friends in Yogya even later considered traitors. Then also appeared with Nick Mamahit.

WJ: In addition to names such as

Jack Lesmana,

Bubi Chen

and others, would anyone important jazz figures in Indonesia in addition to or before genarasi them?

SP: It depends from where we started. If we start from the beginning of the Republic of Indonesia may be familiar, even though they had died, among others Boetje Pesolima, Dick Van Der Capellen, Tjok Sin Soe (prior to 1950 has been played), Sigar Lucky Brothers (but since there is the assumption that jazz is not have a future in Indonesia they go to California) also Nick Mamahit (he ever get a formal education in the Netherlands),

Iskandar (Diah Iskandar ‘s father )

 he is a saxophone player and aransir already quite advanced, although the game has not been commensurate with aransemenya (the arrangements very well sung by someone else and never brought in a jazz festival in the U.S.).

In addition Etto Lattumeten he made famous Dixieland band The Old Timer in Jakarta. At the beginning of independence there was also a pianist who is both Marihut Hutabarat, who was called ‘George Shearing was Indonesia’.

 

He is a Bachelor of Law who died in an accident. And he’s the best after Nick Mamahit. Only then entered his generation Bill Saragih, Paul Hutabarat, Eddie Billy, Bing Crosby. Bing Crosby is actually a great singer and a jazz guitarist, even though more people know him as a comedian than a jazz player.

 

In the first independence war era, including Bing Crosby from one of three famous singer in Indonesia

 

 

 

 (Sam Saimun

and Mantovani).

Additional ‘Bing’ in his name because he was a great admirer of Bing Crosby.

WJ: Does the book also has an appreciation of your own to the development of jazz music in Indonesia today?

SP: There was little comment about it. There may also be some criticism about the jazz festival.

 

Regarding the development of jazz music here is actually from Indonesia’s population of more than 200 million, is still too little for his jazz players.

 

So if we look from a variety of events organized jazz will return to the name-that’s all, not many new names.

 

The process is still slow. Perhaps it happened views of the history of popular music in the 1930s where the music is jazz.

 

Because jazz at the time it was easy to dance and rhythm accompaniment for young children will easily access.

 

But after the 1960s jazz more and more complex and complicated that many teens getting away. While the outside of jazz music going on teenage trends that began to roll and swell the rock n roll.

 

Finally, many teens who fled. In the past, we can one record from the United States alone has been a bone of contention and busy to listen to the radio.

 

There is also admiration arose because many jazz musicians in Indonesia in the past, only learn from the radio broadcasts that make them a creative and great musicians, for example; Jack Lesmana and so on.

Now we are so many sources even exceptional. There’s MTV, pop subculture that many teens suck there.

 

So if there’s even a jazz happy teens teen said “odd”. Although in every era, teenagers are always called by certain pulses.

 

Given the positive fusion exists too. There are beat into jazz fusion, so there is concern and teenagers became interested in jazz rock in the hope they would be interested also in the jazz music itself, but some are not. It could also serve as a bridge early.

 

Same thing now with people like Kenny G, initially people think that Kenny G is also a jazz player. But it’s also a good start, because teenagers started pleased with instrumental music. Usually the “hero” his solo vocalist, with a hearing Kenny G is a saxophone player, maybe they’ll find another sax player.

 

Appreciation is always through specific pathways. 1960 may be the bossa nova and more people get into music like jazz.

WJ: When about this book can be published?

SP: Then, depending on the publisher and actually still need sponsors. In the book I also also analyzes the history of each instrument. At the same time I also gave the albums a choice of many jazz musicians.

WJ: What was initially met with figures of jazz lovers or in HPMJI (Association of Jazz Music Enthusiasts Indonesia)?

SP: At the time, jazz was already crowded. Increased local players in Bandung, while that in Jakarta at the USIS once every 2 weeks performing jazz.

 

Then they’ve asked me to organize a jazz gig in London and a successful event.

 

After that, they often ask for my help to find a musician if there are events in the USIS. My first assignment here and there looking for musicians and set up some programs.

Finally I got involved also with HPMJI and jazz players whose relationship is close enough.

 

 

 

Bubi Chen was not yet known.

 

 I just had a friend in Surabaya are familiar with the Bubi. So the next time it comes Tony Scott, Jack Lesmana in Surabaya said that there was a Chinese who can play the blues and bebop.

 

 

 

At first did not believe it. After Bubi Chen invited to the house at that time was young, about age 24 years, getting out of bed and was wearing a sarong. So Bubi play, Tony Scott direct speech, “This man must play with me”.

 

 

Read more about bubi chen

Bubi Chen veteran Jazz musician dies

 

TRIBUNNEWS.COM, JAKARTA – sad news re-covered world of Indonesian music. Bubi Chen, jazz musician who was born in Surabaya, today is Thursday (2/16/2012) reportedly died at the age of 74 years. Bubi died in Semarang at around 18:50 pm last.
News of the death Bubi Chen is a bustling media social networking Twitter.

 

 

Here’s a tweet from @ anandasukarlan account owner.
@ anandasukarlan: TLH Bubi Chen’s death, the great jazz Indonesia pk. 18:50 in Semarang. R.I.P. Tlg ya tweeps RT.

 

 

Bubi Chen was born in Surabaya, East Java, February 9, 1938 was a jazz musician Indonesia.

Bubi Chen is scheduled to be present in the arena of the great jazz party’s annual Java Jazz from 2, 3 and 4 March through Djarum event SuperMild Java Jazz 2012.

Originally Bubi will be featured at this event along with other jazz musicians, among others, country and Dewa  Budjana Dwiki Dharmawan

WJ: According to some sources, you are also involved in the project Indonesian All Stars album was produced and when it appeared in the Berlin Jazz Festival in 1967?

SP: It was the first to say there are jazz group from Indonesia “Go International”. If you think about the story at first is

 

 

 

Tony Scott’s

 

 

 

visit in Indonesia.

 

Here he was playing with Bubi Chen, and Jack Lesmana Maryono until eventually they become a thick friend and as a teacher.

 

 Because Tony Scott is one of a clarinet player, who at that time say the progressive game. He had played with

 

 

Charlie Parker,

 

 

 

 

Billie Holiday  jazz singer and so on.

 

But for one thing he had to leave Indonesia, so he was not too long here. Tony Scott also happened to be good friends with

 

 

a German jazz critic Joachim Berendt.

Berendt him a message to Indonesia if the do not forget to contact

 

 

Jack Lesmana.

 

Berendt to Jakarta and then introduced to

 

 

the mas Yos (red-Suyoso Karsono).

Actually he is a Jack father -in-law on wakti Lesmana where he had a record company (Rhythm Records).

 

After their dialogue on the possibility to send group of Indonesia. That upon the recommendation of Tony Scott.

 

Finally they made some recordings in Jakarta and then sent to Germany to be played on some radio station there as warming up. Once it was established Indonesian All Stars.

 

Because they constantly practicing for 2 months, finally they were all in Jakarta moved  to stay in his house Mas Yos.

 

This is due at the time Jack Lesmana and Bubi Chen is still in Surabaya. And also went to Europe.

Indeed, according to their plans to tour in Europe with a peak to participate in

 

 

 

 

the Berlin Jazz Festival.

 

But they were hit by disasters. After the tour a success, when he got in Berlin, Maryono fell ill.

 

So the festival’s Indonesian All Stars does not appear, but the Bubi himself to play.

 

So the next time the committee was there to choose International All Stars band in which the members chosen from various countries and Bubi was selected as the accompanist.

Since then, the name Bubi began to be known by jazz critics. And Downbeat magazine in late 1967 issue of the name has been started called “the best in Asia” and “one of the best in the world”.

WJ: Given the economic and political conditions in our country in 1967 about the same as we are experiencing right now, why they seemed to have a ‘power struggle’ high?

SP: That when I look at Jack and Bubi it shows the game is best in their years of suffering and difficulty. Their games are very inspiring.

Among them Ireng Maulana (guitar), Perry Pattiselano (bass), Embong Raharjo (saxophone), Luluk Purwanto (violin), Oele Pattiselano (guitar), Jackie Pattiselano (drums), Benny Likumahuwa (trombone and bass), Bambang Nugroho (piano ), Elfa Secioria (piano).

Several other young musicians to learn rock and fusion, but still within the framework of jazz. They are Yopie Item (guitar), Karim Suweileh (drums), Wimpy Tanasale (bass), Abadi Soesman (keyboard), Candra Darusman (keyboards), John WH (guitar) and others.

Mid-80s,

Fariz RM name appears. He further categorizes his music as new age. However, some compositions breathe pop jazz, latin and even. Indra, Donny Suhendra, Pre B. Dharma, Dwiki Darmawan, Gilang Ramadan Krakatau formed, and this group eventually transformed into Java Jazz, by replacing some of the personnel.

90s up to now,

 a lot of jazz musicians and groups are formed. Brought jazz music is no longer mainstream, but the distillation of a variety of music such as fusion, acid, pop, rock and more. Call it SimakDialog, Dewa Budjana, Balawan and Rock Ethnic Fusion, Bali Lounge, Andien, Syaharani, Tompi, Bertha, Maliq & D’essentials and much more.

Usually a lot of jazz musicians popping up in Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya and Bali. This is due to currents flowing jazz more jazz gigs there by (JakJazz, Java Jazz Festival, Victoria Jazz Festival), jazz music schools, recording studios and a cafe featuring jazz. Which also contributed to a “stream” jazz flows into Indonesia is the Peter F. Gontha, a Jamz owner and founder of the initiators of the Java Jazz Festival.

Music Jazz Record Collections

THE Indonesian Vintage music JAZZ record COLLECTIONS

Alpha

 

in the 30’s.

Jazz music first entered Indonesia in the 30’s. Brought by musicians from the Philippines who are looking for a job in Jakarta with playing music.

The names of the musicians

 Soleano, Garcia, Pablo, Baial, Torio, Barnarto and Samboyan.

In 1948
 
approximately 60 musicians Dutch came to Indonesia to form a symphony orchestra that contains the local musicians.

One is the famous Dutch musician Cleber Jose.

Cleber’s Jakarta Studio Orchestra music game to accommodate California.

 The Progressive Trio, Iskandar’s Sextet and Octet who plays jazz and the Old Timers who plays Dixieland repertoire.

Year 1945 – 1950

 Jack Lemmers (known as Jack Lesmana, Indra’s father) on bass / guitar,

 

 

Bubi Chen (piano),

Teddy Chen, Jopy Chen (bass), Maryono (saxophone), Berges (piano), Oei Leng Boen (guitar), Didi

 

 

 

In 1955,

Bill Saragih form a group of Riders Jazz. He played the piano, vibes and flute.

 Other members are Didi Chia (piano), Paul Hutabarat (vocals), Tobias Herman (bass) and Yuse (drums).

The next edition of the member Hanny Joseph (drums), Sutrisno (tenor saxophone), Lopis Thys (bass) and Bob Tutupoly (vocals).

The names of jazz musicians in Surabaya  in the 50 – 60s

 Karamoy Eddy (guitar), Joop Talahahu (tenor sax), Leo Massenggani, Benny Pablo, Dolf (saxophone), John Lepel (bass), Alexander (guitar and piano) and Sadikin Zuchra (guitar and piano).

 

Feb 21, ’08 7:29 PM for everyone

 

Rindu ……… Nick Mamahit & Trio
Rindu … Nick Mamahit & Trio

oleh Sujoso Karsono

(,,Mas Jos” utk. teman2nja)

Young musicians in Jakarta in 70 – 80.

Ireng Maulana (guitar), Perry Pattiselano (bass), Embong Raharjo (saxophone), Luluk Purwanto (violin), Oele Pattiselano (guitar), Jackie Pattiselano (drums), Benny Likumahuwa (trombone and bass), Bambang Nugroho (piano), Elfa Secioria (piano). Several other young musicians to learn rock and fusion, but still within the framework of jazz. They are Yopie Item (guitar), Karim Suweileh (drums), Wimpy Tanasale (bass), Abadi Soesman (keyboard), Candra Darusman (keyboards), John WH (guitar) and others.

 

Mid-80s,

 Fariz RM

Indra, Donny Suhendra, Pre B. Dharma, Dwiki Darmawan, Gilang Ramadan Krakatau formed, and this group eventually transformed into Java Jazz,

90s up to now,

 SimakDialog, Dewa Budjana, Balawan and Rock Ethnic Fusion, Bali Lounge, Andien, Syaharani, Tompi, Bertha, Maliq & D’essentials
Peter F. Gontha, a Jamz owner and founder of the initiators of the Java Jazz Festival

the end @ copyright @ 2912